(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Drum"

DRUM 



The Drum, Spring 1982 
Volume 12, Number 1 

Editorial, Circulation and 

Advertising Offices 
Located at 115 New Africa House 
University of Massachusetts 
Amherst, Mass. 01003 
1-413-545-0768 

Address all Letters, 
Poems and Contributions 
to the above address 

Copyright by Drum 
115 New Africa House 
Printing: Gazette Printing Co., Inc. 
Northampton, Mass. 



The staff of DRUM would like to especially thank Mr. Walter Saunders of 
Design and Production Service, AFRIK-AM and Commuter Collective for their 
valuable assistance in the creation of this issue. 

The literary journal staff extends its aesthetic gratitude to the National Con- 
ference of Artist, AFRICOBRA and the International Black Photographers. 

This annual issue of DRUM is dedicated in spirit and memory to Bob Mar- 
ley, Hoyte Fuller, Thelonius Sphere Monk, Larry Neal and now John Kendrick. 

One of the art forms they took from us when we came to this strange land 
was the drum. Here in Amherst we got our DRUM back after great struggle 12 
years ago. We are learning how to remember the correct rhythms and we've got 
it right now. Check us out and let us know if you hear us for we are constantly 
in danger of again losing our DRUM. 



Front Cover: Mitchell Caton 
Calvin Jones 

Builders of the Culturac Present 
1981 22' X 45' 

Back Cover: Reginald Jackson 

From the Benin Mask Urban Series 





The DRUM has been used as a mode of communication by our people for 
centuries; its purpose is to disseminate messages, ideas, and thoughts of our 
Brothers and Sisters throughout the land. We invite you to peer inside our 
DRUM and let the harmonious rhythms reveal themselves. 

This year Black students at the University of Massachusetts have combined 
their talented efforts and composed a magazine that is sure to excite, move, and 
inspire you. 

The music of Black people has often been a medium for conveying a state- 
ment through an exhibition of creativity, with this in mind we have explored dif- 
ferent areas of our music and featured them in this year's magazine. 

Reflecting upon the past, Sundiata Mari-djata has written an historical ac- 
count of the Supremes whose influence during the 60' s and 70' s opened doors for 
many recording artists today. Jazz, another form of today's music, is discussed in 
an interview with Max Roach as he talks about his life as a Jazz artist and the un- 
forgettable late Thelonious Monk. On the other end of the music sphere is Jimmy 
Cliff conversing about the continuing difficulties of Reggae music being accepted 
in this country. We have also included an article on Bob Marley whose untimely 
death shocked us all. 

DRUM is dedicated to preserving all the art forms of our people, as well as 
covering political and controversial events relevant to our society. 

Since April 4, 1968 minorities across the country have mourned, marched on 
Washington, written letters to Congress, signed petitions, named buildings, dedi- 
cated concerts in his behalf, and even refused to work on his birthday. In spite of 
these efforts there is no national holiday recognizing the achievements of Dr. 
Martin Luther King Jr. This is just one example of how the government has dem- 
onstrated its lack of appreciation for issues of importance pertaining to this coun- 
try's Black population. 

History shows that the DRUM has been used to transmit messages on a local 
level, yet ramifications of its usage are international in scope. In light of this, 
DRUM seeks to impart to the reader commentary that is broad in extent. As you 
read articles on Dennis Brutus, The Plight of the Haitian Refugees, and Jamaica 
and the International Monetary Fund you, the reader, will witness this applica- 
tion. 

DRUM focuses on these issues — and more — in order to inform you that mi- 
norities are cognizant of the constant mishandlings of the race issue in America. 
Entering this decade, where it appears that every economic gain and achieve- 
ment we have made is slowly eroding, we urge you to unite; we urge you to com- 
municate; we urge you to listen to the beat of the DRUM. 

In Unity, 

Lynne Butler 

Vice President/DRUM Magazine 




CEMENT MIXER 

The myth just outside her work-hut 
kept repeating itself, believably: 
The past is dead! The past is dead! 

The skywriters didn't have to shout 
and drag it out, all day, that day, 
above her head, if only because of 
the go of her hand-to-mouth struggle ■ 
with the sand, one day, and the gravel, 
the next, both as insistent as water. 

Besides, she understood the alien fact 
that the past is never entirely dead; 
pressures can't be denied like a twist 
of regret or dead weight shrugged off, 
dropped with yesterday's hopes; instead, 
if s mixed and blocked inside tomorrow. 

Although clearly someone else's scheme, 
the new house she was helping to build 
made it plain: it's yours, in the end. 






ior-^if''; 



>■',?,''.>; 



by Andrew Salkey 



GHETTO PORTRAIT 



m 






'■■=,n. 



Down here inna ghetto this is what I see. 

Rubbish dirt and trash piling up on me; 

Do you know this man - friendly still and calm. 

What is he now thinking? 

I wonder does he mind at all, 

To be in this surrounding. 

The toughest yet I've seen, 

This man so strongly standing, 

You glimpse his Outside world. 

He could have been a doctor, 

A philosopher - Yes, its true! 

We must do something about this. 

To help young futures through the struggle. 

So take a look my friend. 

It could not be much worse. 

This truly builds our power, 

To win over the system structure, 

Walking hand in hand with JAH, 

We shall fight with all our might, 

And sing our Freedom Song. 



by Donnie Dixon 



Table of Contents 



THE GREAT MUSICAL INNOVATORS: 

Max Roach Remembers Thelonious Monk 14 

An Interview by Nelson Stevens 

Thelonious Monk 13 

By Grady F. Fuller 

Bob Marley 10 

A tribute to a Raggae Genius by Lloyd Henley 

Present Trend of Black Music 8 

By Neil Grant 

An Interview with Jimmy Cliff 57 

POLITICAL CRISIS: 

The Haitian Refugees 45 

By Jalica Battle 

Dennis Brutus 53 

OUR WRITERS/OUR CULTURE: 

An Interview with Toni Cade Bambara 43 

By Deborah Jackson 

Sisters 34 

By Sundiata Mari-djata 

What Ever Happened to the Supremes 4 

By Sundiata Mari-djata 

TheAmistad 4 

By Marann Cassell 

Adger Cowans 21 

by Romare Bearden 

ON THE HOME FRONT: 

Health Crisis in the Black Community 60 

By Mychel Ray 

A Better Chance 56 

By Kent Woolridge 

Year of Civility 49 

By Tony Crayton 

Solidarity Day 46 

By Phillip Martin 

Martin Luther King 26 

By Phillip Martin 

Saluting the Past 38 

By Phillip Pasley 

Blacks in Film 30 

by Bruce A. Studley 

Marvelous Marvin 22 

By Susan J. Callender 

CCEBMS Salutes Seniors 63 

By Rick Townes 

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS: 

Jamaica and the International Monetary Fund 51 

By Stephanie Glenn 

3 




WHAT EVER HAPPENED TO THE 



SUPREMES 



by Sundiata Mari-djata 

It's 1965 and everywhere in 
America people hear and are 
aware of the Motown sound. 
Three of the most prominent pro- 
ducers of the sound are Florence 
Ballard, Diana Ross and Mary Wil- 
son, who are known as the Su- 
premes. They are a new group 
with a new recording company, 
grasping and holding the attention 
of the entertainment world. 

Thafs the way it was when the 
Supremes were at the zenith of the 
music industry, turning out hit after 
hit with the superb writing team of 
Holland, Dozier, Holland. Together 
they implemented and engen- 
dered a new musical phenome- 
non. It was written in Ebony (1965), 
"Now riding the crest of an interna- 
tional rock 'n' roll wave, the Su- 
premes are the undisputed rulers 
in teenage recordem-even hotter 
than the Beatles." Many statements 
tantamount to this one were writ- 
ten time and time again in the lead- 
ing magazines and journals. 

The popularity continued to 
grow. The group not only usurped 
the national charts but the interna- 
tional charts as well, with immense 
success in Canada, England, Ger- 
many, Holland, Kenya, Norway, 
Italy, Japan, France, Hong Kong 
and Scotland. They were also the 
official United States Represen- 
tatives at the Holland Annual Pop- 
ular Song Festival early in their 
career. 

The new Detroit sound an- 
nihilated a few of the radio and tel- 
evision racial barriers as America 
snapped her fingers to the soft and 
melodious sound of Florence, 
Diana and Mary. Within two years 
this sound created seven gold rec- 
ords — "Where Did Our Love Go?" 
"Baby Love," "Come See About 
Me," "Stop! In the Name of Love," 
"Back in My Arms Again," "I Hear A 



Symphony," and "You Can't Hurry 
Love." To top that the Supremes 
achieved the remarkable accom- 
plishment of having six consecutive 
number one hits; an achievement 
that has yet to be topped by any 
other performer. It appeared that 
nothing could stop this combina- 
tion of charm, talent and musical 
genius. 

Soon the awards began to come. 
In addition to national awards, the 
Supremes were voted the Top Fe- 
male Vocal Group by England's 
Record Mirror. They received more 
first place votes than all the other 
female groups combined. A dec- 
ade later, the group was still voted 
Top Female Vocal Group by 
NATRA. And Soul Magazine voted 
the Supremes Top Female Group 
of the Decade. 

The Supremes have appeared in 
almost every national magazine 
and publication of importance in- 
cluding: Ebony, Jet, Rap, Soul Teen, 
Time, Soul, Right On!, Black Stars, 
Newsweek, Hit Parade, Sepia, Bill- 
board, Afro-American, Business, 
Rock and Soul, Tan, Look, Seven- 
teen, Negro Almanac, World Book 
Encyclopedia Yearbook, Who's 
Who in Black America, Who's Who 
in America, and Ebony Pictorial 
History of Black America. They 
have also been mentioned in 
several studies on Black music as 
well as a book on Motown record- 
ing artists, entitled MOTOWN, 
where a drawing of the group 
graced the cover. 

The television appearance were 
just as numerous. They were fea- 
tured on Soul Train, The Flip Wil- 
son Show, Ed Sullivan Show, The 
Sammy Davis Jr. Show, Dick Ca- 
vett. Hullabaloo, Red Skelton, 
Johnny Carson, American Band- 
stand, Dean Martin, Mike Doug- 
lass, Sonny and Cher, Hollywood 
Palace, Dinah, Stand Up and Cheer 



and others. They were guests on 
the Tennessee Ernie Ford Special, 
The Model of the Year Pageant, A 
Tribute to Berlin, Anatomy of Pop, 
the Smokey Robinson and the Mir- 
acles' Special and two specials of 
their own with the Temptations. In 
addition, the Supremes and 
Dionne Warwicke were represen- 
tatives of soul music on a special 
salute to American music. The 
group even sang "The Star 
Spangled Banner" before one of 
the Mohammed Ali's televised 
fights and recorded "You Can Live 
With It Baby" for the American 
Heart Association's National High 
Blood Pressure Month. 

The group also sang in movies, 
TAMI Show, Beach Ball and record- 
ed the soundtrack for The Happen- 
ing. They even tried acting in an 
episode of Tarzan. The group was 
so eminent, a line of clothing bore 
their name, the Supreme Collec- 
tion, and maniquins, in department 
stores graced their images. 

The group has recorded over 
twenty albums and over thirty hit 
singles, and have graced the stages 
of some of the worlds most fan- 
tastic sports including London's 
Talk of the Town and Annabels; 
Lewisham's Odeon Theatre; New 
York's Royal Box, Apollo and 
Copacabana; San Francisco's Cow 
Palace; Dallas' Venetial Room, 
Anaheim's Melodyland Theatre; 
and Manhatten's Philharmonic 
Hall. 

Much has been written about the 
success of the group but little has 
been witten about their music. In 
the beginning, the group's musical 
image became identifiable with the 
Motown Sound. The beat from the 
"motor city" was heard throughout 
the world and was so distinguish- 
able, one could instantly detect a 
motown tune and the Supremes 
were no exception. The themes for 



the early hits were love, the lack of 
love or the problems and pains 
love caused. Diana did most of the 
lead singing as Florence and Mary 
provided a melodic and often syn- 
copated background. The early 
hits were all in that old Motown 
mode which has been described 
by many writers; only the later 
recordings lack attention. 

The magnetism of the early years 
began to fade after several 
changes. In 1967, Florence Ballard 
made her exit from the group be- 
neath clouds of confusion and 
problems that are yet unclear. At 
that time the group's billing was 
changed to Diana Ross and the 
Supremes, and Florence was 
replaced by Cindy Birdsong, 
formerly of Patti Labelle and the 
Bluebells. Soon after Florence's 
departure, the writing team of 
Holland, Dozier and Holland also 
left Motown. With new writers for 
the group, the 'gospel' element of 
the recordings was effaced and the 
group adopted a classic Vegas 
sound. The background became so 
monotonous until the recordings 
could have easily been done 
without any background at ail 
without changing the impact. 
Mary and Cindy stood in the 
shadow of the lead vocalist, Diana. 

Even though the themes began to 
be more diversified with hits like 
"Love Child" and "I'm Livin' in 
Shame," the popularity was not like 
the early years. But, "Someday 
We'll Be Together" put the group 
on solid ground again as some of 
the old soul fibers were demon- 
strated. 

After that hit, Diana went solo 
and was replaced by Jean Terrell, 
sister of boxer Ernie Terrell. The 
future looked dubious, but the 
group proved that it could prevail 
without Diana Ross. Jean's voice 
was strong, pellucid and crisp. It 
added a lot of soul to the record- 
ings. Her style was totally different; 
it was imbued with that great 
gospel flavor, spiritual essence and 
soulful pronunciation. The back- 
ground was stronger, and more ex- 
pressive. Thus the women began 
to sound like a group again. There 




THE SUPREMES Motown Recording Artists 



were big hits like "Up the Ladder to 
the Roof," Everybody's Cot the 
Right to Love," "Stoned Love," 
"Nathan Jones," "Touch," and "Floy 
Joy." The themes became more di- 
versified than ever as the sixties left 
an impact on the world and the re- 
cording artists and composers re- 
sponded. The long Vietnam War 
weighed heavily on the hearts of 
lovers and a recording "Bill When 
Are You Coming Back" spoke of 
war's agony. Jean sings of the pain 
as she glides through the lyrics. 
There was a ballad "Now the Bitter 
Now the Sweet" that spoke to the 
two sides of life; "Thank Him for 
Today," a more religious under- 
tone about the beauty in being 
happy and smiling and the beauty 
of the world. 

The most popular message song 
was "Stoned Love" produced by 
Frank Wilson, who produced the 
album that the cut is from "New 
Ways But Love Stays" and the 
album entitled "Touch". Wilson 
and the Supremes had a magne 
tism and groove similar to the rela- 
tionship between the earlier group 
and Holland, Dozier, Holland. 

The song worth mentioning from 



the Touch album is "This is the 
Story." Loneliness was put in a new 
perspective as Jean laments . . . 

I'm just an itenn in your private collec- 
tion, 

But you to me are my prize possession. 
Happiness is eluding me. . . . 

This song along with the hits 
"Nathan Jones," "Touch" and a 
tune written by Clifton Davis, 
"Here Comes The Sunrise," saved 
the album from being just a 
mediocre production. 

Another changed occurred in the 
group when Cindy Birdsong left 
and was replaced by Lynda Law- 
rence, daughter of Ira Tucker of the 
Dixie Hummingsbirds. Lynda's 
voice was strong and soulful and 
could easily fit in with Jean's. She 
played the flute and drums and like 
Jean wanted to begin composing 
for the group. She had earlier 
subbed for Jean during an engage- 
ment and was the ideal candidate 
for Cindy's spot. 

The group's popularity began to 
dwindle again. "Automatically Sun- 
shine" and "Your Wonderful Sweet 
Sweet Love" were short lived on 
the charts; and a very good tune by 
Stevie Wonder, "Bad Weather" 



received minute air play. Lynda 
was only able to record one album 
with the group which was pro- 
duced by Jimmy Webb. The album 
was and is in almost total obscuri- 
ty. It contained a work from the 
musical PIPPIN, "I Guess I'll Miss the 
Man." Other highlights included 
"5:30 Plane" (Webb) and a remake 
of Bobby Lewis' "Tossin' and Tur- 
nin' " where the group really 
jammed. The message songs con- 
tinued as seen in lyrics. 

If white is right and Black is beautiful, 
When can brown began. 

The album lacked the soulful ap- 
peal and one will have to admit 
Jean is much better on the funkier 
sounds. So "Tossin and Turnin' " 
and "Cheap Lovin (Webb), which is 
a little bluesy, bring out her best. 
Lynda and Mary add a little latin 
touch in the background to Joni 
Mitchell's "All I Want." 

Just when the group seemed to 
have it together again, things 
began to happen to their relation- 
ships with Motown and the music 
world. Jean and Lynda withdrew 
from the group and Mary con- 
tinued to keep the name alive. Af- 
ter recruiting Scherrie Payne (for- 
merly of Glasshouse and sister of 
Freda Payne), getting Cindy to 
come out of retirement, negotiat- 
ing with Motown, and waiting 
three years, the group was back 
with new vigor. The group's new 
album was very soulful and alive 
and deserved far better attention 
than it received by radio station 
personnel. The Background was 
stronger than ever and the har- 
mony reached its zenith. The tele- 
vision appearances increased and 
again the Supremes were in the 
news. Mary began to do half the 
lead singing and Scherrie was ab- 
solutely tremendous in the selec- 
tions she lead. The group worked 
with Phil Moore, a famous musi- 
cian-composer, and Geoffrey Hold- 
er, a talented and creative 
choreographer. 

in addition to the hit "He's My 
Man" the new album contained va- 
rious sounds, from slow love 
melodies like "You Turn me 
Around" to a swinging gospel beat 



in "This is Why I Believe in You." 
The group to record tunes that one 
could easily get into a dance 
groove; something that had been 
missing since the early sixties and 
sporadically in the early seventies. 
Perhaps the wide musical spectrum 
of the album was due to the cuts 
being produced and written by 
several people, with Clayton Ivey 
and Terry Woodford having the 
most imput. 

The group was rejoined with two- 
thirds of the old writing team, Brian 
and Eddie Holland, on the two 
subsequent albums. Of the two 
albums, "High Energy" was more 
successful. The combination of the 
beautiful sounding Supremes 
(featuring Mary, Cindy, Scherrie 
and Susaye); the writing abilities of 
Brian and Eddie Holland and Har- 
old Beatty and superb musicians, 
James Gadsen, Gary Coleman, 
Melvin Ragin, Joe Sample (of the 
famed Crusaders), Ray Parker Jr., 
and others, the album was the ulti- 
mate in musical delight. 

Again there existed the potential 
for the group to return to musical 
greatness as each member had in- 
dividual styles to offer. Unfor- 
tunately, Cindy was never given 
the opportunity to exemplify her 
talents as she was the only 
member that didn't get a chance to 
lead sing. She soon made her sec- 
ond exit for a better career and 
was replaced by Susaye Green, for- 
merly of the Raellettes and back-up 
group for Stevie Wonder, Wonder- 
love. Susaye is known for her vocal 
range and writing abilities. She 
wrote "Spend My Whole Life Lov- 
ing You" on New Birth's Album "It's 
Been A Long Time." Unlike, Cindy, 
Susaye did have an opportunity to 
lead sing and all three Supremes 
were able to lend their vocals to 
lead singing as well as background 
singing. 

The group was never able to ex- 
press itself through the writing of 
the members, even though some 
of the members had hoped to do 
that. That way, the true personali- 
ty, thoughts and feelings of the 
group could have emerged in their 
songs. 



Even though there was good writ- 
ing, producing and singing, the Su- 
premes could never get from 
under the shadow of Diana Ross 
and emerge as a musical entity in 
its own right. The Supremes who 
-were not originals tend to have 
blurred existence in the minds of 
many, and the name was usually 
associated with the original three. 
In addtion, air time was minimum 
and so was advertisement for the 
group. When the group seemed 
unable to rock the charts again, 
Mary, the last original Supreme, 
left the group. 

The former Supremes have not 
gone into complete oblivion. After 
her first solo attempt (making two 
cuts that didn't make the charts), 
Florence's second come back 
never occurred due to her untime- 
ly death. Diana is a successful solo 
artist. Mary is also a solo artist and 
her first album entitled "Mary Wil- 
son" (1979) featured cuts "Red Hot" 
and "Warm Summer Nights." Jean 
Terrell has also recorded an album 
on A & M Records, "I Had to Fall in 
Love." The title track, "Don't Stop 
Reaching for the Top," "You've 
Been so Good for Me,' and "Rising 
Cost of Love," are the highlights. 
Lynda recorded a jazz album with 
Moacir Santos and recorded "Disco 
Luc/' with the Wilton Place Street 
Band. She also did the answer 
vocals on "Interlude #2" on Bobby 
Womack's 1975 album "I Don't 
Know What the World is Coming 
To." Cindy began work in a play 
ONE LAST LOOK, soon after her 
second departure. Scherrie and 
Susaye cut an album with Motown, 
"Partners," where Scherrie was 
featured as solo on "Another Life 
From Now," and Susaye on "In the 
Night." A fine duet was "I Found 
Another Love." Since then Scherrie 
had done backup work for her sis- 
ter Freda and has signed with an- 
other recording company. 

The Supremes will always be an 
institution in the music world and 
claim the right to be in the music 
hall of fame. Only a few groups 
have achieved so much and done 
so many things. The Supremes 
were and still are Supreme. 



I 



ALBUMS BY THE SUPREMES 

(1964-67) (1) 

Meet The Supremes 

Where Did Our Love Go 

A Bit of Liverpool 

More Hits by the Supremes 

Merry Christmas 

We Remember Sam Cooke 

Supremes at the Copa (live) 

I Hear A Symphony 

Sing Country Western and Pop 

Supremes' A'Go Go 

Sing Holland Dozier Holland 

Sing Rodgers and Hart 

Greatest Hits 

(1968-69) (2) 

Reflections 

Love Child 

Live at London's Talk of the Town 

Let the Sunshine In 

Cream of the Crop 

Greatest Hits, Vol. Ill 

Farewell 

(1970-72) (3 & 4) 

Right On 

New Ways But Love Stays 

Touch 

Floy Joy 



The Supremes (produced by 

Jimmy Webb) 
(1975-78) (5 &6) 
The Supremes 
High Energy 

Mary, Scherrie and Susaye 
The Supremes at Their Best 
Hits by the Supremes 
(1964-67) 

Your Heart Belongs to Me 
Buttered Popcorn 
When the Lovelights Start Shining 

Through His Eyes 
Where Did Our Love Go? 
Baby Love 

Come See About Me 
Nothing But Heartaches 
Stop in the Name of Love 
Back in my Arms Again 
I Hear A Symphony 
My World is Empty Without You 
You Can't Hurry Love 
Love is Like An Itching in My 

Heart 
Love is Here, and Now You're 

Gone 
You Keep Me Hangin' On 
The Happening 



(1968-69) 

Reflections 

Forever Came Today 

in and Out of Love 

Love Child 

Somethings You Never Get Used 

To 
The Composer 
I'm Livin' in Shame 
No Matter What Sign You Are 
Someday We'll Be Together 
(1970-72) 

Up the Ladder to the Roof 
Everybody's Got the Right to Love 
Stoned Love 
Nathan Jones 
Touch 
Floy Joy 

Automatically Sunshine 
Your Wonderful Sweet Sweet Love 
I Guess I'll Miss the Man 
Bad Weather 
(1975-78) 
He's My Man 
I'm Gonna Let My Heart Do 

the Walking 
You're My Driving Wheel 



THE WISH 



I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 
WITHOUT A HEART, YOU SEE 
BECAUSE THE ONE I HAVE INSIDE 
IS BROKEN CONSTANTLY 

I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 
I WOULDN'T HAVE A SKIN 
THEN I WOULD NEVER FEEL A HUG 
OR HAVE TO SMILE OR GRIN 



I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 
FOR IF I FELL AND WAS BROKEN 
UNHAPPINESS I WOULD NOT CAUSE 
FOR I WAS JUST A TOKEN 

I WISH, I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 

NOW OLD, AND AT MY END 

JUST PLACE ME IN A CARDBOARD BOX 

AND FLOAT ME 'ROUND THE BEND 



I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 
MY CLOTHES, IT WOULDN'T MATTER 
IF I WAS DRESSED IN SILKS OR RAGS 
AND HAD A PATCH OR TATTERS 

I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL 

NO TEARS WOULD CRY MY EYES 

AND SOMEONE THAT I LONGED TO TOUCH 

I WOULD NOT SEE GO BY 



BUT I AM NOT A LITTLE DOLL 
I'M REAL, I NEED, I FEEL 
I WANT A LOVE TO CALL MY OWN 
A FAMILY, AND A HOME 



by Nalmah 



PRESENT 

TREND 

OF 

BLACK 

MUSIC 



by Neil Grant 

"Soul," "rhythm and blues," 
"jazz," "funk", and "reggae" are all 
terms used in expressing the vari- 
eties of black music on the market 
today, and the list isn't going to stop 
there. The evergrowing number of 
new artists to enter the market with 
a sound that hits the top of the 
charts keeps the business forever 
expanding. 

Music has always been the uni- 
versal language, and the method, 
style and sound of today's music is 
rapidly changing. From beating on 
skins, to tapping out melodious 
tunes on an electric computer, 
technical advances along with musi- 
cal genius have turned simple 
1-2-3-4 best counts into rapidly 
changing rhythms. From "ooh 
baby, baby" "hip, hip, hop, you 
don't stop" musical artists have 
changed their style to satisfy you 
and I. 

Another important factor in the 
trend of Black Music is that many 
musical artists have changed their 
style from jazz and R&B to soul and 
funk to remain in the swing of con- 
temporary music. More and more 
young people are getting into the 
music scene by forming singing 
groups and producing rap records, 
this will tend to lead to a larger 
black music audience, young and 
old, old and new, new and exciting. 
Radio stations all across the nation 
are changing their musical format in 
order to grab the millions of listen- 
ers. 

When an artist or group changes 
its style of music and puts it on the 
market, it has to realize that this 
new production is going to have to 
satisfy a new group of people. 



1,VN* 



*i* 



»V^^ 



A^^^ 



JN.^^ 



VO^f.V.V>^^ 



t^e 



:\^' 



^h, 






'■(r. 



""/r, 







L'Ci 






President Signs 
Gun Control Ad 






Since the majority of black teen- 
agers and young adults are raised on 
upbeat R&B and Funk, a jazz artist 
changing his style to funk may have 
to rely on a totally new audience to 
make his release successful. 

Earth, Wind and Fire, one of the 
most successful bands in musical 
history came onto the scene in 1970. 
When they began to produce music, 
they were heavily into Jazz. Today 
Earth, Wind and Fire is considered 
as an R&B and Funk group. To com- 
plement that, on their latest album, 
they feature two semi-rock and new 
wave tunes. Their musical diver- 
sification has kept them atop of the 
competition. 

The same is true for recording ar- 
tist Tom Browne. Until 1980, he 
was best known for his smooth 
flowing creative jazz. Then he pro- 
duced a song entitled "Funkin for 
Jamaica". Though the transition 
seemed to be an easy one for 
Browne, this type of change or any 
type of musical format change con- 
stitutes alot of risk and profes- 
sionalism. On Browne's latest 
album is a song entitled "Fungi 
Mama" (Bebopafunkadiscolypso). 
This song combines Browne's musi- 
cal talents with a mixture of African 
and Funk beats. 

Another artist making a big mark 
in the music world is the man called 
Prince. He's in his early twenties 
and is already considered a musical 
genius. Since 1978 Prince's four 
latest album releases have high- 
lighted various types of music. To 
go along with his controversial 




physical appearance and lyrics, 
Prince's musical range combines 
R&B, Funk, New Wave and Hard 
Rock. His music has been accepted 
by black and white music fans. 

Raggae music is also expanding at 
a record breaking pace. Raggae is 
being produced in many areas of the 
world and is achieving great ac- 
knowledgements. While the majori- 
ty of Raggae music is produced in 
Jamaica, much of it comes from 
London and also right here in the 
United States. 

Many artists, whose style was 
basically Funk and R&B, are now 
entering the Raggae music field in 
order to grab more of the music con- 
sumer market. 

The musical group, "Skyy", based 
out of New York City entered the 
music scene playing heavy funk. On 
their latest album, they have a Reg- 
gae release entitled "Gonna get it 
on" which seemed to exhibit a 
smooth transition to Reggae. 

The Stone City Band, musicians 
for the King of funk. Rick James, 
also tried their talents with Reggae. 
They released a single entitled 
"Funky Reggae" which combines 
the deep bass of the funk beat with 
the quick unbalanced Reggae 
sound. This transition and combina- 
tion formed a tune which could sat- 
isfy all black music lovers. 

Funk and Reggae have also been 
combined in another way. Reggae 
artists whose musical history was 
producing Reggae music have tried 
their hand in the Funk world. 
Denroy Morgan's "I'll Do Anything 



8 




For You" and Jimmy Ross', First 
True Love Affair' ' , demonstrate this 
correlation. These songs are con- 
sidered Funk, by the music in- 
dustry, but the addition of a spice of 
Reggae music and voice makes 
these records a hit by all standards. 
Other artists whose style, have 
changed to accommodate the trend 
of black music include: Thelonius 



(T.S.) Monk, Jr. George Duke, Rick 
James, Lenny White, and a host of 
others. 

All of this boils down to the fact 
that music is changing daily. The 
number of new artists entering the 
market keeps the business growing 
and expanding. Even though estab- 
lished musical artists may be the 
best of friends, there will always be 



that desire and that urge to top the 
next guy. To come up with some- 
thing that will be new, different, 
and most of all better. The trend of 
today's black music implies that the 
more inventive the style and sound 
of a recording is, while keeping in 
the realm of today's musical stan- 
dards, the more successful that tune 
is going to be. 



Shall I compare thee to a summer's day 
or better yet 

Shall I compare thee to a summer's night 
since you are warm a black 



Like a summer night 

Since your eyes twinkle like stars 

On a summer night 

Since you enfold me gently, ; 

like a summer night 

Since you stir me to laughter and playfulness 

Like a summer night 

Since you leave me expressionless 

Till all I can do is sigh 

You bring peace to my soul 

From the troubles of white day's 

Till all I can do is gaze in awe of you 

Just like heaven on a summer night 

Note: 1.1 Shakespeare's Sonner 18 



PADLOCKED 

You generously gave me the 

keys to your heart 

said you were mine and mine alone 

said I would never have to worry 

because you would always be by my side 

And I believed you 

You sealed our bond with a passionate 
kiss that melted my soul 
and with it all of my doubts 
and defenses 

Our relationship was a cliche 

you fed me all the classic pretty lies 

and I classically ate them one by one 

Well I'm full now thank you 

and I may have this indigestion that you've 

given me for quite some time 

maybe always 

Yeah, you gave me the key 

to your heart 

Then you went out and got the lock changed 

by Joyce L. Ingram 



BOB MARLEY 



•••••••••••••••*•••••••••••••*••••*** 



by Lloyd Henley 

Bob Marley, known to many as 
the 'King of Reggae', was born on 
February 6, 1945 in St. Anne 
Jamaica. He lived in a farming area 
in the mountains with his extended 
family his aunt, uncle, cousins, and 
grandparents. The Marley family 
were farmers who were very poor. 
On their farm they grew yams, peas, 
cocoa, and other regional crops. Bob 
Marley would go to other farms and 
help farmers in the mountain area. 
He did various jobs, such as milk- 
ing, and feeding goats each morn- 
ing, and other jobs that a young boy 
could handle. Bob lived a happy 
childhood, and he was liked by most 
everyone. One of Bob's childhood 
hobbies was reading hand palms. 
The people would pay him what 
they could to show their apprecia- 
tion. 

Bob eventually left the mountains 
of St Anne and went to live with his 
aunt in Alderton. Due to a lack of 
transportation, he would walk five 
miles to a place called Pearo in 
order to obtain firewood. Bob was a 
boy with strength and much endur- 
ance. The walk to Pearo required 
that he climbed hills that were 
rocky and thick with brush. 

In his early teens Bob and his 
mother moved to Kingston, a major 
city in Jamaica. His mother had to 
move there in order to find employ- 
ment as a housekeeper. She could 
not make enough money to support 
herself in the mountains of St. Anne 
where most of the population was 
poor. Eventually his mother had the 
opportunity to move to the U.S. 



where she had some friends. Bob 
moved in with the family of his best 
friend Neville Livingston, known to 
most people as Bunny Whailer. 

Bunny, like Bob had a great inter- 
est in music. Bunnv and Bob en- 
joyed singing and had hoped to form 
a band together. Bob was a good 
singer and Bunny would play the 
conga's. Together they worked on 
their dream of becoming musical 
performers. 

One day as Bob and Bunny were 
walking down the street, they met 
Peter Tosh playing his guitar and 
singing. Peter's personality led him 
to be considered rude. However, 
Bob and Bunny liked his musical 
style and asked him to join their 
band, which at this point was Bob 
Marley' s first band. 

In the early 1960's the three called 
their band "The Rude Boys", and 
spent many long hard years working 
on their music. In 1968 Carlton and 
Aston Barrett, already known in Ja- 
maica as two of the finest musi- 
cians, joined the band. Carlton 
played drums, and Aston played the 
bass. With these rhythmical addi- 
tions, Bob's band now consisted of 
five members. This was the begin- 
ning of the formation of the 
Whailers. 

The band recorded singles that 
were hits in Jamaica and London. 
This was accomplished with the 
help of Clement Dodd, who looked 
for young talents and helped them 
get a start with their music. Pro- 
ducers, such as Dodd, had a hunch 
that the new style of Jamaican mu- 
sic would someday become very 
profitable, so they spent time and 



money helping bands like the 'Rude 
Boys' develop their talent. 

In 1972, Chris Blackwell, the 
founder of Island Records, had giv- 
en Bob Marley ^nd the Whailers 
money to produce their first album. 
By the time Bob and the Whailers 
produced their third album. Bunny 
and Tosh had decided to leave the 
band in order to pursue other mu- 
sical goals. 

Bunny and Tosh had been very 
important in the vocal aspect of the 
band. To compensate for their leav- 
ing. Bob decided to have his wife 
Rita Marley, Judy Mowatt, and Mar- 
cia Griffiths join the band and sing 
backup. The three women were al- 
ready recording artists and had al- 
ready produced hits of their own in 
Jamaica. 

In order to keep the Whailers 
alive after Bunny and Tosh left. Bob 
immediately took the band touring 
in the United States. Besides the 
United States, Bob took the band to 
Europe and Africa. Marley' s popu- 
larity grew rapidly especially in 
places such as Nigeria and Ghana. 
He received the same, if not more 
respect in these places as in 
Jamaica. 

The Whailer' s earlier songs were 
written by Bob and Peter Tosh, at 
this point Bob and his wife Rita did 
most of the band's composing. The 
subjects that Bob concentrated on 
were the hard times the Jamaican 
people had to go through in order to 
survive, and political issues dealing 
with the black population. Bob also 
sang about his religion which was 
creatively incorporated into his 
music. 



10 




photo by Edward Cohen 



••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 



In the 1960s Marley joined the 
Rastafarian reUgion which changed 
his musical style from stateside imi- 
tations to Reggae which has become 
popular all over the world. The mes- 
sage he tried to bring across in his 
songs is that the violence which 
once dominated people's lives 
should not once again come back to 
haunt them. Marley' s voiced opin- 
ions of political issues had brought 
him into conflict with individuals 
from various political fronts. 

In 1976 the Whailers gave a free 
concert for Prime Minister Michael 
Manley's Campaign Party. Some 



gunmen, present in the audience, 
opened fire on the band. Bob and 
his wife Rita received only flesh 
wounds, however, his manager was 
shot in the groin. Even after this in- 
cident. Bob came back and finished 
the concert, however, a few days 
later he took his family and left Ja- 
maica. After the incident Bob re- 
turned to Jamaica only once, to per- 
form in the famed Peace Concert. 
This was to help promote the people 
of Jamaica to come together in 
peace. 

Although Marley, never produced 
a hit in the United States, songs he 



had written were hits performed by 
American artists such as "I Shot the 
Sheriff" song by Eric Clapton. Bob 
was a very consistant musician pro- 
ducing high energy albums, one 
after another. Bob was respected as 
an individual and as a musician by a 
wide variety of people in many 
countries. Many people felt a great 
loss when Bob died of cancer in 
May of 1981, at the young age of 36. 
He received Jamaica's Order of 
Merit with a full state funeral. 

Although Bob Marley is no longer 
with us, his spirit lives in the hearts 
of many through his music. 



11 




Leigh-Ann 



12 



THELONIOUS SPHERE MONK 



by Grady F. Fuller 

Thelonious Monk was born in 
Rocky Mount, North Carolina in 
1920. He was one of three children. 
Monk, at the age of four, moved 
with his family to Manhattan in 
New York. Monk was very close to 
his mother, and until his death, he 
and his family lived with her in the 
same apartment. 

By the age of thirteen. Monk had 
performed with several local bands 
and sometimes "rent parties." Rent 
parties in Harlem meant parties 
given in pursuit of raising rent 
money. Monk also won several 
amateur contests at the Apollo Thea- 
tre. During these times, Monk's in- 
strument was the Stride piano. This 
piano was exploited by the famous 
"Fats Waller". The sound stands 
out for its heavy, two handed rhyth- 
mic phrasing. 

Monk left high school at sixteen 
and toured the U.S. with a faith 
healer. On returning Monk became 
sedentary in New York City. He be- 
came popular in the jazz world of 
West 52nd Street and Harlem. 

Monk toured with a few musi- 
cians including Charlie (Bird) 
Parker, drummer Kenny Clarke, 
trumpeter Dizzy Gillespie and 
guitarist Charlie Christian. Two of 
the clubs visited were Harlems Up- 
town House and Minton's Play- 
house. Here the foundations for 
modern jazz were established. Their 
innovations included "Be-bop", 
whose flattened fifths and nervous 
rhythms made "swing" obsolete.' 
These appearances developed over 
the two decades of the 40' s and 50' s. 
The style of music was quite compli- 
cated and hard to duplicate. The 
uniqueness of the sound soon was 
labeled "Be-bop". In 1948, he took 
the first "bop" group into Green- 
wich Village, New York, where he 
played at the Village Vanguard. 

Monk became scarce to the 
public and only jammed at discreet 
clubs. This occurred partly because 
his saxophonist, Charlie Parker, 
died in 1955. Dizzie Gillespie soon 
separated himself to become an in- 
ternationally acclaimed trumpeter. 
Monk became more of a loner and 



clashed with police on two separate 
occasions. Monk was banned from 
performing in New York City for a 
total of eight years. One sentence 
lasted for two years and one for six 
years. Monk's next encounter was 
with a woman of great affluence. 
Her name was Baroness Pannonica 
de Koeningswarter, born a member 
of the famous British branch of the 
Rothchild Banking Family. She 
aided Monk in securing his legal 
status and a place to do his compos- 
ing. Around February of 1960, 
Monk performed at Randall's Is- 
land, Detroit, and many other jazz 
festivals. One critics review of 
Monk's composing read, "He has 
created a body of pieces that have 
seeped into the bloodstream of jazz, 
which bear the unmistakable stamp 



of his extremely personal view of 
melody and structure and which, in 
the brief span of ten years have lost 
their original, jarring eccentric 
quality to take off the comfortable 
familiarity of a pair of old shoes." 
This was an article complementing 
the works of a great musician, who 
unfortunately is receiving most of 
his glory after his death. Thelonious 
Monk. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1. Feather, Leonard, Encyclopedia of Jazz 
(1960) 

2. Hentoff, Nathan, The Jazz Life (1961) 

3. Poling, James, Esquires World of Jazz 
(1962) 

4. Goldberg, Joe, Jazz Masters of the Fifties 
(1980) 

5. H. W. Wilson Co. Current Biography, 25th 
annual Cumulation (1964) 



THELONIOUS MONK 



1. 

2. 
3. 
4. 
5. 
6. 
7. 



10. 

11. 
12. 
13. 

14. 
15. 
16. 

17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 
26. 
27. 



(1945) 



Solo Monk, Colombia CL2349/CS9149 

Monk, Colombia CL2291/CS9091 

It's Monks Time, Colombia CL2184/CS8984 

Miles & Monk at Newport, Colombia CL2178/CS8978 

Monk: Big Band & Quartet in Concert, Columbia CL2164/CS8964 

Criss Cross, Colombia CL2038/CS8838 

Monk's Dream, Colombia CL1965/CS8765 

Thelonious Sphere 

Monk, Monk's Blues, Colombia CS 9806 

Under Ground 

Thelonious Monk, Colombia CS9632 

Monk/Straight 

No Chaser, Colombia CS9451 

Monk Misterioso, Colombia CS9216 

Monk's Greatest Hits, Colombia CS9775 (1975) 

Brillance 

(w/John Coltrane), Milestone M47023 
Solo in San Francisco Milestone 
Sweet Lips and Lots of Jazz, Xanadu 123 
Genius of Modern Music Vol. 1 & 2 Blue Note Vol. 1. BLP/1510 

Vol. 2. BLP/81511 
Thelonious Monk with John Coltrane, Vazzland 
Something in Blue, Black Loin 
Orchestra Live at Town Hall, Riverside 
Live at the Five Spot, Riverside 
Monk's Music, Riverside 
Mulligan Meets Monk, Riverside 
Five By Five, Riverside 
Brilliant Corners, Riverside 
Thelonious Alone, Riverside 
The Unique Thelonious Monk, Riverside 
Thelonious Monk plays Duke Ellington, Riverside 



13 



MAX ROACH REMEMBERS 
THELONIOUS SPHERE MONK 

••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 

INTERVIEW: MARCH 27, 1982 



INTERVIEWERS: NELSON STEVENS & BARRY BROOKS 
PHOTOGRAPHER: ADCER COWANS 
EDITED BY: BILL STRICKLAND 



Prof. Stevens: It has been two 
weeks since Thelonious Monk 
died. Don't you think that there 
was something very different 
about him in terms of his personal- 
ity and his music? 
Max: Well to me, people like 
Thelonious Monk, Charlie Parker, 
Duke Ellington and so forth, were 
industries unto themselves. Thafs 
what they were regardless of how 
they appeared to the public. They 
enjoyed music and they inspired 
many performers. That means that 
I could take Thelonious Monk's 
music and support my family. I 
could record his songs and use 
them in public performances. 

We all acknowledge that Monk is 
a great musical genius. He wore 
hats and did things that define a 
unique personality. His style was so 
diverse that it distinguished him 
from everybody else in the crea- 
tive arts. To me he had a sound and 
look of his own — but the impor- 
tant thing is that he left something 
for all of us: people will continue 
to purchase his music while for the 
musician who is interested in learn- 
ing how to be creative, he has an- 
other dimension. That means if I 
take one of Thelonious' songs and 
deal with it harmonically, rhythmi- 
cally, and melodically, it teaches 
me those basic and essential as- 
pects of composing and composi- 
tion. So Monk to me is an industry 
unto himself and there are very 
few people like that. The way he 
dealt with his own material no one 



else will ever be able to because 
no one could wear hats like he did. 
Prof. Stevens: He seemed to ap- 
proach the piano differently. 
Max Roach: Than anybody else? 
Prof. Stevens: Ifs like he heard 
something. Clink. Clank. A strange 
sound. 

Max Roach: Well, let me just deal 
with that a minute. It has to do 
with the artist. It has to deal with 
the hat. It has to deal with the way 
he walked which was different. Pri- 
or to Monk, musicians in general 
dealing with black music, and black 
musicians in particular, had a cos- 
tume which was sometimes a ciga- 
rette and a hat. Like Hoagy Carmi- 
chael in his films. Then the hat dis- 
appeared because they were get- 
ting to the concert days of the 20's 
and that was another level. Once 
Monk asked me or rather told me: 
"You know I can wear a hat on the 
stage." None of the rest of them 
were wearing hats on the stage but 
no one said anything to Monk. The 
lesson in that to me is to see what 
makes any artist important. We 
can all be good performers and 
good technicians and craftsmen. 
But what makes you really stand 
out in the crowd is your individual- 
ity. So how do you reach that indi- 
viduality so that it seeps down into 
your work? Now this is inherent in 
the person himself because we can 
turn out craftsmen and technicians 
by the hundreds or thousands. You 
can buy books on Scott Joplin and 
Charlie Parker the same as buying 



books on Bach and Mozart and 
everybody else. So how do you get 
to be this kind of creative person 
who has found something unique 
unto himself? It starts with every- 
thing that person does. The way 
they dress; the way they walk and 
talk, the way they invent phrases 
and how they deliver those 
phrases in everyday life. And this 
kind of searching to be profound, 
individually profound, is a constant 
thing. That means if everybody's 
wearing dungarees this person 
goes the other way. If everybody 
turns left, they turn right. And 
they're still alright. Charlie Parker is 
a prime example. They called him 
the Yard-bird. He got that name 
because he was always doing 
things different than what was sup- 
posed to be correct. He was still 
harmonically, rhythmically and 
melodically sound but all the es- 
sential components he used to 
make up the form itself were dif- 
ferent. This is the reason why 
Monk's hat was part of the act. His 
hat was always a pork pie hat. Like 
the gardenia of Billie Holiday. 
Which was aside from the fact that 
she had that quality about her 
voice that was recognizable when 
you heard the first words. 
Prof. Stevens: What aspect of 
Monk's personality, his unique- 
ness, both personality-wise and 
music-wise was to his disadvan- 
tage? 

Max Roach: I don't think any of it as 
a practitioner of the form itself. I 



14 




photo by Adger Cowans 



look at Monk and look analytically 
at all the music he has written. 
Monk never wrote a bad song in 
my eyes. All of Monk's things, har- 
monically, rhythmically and mel- 
odiously are very, very sound and 
original. He never wrote a song 
that you would throw away and 
say, "Oh well." That was one of his 
great strengths. What worked 
against him? As I look at his pro- 
ductivity, he never wasted any 
time. I'm saying this from a musical 
point of view. The only thing that I 
can say, and this is open for argu- 
ment, is that he was abused from 
without. It wasn't within. The sys- 
tem and all the things we all know 
about this system worked against 
him as it did many of us. Ifs almost 
impossible to fight. And I think his 
withdrawal had a lot to do with 
that. Some of us grew up with 
Monk. He must have been 18 or 19 
years old and Bud Powell may 
have been 6 or 7 years old. Monk 
was like an older brother. I could 
always look up to Monk because 
he was there and he was with us. 



He was easily accessible to us. 
We'd go to the YMCA and have 
breakfast and sit around and talk 
all day and find some after hour 
spot to go to and exchange ideas 
or listen to each other. Monk was 
always there and always on top of 
the situation, a very pragmatic per- 
son. So I say the disadvantages 
came from without: because of 
marriage, dealing with the family, 
dealing with and trying to make a 
living and finding a job as a compo- 
ser and a writer. The strength of his 
work comes from looking out at 
that audience and seeing that there 
are 1,000 people who came to see 
you and you're making hundreds. 
A lot of frustrating things can hap- 
pen over the course of years when 
you are just getting pennies out of 
your music. And eventually you 
just get tired. 

Prof. Stevens: Did he have any 
concerns about his music having 
an appeal to masses of people, did 
he want to be heard by a lot of 
folks? 
Max Roach: I'm sure he did. But 



that was not the reason he was like 
he was. I'm sure he knew that what 
he was into was personal and to 
himself. Of course he worked hard 
to achieve that. When you look at 
his energy, the way he moved, and 
hit the instruments, and the way he 
dressed, it was all toward that 
process of establishing his individ- 
uality. As an artist Monk wanted his 
stuff to be profound, profound 
enough so that when we heard it 
we would recognize it as Monk's 
music. So the way Monk dealt with 
things was always finding some- 
thing that was good. It was a sense 
of personal integrity. 

Prof. Stevens: How did the estab- 
lishment react to Monk? 

Max Roach: Well, they called him 
eccentric but they allowed him to 
function. They would look at the 
character himself and say: "Well, 
he came here in sneakers when we 
said everyone should dress formal- 
ly, but his work is more profound 
than everyone else who is dressed 
right." 



15 




Leigh-Ann 



Prof. Stevens: It didn't help his 
marketability that he was eccen- 
tric? 

Max Roach: It helped them market 
him, but it didn't help him. Though 
I don't think Monk was eccentric. 
Monk was marketable so far as his 
music was concerned. But they 
never did put a lot of money 
behind the black artist who was 
more than an entertainer. They 
want to believe that we are all like 
Redd Fox. I'm not talking about 
Redd Fox, the human being. I'm 
talking about Redd Fox the charac- 
ter who has to make a living por- 
traying Fred Sanford. Redd Fox is 
one of the most intelligent human 
beings I have ever met. But in or- 
der for him to function he's got to 
be the janitor who looks so-so, 
right? Monk belies that character. 
The greatest musical scholars look 
at Monk's music and say: "Wow, 
this is some sound, harmonically 
and melodically. There's not one 
note out of chord or harmony. 
Everything just fits. The musical ar- 
chitecture is indisputable." 
Prof. Stevens: Through the 40's one 
of the strong components of music 
was dance. You could dance to the 
music. As well as being listenable, 
it was also connected to dance. 



And then up in there somewhere 
the dance part got separated and 
another whole industry was born 
and people danced to a certain 
kind of music and started listening 
to a certain kind of music. The 
dance music was opposed to the 
spirit music. 

Max Roach: Yes. Well I put it dif- 
ferently, yet I know what you're 
talking about. There's music for 
spectator participation and au- 
dience participation. When we 
hear the first note we jump up and 
dance. Thafs audience participa- 
tion. We also had music for specta- 
tor participation. In the Congo 
Square there was a group of peo- 
ple who performed and everyone 
else sat down as an audience. 
We've always had all dimensions 
of music. But we've been spoon- 
fed one dimension. When we look 
at the media today it appears as 
though Black folk never embrace 
and make love like other normal 
people or have children. You 
never see that. You never see us 
talking romantically to someone. 
Take I Spy, the old TV show. When 
you saw Cosby and Culp there was 
always a romantic interest in there 
for Culp in every episode. But Cos- 
by was always out there. Once in a 



while they'd be in Africa some- 
place and try to rescue the princess 
and then there was a slight roman- 
tic interest. But we have always 
had in our culture religion, sacred 
music and secular music, and all of 
its forms. We've had music that 
dealt with us from an entertain- 
ment point of view. But all that's 
spoon-fed to us is just to entertain. 
We're all funny. We're never seri- 
ous. We're accepted if we're funny 
and we entertain. Black people are 
subordinated to America's socio- 
logical ego. But even though the 
entertaining thing exists on the sur- 
face when you go into the average 
black home you will find some Ma- 
halia Jackson whom they sit down 
and listen to and sometimes jump 
up and dance to. That has always 
existed. You got happy in church 
when something overcame you. 
Then we had the music we dealt 
with by going out and snapping 
our fingers and dancing and having 
a drink or two. And we always had 
somebody we could sit down and 
listen to which goes back to the 
Ragtime period of instrumental 
music. That always has been with 
us. (So my big grievance is with the 
kind of information thafs pumped 
.into the so-called black commu- 



16 




photo by Reginald Jackson 



nity. And I say "so-called" because 
if we accept phrases like "minority" 
and "inferior" and "black commu- 
nities" and "ghettos" then we're not 
taking advantage of the total of be- 
ing American in this country. We 
are Americans basically. I know I'm' 
not going to say that just Harlem is 
my home because the whole thing 
is my home. So if someone says 
you're supposed to live here I re- 
sent that and I'm going to fight that 
because I've accepted somebody 
else's concept about my being in 
this society and I won't accept that. 
They say that the information that 
comes into our communities is one 
dimensional because we don't 
have a healthy cultural guide.) At 
the same time there was the whole 
jazz age of the Twenties when we 
had people like Duke writing Con- 
go Square and that kind of music. 
We had Jim Europe who had his 10 
pianos and a string orchestra of 
over 100 musicians doing their 
thing at Carnegie Hall in 1919. 
Prof. Stevens: Jim Europe? 
Max Roach: Jim Europe, the black 



man who did the arrangments for 
the Castles, the white dancers who 
made the cake walk black dancers 
very famous. But back to Monk. He 
was a victim of this discriminatory 
thinking. We are always kept to 
one single dimension in every- 
thing. When you look at the visual 
arts, T.V. and movies, you almost 
walk out fearing your blackness be- 
cause you are never really de- 
picted as a whole human being. Al- 
though when you go home you 
are. You have children whom you 
love, you get jealous, you eat, you 
like good food, you like nice cars, 
you like a nice house, and every- 
thing that is never shown to the 
rest of the world — which is an- 
other sociological thing. These are 
the outside things that if Monk was 
not marketable would have kept 
him from being marketable. Monk 
as well as any serious black artists. 
When Monk was in concert, it was 
packed — in Europe especially be- 
cause there wasn't this competi- 
tiveness about identity. The Euro- 
peans have already established 



themselves as great musicians. So 
they can afford to say: "Here's 
somebody from Africa who does 
his thing well, or here's someone 
from China who does his thing 
well." Because they have Bee- 
thoven. In this country which is 
neither Europe nor Africa, there's 
another kind of thing. I don't ex- 
pect myself to go over to Africa 
and out-dance and out-sing and 
out-play those instruments that are 
indigenous to Africa. When I come 
to play, the African wants to hear 
me do some "Jazz" because he's 
heard Dizzy and Louis Armstrong. 
So he got a trumpet to imitate 
them. 

Prof. Stevens: I remember when I 
was in High School when I'd go to 
hear jazz there were only small 
clubs. You couldn't dance. There 
was a little cafe and a bar but there 
was no space. In the 50's when I 
broke into listening there were 
other places to dance in and other 
kinds of music. 

Max Roach: I grew up in the 40's 
and with me it was different. They 



17 




photo by Adger Cowans 



had music specifically for dancing 
and they had stuff that you sat 
down and listened to. Sure we're 
dancing people like everybody 
else. It's a release from the daily 
things. You go out and have fun, 
have a little glass, take a lady out 
and have dinner. Then there are 
times that you sit down with the 
music. I just resent the fact that at 
this point in time we don't get a 
cultural diet that's intellectually 
healthy in the community. A per- 
son like Monk suffered from this. 
At Monk's funeral I looked around 
at people I hadn't seen for years 
and the family was thoughtful 
enough to provide a long list of 
musicians in the obituary who 
Monk worked with. From Coleman 
Hawkins to the most recent. Any of 
us who ever recorded or worked 
with Monk were thanked. 
Prof. Stevens: How was he to work 
with? 

Max Roach: Monk was wonderful 
to work with. And he was very 
aware of the whole economic 



system. For example we did the al- 
bum "Brilliant Corners" with Sonny 
Rollins, Oscar Peterson, Ernie 
Henry and myself. Monk's music 
was so unique and unusual that 
you had to work at it. It was a dif- 
ferent approach to rhythmical an- 
notation and harmonic thought. 
Music is like physics. The reason 
you have a scale is because physi- 
cally that first note and second 
note are next to each other. In the 
physics of music they follow each 
other on the scale. So if you're go- 
ing to have a C scale, D is next. But 
Monk instead of going from C to D 
would go some place else that was 
equally as great and logical but 
was another way of going there. So 
if you invent off this kind of system 
then you have to think a little bit 
harder. If s going to the same place 
but if s taking a different route. The 
way I'm explaining this shows you 
the difficulty you would have deal- 
ing with it because I'm bumbling 
with it now. Maybe if I keep on 
working at it, finally I can explain it 



to you so that you'll understand 
that Monk himself consisted of 
"Brilliant Corners." Now, Brilliant 
Corners, the album, was being 
done for a record company. In 
those times they would hire a stu- 
dio and want us to do a complete 
L.P. as opposed to today when you 
couldn't stay in a studio a month to 
do an L.P. The normal and cheap- 
est session was 3 hours. They 
wanted you to get in there and do 
it right away because it was less 
money. Monk gave us his musical 
ideas for the album but we had to 
work out our individual roles as 
well as some idea of how it should 
all fit together. Given Monk's 
unique musical mind this was not 
easy so we rehearsed for a week 
while the recording studio people 
pulled their hair out. Finally Monk 
just handed us the written music. 
He had had it all the time but had 
not let on so we could make some 
decent money. He was looking out 
for us and we weren't even hip to 
the ploy ourselves. 



THELONIOUS MONK 

Arriving at the Blue Monk, 
Well You Needn't Say cause it was Boo Boo's Birthday. 
But listen Ruby My Dear, in Consecutive Seconds it was 
Straight No Chaser and a Bemsha Swing. It was sure 
Misterioso; so lefs Raise Four and call it Four in one 
and Worry Later. 

Oh well my dear with your Brilliant Corners. 
I'm Getting Sentimental Over you; I Mean You, Dinah. 
Well Round About Midnight, In Walked Bud. So with just 
A Glance At Love, as I Crepucle With Nellie (This is Evidence 
Withy Rhythm- A-Ning). 

So my Sweet and Lovely, I Hadn't Anyone Til You, 
And The Way You Look Tonight in Light Blue, well, I just 
get Nutty! You can Ask Me Now on Friday The Thirteenth 
I'm Confessin because Everything Happens To Me with 
These Foolish Things, I Should Care. 

Monk's Point is Pannonica. 
North Of The Sunset and Played Twice with a bit of 
Honeysuckle Rose. 

I Want To Be Happy. You know why? Epistrophy. 
my sweet, and now, / Surrender, Dear. 

by Anthony Barboza 



FOR BILLIE HOLIDAY 

FINALLY, LADY, YOU WERE GONE FROM US 



Then they starched you, Billie, in your shroud: 

Gardenia, orchids, all proclaimed you dead: 

Musical gangsters, hucksters, feeble friends proud, 

To publically rejoice and . . . scratch, (You had the nerve to wed 

Your psalms of love, of shreaded love, with taste.) 

The larynx of your tartar bird, they split. 

They bleeded it, they crossed it with the waste 

Of birds autopsied, carrion, neon, fit 

For alley hops. Before they carred you to dirt 

Nothing was further necessary for shame: 

They stood the cops before your final hurt, 

They snatched away relief from final pain. 

They asked for curses, signatures, for Photo looks, 

Approached your bed, and snitched your comic books. 



by Owen Dodson 




Moments For Billie, 

Central Park, New York Gty 

160" X 40"l Summer, 1965 



20 




Max Monk Miles Mingus and Diz, 
Bear Mountain, New York 
140 X 60"j Spring, 1981 



by Romare Bearden 

A photograph is supposed to be a 
fairly accurate representation of 
what the eye sees. Yet we do an in- 
justice to our own perceptions if we 
are only concerned with the usual 
facts of life. In this exhibit, we see 
not only what is apparent in the 
splendid water studies by Adger 
Cowans, but also the subtle relation- 
ships and nuances that give them 
such uniqueness. 

Artists have always been fas- 
cinated with the effects of water. I 
think of Turner and of those Chi- 
nese classical masters who found a 
source of artistic energy in concord 
with the rhythms of great waters. In 
seeking this same unison, Cowans 
has focused his inspiration for some 
surprising creations. I see color, for 
example, in his black and white im- 
ages. I see, what is for me, a torso of 



a swimmer. In another work, it ap- 
pears that honey bees have pro- 
duced a cone. Yet I'm completely 
aware these studies are taken of an 
everchanging aquatic world. Also, 
I'm just as sure that the artist was 
primarily concerned with abstract 
counter points of light and shade; 
and, certainly, the photographs can 
be appreciated in that respect. 

When I first saw these water im- 
ages of Adger' s, it occurred to me 
that an artist might be inspired by 
certain phenomena that may be ar- 
tistically meaningless to everyone 
else. In haystacks, Monet found 
something to illuminate his obser- 
vations of the play of light and color 
during varying hours of the day. So, 
too, in water, still water, running 
water, even frozen water. Cowans 
invites us to see a universe in mi- 
crocosm. Undoubtedly there are ob- 



vious reasons why Adger chose to 
depict these singular convergences 
of water; it is possible also that other 
less conscious necessities directed 
him to this most important of the 
four great elements. Is it not water 
that supports all life? Indeed, in 
many cultures it is symbolically 
equated with the renewal of life. It 
is really difficult to ascertain with 
certainty the meanings artists as- 
cribe to their works. So often the ar- 
tist's interpretation is not logically 
tied to his or her work. Whatever af- 
finities directed our poet-photogra- 
pher to immerse himself in the wat- 
ers of life and art, as with all good 
artists, he has dealt convincingly 
with these mysterious of creation. 

The success of these photographs 
need not be explained, rather they 
are a cause for celebration. After all, 
the power of art is irresistible. 



Moments by Adger Cowans, Greene Space, 105 Greene St., NY, NY— Nov. 81. 



21 




0<Ml ^Mu^ du,^ -'^^' 



22 



^h"^^ 



BL0\3S 



^ 



KVS^^ 



H 



^Gl^^^ 



••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 



by Susan J. Callender 

Marvin Hagler the eldest of seven 
children was born in Newark, New 
Jersey. At 16, his family moved to 
Brockton, Massachusetts where 
Marvin decided to drop out of 
school as a freshman in high school. 
After running the streets of the 
small town south of Boston, and sur- 
viving minor scrapes with the law 
and the race riots of the sixties for 
almost 5 years, he stumbled upon a 
small one room gymnasium owned 
by the Petronelli brothers who were 
at one time professional fighters. He 
first showed interest in the sport of 
boxing in 1970 when local athletes 
encouraged him to work out daily 
because he displayed exceptional 
talent in the sport. At this time in 
Marvins life, he was not sure what 
he wanted to do as far as a career 
was concerned and he needed some 
guidance badly. When proposi- 
tioned about fighting in the profes- 
sional ranks, he was very pessimis- 
tic about being successful because 
no one that he had ever came in con- 



tact with felt that he could make 
something of himself and he felt as 
though these negative words were 
still holding him back. After spend- 
ing the duration of his waking hours 
working out, he consequently de- 
cided to take his skill to the ring. 

Marvin Hagler turned out to be a 
natural at fighting, practicing fre- 
quently and knowing now that he 
would soon be a superstar. Within 
three years the strong boy south 
paw was the Amateur Athletic 
Unions National Middleweight title 
holder. He won the crown and tro- 
phy during the month of May in 
1973. Hagler was invited to be on a 
United States boxing team that was 
heading to Russia for some different 
competition, but he decided to re- 
main in the United States and marry 
his childhood sweetheart and start a 
family. After winning 57 fights as an 
amateur Hagler turned pro. Quick 
knockouts became his specialty, 
and to lure opponents into the ring, 
he sometimes had to fight right 
handed. Nobody would fight him, 
but ordinary kids, Marvin was un- 



defeated and his career had just 
begun. 

The turning point in Hagler' s ca- 
reer came in early 1976. He re- 
ceived a call to fight Willie Monroe, 
a slick boxer from Philadelphia 
whom former heavy weight champ 
Joe Frazier was grooming for a shot 
at the title. Hagler agreed to take the 
fight, even though his managers ad- 
vised him against it because he had 
only received two weeks notice and 
he was suffering from bronchitis. 
Hagler lost a close, ten round deci- 
sion to Monroe, who agreed to a re- 
match. Hagler won both the first 
and second rematches. After years 
of scuffling, Hagler and the Petro- 
nellis have finally made the right 
connections. Boxing today is con- 
trolled by promoters like Don King 
and Bob Arum, who have an inside 
track to the networks. Most fighters 
need them to get some national ex- 
posure. Hagler won the title of mid- 
dleweight champion of the world in 
September of 1980, from Al Minter 
in England. He is a great fighter, 
simply Marvelous. 

23 



EXPERIENCES 



CHANGES ALWAYS PRODUCE SHOCK 
THE ELECTRO MAGNETISM OF THE 

FORCES '_ 

CAUSE IMPULSES TO JUMP ' ' 

FROM CONNECTION 

TO CONNECTION 
WIRING THE SOUL FOR STATIC 

THE CHARGES ... THE CHANGES 

THE CHARGES ... THE CHANGES 
BURN THE TIPS OF HESITANT BRAIN WAVES 
MAKING FALSE STARTS IHPe^ 

AND STOPS 
EMOTIONALLY OVERLOADED BRAIN CELLS 
RESTRICTED FROM RECEIVING NEW 

MESSAGES -. 

BLOWS THE MIND 
SO, GENTLY PULL THE PLUG . 
TURN DOWN THE VOLTAGE : 

RELEASE THE CURRENT SLOWLY 

I AND BEGIN THE PROCESS 

AGAIN 
THIS TIME TRIAL AND ERROR 
PREPARE THE WAY TO 

SUCCESS 



GIVE ME MOONCAKE BIRTHDAYS 
AND SPACE SPARKLE DREAMS 
I WANT TO SOAR 
EVER SO HIGH 

SHOW ME SUGAR-SPICED IDEAS 
AND CANDY-COATED REASONS 
FOR I WANT TO KNOW THE MEANINGS 
AND WHY 

SING A FRUIT-FLAVORED LULLABYE 
AND AN ICE-CREAM MELTING BALLAD 
FOR I NEED REST 
AND I NEED TO CRY, SOMETIME 

TICKLE ME WITH FEATHER LIGHT HUMOR 
AND READ FACINATING TALES 
THAT ARE BUILDING TALL 
I LIKE TO LAUGH 
AND HEAR THEM ALL 

AND WHEN I HAVE EXPERIENCED 
ALL OF THESE 
LOVE ME TENDER 
LIKE A GENTLE BREEZE 



by Nalmah 



is love enough 

(or a thirteen minute poem) 



if you ain't got a machine gun 
because you know whose ass 
the dallas police protect 



is love enough 

when i see whitey lying dead 
in greensboro trying to protect 
his freedom too ; 

freedom to love every brother/sister 
so you'll survive 
this racial war 
and i'll survive 
this emotional hell 



is love enough 

when joe blow gets a rap 

for job discrimination 

but the kkk parade 

with gun toting aura 

like 5th avenue and it's easter 

no jungle bunny here 
this is america 

peace love and the american way 

died 

and so will i 

haunt these motherfuckers 

till their dying day 



by laurie spinelli 



DRUM spotlights FRANK SMITH 




Frank Smith 

Buckskins Series 

Acrylic and Fiber Tapestry 



'^''^--m. 



^.= .-^■ 



t»«';'-V. ■,,--',■1. ■. .-'.-. •> ■ ■ - ■» '■ : ^ » ■ ^Jt/.i* V' -T.-:-. ,■ . ■ .- ■. 







MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. 



by Phillip Martin 

Martin Luther King Jr. was born 
in Atlanta, Georgia on January 15, 
1929. His father Martin Luther King 
Sr. was a baptist minister who mar- 
ried Alberta Williams, the daughter 
of Alfred Daniel Williams, a respec- 
ted minister in the South. As a min- 
ister's son young Martin enjoyed a 
comfortable childhood, because his 
family was prestigious and pros- 
perous during the great depression. 

Martin was a heavy boy, ruggedly 
built and hard-headed. In tempera- 
ment, young Martin was a cross be- 
tween his violatole, quick-tempered 
father and his more placid mother 
whose composure was not easily 
ruffled. Martin had a high introspec- 
tive character and a delicate con- 
science verging on irrational self- 
blame. With all this going for him, 
Martin was quickly introduced to 
racism at the age of six. Martin was 
an above average student, preco- 
cious and studious. He began his 
formal education in public school, 
later transferring to Atlanta Univer- 
sity laboratory school and then to 
Booker T. Washington high school. 
He skipped the ninth and twelfth 
grades and passed a college entrance 
examination which enabled him to 
enroll as a Morehouse college fresh- 
man at the age of fifteen. At the age 
of nineteen, the Reverend Martin 
Luther King Jr. graduated from 
Morehouse College with a bachelor 
of arts degree. Already a minister, 
he now turned his thoughts toward 
acquiring a theological education at 
Crozer Thelogical Seminary in Ches- 
ter, Pennsylvania. Martin was an 
student at Crozer, where he became 
class valedictorian, being one of a 
half dozen Negros in a student body 
of a hundred. 

In 1951, Reverend Martin Luther 
King Jr. chose to earn his doctorate 
in philosophy at Boston University. 
In 1952 Martin was introduced to 
Coretta Scott. She was described as 
being a very pretty and shapely 
young lady from Marion, Alabama, 
a recent graduate of Antioch College 
who had come to Boston the same 
time as Martin. She majored in sing- 



ing at the New England Conserva- 
tory. In 1953 Coretta and Martin 
were married. During their fifteen 
years of marriage they had four 
children: Yolanda Denise, Martin 
Luther King III, Dexter Scott, and 
Bernice Abertine. 

In 1955, Martin received his doc- 
torate from Boston University, thus 
becoming Dr. Martin Luther King 
Jr. Also in 1955, Dr. Martin Luther 
King Jr. came to leadership in the 
civil rights movement, initiating 
with others the historical 381 day 
boycott against segregation on city 
buses in Montgomery, Alabama. 

In 1957, Dr. Martin Luther King 
Jr. formed the Southern Christian 
Leadership Conference of which he 
became president. From 1957 to the 
present. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. 
has been perceived by others to be a 
unique symbol of the Negro's deter- 
mination to end segregation and dis- 
crimination. 

In 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King 
Jr. a well known respected and 
feared leader for the civil rights 
movement led a march on Washing- 
ton. More than 250,000 people 
white and black came from all over 
the country to hear Dr. Martin Lu- 
ther King's famous "I have a 
dream" speech. It touched the 
hearts of millions of people. 

In 1964 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. 
was awarded the noble peace prize, 
a prestigious award given to those 
who dedicate their lives to humani- 
ty and those who try to make the 
world a better place to live. 

In 1965, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. 
fighting for voting rights in Selma, 
Alabama, marched to the capital of 
Alabama to secure this task. Nearly 
75,000 blacks and whites joined him 
in Montgomery to protest discrimin- 
ation. President Johnson had to call 
in the National Guards to guarantee 
order. Since this was the largest civil 
rights demonstration in the deep 
South. 

In 1966, Dr. King went North to 
the rioting urban ghettos of Chicago 
to maintain unity with the Congress 
of Racial Equality (CORE) which 
was advocating black power and to 



hold-fast to his principle of non- 
violence. Also, in Chicago Dr. King 
lead a group of 5,000 demonstrators 
to protest the war in Vietnam. 

In 1967, Dr. King lead 125,000 
anti-war demonstrators from central 
park in New York to the United Na- 
tions. He said it would have been in- 
consistent of him not to speak on 
such an issue, because he advocated 
non-violence. On April 3, 1968 Dr. 
King went to Memphis to assist the 
sanitation workers who were strik- 
ing for decent wages. The next day, 
stepping out on the balcony of his 
motel, he was killed by an assessin's 
bullet. 

During Dr. Martin Luther King 
Jr's life he compiled a great many 
honors which include a second 
place finish in the Webb oratorical 
contest during his sophomore year 
at Morehouse, a Bachelor of Arts de- 
gree at Morehouse and a Bachelor of 
Divinity degree at Crozer Seminary. 
In addition to being class valedic- 
torian at Crozer, he won two prizes, 
the Pearl Plafkner award and the 
Lewis Crozer Fellowship award. In 
1955, he received his Ph.D. in 
systematic theology. Some of his 
more famous awards included his 
man of the year award given to him 
in 1963 by Time magazine, the 
Spingarn medal for his contribution 
to race relations, and the Nobel 
Peace prize for being an outstanding 
spokesman for the non-violent 
movement. Also, in death Dr. King 
has been honored with various 
schools, streets, awards and newly 
constructed buildings being named 
after him. This reflects the sincerity 
of the issues Dr. King stood for. It 
also reflects how effective he was 
and how he touched the hearts of 
millions. 

In conclusion. Dr. Martin Luther 
King was one of the greatest, if not 
the greatest leader in modern times. 
Because of the great way he influ- 
enced people his followers were not 
only black, but they were of all 
races, creeds and colors. This can be 
substanciated by his march to the 
United Nations where he spoke on 
the Vietnam War. 



26 



BLACKS AND FILM 



by Bruce A. Studley 

This is a critical analysis of the 
portrayal of Blacks in the American 
film industry. It traces Black 
characterization and stereotypes in 
film from the birth of narrative film, 
around the turn of the century, up 
to the end of the "Black Film" 
boom in 1973. 

The Silent Era 

It can be seen from some of the 
titles of the earliest films that 
Blacks received little respect in the 
beginning of film. Films such as The 
Wooing and Wedding of a Coon 
(1905), billed as a "genuine Ethio- 
pian comedy", and The Nigger 
(1910), a story involving miscege- 
nation, were more the norm than 
the exception during the American 
film industry's formulative years. 

Uncle Tom's Cabin was a favorite 
film of filmmakers of the silent era. 
This story was converted to the 
screen in 1909, 1914, 1918, and 
1927. The actors in all but the last 
version were Whites in blackface, 
as was usually the case in film por- 
trayals of Blacks in silent cinema. 

Also popular in the early days of 
cinema was a series of split-reel 
comedies depicting Black life 
called the Rastus Series. How Vas- 
tus Cot His Turkey (1912), Rastus 
Dreams of Zululand (1913), and 
Coon Town Suffragettes (1914), are 
examples of the titles of some of 
the films in the Rastus Series. 

It seems apparent that through 
the silent era, especially before 
1915, Blacks were being portrayed 
and promoted in a derogatory 
manner. This can be witnessed in a 
film bulletin for The Chicken Thief, 
made by Biograph studios in 1904: 

"From the opening of the picture, 
where the coon with his grinning face is 
seen devouring fried chicken, to the 
end where he hands head down from 
the ceiling, caught by a bear trap on his 
leg, the film is one continuous shout of 
laughter." 



Birth of a Nation 

In 1915, Birth of a Nation, di- 
rected by D. W. Griffith, was re- 
leased. It was America's first fea- 
ture film and was an immediate hit 
at the box office. However the film, 
originally named the Clansmen, 
put Blacks in such a bad light that 
the newly formed National Associ- 
ation of American Colored People 
(NAACP), and other groups of 
Blacks and liberal Whites cam- 
paigned to have it banned, (and it 
was in Chio, Kansas,) and many 
major cities throughout the U.S. 

Griffith added a new dimension 
to the Black film image in Birth of a 
Nation, which was about the post- 
Civil War reconstruction era in the 
South. Instead of being portrayed 
as faithful servants or harmless, 
lazy, stupid watermelon eaters, 
they were portrayed as "wicked 
uppity, incompetent Negro politi- 
cians and bestial rapists whose sex- 
ual appetites endangered Southern 
virtue." 

In the end of Birth of a Nation the 
Klu Klux Klan arrived just in time to 
save the day. The NAACP has tried 
to suppress this film as late as 1965. 

The Early Thirties 

Although the first "talkie". The 
jazz Singer (1927), portrayed Al 
Jolson in blackface, sound in mo- 
tion pictures gave Blacks some 
inroads to Hollywood through 
their acknowledged abilities to sing 
and dance, and musicals were the 
genre in fashion just after the ad- 
vent of sound. 

The first all Black film. Hearts in 
Dixie, was released in 1929. It was 
billed as "All colored, all singin', 
and all dancing'." 

The same year King Vidor made 
Halleluja, which was artistically in- 
novative, but still maintained the 
characterization of the Black as an 
"over-sexed dupe". But now he 
could sing and dance. 



The release of Empereor Jones in 
1933 marked two firsts for Blacks in 
film. It was the first film in which a 
Black, Paul Robeson, received top 
billing, and it was the first film de- 
picting a Black in a dominant posi- 
tion over Whites, which may have 
been the reason it was a financial 
failure. 

Empereor Jones was the story of 
a Black slave who escaped to a 
Carribean island and ruled a tribe 
of Whites for a while. But in the 
end he surrendered to the forces 
of voodoo, another stereotype of 
Blacks in film at that time. 

In the middle Thirties, two Black 
performers, Stepin Fetchit and Bill 
Robinson, became popular with 
movie audiences. Fetchit played 
the role of the lazy, stupid servant 
in numerous films such as Stand Up 
and Cheer (1934), and David Har- 
rum (1935). Robinson played the 
grinning, dancing servant in various 
Shirley Temple movies. Though the 
plots varied, these actors played 
essentially the same roles movie 
after movie in the Thirties. 

However, the Thirties did pro- 
duce some films that portrayed 
Blacks in a respectable light. / am a 
Fugitive from a Chain Gang (1932), 
which dealt with the labor camp 
system of the South, portrayed 
Everett Brown as a Negro prisoner 
who was "capable of great friend- 
ship, loyalty, and courage". 

Gone With The Wind 

Cone With The Wind produced a 
rather ambivalent landmark for 
Blacks in film. A Black actress. Hat- 
tie McDaniel, won the supporting 
actress Academy Award for her 
role in the movie. But the role she 
played was that of the typical 
"mammy". 

Cone With The Wind did portray 
Blacks in a more realistic way than 
most films at the time. David O. 

continued on page 30 



11 



DRUM spotlights NELSON STEVENS 




DRUM spotlights K. JOY BALLARDPETERS 




K. Joy Ballard-Peters 
Shoulders to Lean on Series. 
Applique 1981 



m^ 



:'m 



[•^ 



^A 






fe' 



S:^' 



■;^i 



,^,-l'^i'*v 






''-A 



^:'-^M 



■^' 



^^:~ii'A;<e 






m 



1-^y^. 






J.'< -':' 






■'•■-■'l-.v V s'-",:".'.' ■ -■• 



^S' 






Blacks and Film 



continued from page 27 

Selznik, the producer, contracted 
two historical experts from 
Georgia, William G. Kurtz and 
Susan Myrick, to watch over the 
making of the film for authenticity 
purposes. This saved Selznik from 
making some of the more blatant 
errors in manners and racial eti- 
quette, such as the slaves rising in 
song, that prevailed in most mo- 
vies depicting Blacks at the time. 

World War Two 

The emergence of WWII some- 
what changed the depicition of 
Blacks in American cinema. A con- 
scious effort was made by Holly- 
wood to present a united front 
against Fascism. 

Also, in 1942 the NAACP made 
another venture into the world of 
motion pictures by demanding that 
Hollywood provide for Blacks 
more roles of better quality. Later 
that year Hollywood agreed to the 
NAACP's demands. 

The result of these forces on 
Hollywood was the first "token" 
movies. Casablanca (1942), Sahara, 
Crash Dive, Bataan, and Lifeboat, 
all made in 1943, had Blacks in- 
volved in the fight against Fascism 
in respectable roles. 

When Hollywood didn't insert 
Blacks as token for the war effort it 
often went back to its old portray- 
als of Blacks. The following is a 
comment on the portrayal of 
Blacks in the musical Tales of Man- 
hatten. There is a sequence involv- 
ing a coat containing a consider- 
able amount of money being 
dumped from a airplance over 
shacks inhabited by Southern 
Blacks: 

"A tasteless and naive sequence saw 
such eminent artists as Paul Robeson 
and Ethel Waters demeaning them- 
selves by impersonateing superstitious 
'niggers' thanking the Lord for his 
goodness in sending them the money 
from the skies, praying, kneeling, sob- 
bing, and behaving generally in the 
same old credulous, sub-human man- 
ner." 



Though Blacks were receiving 
some better roles as tokens in the 
war effort, on the whole things re- 
mained the same for Black actors 
in Hollywood. The following is a 
list of stereotypes of Blacks in film 
compiled in 1944 by Lawrence D. 
Reddick of the journal of Negro 
Education: 

1. The savage Africian 

2. The happy slave 

3. The devoted servant 

4. The corrupt politician 

5. The irresponsible citizen 

6. The petty thief 

7. The social delinquent 

8. The vicious criminal 

9. The sexual superman 

10. The superior athlete 

11. The unhapy non-white 

12. The natural-born cook 

13. The natural-born musician 

14. The perfect entertainer 

15. The superstitious churchgoer 

16. The chicken and watermelon eater 

17. The razor and knife "toter" 

18. The uninhibited expressionist 

19. The mental inferior 



1946-1961 

After the war ended, Hollywood 
entered a stage in which Filnn Noir, 
a genre dealing with corruption 
and social injustice, became popu- 
lar with the movie public. Film Noir 
remained in vogue until 1952. 

Four films featuring Blacks stood 
out in this period. Home of the 
Brave (1949) dealt with the impact 
of racism on a Black soldier's 
psyche; Lost Boundaries (1949) ex- 
amined Blacks who "passed" in the 
white world; Intruders in the Dust 
(1949) dealt with racism from in- 
side the White social conscience; 
and Pinky, which dealt with a light- 
skinned woman's return to the 
Black world. 

It is interesting to note that these 
four movies, all box office hits, 
dealt more with Blacks trying to fit 
into White society than with Blacks 
and their world. Though the Black 
problems of lack of education, 
housing, and jobs were not por- 
trayed in these films, Hollywood 



did realize that it was now finan- 
cially acceptable to portray the 
problems of racism. 

Credit should be given to Holly- 
wood for taking the chance of 
alienating itself from large seg- 
ments of the American public in 
making these controversial films at 
a time when it was being robbed of 
much of its audience by Television. 
An example of some of the nega- 
tive sentiment toward these films 
in some parts of the country is the 
ban of Pinky by the city of Atlanta 
because the film was "likely to 
have an adverse effect on the 
peace, morals, and good order of 
the city. 

Sports films depicting famous 
Black athletes began in the late 
Thirties with the biographies of 
Henry Armstrong, Keep Punching 
(1939), and Joe Louis, Spirit of 
Youth (1937). This theme was 
picked up again in the Fifties with 
the release of The Jackie Robinson 
Story (1950), The joe Louis Story 
(1953), and two biographies of the 
Harlem Globetrotters. The criticism 
of these films from Black audiences 
or the Black community was that 
Hollywood was once again evad- 
ing the problems of Blacks by 
showing success stories instead of 
probing the real problems of 
Blacks. 

The Black musicals of the fifties 
ranged in artistic and financial suc- 
cess from Carmen Jones (1954), a 
highly acclaimed financial success 
about a Black singer, for which 
Dorothy Dandridge received an 
Academy Award nomination, to 
Porky and Bess (1959), which in 
spite of a $7 million budget, was a 
dramatic and financial disaster. 

There were two films dealing 
with interracial love affairs in the 
fifties. Both of these films. Island in 
the Sun (1957), and The World, 
The Flesh, and The Devil (1959), 
starred Harry Belafonte. In both 
films Belafonte was denied so 
much as an on screen kiss. 



30 



The Black Films, 1970-73 

In 1970, a film called Shaft, fea- 
turing Richard Roundtree as a 
street-wise Black super-hero detec- 
tive, was released and became a 
box office smash, particularly in 
Black neighborhood theaters. 

From 1970 until 1973 Hollywood 
churned out film after film por- 
traying Blacks as super-heros. 
Blacks were also finally being por- 
trayed in their own urban environ- 
ment. 

The underlying theme of virtually 
all these films was to "stick it to the 
man." But it was the portrayal of 
the lead characters of many of 
these films that bothered many 
Black leaders. Many Black organi- 
zations felt that movies such as 
Superfly (1972), which featured a 
Black dope peddler as the pro- 
tagonist, and Sweetback's Bad- 
asssss Song (1971), which had a 
cop-killer as the hero, put Blacks in 
a bad light and didn't portray good 
role models for their youth. 

In 1972 the' Coalition Against 
Blaxploitation (CAB) was formed 
by local Black leaders in Los 
Angeles. 

"We will not tolerate the con- 
tinued warping of our Black 
children's minds with the filth, 
violence, and cultural lies that are 
pervasive in the current production 
of so-called 'Black Movies'," said 
President Junius Griffin when CAB 
was formed. 

Summary 

In the silent era Blacks were 
treated with virtually no respect 
and blatant racism is evident in 
such film titles as Nigger in tlie 
Woodpile (1903) and The Wooing 
and Wedding of a Coon (1905). 
During the early years of film 
Blacks were portrayed by Whites in 
blackface in roles of "shuffling, bug- 
eyed, stupid, watermelon-eaters." 

Derogatory portrayal of Blacks 
peaked in 1915 with the release of 
Birthi of a Nation, which also por- 



trayed them as a plague on society. 
After the NAACP protested, the 
portrayal of Blacks in a derogatory 
manner receded somewhat from 
pre-1915 levels but most of the 
stereotypes were still very present. 

The introduction of sound 
opened more opportunities for 
Blacks to enter film as singers and 
dancers. But the stereotype of 
subervience to Whites remained. 

It was not until WWII, when 
Hollywood wanted to present a 
united front for the war effort and 
the NAACP once again lodged 
strong protests against the por- 
trayal of Blacks in film, that Blacks 
began to receive some roles of 
parity with Whites in film. But 
many of the stereotypes remained. 

After WWII, during the Film Noir 
period of soul searching films, the 
problems of facism made it to the 
screen but receded when this 
movement died in the early Fifties. 

From the early Fifties to the late 
Sixties Blacks, with the exception of 
Sidney Poitier and, to a lesser de- 
gree, Harry Belafonte, were 
featured almost exclusively in 
sports biographies and musicals. 
However, during this period Sidney 
Poitier did become a full-fledged 
star, although he played roles in 
which some in the Black communi- 
ty considered to be unrealistic. 

The financial success of Sliaft in 
1970 brought an influx of Black 
films onto American cinema for 
three years. Although Blacks were 
finally being portrayed in the ur- 
ban, lower class setting in which 
most Blacks reside, the portrayal of 
most of the protagonists as super- 
macho men, dope peddlers, 
pimps, and cop-killers was looked 
down upon by much of the Black 
community. 

Conclusions 

This study shows that it has been 
an uphill climb to gain respect for 
Blacks in American cinema. When 
it has been profitable to make films 



featuring Blacks, Hollywood has 
done so, as the 1948-52 and 
1970-73 periods have shown. 

Black culture and history have 
been almost totally neglected by 
the film industry. The Black male 
stars (Poitier, Brown, Jones, 
Belafonte) haven't been featured in 
any major motion pictures in the 
past few years. This study has re- 
vealed the Black female super star 
to be non-existent. 

But, when Blacks are portrayed 
on the silver screen these days 
they are treated with some respect 
and dignity. The watermelon-eat- 
ing buffon stereotype of the past 
seems to have been put to rest by 
American filmmakers. The realistic 
portrayal of Blacks in film has been 
a long time in the making. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

BOOKS 

Cripps, Thomas, Black Film as Genre. Blooming- 
ton, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1978. 

Mapp, Edward. Blacks in American Film. Me- 
tuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1972. 

Maynard, Richard A. The Black Man on Film. Ro- 
chelle Park, N.J.: Hayden Book Company, 1974. 

New York Times Movie Reviews 7973-68, New 
York: New York Times-Arno Publishers, 1970. 

ARTICLES 

Michener, Charles. "Blacks vs. Shah." News- 
week, Oct. 23, 1972, p. 88-92. 

"Interview with Sidney Poitier". People, July 
10, 1980, p. 71. 



31 



DRUM spotlights VARNETTE HONEYWOOD 




Varnette P. Honeywood 
"Kujichaguud" 
Mixed Media 
22" X 33" 1981 




DRUM spotlights NAPOLEAN jONES-HENDERSON 






.s^>»^■^ 



'■i!:^'. 



'«i 



^■•■^<\ 



I.-. ' vV'- ' ■^ .- > ■'. . 'V ■- 




Napolean Jones-Henderson 
"Black People Rise, So We Too " 
Wool-Metallic-Cotton Yarns 
48"w X 58"h A77 2A 



► .•>- .■ ■•■ ■■.-,>-^5?;i';*tw,Yi^-:-;j^iJ'.» ■. '■■if/7 , 




SISTERS 



by Sundiata Mari-djata 

A quaint room in a building 
located on the outskirts of the city 
is the location of a meeting to be 
held. The room looks like Africa re- 
vived and revamped in a new land. 
The walls are covered with draw- 
ings of lions, zebras, monkeys and 
other animals. There are also 
spears and bamboo sticks adding 
to the decor. The little furnishings 
are also done in bamboo. In the 
center of the floor is a large rug 
fashioned in an African print. There 
are large palets around the rug. 
The room is quiet, with only the 
sound of birds chirping as they fly 
about the windows. 

The quiet room is quickly inter- 
rupted by the chatter of women 
slowly entering. The women 
saunter into the room with dubious 
expressions on their faces. Each 
takes a seat on a palet, taking 
sporadic glances at those they 
haven't met and quickly looking 
away when the other notices. 
Finally another woman enters. 
She's dressed in a dashiki and san- 
dals. She wears an afro that per- 
fectly fits the contours of her face. 
She joins the remaining women. 

"Good morning ladies. My name 
is Jean in case any one has forgot- 
ten and I welcome you to the cen- 
ter. I've talked to each of you 
previously, so you know why we 
are here. Hopefully, this will be 
beginning of a long relationship. I 
want each of you to relax and feel 
free to say whatever is on your 
mind. It may be a little difficult in- 
itially, since we're all strangers, but 
when we leave here we'll know 
each other a lot better. I will sit 
here and listen to the wisdom of 
you beautiful ladies. Who wants to 
startr she asks smiling. 

The woman to her left shifts. She 
cautiously looks at each of the 
other women as if to search their 
inner thoughts. She is wearing a 
thin blouse with fashionable jeans 
that fit the voluptuous curves of 



the body. Her make-up is exces- 
sive, but not to the point of dis- 
tracting from her dark and mysteri- 
ous eyes. Jean notices her 
movements and asks, "How about 
you Idar 

"Ok, I will begin. My name is Ida 
and I am . . . a . . . prostitute," she 
says hesitantly. "Yes, a prostitute or 
perhaps some others would prefer 
to use some other name." she says 
more confidently. "But its all the 
same. You know I started not to 
come to this rap session, but when 
Jean told me how she wanted to 
hear and share our deepest 
thought, I decided to make use of 
this opportunity to let others know 
what I felt. You know, so many 
people see me, judge me and con- 
demn me, all in the same breath 
without caring to hear my side. 
Sometimes I ask myself whether or 
not I have a side. But you know it's 
hard to ignore them because I have 
to live with those people, like it or 
not. I don't enjoy what I do. In fact, 
1 hate it. Night after night, it can be- 
come awful, like . . . like a bad 
dream. Oh yes, I have had good 
dreams too; dreams of a home, a 
family, maybe even living in the 
suburbs, living a so-called respecta- 
ble life. I had these dreams many 
years ago, but one thing happened 
after another. I won't go into that 
horror story. But it's like you're 
trapped and then everything closes 
in around you. Yea, the so-called 
respectable folks have all the solu- 
tions, ifs easy for them to talk for 
they are not in my shoes. Getting a 
job is not so easy now a days, 
especially when you don't know 
how to do much. And have friends, 
oh no, I don't live up to peoples' 
expectations." 

At that point Deborah butts in. 
She is wearing an old plaid dress. 
She wears no stockings and her 
black shoes are very worn. She 
wears a red wig that is tilted to the 
left and looks as if it has not been 
combed in several days. 

"Yes honey, I know about rejec- 
tion. I'm a drunkard. My bottle is 
my friend. I have a job at the plant. 
It don't pay nothing much. Ifs 
enough to pay the rent, buy a little 



som'feat and buy my liquor. They 
looks down on me too honey. But 
when I get my liquor they all know 
what they can do for me. Let me 
tell /all somthin'. I went to this 
church one Sunday night and dem 
'ligious sisters told me dat I ain't 
had no business dere in my condi- 
tion. You know I figure the's sup- 
pose to help. I was really down 
that night. Humph, they helped al- 
right. As soon as I walked in they 
started a whisperin' and a 
mumblin'. One of dem fat ones 
told me I shoulda been ashame to 
come in the Lord's house looking 
like a devil's angel. I reckon she 
oughta know what a devil's angel 
looks like 'cause she sho' as hell 
looks like his wife! So I went on 
down the street and got me a fifth 
of gin and even some vodka for 
later. Yea, since my man and all my 
chilluns got killed in a accident I've 
been on the bottle and it's been 
down hill ever since." 

"You are so right," said another 
lady. She is a well dressed woman. 
Her outfit is well coordinated in 
various shades of green. She has an 
air of certainty about her. "I am 
Mrs. Johnson, and I am one of 
those church going sisters that sit 
'round and talk about everybody. I 
have been guilty of looking down 
on folks, calling them sinners and 
Lord knows we are all sinners. 
After mission meetings we'd talk 
about others and just finished pray- 
ing and singing. Sittin' here listening 
to you opened my eyes to the real 
hypocrite I've been. I'd shout all 
over the church, but I really sincere 
in that, but to then look down on 
others such as you was wrong. I 
could've been helping instead of 
hurtin'. I guess it made me feel im- 
portant, in my circle anyhow. We 
all talked about other people sins, 
that way we didn't have time to 
talk about our own." 

Suddenly the lady to Deborah's 
left moves. She is beautiful, like the 
ideal model. She wears a dress that 
appears to be an original design, 
and it captures her apparent good 
taste. Her hair is frosted and is 
styled in many curls. Her skin is 
smooth. She wears modest make- 



34 




up that highlights her slender face. 
She speaks softly, "I can identify 
with you for I have been snobish in 
another sense. My name is 
Jeanette and I am a prime example 
of Black bourgoesie. My family and 
I strive to be a top society family. 
We do the entire scene. And that 
really describes our life, scenes 
that make up one big play and you 
feel as though you're on stage. I at- 
tend the luncheons, the bizarres, 
the benefits and the parties. It is a 
full time job just trying to live up to 
middle class standards. Even 
though there is a stupendous urge 
to just run free and be yourself, the 
society keeps pulling you in an- 
other direction and you fall slave 
to the dictation of middle class 
America. My hairdresser makes a 
fortune dying my hair. Wear an 
afro or dashiki like Jean, of course 
not, unless we were entertaining 
African guests. Only then is it ac- 
ceptable. All of this just to be ac- 
cepted by whites, hoping that 
money and material things will 
make them ignore the color. And 
they still look at you as if to say 
'nigger you try so hard, but you're 
still a nigger and will always be a 
nigger.' Deborah when you drink 
we call you a drunkard. When we 
drink in our circles its called being 
social. Yet the end results can be 
the same. I don't have the guts to 
be identified with anything Black. 



photo by Robert Davis 

And at times, I criticize my own 
people as much as whites do. Yes, 
mistakes are hard and through 
them we can easily forget who we 
are and how we got where we 
are." 

The woman across from her nod- 
ded continuously. She is dressed in 
a tweed suit and appeared as 
though she had just come from a 
business meeting. She wears glass- 
es that accent her slender face. She 
has a dark complexion that glows 
in its natural beauty. Finally she 
speaks, "I agree with you. I know of 
that scene. I tried that when I was 
in college. I went to this white col- 
lege and I discovered trying to be a 
'colored' white girl was not going 
to work for me. So I wore my 'fro 
even after the style dictated other- 
wise. I began to search myself as a 
woman, a Black woman with 
special needs and desires. I decid- 
ed to make my success with my 
brains, not with bleached hair, low 
cut blouses nor kissing behinds. It 
was a tremendous challenge but I 
succeeded. Often friends did not 
understand my need to be Black. It 
has been extremely difficult with 
male companions. They don't feel 
that I am, what should I say, 
feminine enough. I say that I'm no 
one's fool. Somehow some Black 
men have gotten this idea that 
white women are so meek and 
mild and docile. Even if they are, I 



refuse to be that way. To me play- 
ing that role is like being locked in 
a prison, not being able to express 
yourself and fulfill your needs. So 
am I cold, because I am a business 
executive? I shouldn't be in a 'male' 
role. It's funny that many want you 
to be docile as they think white 
women are, but yet they cannot or 
do not want to play the role of a 
total provider. It's not that they 
don't want you to work, they just 
want to control the money after 
you work for it. I've had many to 
stop dating me and start dating 
white women. 

Mrs. Johnson interrupted, "You 
know you are right to a certain 
point. I am older than most of you 
and I have seen a lot more. I under- 
stand that the Black man have had 
a hard time, God knows my ol' 
man did. I tried hard not to let him 
forget he was a man. But then men 
were men. It seems like more of 
these young men are shunning re- 
sponsibilities and some young 
women too. But we as Black wom- 
en who understand a lot and we 
can help a man who is willing to 
help himself. All I need is a man to 
try and I will stand behind him one 
hundred percent. 

"I agree with that, added Jean. 
"I've seen the type Angelcalisha 
has described and I have seen 
good ones like my father. There 
are good ones, they are just hard 
to find. Then too the Black man is 
in a precarious position. On one 
hand the standards of our society 
dictates that a man is to be a 
breadwinner, head of the family, 
decision maker, but at the same 
time he is denied the opportunity 
to be a breadwinner by the same 
society that tells him he should be. 
Thus, he has to share this role with 
his wife and sometimes she is the 
main supporter of the family." 

"Thafs a good point," added 
Angelcalisha. "They have always 
been down on the Black man for 
they felt that this would weakened 
the race and keep us down. Little 
did they know that we Black wom- 
en can be just as threatening. 

continued on page 48 



35 






DRUM spotlights TED PONTIFLET 



^mm: 




.^JA- 



Ted Pontiflet 
Light Dancing 
Oakland, California 



DRUM spotlights NELSON STEVENS 




Nelson Stevens 

Nommo: Homage to Max Roach 

Colored Pencil 



■>f; 



mtMM^^fr 






SALUTING THE PAST 



by Phillip Pasley 

This year Alpha Phi Alpha Frater- 
nity, Incorporated, celebrates its 
Diamond Jubilee and proudly pro- 
claims Seventy-five Years of Service 
to all. This, the first black college 
fraternity in existence, was founded 
at Cornell University in Ithaca, New 
York, in 1906. The original mem- 
bers were "desirous of maintaining 
more intimate contacts with one 
another than their classroom study 
permitted." As black students at a 
large predominately white institu- 
tion, they found themselves exclud- 
ed in "opportunities for mutual help- 
fulness." Coincidently, during this 
era of American culture, open bias- 
ness toward blacks was generally 
accepted. White racism flourished 
at a greater rate than it does today. 
Many forms of discrimination, mis- 
treatment, segregation, prejudice 
and lack of consideration stood as 
obstacles to efforts and aspirations 
of black advancement and improve- 
ment. In response to this display of 
racism, many black organizations 
sprang into existence. Some of them 
were the American Negro Business 
League (1900); the National Afro- 
American Council (1903); the Na- 
tional Association of Negro Teach- 
ers (1903); the precursor of the 
N.A.A.C.P., the Niagara Movement 
(1905); and Alpha-Phi Alpha Frater- 
nity (1906). 

In the beginning stages of organi- 
zation, the members banned togeth- 
er to become a literary and social 
organization. About one year later 
they decided to become a fraternity. 
This decision made them the first of 
the eight black Greek letter organi- 
zations to exist on college campuses 
in America. The Greek symbols 
ACJA (Alpha Phi Alpha) were chosen 
as a name for the fraternity, sym- 
bolizing 'first and only first'. The 
original brothers of the fraternity 
were Henry A. Callis, Charles H. 
Chapman, George B. Kelly, Nathan- 
iel A. Murray, Robert H. Ogle, Eu- 
gene K. Jones and Vertner W. Tan- 
dy. These seven founders are now 
known as "jewels". Their fraternal 
ideas encompassed "manly deeds, 
scholarship and love for all man- 
kind". The tide of racism against 



blacks at this time, spurred them on 
to adopt black progress as their 
main concern. The remoteness from 
the black environment provided 
these outstanding young black men 
with the opportunity to observe the 
nation's racial scene objectively 
from a distance. What these seven 
pioneers also wrought was to raise 
the status of the black students in 
the semi-isolated community of Cor- 
nell University. 

The chapter at Cornell University 
became Alpha chapter. About one 
year later, a chapter began at 
Howard University. Nineteen men 
constituted Beta chapter, the second 
chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraterni- 
ty. Ten days later. Gamma chapter 
was established at Virginia Union 
University. As an example of how 
rapidly the Alpha Phi Alpha frater- 
nal idea was expanding, in the next 
five years, ten more chapters were 
established at various campuses all 
over the United States and even one 
in Canada at the University of 
Toronto. Today there are six- 
hundred plus chapters throughout 
the United States, the Carribbean 
Islands, Europe and Africa. The 
75,000 initiates are both from gradu- 
ate and undergraduate programs. 

One of the earliest programs 
launched by Alpha Phi Alpha 
Fraternity in the early 1900's, was a 
program against the lynching of 
black men. In those days, a black ac- 
cused of a crime was denied all due 
process of the law, and usually 
wound up hanging by the neck from 
a tree at the hands of a white mob. 
The Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, 
along with the N.A.A.C.P., was in 
the forefront of awakening public 
consciousness regarding lynchings. 
The Alpha men also raised and con- 
tributed funds for legal expenses in 
the fight. 

Another of its first programs was 
the "Go to high school, "Go to col- 
lege" campaign. This was a program 
dedicated in the fight to obtain bet- 
ter education for blacks. The idea of 
the program was to improve the ed- 
ucational facilities of blacks, and to 
encourage blacks to go to and re- 
main in school. The fraternity facili- 
ated the raising of scholarship money 
for deserving black students. The 



motto of the campaign became "The 
future of our race is dependent upon 
the education of our boys and girls." 
Throughout, the Alpha Phi Alpha 
Fraternity has remained consistent 
with this idea. Education and aca- 
demic excellence has been of top 
priority and is the foundation of its 
existence. Another facet upon 
which the fraternity is built upon is 
quality leadership for the race. 

Probably because of its distinction 
as the pioneer of Greek letter organ- 
izations established for blacks, Al- 
pha Phi Alpha has attracted the ma- 
jority of this nation's Black leaders. 
A substantial percentage of this 
country's historic black men are rec- 
ognized in Alpha dorm. Men such as 
W.E.B. Dubois, Martin Luther King, 
Jr., Thurgood Marshall, Andrew 
Young, Maynard Jackson, Marion 
Barry, Dick Gregory and Ernest 
Morial, just to name a few, are all 
Alpha men. The issues which the 
fraternity has addressed, and its 
ever present course of reaction at- 
tracts outstanding young black men 
each year, who vow to uphold 
Alpha Phi Alpha's motto, "First of 
all; Servants of all; We shall trans- 
cend all." 

Annually, the Alpha Phi Alpha 
Fraternity holds a general conven- 
tion to which all members of the fra- 
ternity are urged to attend. During 
the convention, there are program 
reports and updates and goals for 
the future which are dicussed. In 
1979, a "million-dollar fund drive" 
was initiated to raise money for the 
nation's black organizations. In the 
summer of 1981, the Alpha Phi Al- 
pha Fraternity donated 300,000 to 
be divided amongst the National Ur- 
ban League, the United Negro Col- 
lege Fund and the National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Col- 
ored People. "The New Alpha 
Trust" for the 1980's has five main 
components. They are (1) a business 
encouragement program (to make 
blacks producers as well as con- 
sumers)' (2) a youth develop- 
ment program involving a leader- 
ship development institute, b) a 
youth motivation and recognition 
program, c) career guidance and job 
fairs; (3) the ceptimizing of a Dr. 
Martin Luther King, Jr. role model 



38 



for black youths through efforts to 
make Dr. King's birthday a national 
holiday; (4) a campaign to extend 
the Voter Rights Act; and (5) support 
of evolving issues (including new 
definitions) regarding self-suffi- 
ciency, self-development and per- 
sonal success and prosperity for 
those traditionally oppressed or 
poor." 



—Sphinx Magazine — 
vol. 67 no. 2 summer 1981 



The recent efforts of the Alpha Phi 
Alpha Fraternity are only the latest 
in a long line of efforts which began 
back in 1906. The idea of "Manly 
deeds, scholarship and love for all 
mankind" has been steadfast for 
seventy-five years. The issues 
which prompted the seven jewels of 
Alpha Phi Alpha to start a fraternity 
back in 1906, are still being fervent- 
ly addressed by the fraternity today. 
As long as black inequality exists, so 
too will A(5A. Black pride is ex- 
pressed best in the words of Charles 



H. Wesley, the author of "The 
History of Alpha Phi Alpha; a 
Development in College Life." 

As Americans of European parentage 
point with pride to the ancestral 
history of their people, so Alpha Phi 
Alpha would have the blacks of 
America look with pride upon Afri- 
can civilization with its kingdoms, its 
governments and its laws, its social 
institutions, its buildings and roads, 
and its evidences of indigenous prog- 
ress, unaffected as it was, by outside 
influences. 



HOUSE OF ALPHA 

GOODWILL is the monarch of this house. Men, un- 
acquainted, enter, shake hands, exchange greetings, 
and depart friends. Cordiality exists among all 
who abide within. 

I am the eminent expression of friendship. Charac- 
ter and temperment change under my dominant power. 
Lives once touched by me become tuned and are 
thereafter amiable, kindly, fraternal. 

I inspire the musician to play noble sentiments and 
assist the chemist to convert ungenerous personal- 
ities into individuals so great worth. I destroy 
all ignoble impulses. I constantly invoke princi- 
ples which for common brotherhood and the echo re- 
sounds in all communities and princely men are 
thereby recognized. Education, health, music, en- 
couragement, sympathy, laughter — all these are 
species of interest given on self-invested capital. 

Tired moments find me a delightful treat, hours of 
sorrow, a shrine of understanding — at all times, 
I am faithful to the creed of companionship. 

To a few, I am the castle of dreams — ambitious, 
successful, hopeful dreams. To many, I am the po- 
etic palace where human feeling is rhymed to celes- 
tial motives; to the great majority, I am the 
treasury of good fellowship. 

In fact, I am the college of friendship; the Uni- 
versity of brotherly love; the school for the 
better making of men. 

I AM ALPHA PHI ALPHA! 



by Brother Sidney Brown 



DRUM spotlights DEBORAH C. JACKSON 





Deborah C. )ackson 
Tomorrow's Smiles 




All Wurk by Turn Feelings 



AMISTAD SHIP REBELLION 



by Marann Cassell 

In 1839 July 2, a rebellion took 
place on the Amistad ship. Amistad 
is Spanish meaning friendship. The 
slaves on this ship had been kid- 
napped from their homes in the 
Mendi Country of Sierra Leone. 
These slaves were tortured, and 
chained from foot to foot in an 
area where you could only stand. 
They were later placed in barra- 
coon and sprayed from head to 
toe in Havanna. 

This cruel treatment made them 
afraid of going further because 
they felt it would get worse. Then 
came a remarkable man named 
Cinque'. He was about five feet ten 
inches, and he was a proud son of 
a chief. Cinque' was a born leader, 
and he motivated his followers to 
look for hope. He said "We must 
not die under their lashes; we must 
not let the white man eat us. We 



must break these chains and go 
back to our homeland Africa." 
They worked all night until they 
pried the shackles that connected 
their necks together. The next 
thing they did was to arm them- 
selves with sugar cane knives. 
These were terrifying weapons, 
long, thick and very sharp. 

They had their plan so well 
organized the revolt went un- 
detected by the slave traders that 
were abroad the Amistad. During 
the night when all the slave traders 
were asleep. Cinque' divided the 
slaves by sending four to each 
cabin on the ship. Very quietly 
entered the cabins and attacked 
the slave traders. Few managed to 
flee in terror, others were taken 
captives and some killed, and the 
slaves took control over the 
Amistad. 

Cinque' not knowing very much 



about ships, steered the ship in the 
direction of the sun, but during the 
stormy weather he would lose 
control. A commander who was 
held captive knew how to steer the 
ship. Cinque' dreaded asking him, 
but he did. The commander 
agreed to do it, but very discreetly 
the commander steered the ship in 
the direction of America. They 
landed in New York on Long 
Island. Cinque' knew this wasn't 
Africa, but he got out to get fresh 
water. There he met two men who 
told him this was a free country. 
Cinque' began to feel at ease until 
the Americans aboard the Wash- 
ington came and took them as 
prisoners. Cinque' was hurt, he 
said, "We would have returned but 
the sun was against us. I will not 
see the White man, I thought I 
should be killed, I expected it. I 
would have been better dead than 



41 



live moons in misery, I should be 
hung, I think everyday, but this 
does not pain me, I could die hap- 
py if I could save so many of my 
brothers from the bondage of the 
white man." 

When they captured the slaves 
there were three little girls and 
forty-one men, one had died be- 
fore the overthrow of the ship. 
Later they were transferred to New 
Haven and put in jail where they 
waited for their trial. 

The slaves were faced with an- 
other problem which was lan- 
guages. There wasn't anyone that 
could speak Mendi. They only 
knew how to make signs. That 
would have been useless to them 
in court. Finally a professor of Yale 
Divinity school found a lady who 
had a slave boy that knew Mendi 
and English. He assisted them in 
the trial. 

The case was heard in January 
1840. The President at that time 
was Martin Van Buren. The lawyers 
overlooked the murders and piracy 
of the high sea, but they turned to 
international treaties. By laws the 
Spanish government should not 
have kidnapped Africans. 

The case lasted for one week, but 
the high point was when Cinque' 



testified. He testified in the manner 
how he was shanghaied from the 
side of his wife and three small 
children in Africa. He squatted on 
the courtroom floor demonstrating 
how tightly the slaves had been 
packed together on the Amistad. 

The judge presiding over the case 
was Judson. He handed down his 
decision that the slaves should be 
returned to the President to be 
sent back to Africa. The Aboli- 
tionists jumped for joy, but the U.S. 
attorney of the president asked to 
appeal it to the Supreme Court. 

This time a challenging figure 
entered the case. The sixth Presi- 
dent of the United States John 
Quincy Adams. He was angry by 
the Partisanship of the Democratic 
president. He forced through con- 
gress a resolution calling for full 
disclosure of all official correspon- 
dence dealing with the case. 

The President was still persistant. 
So, during a mini hearing of 
whether the court should hear the 
case, John Quincy Adams spoke 
for four and a half hours. There 
was a breathless hush as Adams 
finished his moving oration, less 
than a month later, on March 9, 
1841, the court denied the govern- 
ment's appeal and ordered that the 



Amistad Africans be set free im- 
mediately. 

The sequel was almost as moving 
as a long and stirring drama. The 
liberated slaves were sent to 
school and given religious instruc- 
tion for nearly a year in Fram- 
ington, Connecticut. Then they 
were taken back to Sierra Leone, 
accompanied by missionaries hop- 
ing to spread the gospel among the 
Mendi tribesmen. 

They met with tragedy when they 
returned to Africa. Cinque' found 
that his father, his wife, and his 
children all had been captured by 
rival tribes and sold into slavery. 
He returned to the interior and 
took over as chief of the town. 

In 1846, four societies were 
created to further the cause of the 
Amistad captives. With the funds 
they had, they worked very hard to 
educate Black Americans. They 
founded Berea College, and before 
the civil war they founded Hamp- 
ton Institute. Throughout the cen- 
tury others associated to help build 
Howard, Fisk, Atlanta, Talladga, Le- 
Moyne, Tougaloo Dillard and Tillo- 
ston, colleges, and universities. A 
legacy to show a small band of 
slaves struggled so courageously 
for freedom. 




LAURIE SPINELLI 



42 



INTERVIEW WITH 
TON! CADE BAMBARA 



by Deborah C. Jackson 

What experiences influenced your 
decision to become a writer? Do 
you feel that you were given the 
gift to write. 

I began story telling as a pre- 
reading child; that is, I would scrib- 
ble in the margins of nny daddy's 
newspapers and scrawl long unde- 
ciphrable tales on the white square 
of paper my mama's stocking came 
wrapped around. I never had any 
notion of 'career' or 'profession.' I 
simply wanted to learn things, 
travel, and train myself to be of 
service to the Black community. 
I've worked as a social worker, uni- 
versity professor, community or- 
ganizer — writing all the time. I 
came from a household that was 
supportive of any decision, act, or 
attitude that seemed to be based 
on good judgment. Had I decided 
to be a doctor, a circus clown, a 
space cadette, or a cop — I 
would've received the same non- 
intervention support. Ifs been 
clear to everyone around me 
throughout my life that I know 
what I'm doing and that I do not 
make decisions about my time, 
energy, and gifts based on any- 
thing, finally, but my own convic- 
tions about what my work in this 
world is. Writing is one of the ways 
I do my work in the world, one of 
the ways I participate in the 
development of the Black commu- 
nity, one of the ways I participate 
in the struggle against material/cul- 
tural/spiritual oppression. 



You were born and raised in New 
York, what made you move to At- 
lanta? 

I grew up in New York during the 
be-bop era, that polyrhythmic/en- 
ergetic period kicked off in the 40's 
when Dizzy Gillespie announced 
that the Black experience could 
not be rendered in 3/4 time. The 
'voice' of my work has been, for a 
long time, 6/8 urbane be-bop in 
pitch and pace. Frequent sojourns 
to the South encouraged me to ex- 
pand my reportoire and include 
the gospel and blues modes. The 
Salt Eaters, for example, combines 
the jazz mode — the novel is struc- 
tured as a jazz suite — with the 
gospel and blues voice(s) and char- 
acters. That would not have been 
possible had I not a)written my 
way into it through stories like "The 
Survivor" in the Gorilla, My Love 
collection of 1972 and "The Organ- 
izer's Wife" in The Seabirds Are Still 
Alive collection of 1977 b)moved 
south in 1974 and observed and 
absorbed the particular pitch, 
pace, and voice of this place. On 
the rational side — I moved from 
New York to Atlanta because I had 
completed that phase of my work, 
namely, developing a cadre of 
young folk at City College and the 
Livingston campus of Rutgers Uni- 
versity, and was eager to relocate 
to a place where I could sit down 
and write without fear of starving 
to death without a job. On the in- 
tuitive side — I came to Atlanta be- 
cause it is a mystic city rich in meta- 
physical-training possibilities. Peo- 



ple adept in clairvoyance, dream 
analysis, telepathy, healing, and 
precognition are in abundance 
here. It has a good place to both 
expand my vision and the afore- 
mentioned reportoire. 
In your book "The Salt Eaters" you 
write about spiritual powers, what 
part does mysticism have in your 
writing and are these forces real for 
you? In particular the character 
Velma is fighting between except- 
ing her spiritual powers and politi- 
cal beliefs. How do you explain her 
becoming her own making a 
choice? 

The novel The Salt Eaters began as 
a lengthy entry in my journal. I had 
been observing over the years as a 
community worker, a cultural 
worker, that there is a gap be- 
tween that camp we might call our 
warriors — activists, guerilla 
historians, political theorists — and 
our medicine people — spiritualists, 
adepts in the mysteries. It stuck me 
as an unfortunate, wasteful, dan- 
gerous split. I jotted down some 
notes in an attempt to figure out 
why it is that, not since the Santo 
Domingo revolution — one of the 
most important revolutions of all 
times and the most neglected, not 
studied revolutions — have those 
two camps have not merged. It 
struck me then as it strikes me now 
that the split is an aspect of our op- 
pression, our having fallen under 
the spell of Western thinking that 
argues dialectical material historici- 
ty as though you can have a dialec- 
tic without the spiritual. The jour- 



43 



nal entries became longer and 
longer. I then attempted to write a 
simple short story about a Mardi 
Cras society that elects to re-enact 
an old slave insurrection as part of 
its festival pageantry. The story was 
to be a 'call' to Africans under the 
spell of European reductionism, a 
summons back to holism, the 
melding of the spiritual and the 
material realities, the sacred and 
the 'scientific' world view(s). Next 
thing I knew I had a novel on my 
hands, a novel in which I could 
make several calls for merging — 
through the Academy of the 7 Arts, 
a call to blend the spiritual/soci- 
al/political/etc; through the Infir- 
mary, the blending of traditional 
and modern medical practices, in 
short, the metaphysical approach 
to disease and disorder and the 
physical approach; through The 
Seven Sisters, a metaphor of both 
the Pleides constellation and the 
DNA molecule, a call to the daugh- 
ters of the ancient mother cultures 
to rescue each other from the con- 
straints of European hegemony 
and unite. Velma, who had been 
straddling the two camps and 
fallen into the gap, is rescued by 
two adepts, Minnie Ransom the 
healer and Sophie the wise wom- 
an. I am arguing throughout the 
book the necessity of resisting the 
bite of the serpent and becoming 
splintered. I am arguing the birth- 
right of wholeness, wholesome- 
ness. 

Where do you get ideas for your 
books and do you use personal ex- 
periences or look into the black 
community for ideas? 
The critic Eleanor Traylor, whose 
piece on The Salt Eaters called "My 
Soul Looks Back In Wonder" {First 
World, Summer 1981) remains the 
most passionate and cogent discus- 
sion of the novel to date, has 
stated that my work in general is 



an exploration of the Black com- 
munity, its mores, its preoccupa- 
tions, its modes. In the two vol- 
umes of short stories it is crystal- 
clear that I examine the terrain, 
physical and dynamic, in both anal- 
ytic terms of the ghetto and affec- 
tionate term.s of the community. It 
is my job, as I see it, to critique the 
deficiences and celebrate the vic- 
tories in an attempt to coax both 
myself and the reader to see more 
and dare more, in stories like "Go- 
rilla" and others in which the pro- 
tagonist/narrator is a young girl, the 
depictions of betrayal, of the viola- 
tion of the adult/child contract, 
were drawn, frequently, from ob- 
served injustices. For example, 
"Gorilla," the story of a girl whose 
uncle promised to marry her when 
she grew up, was triggered by an 
incident at a puppet show. Some 
kids in Brooklyn years ago were 
putting on a show. Lots of kids had 
come and were waiting. One or 
two parents had come and were 
waiting. The kids backstage were 
eager to begin. The program direc- 
tor went to the mike and said that 
the show would be delayed until 
"people come." The kids went into 
a slump. All along they had 
thought they were people, thought 
they counted. I went off, "How 
rude, how disrespectful . . . blah 
blah blah." On the subway going 
home I began to think of numerous 
examples that illustrate how grown 
ups de-spirit youngsters in a care- 
less way. "And don't even say they 
sorry," the story ends. 
What are your feelings on the 
Wayne Williams trial and how the 
media and police handled the slay- 
ings of the missing and murdered 
children? 

I do not want to discuss the Atlanta 
situation. I'm working on that book 
now and would rather not dissi- 
pate my energy blabbering. I prefer 



to invest that energy in getting the 
story out, the community's story, 
the story that never got told, the 
story whose edges were so distort- 
ed/eclipsed by the media and the 
cops' version of things that people 
throughout the country are asking 
all the wrong questions, like "Do 
you think Williams is guilty?" or 
"Do you think it was a fair trialT 
The book I am working on is not a 
whodunnit; I have no expertise in 
that area. It's a documentary narra- 
tive that reads like a novel in which 
I invite the reader to look at the 
Missing and Murdered Children 
case as one in a series of multiple 
killings that took place and is tak- 
ing place in Atlanta, to look at the 
case in light of what is happening 
throughout Blackamerica — the 
escalation of unprovoked attacks 
on Blacks physically, economically, 
culturally, politically — in hopes 
that a)we will begin to raise the 
correct questions b)will get more 
serious about establishing a com- 
munity organizer training institute 
c)establish a National Black Com- 
mission of Inquiry, a body we 
discussed forming after King's 
assassination d)establish a National 
Anti-Black Defamation League with 
muscle e)mount a National Chil- 
dren's Rights Movement. The ques- 
tion is not did Williams kill 2 out of 
the 28 on the 'official list" — no one 
raising questions about the 40 or 
so that never made it to the Task 
Force list. The question is, "Where 
are our armies and our naviesr 
Where our our investigative jour- 
nalists, our mobilizers and 
organizers, our combatants, our 
alarm clocks, our people with 
memories? I would prefer to get 
the book out before amnesia sets 
in and thoroughly befogs Atlan- 
ta. In all likelihood, the book will 
hit the stands as a Random House 
publication in Fall in 1982. 



44 



HAITIAN REFUGEES 



byjalica Battle 

Over the past decade, the Amer- 
ican government has had to deal 
with issues concerning the immigra- 
tion of refugees to the United States. 
One of the most frequent yet devi- 
ous of these issues is the severe 
problem of the Haitian refugees 
flocking into this country. For in- 
stance, back in 1977, all Haitians 
were granted work permits. Lists 
were drawn, complete with names 
and addresses of the illegal Haitian 
aliens in the United States. Thus, 
the identity of all those with no rec- 
ords of legal entry into the U.S. be- 
came known. 

A wave of persecution ensued, 
and in 1978 the Immigration and 
Naturalization Service began to ar- 
rest and deport. In a new lawsuit the 
National Council of Churches suc- 
ceeded in having the deportation 
orders reversed. 

By May of 1980, there was much 
pressure focused on Washington's 
reluctance to grant asylum to the 
desperate Haitian boat people, as 
was granted to thousands of Cuban 
refugees in the previous years. But, 
the U.S. had long insisted that, un- 
like the Cubans, the Haitians ille- 
gally pouring into the Florida coast- 
line were ineligible for asylum be- 
cause they were fleeing from eco- 
nomic conditions and not political 
repression. 

With the admission of some 4,000 
Cubans, civil-rights activists 
charged that the Cubans, who are 
mostly white, had been getting 
unwarranted preference over the 
Haitians, almost all of whom are 
black. 

The United States denies any ra- 
cial connection. Stating that "to 
open the doors for the Haitians 
would force U.S. to admit unlimited 
numbers from other impoverished 
nations as well." 

Some advocates admitted that 
Haitian refugees once contended 
that President Carter may have 
been reluctant to admit Haitians 
openly for fear of inviting trouble 



with Haiti's President for Life, Jean- 
Claude Duvalier. 

As many as 35,000 Haitians are 
believed to have entered the U.S. il- 
legally during the past decade. Ef- 
forts by the U.S. immigration au- 
thorities to hold back the invasion 
have been challenged in federal 
court by a coalition of civil-rights 
groups and the National Council of 
Churches. Lawyers for the refugees 
positively declared that the U.S. had 
been running an assembly-line sys- 
tem to deport the Haitians, denying 
them their rights. 

More deportations were barred by 
a U.S. District Court in Miami until 
a determination as to whether Hai- 
tians would be entitled to political 
asylum. 

An assistant to the manager of 
Dade County, Florida, was quoted 
as saying, "If this were high enough 
on the agenda of international prob- 
lems, it could be resolved easily. But 
as far as Washington is concerned, 
they are not here." 

Eleven refugees who were herded 
through a quick immigration hear- 
ing in Miami on June of 1981, were 
the first to be sent home under the 
new U.S. policy of deporting all Hai- 
tians who had arrived illegally since 
mid-May of 1981. Following that de- 
portation, nearly one-hundred more 
Haitians, who had been found simi- 
larily unacceptable and ordered to 
leave, angrily awaited judicial re- 
views of their cases. They realized 
that if the Immigration and Natural- 
ization Service had its way, flights 
back to Haiti would become com- 
mon, and the surge of illegal Haitian 
immigrants could be staunched. 
Consequently, in December of 
1981, a court freed the INS to throw 
out unauthorized Haitians. 

So the intention of the new firmer 
measures is to rid the U.S. of the 
most recently arrived Haitian il- 
legals. But, the government also 
hopes to discouraged would-be im- 
migrants still in Haiti. Yet, no mat- 
ter how fast the U.S. deports the 
Haitians, their bleak prospects will 
doubtlessly continue to urge them 



toward a country that does not want 
them. 

Still, civil libertarians and social 
workers claim that the new INS 
policy which permits prefunctory, 
closed hearings, is unfair to the 
bewildered, mostly illiterate Hai- 
tians. Now critics challenge the gov- 
ernment's presumption that Haitians 
come here for economic reasons, so 
they are not ineligible for political 
asylum. On the other hand, most 
Cuban arrivals, are assumed to be 
fleeing from Communism. Some of 
the lawyers for the refugees charge 
that it's racist to single out Haitians, 
95% of whom are black, for exclu- 
sion. A former leader of the Boston 
Haitian community, who now heads 
Miami's Haitian Refugee Center, 
stated that the Reagan Administra- 
tion's new immigration policy has in 
fact, singled out Haitian refugees 
because they are black. The INS, 
like many U.S. institutions has 
many ways to practice institutional 
racism. 

The NAACP, the Congressional 
Black Causus, and others have 
joined in condemning a Reagan ex- 
ecutive order that the President 
hopes to make into law. 

On September 29, 1981, Reagan 
issued the executive order establish- 
ing the interdiction (stopping and 
returning) of Haitian vessels on the 
high seas. Since then, the Coast 
Guard with the INS has been inter- 
dicting such vessels. Under INS op- 
erating procedure, each Coast 
Guard ship carries two INS officials 
and two interpreters. The officials 
interview the passengers, investigat- 
ing why they're leaving Haiti and 
where they're going. They return 
the vessel of they believe an offense 
against the U.S. policy is being com- 
mitted. The refugees aboard ship 
were not told of their rights to re- 
quest asylum. 

Under a bill introduced in Con- 
gress on October 22, 1981, the ad- 
ministration wants to make law of 
the policy of interdiction and deten- 
tion of certain immigrants. The key 
parts of the 10-point plan would le- 



45 



galize interdiction; set up non-re- 
viewable asylum hearings and limit 
attorney participation in them; and 
establish an emergency provision 
under which the President could or- 
der the detention of any immigrant 
from a specified country. 

Organizations and political lead- 
ers have reacted strongly to the Rea- 
gan bill and its apparent focus on 
the Haitians. The NAACP called the 
pohcy of interdiction, "a barbaric 
assault on human freedom." This 
policy may also violate the United 
States' UN commitments to political 
refugees. 

A Democratic Republican from 
Washington, D.C., speaking on 
behalf of the 18-member Black 
Causus, said that the new Haitian 
policy coupled with the alarming 
U.S tih toward the racist govern- 
ment in South Africa ... are still all 
indicative of this administration's 
total disregard for the human 
rights of all black people. 

American black leaders and the 
NAACP angrily called on the Rea- 
gan Administration (October, 1981) 
to end," a barbaric assault on hu- 
man freedom" by rescinding the in- 
terdiction order against Haitian 
boats loaded with illegal aliens 
bound for the United States. 

At a news conference at NAACP' s 
headquarters in New York City (Oc- 
tober, 1981), the deputy executive 
director called for a Congressional 
inquiry into the plight of the Haitian 
refugees and said his organization 
would prepare a case for submission 
to the United Nations. 

He also said the association would 
seek to determine," if there are vio- 
lations of international law taking 
place, as we believe there must be, 
when human rights of a people are 
so brazenly ignored." 

In essence. The Vietnamese, East- 
ern Europeans, and particularly the 
Cubans all come to the United 
States and encounter no immigra- 
tion problems. They find jobs, send 
their children to school, and have 
access to housing and health care. 
On the contrary, the Haitians get 
nothing, but disdain and hatred. 



SOLIDARITY DAY 



by Phillip Martin 

On September 19, 1981 about 200 
UMass students, including myself, 
went to Washington, D.C. to ex- 
press outrage about the policies of 
the Reagan administration. More 
than a quarter of a million people 
were there protesting, on a day 
known as Solidarity Day. Thou- 
sands of people from all over the 
country participated and enjoyed 
themselves in a protest that was 
festive, as well as very serious. 

This AFL-CIO sponsored protest, 
which began at the Washington 
monument, had 17 major speakers 
including Lane Kirkland president 
of the AFL-CIO. Coretta Scott King, 
president of the Martin Luther King 
center for non-violent social change, 
made a connection between this 
protest against the Reagan adminis- 
tration and the civil rights move- 
ment of the 1960's. "Let this demon- 
station be a clear signal to the law- 
makers that American working peo- 
ple of all races will not suffer in 
silence while the architects of reac- 
tion seek to shatter the hard-won 
social and economic gains of the last 
50 years". 

This protest marked the first time 
since the 1963 march on Washing- 
ton that the American Federation of 
Labor and Congress of Industrial 
Organization (AFL-CIO) and the 
civil rights movement demonstrated 
such mutual support. It was em- 
phasized that the majority of 
Americans do not support President 
Reagan's programs. Reagonomics is 
designed to decentralize the federal 
government. This decentralization 
would have a tremendous effect on 
black people in this country. For ex- 
ample there would be no affir- 
mative action programs, and, when 
minorities were discriminated 
against, there would be virtually no 
place to go to for help. As it stands 
now the federal government acts as 
a medium to control such powers. 

The primary reason for owning a 
business is to make profits. But 
sometimes businessmen become so 
obsessed and overwhelmed with 
making profits, they cannot be 
trusted. Therefore a set of mechan- 
isms are built to force them to be- 
have in a honest manner. One of 



these mechanisms can be govern- 
ment. Without government inter- 
vention businessmen tend to disre- 
gard those who aren't as fortunate. 
Minorities in the United States are 
less fortunate than others. So this is 
indeed directly affecting the black 
population here in America. Ameri- 
ca is supposed to be the land of milk 
and honey were everyone has an 
equal chance to succeed. This will 
not happen if government doesn't 
intervene, because business corpo- 
rations will get greedy and try to 
subdue the proletariate. This is 
realized not only by the black popu- 
lation but by the American working 
class in general. The evidence is in 
the rally held on Solidarity Day in 
which energies were not focused 
toward rasism but, to abolishing 
tyrannical oppression. Historically 
blacks have always been concerned 
with this because they were being 
hated and discriminated against be- 
cause of color. Whites didn't realize 
that while they were discriminating 
against blacks the same game was 
being played on them. President 
Reagan has made it evident to both 
blacks and whites a like, that he 
supports business. During the era of 
an independent CIO which was 
1935-1955, the CIO believed in 
equality. But in 1955 they merged 
with the AF of L, which did not 
have the same views concerning 
black people's equality. 

In the days when the CIO was 
economically sound, they supported 
equality no matter what race creed 
or color. "Negro workers, join the 
CIO union in your industry. The 
CIO welcomes you. It gives you 
strength to win justice and fair play. 
The CIO unites you with fellow 
workers of all races and all creeds in 
the common struggle for freedom, 
for democracy, for a better life." 
The causes of the decline of CIO 
strength related to the AFL in the 
decade preceding their merger need 
not be addressed here. What is im- 
portant is that they demonstrated 
the degree to which the CIO de- 
pended on forces outside itself — in 
the economy and in the political ap- 
paratus — to achieve the kind of 
change in the economic status of 
Negro workers to which it was 
deeply committed in principle. 



46 



When these forces were favorable, 
the CIO could defy the AFL and suc- 
cessfully prove that it could deliver, 
at least to a degree, those im- 
provements which had never had 
real meaning for the AFL or most of 
its affiliates. But when these forces 
lost strength, particularly in politi- 
cal life, defiance became a hollow 
and, possibly, a dangerous gesture. 
In essence what this is saying is that 
the CIO supported civil rights, the 
AFL did not. 

In 1955 when the two merged, the 
AFL had a dominant sense of views 
concerning equality. This resulted 
in the formation of the Negro Amer- 
ican Labor Council which more 
than a thousand Negros in labor 
unions formed as a way of combat- 
ing the forces compelled against 
them. The truth is the CIO policies 
and, attitudes on race had lost signif- 
icance before the merger. "At the 
same time, in industries where both 
AFL and CIO unions were actively 
organizing. The CIO's zeal for racial 
progress was often dampened by 
the presence of an AFL rival pre- 
pared to accommodate itself to local 
race prejudice; in these cases, quite 
often, CIO unions soft-pedaled their 
characteristic approach to race and 
accepted practices they would nor- 
mally have criticized. The conclu- 
sion seems inescapable that the CIO 
did much to change the rhetoric of 
our society's response to social 
evils, but less to alter permanently 
the substance of this response." In 
other words the CIO gave blacks the 
hope that unionism might offer a 
means to equality. Moreover when 
reinforcement was needed the CIO 
was nowhere to be found. By the 
time of the AFL-CIO merger blacks 
were becoming very disappointed 
with the CIO. 

In the early 60's blacks began to 
emphasize that they were demand- 
ing, not begging, white union 
leaders for their rights. The rela- 
tions between black and white 
unionist were symbolized by those 
between George Meany, president 
of the AFL-CIO, and A. Philip Ran- 
dolph, the recognized spokesman 
for black unionist. Dr. Martin 
Luther King Jr., who spoke at the 
1962 U. A. W. convention, noted the 
similarities between the civil rights 
movement and the labor struggle. 
"There are more ties of kinship be- 
tween labor and the Negro people 
than tradition . . . Negros need the 



same measures, even more desper- 
ately . . . Labor needs a wage — hour 
bill . . . labor needs housing legisla- 
tion . . . Negroes need housing legis- 
lated also. Labor needs an adequate 
old-age medical bill and so do Ne- 
gros . . . what labor needs, Negroes 
need; and simple logic therefore 
puts us side by side in the struggle 
for all elements in a decent standard 
of living". 

Even though the CIO claimed that 
they supported the civil rights 
movement, in actuality both the 
AFL and the CIO were not on 
favorable terms with the black com- 
munity. This was partly due to the- 
fact that blacks never did favor the 
AFL. When the two unions merged 
the AFL had two-thirds of the offi- 
cial governing positions including 
the presidency. "The N.A.A.C.P. 
charged the AFL-CIO unions with 

(1) excluding Negroes by constitu- 
tional provision and tacit consent; 

(2) discriminating against Negroes 
on job referrals; (3) maintaining 
separate lines of promotion which 
limited Negroes to menial jobs; and 
(4) maintaining segregated or aux- 
iliary locals. Also some of the main 
factors concerning the N.A.A.C.P. 
and the AFL-CIO came from person- 
al conflicts between the leaders of 
both organizations. The AFL-CIO 
leaders were disturbed with the 
N.A.A.C.P. charges because "The 
labor movement has done more for 
the Negro, with all its shortcom- 
ings, than any other group. No other 
organization, such as the National 
Association of Manufacturers and 
the Chamber of Commerce of the 
United States, have civil rights com- 
mittees". 

In contrasting the AFL-CIO with 
the civil rights movement two Black 
leaders come to mind. W.E.B. 
Dubois and Booker T. Washington, 
both of whom were concerned with 
the education and welfare of Blacks. 
Dr. Dubois was considered more 
radical because of the fact he 
demanded equal rights. On the 
other hand Booker T. Washington 
wanted to hold off on equality until 
hardwork, industrial education and 
alliances' with employers improved 
their economic position relative to 
whites. When analyzing both men's 
views it seems that the AFL-CIO 
was more inclined to share those of 
Booker T. Washington. Thus the 
N.A.A.C.P. inherit the more radical 
view of W.E.B. Dubois. 



By 1955 blacks considered the 
radical approach to be much better. 
The CIO was professing to support 
civil rights, when in actuality they 
were not actively giving that sup- 
port. For the most part Blacks, and 
the N.A.A.C.P. in particular, did not 
appreciate this. 

In conclusion it seems that the 
AFL-CIO has supported the civil 
rights movement in recent years. 
Both are struggling for the same 
cause. "What labor needs, Negroes 
need, and simple logic puts us side 
by side". This is most evident in the 
march that took place on September 
19, 1981, in Washington, D.C. The 
day known as Solidarity Day, in 
which blacks and whites, unions 
and non-unionist, churches, col- 
leges, students, teachers, leaders 
and followers from all over the 
country joined in Solidarity, and 
thereby stressed the fact that Amer- 
ica is a democracy which is run by 
the people. This is our country the 
land of the free and the home of the 
brave. 

FOOTNOTES 

All footnotes are gathered from the 

Black Workers and Organized Labor 

written by Bracey — Meier — Rud- 

wick. 

1 The CIO and The Negro Worker. 
Together For Victory — CIO pub- 
lication no. 63. 

2 Black Workers and Organized 
Labor — Bracey — Meier — Rud- 
wick 

3 Martin Luther King Jr. 1962 
U.A.W. 

4 In The South, N.A.A.C.P. charged 

5 Charles Zinnerman chairman of 
the AFL-CIO Civil Rights Com- 
mittee 



47 



Sisters . . . 

continued from page 35 

Everyone laughs and agrees with 
her. 

"Yes, but they don't view women 
as a threat," continued Jean, "not 
even their own women. But when 
we liberate ourselves, our men 
shall stand there beside us." 

Angelcalisha adds, "Well, I hope 
they will. Quite a few will stand by 
their women." 

"Well, honey don't worry about 
those fools," advised Mrs. Johnson. 
"I've always heard that the blacker 
the berry the sweeter the juice and 
they'll find that out." Again the 
room is filled with laughter as the 
women begin to feel more comfor- 
table and settle down in a deep 
conversation. Finally, the laughter 
subsides and the serious mood 
now controls the atmosphere. 

A large woman then enters the 
discussion. She is very dark and 
very beautiful. She looks comforta- 
ble in her jeans and sweater. She 
wears no make-up, apparently pre- 
ferring the natural look. She says, 
"My name is Lydia and I have a 
man problem too, I can't find one." 
At this moment, laughter again fills 
the room. "But not only that ," she 
continues, "1 can't find friends 
either. People are anti-fat. People 
seem to ignore me unless they are 
making fun of me. They don't 
realize that fat people have feel- 
ings too. So, I am alone most of the 
time. I'm just a plain Black fat 
woman. I am not a raving beauty, 
very talented nor brilliant Black 
woman. I don't smoke weed, take 
pills or drink. I am not rich nor do I 
rub noses with those in high 
places. So I guess everyone thinks I 
am a big bore, when I say big I 
don't use the term lightly. But I am 
a lot of fun, only I don't get the 
chance to prove it. I wonder would 
all be better if I was skinnyr 

"Not necessarily" answers Angel- 
calisha. "I am skinny and I have 
problems too. I think that 
Americans place too much em- 
phasis on looks. There is this pic- 
ture of the perfect woman, or man, 
perfect weight, height, size and all 
and so many people spend a life 



time trying to be like that image. 
We as Black people have also 
adapted this idea and we too have 
come to judge beauty much dif- 
ferently than our ancestors." 

"That's true," says Jeanette, 
"because I can relate to that. Your 
hair, skin, and everything has to be 
just right. Everyone wants to be a 
model or look like one. You would 
think that people would realize 
that everyone is not made the 
same size and shape." 

"Yea, and what makes one so 
much betteKn the other," adds 
Deborah. 

A cold looking woman then adds 
her thoughts, "I've seen all the 
things you all have been discuss- 
ing. But 1 decided long ago not to 
let anybody use me, no man, no 
white folks, nobody. I have never 
cried for nothing. 1 have never 
cared about being accepted or 
popular. I make my own party and 
dance to my own music. I'm not 
saying that everybody can do that 
and I am not saying that its the 
best way to be, but if s comfortable 
for me. I can't be bothered with the 
hassles. My coldness is not a 
defense mechanism either, in case 
someone wants to pull that psych 
jive on me. It's a survival 
mechanism, baby, and I mean to 
survive." 

Jeanette then turns to an elderly 
woman and asks, "What do you 
think about all this? You have been 
very quiet." 

The hard work and hardships 
shows on the old woman's face. 
The wrinkles in her face are more 
like decorative lines. Her hands are 
scarred and the skin has been torn 
and bruised many time. Her hair is 
almost all gray but is beauty in the 
wonder of age. She speaks slowly, 
"Well, I tell you, I have worked all 
my life. I have scrubbed floors, 
wash clothes, carried wood, pick 
cotton, tote coal and most ever- 
thing else. I didn't have no edu- 
cation but I wanted my chilluns to 
git it. I went to church and I believe 
in the Lord. No matter what these 
hea folks say nowadays, I still be- 
lieves in the Lord, 'cause he has 
brought me a mightly long way. 



Now a lot done happen to our 
peoples. It 'pears like the worl' we 
live in has us so mixed up, 'til we 
don' know where we headed. 
We've been divided every since 
we been heK. We must lurn to love 
and respect each other, thafs it. I 
hear 'bout womens rights and I 
laugh. I been doing mens work all 
my life and a many Black women 
has been doing it too. But we still 
didn't get paid no better. See my 
hands, these scars came from 
workin' in the foundry. I could do 
anythin' a man could do in my day 
and 'bout could do better some of 
these younguns now. But it was 
good to have a man who knowed 
dat you had to work, but still 
'predated you and stuck by you 
and your chilluns. So you see I've 
seen those things /all talkin' 'bout. 
But we's strong women and its 
time for us to take a stand. Don't 
give up. Our mamas made it and 
we have to make and our 
daughters will have to make it." 

The other women are as if they 
were cast under a spell by the 
words of the old woman. Now 
there is total silence and they all 
seem to be miles away as they sit 
in a pensive mood. The strength of 
the words spoken by the old wom- 
an seem to pierce the hearts and 
minds of all of them. Everything 
was summarized by the old wom- 
an. Jean finally looks from one 
woman to the other and sees them 
in their different worlds but also in 
the same world. There is a special 
glow on her face as she smiles for 
now she knows that she can de- 
pend on these women. She finally 
speaks, "I am so happy that you all 
decided to come. But this is only 
the beginning. We can share our 
experiences with other young 
Black women no matter what walk 
of life they are in. We can provide 
them with support that they may 
not have had in this cruel cold 
world." 

They all agree with Jean. Jean 
then adds, "This center shall me 
more than a center, but a home for 
the thoughts and needs of Black 
women. And thafs the way it 
should be for we are all sisters!" 



48 



YEAR OF CIVILITY 



Vote: On December 6, 1979 the 
'Chancellor of the University ofMassa- 
■husetts at Amherst announced the 
brmation of the Commission on Civili- 
y in Human Relations; a 16 member 
mdy charged with identifying and re- 
icting to allegations of racism, sexism 
md anti-semitism at the institution, 
^he following is an assessment of its 
brmation, actions and problems, as 
veil as, the conditions that created it 
md those that will spell its success or 
ailure. 

A banner flew again in the streets 
)f Boston "In Memory of William F. 
Vtkinson" on Monday, March 22, 
.982. It drew attention to the death 
)f another Black resident of that ra- 
:ially divided city that continues to 
ake lives because its "covenant" 
:an't seem to contain its racial vio- 
lence. Racial conflicts also flared at 
Charlestown High where on Sep- 
tember 28, 1979 Darryl Williams 
was shot and totally paralyzed by a 
white youth. The calls for justice fall 
on deaf ears, the champions of civil- 
ization still lay sleep in a coma of 
apathy and self-interest. Boston 
tried its "Covenant" campaign to 
rouse the slumbering populous from 
the unconsciousness of racial intol- 
erance but the convenant failed. 

Death moved behind the sun from 
East and West and visited its chilly 
hands on Amherst, Massachusetts. 
September, 1978 semester opened 
with the murder of Seta Rampersad; 
a Black UMass senior whose naked, 
bruised body was found in a South 
Deerfield motel room. Incidents be- 
gan to increase with the maiming of 
Jill Dickensen, the death of Jose 
Pontes, fires set to a black student 
mural and the Afro- American Stud- 
ies Department and numerous other 
acts of racial violence flared as a rag- 
ing storm. Yet in Amherst, no offi- 
cials took action, no covenant was 
consummated. 

A "campaign to combat racism" 
was formed by students, faculty and 
staff at the University to deal with 
the rapid rate of racial violence. Stu- 
dents noted that on 5-7-79, the ad- 
ministration claimed they "stand 
ready to act decisively and we call 
upon the entire campus community 
to join us in our crusade to eradicate 
racism, sexism and violence of any 
sort." However, the crusaders 
steered a ship with no rudder and 




by Tony Crayton 

sails without wind on a crusade of 
silence and inactivity. The deaths 
went unpunished, the assaults un- 
answered and the fires burned a 
brand on Amherst like its name- 
sake; the smallpox murderer Lord 
Jeffrey. No crusade to eradicate ra- 
cism or sexism ever materialized. 
They had captains without a crew 
and the flag ship Amherst charted a 
course for retrenchment. 

On April 27, 1979 the "Campaign 
to Combat Racism" called a press 
conference to announce its pro- 
posals to address the problems of 
racial violence at UMass. The organ- 
izers; Stan Kinard of the Third 
World Affairs Office, Doug Morton 
of the Student Center for Educa- 
tional Research and Advocacy and a 
number of students from the Center 
for Racial Studies and the Third 
World Women's Task Force, called 
for proposals on curriculum reform 
naming of buildings after Third 
World people and investigations 
into the case of Seta Rampersad. 
Out of that campaign came a full 
time position dealing with Anti- 
Racism work to further coordinate 
the efforts. 

Despite this effort, it still pro- 
duced no action by the administra- 
tion or faculty Governance groups. 
Administrative action was to be in- 
itiated not by this rapidly dis- 
sapating group of Anti-Racist or- 
ganizers, but by an unexpected 
group of faculty called the Jewish 
Faculty Interest Group. 



They met with Henry Koffler; the 
UMass Chancellor, on December 
3rd 1979; concerned over anti- 
semitism on campus. In a press 
release they cited a "regular appear- 
ance of anti-semitric articles and ed- 
itorials in the Collegian; the student 
newspaper and Nummo News; a 
Third World publication distributed 
in the Collegian. They claimed that 
the anit-semitic articles created "a 
climate in which Jewish students 
live in intimidation and fear." 

Many Third World students were 
angered by the attempt to identify 
Nummo News as anti-semitic, par- 
ticularly by a faculty group that was 
all white and never heard of before. 
Third World faculty had an equal 
feeling of suspicion about the 
fingers pointing and most remain to 
this day outside of any involvement 
with the events that were to unfold. 

On December 6th 1979, before 
the Faculty Senate, Chancellor Kof- 
fler announced the creation of the 
Commission on Civility in Human 
Relations as a response to the Jewish 
faculty group's meeting three days 
before. The Commission was 
charged with addressing issues of 
racism, sexism as well as anti- 
semitism. An impatient Jews Facul- 
ty Interest group then waited and 
prodded for the announced Com- 
mission to be named. They publical- 
ly criticized the "absence of ad- 
ministrative commitment to the 
Judaic Studies Program," and they 
accused Koffler of taking a position 
of non-support "for the program 
they felt was "withering away." 

It took Koffler two months to for- 
mally announce the creation of the 
Commission of 18 members and se- 
lect their names. It was "charged 
with identifying incidents and ex- 
pressions of racism, sexism, anti-se- 
mitism and other inhumane actions 
and attitudes on the Amherst cam- 
pus." The press release issued by 
the Chancellor's office cited "re- 
ports of several anti-semitic inci- 
dents as the reason for the creation 
of the Commission." Since many 
still believe that the "reported inci- 
dents" are suspect, it seems more 
plausible that the "civility" (polite- 
ness) effort was also to offset the 
"Zoo Mass" image made more fam- 
ous by the notorious article: 
"UMass Horrors" by Megan Marsh- 



49 



all. In the highly circulated Boston 
Magazine article, Marshall de- 
scribes the UMass campus as resem- 
bling "an urban slum" where "vio- 
lence is epidemic." She painted a 
picture of a campus where "every 
student has friends who were 
mugged, raped or even killed." Add 
the UMass Horrors to the Hallo- 
ween vandalism of 15,000 dollars 
damage and the racial violence and 
the blend of exaggeration and fact 
produced a "Civility" Commission. 
The Chair of the Commission was 
picked along with a distingished and 
not so distinguished list of faculty. 
On February 14, 1980 with Zoology 
professor; Dethier as Chair, the 
Commission began to conquer the 
"Zoo Mass" jungle and bring 
"Civility" to the campus communi- 
ty. Many from the Campaign to 
Combat Racism sat and waited. 

The Chancellor's Commission 
soon came out with their first report 
on the origins and purpose of the 
commission and its recommenda- 
tions. It became clear from its 
skeletal summary that something 
good could take root. They divided 
into five work committees; Campus 
Involvement, Education, Student 
Support Service, Physical Environ- 
ment and Residential Life. 

They recommended five objec- 
tives: one; the establishment of an 
Office of Human Relations, Curricu- 
lum Reform through integration of 
courses dealing with racism, sexism 
and anti-semitism for all students; 
citing the curriculum proposal by 
the Campaign to Combat Racism, a 
Lecture Series, Micro-College on 
civility and campus wide activities. 

It was through the idea of the 
Micro-College that the Commis- 
sion's coordinating committee came 
to being and remains as the princi- 
ple body that gives credibility to the 
effort. Two hundred people attend- 
ed the June 5, 1981 conference and 
divided into 9 work groups. They 
recommended that the next Fall se- 
mester be referred to as the begin- 
ning of the "Year Toward Civility" 
and it would officially begin Sep- 
tember 24th, the date of the Convo- 
cation ceremony. They also planned 
to hold "Awareness Days" of lec- 
tures, workshops, concerts, ex- 
hibits, and other special programs. 
Chancellor Koffler announced in a 
memo dated 3-18-81 further details 
of the Commission's work and di- 
rected Vice Chancellor Madson's of- 



fice to prepare the Rules and Regu- 
lations manual to reflect sanctions 
for violations regarding civility 
issues. That however never oc- 
curred. They only real change was 
the Civility logo on the cover and it 
continued to demonstrate that 
"Civility" was for students to 
change not the administrators 
themselves. 

The June Micro-College produced 
however, a broad spectrum of staff, 
students and faculty work groups 
that energetically began to imple- 
ment the recommendations drafted. 
By the beginning of the semester a 
"Civility" Logo was designed with a 
dove whose wings extended to 
hands with t-shirts, posters and 
logos stating "Human Rights Start 
Here." The Academic Resources 
Work Group produced a "Guide to 
Undergraduate Courses on the 
Issues of Racism, Sexism and Anti- 
Semitism" that was made available 
for September registration. The 
Training Resources Work Group 
published an extensive list called 
the "Training and Program Re- 
sources Guide" for specialists in 
civility issues. The "Awareness 
Days" programs were organized by 
the Special Activities and Programs 
Work Group as well as plans for a 
Civility Lecture Series. "The Year 
Toward Civility" was ready to 
begin. 

It should be noted however, the 
civil environment under which this 
"Year Toward CiviUty" began, 
since that environment paints a pic- 
ture of its timeliness as well as its 
tardiness in producing an institu- 
tional response to "incivility." 

1979 and 1980 were years of 
previously mentioned racial turmoil 
in Amherst that was part of a trend 
that had been occurring on a yearly 
basis prior to that period. The year 
1981 began as no exception. The 
Chronicle of Higher Education; Jan. 
12, 1981 had a front page lead arti- 
cle entitled "New Outbreaks of 
Cross Burnings and Racial Slurs 
Worries Colleges," by Lorenzo Mid- 
dleton. Death threats, racially de- 
rogatory graffiti and cross-burnings 
surged across New England col- 
leges. Harvard, Purdue, Wesleyan, 
Cornell Universities, as well as, 
Williams College and others were 
plagued with racist activity re- 
flecting the general upsurge across 
the nation. It mirrored the 22 caliber 
murders in New York, the fear from 



the 28 murdered children in Atlanta 
and the 8 state sniper murders of 
Blacks by avowed racist Joseph 
Franklin. It also reflected the tide of 
anit-Black sentiment aroused by the 
first President to be officially en- 
dorsed by the ku-klux-klan; Ronald 
Reagan or "Ray-gun," who began 
his term overturning bussing orders, 
dismantling the Office of Civil 
Rights, cutting the Legal Services 
Corp., Welfare, Food Stamps, Fi- 
nancial Aid, Voter Rights and nu- 
merous other government safe- 
guards for minority rights. Third 
World people and the poor were 
falling like stones through Reagan's 
supposed "safety net." Colleges and 
Universities throughout New 
England all reacted to the racism as 
"drunken pranks" or didn't react at 
all by looking at student responses 
as sufficient show that it "galvan- 
ized" their communities instead of 
dividing them. 

Vincent Dethier; chairman of the 
Civility Commission was quoted as 
saying that the Commission was 
"considering a recommendation 
that would require all students to at- 
tend some type of program designed 
to develop an awareness of the 
rights and sensibilities of other peo- 
ple." Harvard University's Dean 
Archie Epps condemned the inci- 
dents and initiated a study of race 
relations at Harvard and Frank 
Rhodes; president of Cornell 
claimed that his administration gave 
a high priority to such issues. 

Institutional policy or curriculum 
changes did not occur however, at 
any of these Colleges or Universities 
embarrassed by the racist activities 
of their communities of "higher 
learning." It was to come from a 
small private school; Mount Hol- 
yoke College through the work of 
their Committee on a Multi-Racial 
Community. They got the the col- 
lege to approve through their facul- 
ty a curriculum change that re- 
quired all students to take a "Third 
World Course Requirement." They 
sought and secured a curriculum 
change that they felt was identified 
in the "Principles of the College, for 
a common language of educated 
awareness, (and) rational discourse 
... in a diverse and increasingly 
divided world." 

The "Year Toward Civility" 

began September 25, 1981, within a 

background environment of racial 

continued on page 55 



50 



JAMAICA AND THE 
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND 



by Stephanie Glenn 

ABSTRACT 

This article will examine the 
political and economic conditions 
under which the International Mon- 
etary Fund (IMF) approves short- 
term loans for developing third 
world nation-states. The Caribbean 
island of Jamaica will be used as a 
case in point to illustrate the 
economic, as well as political pow- 
er, of the IMF. This case study will 
also examine the strained relations 
which existed between the Fund 
and former Prime Minister Michael 
Manley, and contrast it to the 
amiable relationship which Prime 
Minister Edward Seaga has estab- 
lished with this international lend- 
ing agency. The socio-economic and 
political viewpoints of both Manley 
and Seaga will be compared to ex- 
emplify the thesis that the Fund has 
institutionalized an economic policy 
which fosters dependency and 
therefore is more receptive to the 
pro-foreign investment policy of 
Prime Minister Edward Seaga, than 
it was to the democratic socialist 
ideology of Michael Manley. 
BACKGROUND 

A former British colony since 
1655, Jamaica became a politically 
independent nation-state on August 
6, 1961. Norman W. Manley, Mi- 
chael Manley' s father, was Prime 
Minister of Jamaica from 1955 to 
1962. From 1962 to 1968, Jamaica's 
foreign policy "was oriented toward 
creating the conditions favourable 
to foreign investors and perpetuat- 
ing inherited ties of economic and 
political dependence."' As Wendell 
Bell in Independent Jamaica Enters 
World Politics states: 

"From 1968 through 1971 it was tran- 
sitional becoming more venturesome 
in wanting new diplomatic relations 
and exploring a widened conception 
of alternative possibilities within the 
context of a growing sense of national 
identity. This was symbolized by the 
beginning of diplomatic relations 
with Ethiopia in 1968. From 1972 to 
the present it has been largely promo- 
tive, aimed at creating 'a new equilib- 
rium between domestic and interna- 
tional demands by changing both 
arguments.' "^ 



In 1972 and 1976 Michael Manley 
was chosen by the People's National 
Party as the Prime Minister of Ja- 
maica. Manley espoused the politi- 
cal platform of 'democratic social- 
ism' and while in office he estab- 
lished "open" diplomatic relations 
with Cuba, attempted to effectively 
coordinate Caribbean regional mar- 
kets and nationalized the bauxite in- 
dustries in Jamaica. 

In 1972 diplomatic relations 
opened between Cuba and Jamaica. 
In addition to a number of technical 
exchanges and reciprocal visits be- 
tween the two nation-states, then 
Prime Minister Manley visited Cuba 
in July of 1975. Although Manley 
denied that his relationship with 
President Fidel Castro of Cuba was 
an indication that Jamaica was mov- 
ing toward communism, western fi- 
nance ministers within the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund became sus- 
picious of his intentions and cau- 
tiously observed Jamaica's foreign 
policy vis a vis Cuba. (During his 
lecture at the University of Massa- 
chusetts on February 16, 1982, 
Manley clearly stated that he recog- 
nizes and respects Cuba's right to 
exist). 

Wendell Bell believes that Manley 
had economic and political motives 
other than communism, although 
"minor reciprocal agreements, like 
an exchange of students and crafts- 
men between the two countries, has 
been sighted as proof of a move by 
the administration toward Commu- 
nism. "^ Bell in Independent Jamaica 
Enters World Politics states: 

"Jamaica increasingly sought new 
relationships of trade, technical as- 
sistance, loans and direct aid from 
Communist in the mid-1970's. Jamai- 
ca like other small states, no longer 
felt that it must stay in one super- 
power's orbit or the others."'' 

Nevertheless, Manley's warm 
foreign policy toward Cuba and his 
close ties with Castro was perceived 
by western IMF ministers as dan- 
gerous. Eventually, Manley's rela- 
tions with Castro affected the "con- 
ditions" of the aid which Jamaica 
sought from the International Mone- 
tary Fund. 
In The Politics of Change, former 



Prime Minister Manley espouses his 
belief that Third World nation-states 
must go beyond their ideologies as 
well as rhetoric and collectively 
study, formulate and implement 
"specific programmes of action. "^ 
He advocates the principle of self- 
reliance through "the exploration of 
every single possibility of trade as 
between Third World countries to 
reduce dependency on developed 
market economies."^ Furthermore, 
Manley suggest that Third World 
nation-states should create their 
"own institutions for savings and 
development . . . and begin to ex- 
change information about technol- 
ogy since their own technological 
discoveries are often more likely to 
be relevant to each other's problems 
than the discoveries of more ad- 
vance nations."'' 

In 1973, greatly influenced by 
Manley's economic and political 
viewpoints, the finance ministers of 
Guyana, Barbados, Jamaica, Trini- 
dad and Tobago established the 
Caribbean Common Market or 
CARICOM. This organization pur- 
sued policies of regional economic 
cooperation. 

In the late 1960's, multinational 
corporations entered Jamaica's 
economy by acquisition and in com- 
petition with local entrepreneur's. 
Since the late 1960's multinational 
corporations have become powerful 
economic instruments and presently 
receive one-fifth of the world's 
Gross National Product (GNP). Con- 
trary to the statements of multina- 
tional advocates, these corporations 
do not redistribute global wealth, 
nor do they provide technically high 
paying employment for any signifi- 
cant portion of a developing coun- 
tries population. The only benefici- 
aries of multinational corporations 
are the corporate executives and 
technicians and, as exemplified by 
the case of the Jamaican bauxite in- 
dustry, the elite class within a 
developing nation-state. As stated 
by Bell, "multinational corporations 
. . . rival or exceed in wealth, power, 
expertise and maneuverability the 
governments of many of the states 
in which they operate. "^ 

In the late 1960's Jamaica became 



51 



the leading bauxite and aluminum 
producer in the international trade 
system and presently is the second 
largest exporter of bauxite — Aus- 
tria is first. 

In pursuit of his eco-political phi- 
losophy of democratic socialism, 
"one of the first acts of the new PNP 
regime in 1972 was the creation of a 
National Bauxite Commission 
whose functions included making 
recommendations to increase the 
contribution from bauxite to the 
country's development."' In re- 
sponse to the economic power 
which the bauxite industries at- 
tained in Jamaica, in 1974 former 
Prime Minister Manley decided to 
renegotiate its contracts with the 
bauxite and alumina companies. In- 
volved were six companies which 
controlled directly or indirectly 
seventy-six percent of the world's 
aluminum production in 1974 and 
were the sole buyers in Jamaica. 
These multinational corporations 
were Reynolds, Alcoa, Alcan, 
Kaiser, Amaconda and Revere. 

Jamaica's negotiations with the 
bauxite multinationals were not suc- 
cessful. Consequently Manley 
placed a production levy (which 
was approved by the House of Rep- 
resentatives) on all bauxite mined in 
Jamaica. Eventually Manley nation- 
alized the bauxite industries in 
Jamaica. — "the model clearly, was 
the Organization of Petroleum Ex- 
porting Countries, although without 
some of the geopolitical overtones. 
The advent of democratic socialism 
in 1974 was to an important degree 
an effort of the Jamaican govern- 
ment to control Jamaica's resources 
and their exploitation by foreign 
multinational corporations, especi- 
ally by the bauxite and alumina 
companies. On this, as well as on 
other issues, domestic and foreign 
policies merged as one."'° 

While Manley attempted to liber- 
ate his country from foreign eco- 
nomic control, Jamaica's economy 
suffered from severe inflation, high 
unemployment, high oil prices, a 
food storage and an increasing bal- 
ance of payments deficit. On June 9, 
1976 the prime ministers of Barba- 
dos, Guyana, Jamaica, Trinidad and 
Tobago agreed on a loan of $80 
million dollars to lessen Jamaica's 
foreign exchanged difficulties. 

As the social, political and econ- 
omic conditions in Jamaica wors- 
ened (illustrated by a decline in 



tourism and the flight of businesses) 
Manley' s relationship with Castro 
became more pronounced. "The in- 
vestors began to get nervous, and a 
capital flight started . . . incited by 
Mr. Manley's gestures to the left, 
the capital flight continued and, as 
the debate mounted, the banks be- 
gan to cut off the loans. It was only 
then, as a desperate last resort, that 
Manley turned to the IMF.''^' 

The International Monetary Fund 
(IMF) is the most powerful interna- 
tional lending institution in the in- 
ternational eco-political system to- 
day. It provides short-term financial 
assistance primarily to those nation- 
states in the Third World whose 
economies have been severly de- 
vasted by inflation, high unemploy- 
ment rates, high oil prices, food 
crises and balance of payments def- 
icits. 

Although Manley realized that his 
nation's economy desperately need- 
ed foreign aid, he was unwilling to 
accept the "condition" of the IMF's 
aid, specifically in regard to the fol- 
lowing: programme aid; stand-by ar- 
rangements; the "Letter of Intent"; 
and the stabilization programme. 

Programme aid gives the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund control over 
the entire economic programme of 
the recipient nation-state. More- 
over, when a poor developing coun- 
try such as Jamaica is in urgent need 
of monetary aid it is forced to rely 
upon the IMF's stand-by arrange- 
ments. However, before any aid is 
given, fiery negotiations take place 
between the needy country's top 
financial officials (usually) the 
Minister of Finance and the Gover- 
nor of the Central Bank) and IMF 
representatives, who must visit the 
affected country. Additionally, the 
IMF's finance minister consult with 
all the Executive Directors most 
concerned with that particular 
country, including always the U.S. 
director." 12 

The Fund's representatives have 
de facto power to negotiate on its 
behalf and their decisions are rarely 
overruled in Washington. Further- 
more, in order to qualify for as- 
sistance from the IMF, the borrow- 
ing country's officials are guided by 
the Fund's representatives in draft- 
ing a "Letter of Intent." The Letter 
affirms the promises made during 
the negotiations and includes "ex- 
change rate practices, import regu- 
lations, control of the domestic 



budget deficit, bank credit con- 
trol" '^ and favorable policies to- 
ward foreign capital investment. Ac- 
cording to Cheryl Payer in The Debt 
Trap, the "Letter of Intent' often 
contains very specific quantitative 
commitments for many of these 
items; it is understood that if the 
government fails to keep the com- 
mitments in its Letter of Intent, its 
right to borrow under the standby 
arrangement will be suspended."" 

The stabilization programme re- 
sults in the take-over of domes- 
tically owned business by multina- 
tionals, thus transferring resources 
within poor countries from domes- 
tic to foreign ownership. The closing 
of domestic businesses in turn 
causes unemployment. Essentially, 
the stabilization programme at- 
tempts to prevent economic and 
political instability. Most of all, the 
stabilization programme guarantees 
that the borrowing state can 
"manage its foreign exchange poli- 
cies with the minimum recourse to 
restrictions on payments, which 
would damage primarily foreign in- 
vestors and suppliers of the 
country's imports. "'^ 

Thus the International Monetary 
Fund's "conditions" for Jamaica to 
qualify for short-term loans was in 
direct conflict with Manley's and 
the People's National Party's eco- 
nomic, social and political view- 
points. The governing body of the 
People's National Party recom- 
mended that Jamaica's finance 
minister Eric Bell cease negotiations 
for loan assistance from the IMF. 
Consequently, Bell resigned on 
March 25, 1980 and commerical 
banks declined to extend further 
loans to Jamaica until talks with the 
International Monetary Fund were 
resumed. Finally, because Manley 
could not accept the Fund "condi- 
tions" of loan assistance, Jamaica 
withdrew from the Fund in March 
of 1980. 

According to Hobart Rowen, Ja- 
maica was receiving approximately 
one hundred million dollars a year 
and "attracting perhaps an addi- 
tional $90 million from other 
sources encouraged the IMF's 
presence. "16 By 1978, as a result of 
heavy borrowing from international 
commercial banks, Jamaica's exter- 
nal borrowings totaled approximate- 
by $1.1 billion, while its total GDP 
was only $3 billion. 

continued on page 54 



52 



Dear Friend, 

Very shortly, the State Dept. will 
be rendering its advisory opinion 
on Professor Dennis Brutus' appli- 
cation for political asylum in the 
United States. After reviewing the 
State Dept.'s opinion, the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service will 
set a hearing date for Dennis Bru- 
tus, at which time his right to polit- 
ical asylum will be pronounced by 
an Immigration Judge. 

As a result of his relentless op- 
position to apartheid in South Afri- 
ca, if Dennis Brutus, internationally 
acclaimed poet, scholar, and hu- 
man rights advocate, loses the 
right to asylum , his life will be 
placed in serious jeopardy. If de- 
ported to Zimbabwe, Professor 
Brutus will be in danger at the 
hands of the South African Secret 
Police who are operating in that 
country. If deported to South Afri- 
ca, he will be immediately jailed 
under the terms of an exit-permit 
he was required to sign upon being 



exiled by the South African apart- 
heid government. 

Professor Brutus' possible depor- 
tation does nof only concern him 
as an individual; but concerns all of 
us opponents of apartheid and ra- 
cism. The Reagan-Crocker policy of 
coddling up to the minority apart- 
heid regime of South Africa, is the 
"silent" motivation behind Dennis 
Brutus' possible deportation. 

. . ."Far more is at stake, 
however, than providing relief to 
an individual who ran afoul of the 
INS bureaucracy. To deport Pro- 
fessor Brutus, would, I believe, 
send to the world a message of 
sympathy on the part of our gov- 
ernment for the South African re- 
gime that imprisioned him for the 
"crime" of opposing that racist sys- 
tem. . . ." (Sen. Howard M. Metzen- 
baum) 

It is up to us to make certain that 
the message is never sent. We 
must not let our countr/s link with 
apartheid be strengthened. In the 



name of freedom and human rights, 
it is very important to express 
solidarity with Dennis Brutus; and 
to be present in the courtroom on 
the day of his hearing. By support- 
ing Dennis Brutus; right to political 
asylum in the U.S., we will weaken 
our country's dangerous alliance 
with racism and apartheid, effects 
of which are felt both here and in 
South Africa. 

The choice is ours. With your 
help we will all win. Without your 
help, we will all lose. Please for- 
ward your name and address to the 
Dennis Brutus Defense Ctte., so 
that we can keep you informed of 
the details of this crucial case. With 
sincere thanks for your efforts and 
support. 

Fraternally, 

PROF. JAN CAREW 

Co-Convenor: Dennis Brutus 

Defense Ctte. 
P.O. Box 59364, Chicago, IL 

60659 




pholo by Edward Cohen 




SOME HOW WE SURVIVE 

Somehow we survive 

and tenderness, frustrated, does not wither. 

Investigating searchlights rake 
our naked unprotected contours; 

over ouP heads the monolithic decalogue 
of facist prohibition glowers 
and teeters for a catastrophic fall; 

boots club the peeling door. 

But somehow we survive 
severance, deprivation, loss 

Patrols uncoil along the asphalt dark 
hissing their menace to our lives, 

most cruel, all our land is scarred with terror, 

rendered unlovely and unlovable; 

sundered are we and all our passionate surrender 



but somehow tenderness survives. 



by Dennis Brutus 



53 



Jamaica . . . 

continued from page 52 

According to a speech Manley 
made at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel 
in New York City, Jamaica's exter- 
nal debt would be financed by oil 
producers in the Middle East and 
the certain European countries. In- 
cluded in Manley' s non-IMF debt fi- 
nancing was as follows: 

"a $50 million loan from Libya, 
balance of payment support from two 
members of the Organization of Pe- 
troleum Exporting Countries worth 
$13 million, a $25 million loan from 
the Netherlands, an immediate line 
of credit from Venezuela worth $10 
million, import financing of $8 mil- 
lion from West Germany and a $2 
million loan from Sweden would help 
Jamaica avoid 'a predicted collapse of 
the country's economy' as a result of 
the termination of talks with the 
IMF."" 

Prior to Jamaica's withdrawal 
from the International Monetary 
Fund, former Prime Minister Man- 
ley on February 4, 1980, called for 
an earlier election to seek a mandate 
for his Socialist policies. Represent- 
ing the People's National Party 
Manley continued to advocate his 
philosophy of democratic socialism. 
Manley' s opponent, Edward Seaga, 
on the other hand, was a conserva- 
tive who advocated anti-commu- 
nism. 

On October 30, 1980, Edward 
Seaga defeated Michael Manley by 
gaining 53.4 percent of the votes, 
compared to Manley' s 46.6 percent. 
Seaga' s Jamaican Labor party won 
51 out of 60 seats in Parliament, 
while the People's National Party 
(PNP) won the remaining nine seats. 
Seaga's victory ended Manley's 
eight year office as Prime Minister 
and his "open" foreign policy 
ideology. Manley "bitterly declared 
that his defeat was the penalty for 
challenging the power of the West- 
ern economic structure. He holds 
that the United States and the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund deliberate- 
ly strangled the Jamaican economy 
to punish its leftist politics and, 
especially its warm economic rela- 
tions with Cuba."!^ 

In an interview with Warren 
Brown of the Washington Post, the 
Boston-born, Harvard-educated 
Seaga stated: I would think that our 
own economic thinking would be 
more in concurrence with the eco- 
nomic principles of the Reagan ad- 



ministration in terms of encourage- 
ment of private enterprise and the 
principle of reward for private in- 
centive." Indeed Seaga's pro-busi- 
ness capitalist economics and poli- 
tics are distinctly opposite from the 
domestic and foreign policy of for- 
mer Prime Minister Manley and the 
People's National Party. 

Immediately after his victory, 
Prime Minister Seaga called for the 
expulsion of Cuban Ambassador 
Ulises Estrada whom he considered 
"a symbol of Cuban influence. "^o in 
Jamaica. Furthermore, one of the 
most vital components of Seaga's 
foreign policy was to establish 
friendly diplomatic relations with 
the Reagan Administration and to 
resume negotiations with the IMF in 
order to restore Jamaica's economy 
by creating a healthy environment 
for foreign investment. (Seaga is a 
former finance minister and this has 
aided him in encouraging bankers, 
investors and IMF representatives 
to make short-term loans to Jamai- 
ca's poor economy.) 

Although the International Mone- 
tary Fund has a more liberal lending 
policy towards Seaga's government, 
it will be able to provide only about 
half of the monetary resources 
needed to restore Jamaica's econom- 
ic viability. It is projected that the 
Fund will lend Jamaica approxi- 
mately $180 milUon dollars a year 
for three years, while encouraging 
supplemental bilateral support, 
especially from the United States. 
Moreover, the IMF's new loan to 
Jamaica "does not require a devalu- 
tion, as the IMF did when Manley 
was Prime Minister and does not in- 
volve wage control guidelines as the 
earlier agreements did."^' 

The United States has made avail- 
able $60 million in loans and $1.5 
million in military sales. Peter 
Gavin of Corporate Finance of 
Washington stated in a lecture on 
April 9, 1980, that Congress is will- 
ing to approve of military aid rather 
than development assistance, be- 
cause the former is much more ur- 
gent for U.S. national interest. 

In spite of all the friendly gestures 
and loan promises made by the 
IMF, the World Bank, the U.S. and 
commercial banks, no pledge for 
"pure" untied aid has been pro- 
posed. (In Europe after World War 
II the World Bank or the Interna- 
tional Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development provided the devasta- 



ted European economies with direct 
untied aid. This enabled European 
economies to avoid external debts 
and high interest rates charged by 
the World Bank.) The loans which 
Seaga's government has accepted 
from the IMF must be repaid at high 
interest rates, which in many in- 
stances, doubles or triples the 
original external debt position of a 
developing nation-state. 

In addition to foreign loan assis- 
tance, Jamaica expects a great in- 
crease in foreign investment. "State 
Department and business sources 
said that the aluminum companies, 
which had cut back their activities 
in Jamaica under the Manley gov- 
ernment, are thinking about major 
expansion programs. The sources 
said there has also been interest in 
tourism, agriculture and manufac- 
turing. "22 

The International Monetary Fund 
is theoretically an international 
lending agency which is suppose to 
base its approval of short-term loans 
on the economic condition of a reci- 
pient nation-state. However, as ex- 
emplified by the Jamaican case, the 
IMF (which is controlled by the ma- 
jority voting power of industrialized 
states) bases the amount of assis- 
tance it will provide and the terms 
of aid on basically political factors, 
which shape international affairs. 

Since its independence Jamaica's 
economy has been stiffled by multi- 
national corporations, foreign in- 
vestors and external debts to inter- 
national lending institutions such as 
the International Monetary Fund. 
Presently under the leadership of 
Prime Minister Edward Seaga, Ja- 
maica is establishing an economy 
which will function under hegemo- 
nial conditions. Yet, through effec- 
tive coordination, regional and com- 
mon markets could play a vital role 
in Jamaica's economy by providing 
an adequate agricultural base, by 
exporting natural resources at high 
prices and by creating banks for 
assistance purposes. As former 
Prime Minister Manley recognized, 
poor developing countries such as 
Jamaica must aspire to become as 
economically and politically inde- 
pendent as possible. 

END NOTES 

1. Wendell Bell, "Independent Jamaica En- 
ters World Politics; Foreign Policy in a 
New State," Political Science Quarterly, 
Winter 1978, p. 686. 

2. Wendell Bell, p. 686. 



54 



3. Nyamayaro K. Mufuka, "The Jamaican 
Experiment," Current History, Fall 1978, 
p. 70. 

4. Wendell Bell, p. 695. 

5. Michael Manley, The Politics of Change, 
Great Britain: Tonbridge Printers Ltd. 
1974, p. 135. 

6. Michael Manley, p. 128. 

7. Michael Manley, p. 128. 

8. Wendell Bell, p. 697. 

9. Wendell Bell, p. 698. 

10. Wendell Bell, p. 703. 

11. Editorial, "The Jamaican Dilemma," 
Washington Post, October 21, 1980, p. 18. 

12. Cheryl Payer, The Debt Trap, p. 38. 
13. 

14. Cheryl Payer, p. 33. 

15. Cheryl Payer, p. 38 

16. Hobart Rowen, "IMF Ready to Help 
Jamaican Government," Washington Post, 
November 5, 1980, p. 7. 

17. Patrick Smith, "Jamaica Sets Plans to 
Refinance Debt," New York Times, June 
5, 1980, p. 4 

18. Reuter, "New Jamaican Prime Minister 
Ask Cuba to Withdraw Envoy," Wash- 
ington Post, November 2, 1980, p. 24. 

19. Warren Brown, "Siega Says Time Is Right 
For Change In U.S. View of Caribbean 
Nations," Washington Post, November 24, 
1980, p. 15. 

20. Christopher Dickey, "New Jamaican 
Leader Seeks to Put 'Humpty Dumpty' 
Society Together," p. 16. 

21. Terri Shaw, "New Jamaican Leader's 
Stance Opens Doors to U.S., Western 
Aid," Washington Post, April , 1980, p. 
21. 

22. Terri Shaw, p. 21. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1. Bell, Wendell. "Independent Jamaica En- 
ters World Politics: Foreign Policy in a 
New State," Political Science Quarterly, 
Winter 1978. 

2. Brown, Warren, "Siega Says Time is Ripe 
for Change in U.S. View of Caribbean Na- 
tions," Washington Post, November 24, 
1980. 

3. Dickey, Christopher. "New Jamaican 
Leader Seeks to Put 'Humpty Dumpty' 
Society Together," Washington Post, 
November 1, 1980. 

4. Cline, W. R. International Monetary 
Reform and the Developing Countries. 
Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institu- 
tion, 1976. 

5. Girling, R. K. "Technology and Depend- 
ent development in Jamaica." Social and 
Economic Studies, June 1977. 

6. Manley, Michael. The Politics of Change. 
Great Britain: Tonbridge Printers Ltd. 
1974. 

7. Mufuka, Nyamayaro K. "The Jamaican 
Experiment," Current History, Fall 1978. 

8. Rattray, Alfred A. "A Reply from 
Jamaica," Wall St. Journal, January 1976. 

9. Reuter. "New Jamaica Prime Minister 
Ask Cuba to Withdraw Envoy," 
Washington Post, November 1980. 

10. James, Howe and J. W. Sewell, The 
United States and World Development, 
Agenda 1975. New York: Praeger 
Publishers, 1975. 

11. Rowen, Hobart. "IMF Ready to Help 
Jamaican Government," Washington 
Post, November 1980. 

12. Shaw, Terri. "New Jamaican Leader's 
Stance Opens Doors to U.S., Western 
Aid," Washington Post, April 1980. 



13. Smith, Patrick. "Jamaica Sets Plans to 
Refinance Debt," New York Times, June 
1980. 

14. Young, Andrew. "In Jamaica They Say 
'No problem,' New York Times, January 
1980. 

15. "Is Michael Manley a Saint or a Sinner?" 
Euromoney, August 1979. 

Year on Civility . . . 

continued from page 50 

strife and indifference throughout 
its' home state and region. The Con- 
vocation that officially began the 
"Year Toward Civility" effort was 
attended by 350 people predomin- 
antly staff and faculty. The principle 
address was made by the UMass 
President Knapp followed by Chan- 
cellor Koffler and the Speaker of the 
Student Senate; Ed Lee and Asso- 
ciate Provost; Johnetta Cole. It was 
Ed Lee's speech that aroused some 
attention because he challenged not 
the students, but the faculty and ad- 
ministrators to make the effort real 
that were not involved. Their time 
to demonstrate it came quickly. 

On the morning of October 8th 
1981, twelve days after the official 
opening of the "Year Toward Civili- 
ty." leaflets appeared across cam- 
pus calling for a rally. It was to be 
held in front of the Student Union 
Building to join a group calling itself 
U.T.O.P.I.A. They called the rally of 
students to "clean up America" and 
listed a number of ways to do it. 
Some of the more outrageous state- 
ments were: "support South 
Africa," "Promote White Supre- 
macy," "Send radioactive wastes 
oversees," and tell all domestic 
gooks, complaining nigers, etc. to 
fuck off and go home!"; and of 
course, "send Iranians home!" The 
misspelled derogatory regarding 
Blacks was of course these imbe- 
ciles' doing. They of course were in- 
telligent enough or cowardly 
enough not to show up to face the 
300 people who came to lay their lu- 
nacy to rest. They began instead, 
sending death threats that stimu- 
lated others to do the same to most 
Black female students. We also re- 
ceived profiles of the Imperial Im- 
becile of the ku klux klan; Bill Wil- 
kinson and letters from a group call- 
ing themselves the Philosophical 
Atheist. The latter group maintained 
that "niggers religion degrades the 
labor movement, niggers must learn 
atheism." They however, spelled 
nigger correctly. 

Nothing from the Civility Com- 



mission or members was heard re- 
garding the barrage of death threats 
and assaults except a 3 x 4 unsigned 
note from the Chancellor that he 
was rumored to have not even 
wrote. The Civility Commission re- 
mained to this day silent on the 
racist occurrences. The Coordinat- 
ing Committee for the "Year 
Toward Civility" remained the only 
body to issue a formal statement 
and that fact reflects the pattern of 
contradictions and commitment to 
"Civility." 

"Civility" was a gross contradic- 
tion because not only had the Com- 
mission not issued any statements, 
but they failed to even inquire about 
the incidences. The very charge of 
the Commission demanded it, yet 
they remained silent amid the din of 
racial strife and fear. In every pro- 
nouncment describing the Commis- 
sion there were the elements of its 
charge: one, "identification of in- 
cidents of racism, sexism, anti-se- 
mitism, or other derogatory atti- 
tudes;" two, "continuing assess- 
ment of the moral climate on the 
campus;" three, "the formulation of 
public statements which . . . the 
University community will see fit to 
endorse, opposing such antisocial 
attitudes and actions;" and fourth, 
"recommendations of appropriate 
actions to improve attitudes and en- 
hance a climate of decency on this 
campus." It appeared that the Chair 
of the Commission; Vincent Dethier 
of the Zoology Department who had 
eyes to see was struck blind. The 
Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs 
Dennis Madson was made dumb 
and could not speak either. The 
Commission, the Administration 
and the faculty all remained silent. 
The Commission was their idea, yet, 
when the real world came to call 
they weren't home. 

The Commission had a charge and 
it seemed their battery ran dead. 
There was no light for them to iden- 
tify the incivility of the U.T.O.P.I.A. 
incidents. They lacked the ability to 
assess the moral climate that laid 
covered by the carrion of racist ac- 
tivities. Their tongue was caught in 
an epileptic seizure rendering them 
incapable of issuing public state- 
ments against the antisocial ele- 
ments rising. It made the irony of a 
Zoology professor heading a com- 
mission against a "Zoo Mass" image 
seem a pathetically crude joke. 

continued on page 58 



55 



A BETTER CHANCE 




Standing: Wallace McCloud, Daniel Martinez, Robin Kosah, Jose' Penalvert, Jimmy Rodriguez, 
Mitchell Smith, Akia Smith, George Counts, and Barbara Roche. Kneeling: Curtis Roach, San- 
ford Livingston, Kevin Nicholson, Timothy Thomas, Kent Woolridge, and Jennifer Serge. Miss- 
ing: Alberto Villaman, and Luz Smith. 



by Kent Woolridge 

A Better Chance, known now as 
A. B.C., had its origins in a group of 
private schools meeting together in 
1963 to form a coalition known then 
as Independent School Talent 
Search (ISTS). Its purpose was to 
find minority students who had aca- 
demic gifts and to ensure that such 
students would have an opportunity 
to use them in a better academic en- 
vironment. In the same time period 
the faculty and staff at Dartmouth 
College, in New Hampshire, started 
an experimental eight-week pro- 
gram held during the summer for 
disadvantaged and minority youth 
to help them with academic skills. 
Thus the group A. B.C. was born. By 
1967 about 1,400 students had been 
enrolled in private schools after 
completing the Dartmouth Summer 
Program. 

In 1966 the A.B.C. and ISTS 
thought of extending this concept to 
the Public School System. Hanover, 
New Hampshire, was the first high 
school in the program. By 1972 with 
a total of twenty- two programs, 
A.B.C.-ISTS merged with the Public 
School Program. 

While the public high school pro- 
gram stayed in Hanover, A.B.C.'s 
office relocated in Boston. Despite 
problems such as funding and some 
towns resisting the idea, the pro- 
gram has survived and the number 
of programs reached thirty-three in 
1974. 

Unfortunately, money problems 
increased locally and nationally due 



to the recession and the declining in- 
terest in social problems that 
seemed to be prevalent in the mid 
1970's. 

Due to these conditions, the em- 
phasis was on maintaining existing 
programs. At the present time there 
are twenty-seven programs that are 
active. Some of the schools in the 
New England area are New Cannan 
and Madison, Connecticut; Han- 
over, Longmeadow and Wellesley, 
Massachusetts. 

This program has much to offer 
youngsters who are in the minority 
or disadvantaged category. These 
are students who would otherwise 
remain in sub-standard public 
schools that do not expect much 
from disadvantaged youths or who 
could not be individually guided by 
those teachers who do care and who 
want to help gifted youth but can't 
because of various factors of time, 
finances and the volume of stu- 
dents. 

For a student to be eligible for par- 
ticipation in A.B.C, he or she must 
be in the top ten percent of his or 
her class. The student must main- 
tain a grade point average of 85 and 
have a high degree of personal moti- 
vation and adaptability. Factors 
such as economic hardship and lim- 
ited educational opportunities also 
play a part in the selection process. 

A.B.C. maintains progress and 
follow-up reports on the students. 
Volunteers, many of whom have 
gone through the A.B.C. Program 
themselves, recruit students in 
targeted areas in order to place them 



in the most suitable school possible. 
Most students need financial aid 
that are obtainable through A.B.C, 
which in turn makes a portion of the 
payments to the member schools, 
some parents assume cost, also 
some aid is available from the mem- 
ber schools. 

Funding for this program is pri- 
marily gotten through grants, foun- 
dations and corporations, and lim- 
ited government sources, as well as 
individual contributions. 
A.B.C. Program in Amherst: 

Presently living at the house lo- 
cated at 72 Prospect Street, are ten 
young men coming from the New 
York and New Jersey area. They are 
enrolled at Amherst Regional High 
School, selected because of its repu- 
tation of maintaining high academic 
standards. 

There are two live-in tutors, 
Robin Kosah and Barbara Roche 
that give the students academic 
assistance where needed. The Resi- 
dent Director, Mitchell Smith, has 
the responsibility of seeing that the 
ten students receive proper direc- 
tion in areas of academic guidance 
and are provided programs of 
cultural interests. He is somewhat 
of a father figure, along with his 
wife, Luz, providing a mother role, 
in a home atmosphere. 

The Smiths have a beautiful one 
year old daughter named Aika. It is 
like one big family at the House, for 
minority youth coming from miles 
away to live and go to school in 
Amherst, an environment quite un- 
like those they have left. What an 
experience it must be, coming to a 
new place and entering a more 
challenging school setting which in 
effect broadens horizons. These 
students come to learn about peo- 
ple who live differently from 
themselves and they in turn, are 
able to share some of their ex- 
periences. This provides quite an 
opportunity at such a young age. It 
intensifies their experiences not 
only academically, but more impor- 
tantly, it prepares the young men to 
be socially healthy which is re- 
quired to cope with the society we 
live in today. 

When these students graduate 
they will have obtained the proper 
tools to go on to college and, even- 
tually, into their desired careers. 
Many alumni of the program have 
done so already. So you see this idea 
of "A Better Chance" really works! 



56 



INTERVIEW WITH JIMMY CLIFF 



Drum: Did you predict that the 
movie (The Harder They Come) 
you acted in was going to be as 
successful as it was? 
Cliff: I wanted to think positively. I 
expected the movie to be a suc- 
cess, but I expected it to be a big- 
ger success. I guess the success 
came from the reactions of the 
people. 

Drum: Was the movie received 
well in Jamaica? 

Cliff: It was the biggest movie in 
Jamaica ever. There is a cinema in 
Kingston, and they have a lot of 
iron rails around it for security pur- 
poes. The day after the opening, all 
the rails were flat and smashed out 
completely because the people 
were rushing to get in. 
Drum: Do you plan on making 
anymore movies in the near future? 
Cliff: Well, we have been working 
on one called "Bongo Man". It is 
not yet completed, but the one 
after "Bongo Man" will be called 
"African Ambassador". 
Drum: Was "Bongo Man" filmed in 
Jamaica? 

Cliff: Well, it was filmed in Jamaica, 
South Africa and Germany. 
Drum: What is the "African Ambas- 
sador" all about? 

Cliff: The movie is about an African 
man in the Carribean with the mis- 
sion of oneness and a vision of go- 
ing back to this own land, Africa. 
You actually see this happening be- 
cause he does return. You see the 
oneness happening because we 
went to South Africa last year. We 
created a oneness there which the 
regime allowed. They allowed a lot 
of things which they don't usually 
allow. (Since we have left South 
Africa the situation has become 
more tense and it has to stop.) 
After we left the students began to 
riot. (From that time we lit a fire.) 
When we go back we will return to 
celebrate a victory. 
Drum: Could you speak briefly on 
your song writing career in Jamaica 
and when it began? 
Cliff: I was writing in school. The 




first song I wrote was called "Back 
to Africa". I didn't have any knowl- 
edge of Marcus Garvey or anyone. 
That was just my spirit of writing to 
connect with my roots. I went to 
Kingston, which is the capital, 
where you can get your song re- 
corded. The people didn't like it. 
So, I wrote love songs and they 
began to like that. Then, I left the 
country with about four love songs 
that I started writing. When I re- 
turned to Kingston I wrote more 
songs. I was always writing. 
Drum: I've gathered that you had 
some problems with the record 
company, and the money they 
wanted to offer you for your first 
song? 

Cliff: When I went to get my first 
song recorded, the producer of- 
fered me a shilling. A shilling is 
equivalent to 20<t in America, but I 
refused it and went on my way. 
The second song I recorded I got 
15 lbs. for it. At that time in Ja- 
maica, we didn't know about the 
copyrights laws. All we did was to 
record the songs for the producer 
and he would give you money. 
You did not know about royalties 
or anything like that. (Now, all that 
is changing, since the move of the 
act came out, you find a lot of 
musician and artist doing their own 
thing.) In that way it can be con- 
trolled more. The movie we made 
recently has helped to enlighten 



photo by Edward Cohen 



some of the singers and players of 
instruments. But the exploitation 
still goes on. 

Drum: What are some of the dif- 
ferent responses that you get from 
the audience when you're traveling 
in the U.S., Canada, Europe, what- 
ever? What kind of response do 
they give towards reggae music? 
Cliff: The response was excellent in 
Canada, and it is growing in North 
America. When reggae started to 
come on the scene first, people 
thought of it as a music that would 
take overnight like a fad, but rag- 
gae is not a fad. Raggae music is 
the way of life. It is the only music 
that brings culture to the people to 
live properly. It is growing on the 
people. Thafs the way I predict it 
and thafs the way its going to be. 
in Africa there is the greatest ac- 
ceptance. In South America, places 
like Brazil and Argentina reggae is 
greatly accepted. 

Drum: Did you ever live in London? 
What did you do in London? 
Cliff: Yes I used to live in London. I 
lived in London from 1965-1968. I 
used to write a lot of songs, I didn't 
find it a creative place for me. I find 
writing in a sunny atmosphere is 
more creative, but I learned a lot in 
England. 

Drum: Who helped you on your 
way to stardom? 

Cliff: The most was the creator of 
creation. 



57 



Drum:What type of particular artist 
has influenced you? 
Cliff: No one can influence me. I'm 
inspired by other people, but in- 
fluence no! People like Sam Cooke 
and Ray Charles and a lot of the 
blues singers, I was inspired by 
them, but not influenced. 
Drum: What was the vision you 
wanted people to really see? 
Cliff: The vision that I wanted peo- 
ple to really see was that through 
struggle and fate and determina- 
tion you can achieve anything you 
want in this world. Even against the 
system, but the fact that you can 
beat the system I don't believe 
that. 

Drum: What direction is your mu- 
sic going in next? I know you're 
always going to be a raggae artist, 
but what are your plans next? 
Cliff: Music itself is crucial, because 
it's more spiritually and it will have 
more African roots. The need and 
the cry right now is for everyone to 
identify with their roots and cul- 
ture, our futures and thaf s how our 
music is going. 

Drum: Can you say something 
about South Africa? 
Cliff: We went to South Africa last 
year. It was very strange way we 
went in. Some strange powers 
force them to let us in because 
they tried to take it back after they 
allowed us in, but it was too late. 
So we went there and the regime 
treated us very nicely. We were al- 
lowed to do things and go places 
that our brothers there could not 
do and go. Because we had a 
foreign passport we were con- 
sidered honorary citizens, not hon- 
orary human beings. That shows 
the hypocrisy of the old govern- 
ment. They allowed things that 
they didn't allow before with no ar- 
tists. We played in Suata and they 
allowed black and white people to 
travel on the same transportation 
because that is something unheard 
of in South Africa. The thing that 
shocked me was, I didn't grow up 
under these kind of circumstances 
where if you're white you go into 
that batch and if you're black you 
are in another batch. Those things 
shocked me when I saw them pub- 



licly. One must not grow up in that 
way. They changed all that when 
we went there. All blacks and 
whites traveled on the same bus to 
get into Suata. For the first, if you 
could feel the atmosphere of the 
people, the people could just cry 
just for the joy. We went there to 
do our part of the struggle, that is 
why we went there. We didn't wait 
until it was all over and then go to 
celebrate. We go by the front be- 
cause the bottle is hot right now. 
By the talent or by the gift that the 
dear creator has given us which is 
music, we went there to do our 
part of the struggle. That is why we 
went there to do our part. 
Drum: The South Afrikana's believe 
in the apartheid system, so, what 
response did you received from 
white Afrikans. 

Cliff: One white man came up to 
me and said, "You know, I'm not 
for all with what is happening here. 
I'm not for this. What do you think 
will happen to me? Becaused if s in- 
evitable that there will be a war. 
I'm for living together peacefully." 
Well, I said just try to be on the 
right side. So, I'm trying to show 
that there are people who know 
there is madness and suffering, and 
there are some people who realize 
it and would like to change it but 
they don't have the power to do 
so. 

Drum: Do you think South Africa 
will be free by 1983? 
Cliff: Truly that is a must, Africa 
must be free by 1983. 
Drum: Is there anything particular 
about the year 1983? 
Cliff: Ifs the time that was 
predicted, prophesied rather. The 
voice of the people is the voice of 
God. The secret of God is those 
that don't fear him. 
Drum: Few black Americans have 
been turning to reggae why do you 
think that is the case? 
Cliff: Well you see the problem is 
from our journey over here, we 
were forced into slavery. There 
were four special island where the 
slaves were taken before they 
were sent somewhere else. One 
was Jamaica, Brazil, Cuba and 1 
forget the other one. After the 



spirits were broken they were sent 
over here. Everything was taken 
away from them. We were at least 
allowed to play our drums. So, the 
black man here was stripped of 
everything. So his values changed 
and his values became different. If 
you find a black American who be- 
comes successful, his ambition is to 
become like his former slave 
master. Because his values became 
European values. So. that is the 
problem, but the future is in the 
culture. Our brothers and sisters 
have been brain washed worst 
than us in the Caribbean. That's 
why you find the values are dif- 
ferent. 

Year on Civility . . . 

continued from page 55 

It would take but a brief search to 
see where the coiBmitment was in 
the Civihty effort. It would require 
little to note where the real suc- 
cesses are to be found. They are 
among diligent efforts of the Coordi- 
nating Committee of the Year To- 
ward Civility. On January 26, 1982 
they held another "Micro College" 
to do an "Interim Assessment of 
Civility: The Good the Bad and 
What Next." The plans to further 
their goals "toward civility" in 
areas of academics, trainers, institu- 
tional policies, special activities and 
others are proceeding with all the 
sincerity and commitment one 
should expect from an enlightened 
educational environment. 

It would require twice the effort 
contained here to present an evalua- 
tion and future plans of the Coor- 
dinating Committee. I therefore, 
prefer to drop my pen and begin to 
work toward helping their endeav- 
or. However, I will end with an ap- 
preciation entended to those who 
gave their hearts to what will, in 
hindsight be viewed as a noble ef- 
fort. I extend my love and hand first 
to Johnetta Cole and Esther Terry 
the most beautiful and dedicated 
people on earth; and further to the 
brilliance and patience of Judy 
Davis, Grant Ingles, Irving Staub, 
Judy Toyama, Ruth Hook, Domingo 
De Jesus, Arlene Avakian and the 
many, many more who I had the 
pleasure of knowing and who have 
and will do so much to make the 
"Year Toward CiviUty" work. 



58 



••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 



LEROY CLARKE 




A CERTAIN GLORY 

My death was in my chancey birth. 

Miracles: legends disciples preached 

To save the world from Judas, 

The Pharisees, Pilate and yourselves. 

Resurrect The Host to grow among you: 

Grace to the graceless, 

Hope to the hopeless, then 

Beatitudes upon Beatitudes will 

Sleep within your heart's beat 

When your burdens burn. 

I will stab hard and never wound you. 

Stab hard to protect you 

From greater agony on earth. 

Stab hard to bless you always 

Until I am Jesus again: 

Until the spin of earth is certain. 

Until I die twice to live forever. 

When I visit with my Father 
In dirt or cloud or within you 
Your glory will be real. 
I sign me, Jesus of Bethlehem. 



by Owen Dodson 
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••W 



HEALTH CRISIS 
IN THE BLACK COMMUNITY 



by Mychel Ray 

The black community in the 
United States has carried an inor- 
dinately heavy burden in terms of 
socio-economic problems. In almost 
every health chart, statistics show 
that black Americans are dispropor- 
tionately represented in terms of 
substandard health care. The infant 
mortality rate among blacks con- 
tinues to exceed that of whites, the 
life expectancy at birth is shorter, 
blacks have more nutritional defi- 
ciencies and less visits to the physi- 
cian and the dentists. There is a 
need for a health care system to be 
community based, have community 
sanctions, and be evaluated by those 
whom it serves. It should also place 
special emphasis on the socio-eco- 
nomic problems of blacks and other 
minorities. Any health system 
which does not address this issue is 
directly opposed to the health needs 
of black Americans. 

The United States has perhaps the 
largest number of highly trained 
medical professionals in the world 
and facilities for patient care and 
research of the highest quality. Each 
year more and more money is spent 
on health care, 26 billion dollars in 
1960, increasing to 160 billion 
dollars in 1977, and in 1981 230 
billion dollars was spent for health 
care. Despite these facts there is 
wide spread dissatisfaction among 
Black Americans about their state of 
health, and with good reasons. One 
of the most critical measurements 
used nationally and internationally 
to interpret the status of a popula- 
tion is the infant mortality rate. The 
infant mortality rate is the number 
of children dying before one year of 
age per 1000 births. A high infant 
mortality rate is indicative of an 
overall deprivation which impinges 
on the health of a population group. 
In the United States the infant mor- 
tality rate has been decreasing for 
the overall population, but the over- 
all induce for black-vs-all others, 
and particularly the white popula- 
tion, has been widening. In 1950, 
the infant mortality rate occurred 
26.2 for blacks and 14.2 for whites 
and gap indicated a widening again 
with the difference at 84.5 percent. 



FIGURE 1. Infant mortality rate (IMR) Differential Deficit Ratio, whites vs blacks, 1950-1975. 

(94.0%) 
(93.4%) 



1.00 
0.90 
0.80 

0.70 

o 

S. 0.60 

I 0.50 

Q 

■a 0.40 

I 0.30 

Q 0.20 

0.10 

0.00 



(.638) 



(63.8%) 



/ 



/ 



:82.6%) 



TZ:^ 1(84.5%) 



.826) 



;.934) 



,940) 




.845) 



1950 



1955 



1960 



1965 



1970 



1975 



I.M.R. Blacks - 43.9 


43.1 


44.3 


41.7 


32.7 


26.2 


Whites -26.8 


23.6 


22.4 


21.5 


17.8 


14.2 



Source: "Health - United States - 1976-1977," DHEW, Pub. No. (HRA) 77-1232 



This data is a clear indication of in- 
adequate health resources in the 
black community. 

It is clear that our present educa- 
tional system has played a major 
role in the health crisis in the black 
community. Instead of developing 
minds in black children that are 
flexible, imaginative and expansive, 
the system has developed minds 
that are more rigid, less tentative, 
more concrete and more limiting in 
their approach to problems. It is fur- 
ther clear that the black community 
is programmed into being docile, 
insecure, and accepting adults, so 
that suffocating social, political and 
economic constraints can be im- 
posed with little effective resis- 
tance. 

We can see therefore, that so long 
as this system of education persists, 
there will continue to be shortages 
of medical personnel in urban areas 
and the health crisis will grow 
worse. Improving the health of the 
black community calls for, among 
other things, sweeping changes in 
educational practices in the urban 
areas. Since most of our present in- 
stitutional settings are not prepared 
to provide the needed black physi- 
cian, the Federal government 
should and can provide the needed 



black physician, the Federal govern- 
ment should and can provide finan- 
cial inducements to bring about 
changes in the current methods of 
selecting and training of disadvan- 
taged health personnel. Frank S. 
Royal, M.D., President, National 
Medical Association, states: Black 
health care providers and the com- 
munities that they serve face hard 
times ahead. The minority percen- 
tage of enrollment in medical 
schools is declining, predominately 
black medical schools and hospitals 
are struggling to keep their doors 
open. All of this comes at a time 
when the need for health care has 
never been so great, particularly in 
the black community. As of April 
1982, there are 375,811 physicians 
in this country less than 2 percent 
(7516) of them are black. Additional 
statistics released last year by the 
department of Health and Human 
Services (HHS) showed that there 
are 136 physicians to every 100,000 
black citizen in this country. This 
fact becomes more significant when 
coupled with the fact that a large 
percentage of the black population 
is treated exclusively by black 
physicians. 

Dr. William Darity, Professor of 
Public Health, Director, and Dean, 



60 



School of Health Sciences at the 
University of Massachusetts at 
Amherst, states that: This is ex- 
tremely critical, since in 1975, 85 
percent of the black physicians 
serve black patients and 90.4 of non- 
black physicians serve the white 
population. The manpower per pop- 
ulation ratio is five times greater for 
whites than blacks. For nurses the 
ratio is 50% percent greater for 
whites than blacks. 

In short black physicians continue 
to be the primary source of health 
care for the minority population, 
and there will be no abundance of 
black physicians at the end of the 
decade. If the recent trend con- 
tinues, we will have a shortage, not 
a surplus, of black physicians. Un- 
less a firm commitment is made to 
increase the number of black health 
care practitioners, substantial seg- 
ments of our population will contin- 
ue to be underserved in their at- 
tempts to obtain quality health care 
treatment. The health crisis that 
now exists in the black community 
is based on needs far different from 
those of the white community. Any 
sincere attempt to deal with this 
problem must recognize the need 
for appropriate government priori- 
ties and people that would address 
themselves to the peculiar needs of 
our largest minority group. 

MONEY 

There is a glaring disparity that 
. exists in the dark and poisonousness 
statistics between whites and non- 
whites. Well documented is the re- 
lationship that exists between pov- 
erty and ill health. Despite the fact 
that health has been declared a 
right, the entrepreneural system in 
health care delivery operates basi- 
cally to make health care a privilege 
for those who can pay. It becomes 
quite clear that racial and economic 
prejudices do play a significant role 
in the provision of medical and 
other health services to the poor and 
especially to the black community. 

The training process in medicine 
and dentistry is long, and quite ex- 
pensive, this becomes almost an in- 
superable barrier to poor non- 
whites of whom blacks make up a 
significant majority. It is for this rea- 
son that these professions are pur- 
sued mostly by whites coming from 
the affluent middle class. Despite 
the fact that much of their expen- 
sive education is largely subsidized 



FIGURE 2: U.S. health personnel / population ratios, physicians / 100,000 ethnic population 



SOU 
750 














73 


.2 










700 














650 














r 1 












/ 


1 












450 














400 














350 














300 
250 
200 






































150 












146.4 


100 










113.9 












50 






26.6 

1 


22.9 
1 












Asian 


Black 


Native 
American 


Hispanic 


White 



Source: Adapted from "Health of the Disadvantaged Chart Book," (Department of Health, Edu- 
cation, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Health Resources Administration, Office of Health 
Resources Opportunity, DHEW Publication No. (HRA) 77-628, September 1977) 



by society through the tax system 
and its agency grants, most practic- 
ing physicians and dentists feel no. 
sense of ethical responsibility or re- 
lationship to the community. Dr. 
William Darity, states as follows: fi- 
nancing of health care is a critical is- 
sue for the black community, since 
over 28 percent of the population is 
in poverty and another 22 percent is 
in near poverty level. For example, 
80.9 percent of the white communi- 
ty under 65 years of age is covered 
by private hospital insurance, while 
only 57.7 percent of the non- white 
population is covered. This data is 
critical to the black community 
since the unemployment rate is 
twice that of whites, over 13 per- 
cent, and for the black teenage 
population who are seeking employ- 
ment, the rate is as high as 40 per- 
cent. 



SLAMMING THE DOORS TIGHT 

The federal government also is ap- 
parently backsliding on its commit- 
ments to deliver quality health care 
to certain underprivileged segments 
of its population. Some 231 urban 
hospitals were closed or relocated 
from 1975 to 1977, forty-seven per- 
cent of the hospitals closed were 
located in neighborhoods that were 
65 to 100 percent black. These hos- 
pitals have fallen victim to the ves- 
tiges of white flight from urban 
neighborhoods. Many urban hospi- 
tals lost patients to the newer hospi- 
tals built with the "questionable" 
federal Hill-Burton grants and loans 
in the 1950's and 1960's. A kind of 
elimination policy followed, during 
which urban hospitals serving 
minorities and the poor were shut 
down, largely on the basis that they 
were not cost effective, coupled 



61 



with the mandated integration of 
medicaid and medicare was a major 
factor in the closing of urban hospi- 
tals. This policy ignores and contin- 
ues to ignore the needs of the people 
in black communities. The prob- 
lems continue, Howard Jessamy, 
Hospital Administrator of the 
Truman Medical Center, in Kansas 
City, Mo., says: "In 1982 we still 
have some problems with access. 
Both on the physicians side of get- 
ting adequate levels of privileges at 
hospitals and the acceptance of pa- 
tients in terms of patient care by 
some hospitals, so the hospital in the 
community becomes a community 
physician for people who don't have 
their own physician. The large ma- 
jority of blacks in urban areas are 
now forced to travel greater dis- 
tance to obtain adequate health 
care." 

Many of the first black constituen- 
cy hospitals were born in the public 
sector, Freedman's Hospital in 
Washington (now Harvard Univer- 
sity Hospital), began in 1862 out of 
attempts by the federal government 
to contain the virulent diseases, 
such as smallpoxes, that were 
sweeping throught the increasing 
population of refugee slaves in the 
city. In all there were more than 150 
black hospitals, public and private, 
that came into being between the 
Civil War and the turn of the cen- 
tury. Although many have closed, 
the remaining have a clear, narrow 
and precise role to play. Nathaniel 
Wesley, Jr. Assistant Executive Di- 
rector of the District of Columbia 
Hospital Association, states: "I be- 
lieve that the remaining traditional 
black community hospitals are basi- 
cally going to play the same role that 
they played when they were started 
in 1862. For those communities 
where there still exists segregation 
there still exists discrimination of 
medical staff privileges and training 
programs. I feel very strongly about 
ethnic institutions in society. The 
Jewish Institution, The Catholic In- 
stitution, help support the purity of 
ethnic thinking at least for people to 
relate and identify with their group. 
So there are many black doctors 
who still want to practice and feel 
very strongly about being apart of a 
black institution." 

PULLING THROUGH 

Haynes Rice, Director of Howard 
University Hospital, says: "black 



pride will have to reappear, people 
have to fight to make sure that we 
get our fair share of the scarce dol- 
lar. To lose the few remaining black 
educational institutions means the 
black community will lose role 
models, a opportunity to do more 
research to study black illnesses. 
The health care of our people is a 
black problem and will be left solely 






Wesley 

to the black physician." Mr. Wesley 
Jr." ... those persons in their com- 
munity got to be active in non- 
health operations and activities. It's 
not just enough to be part of the 
health care, somewhere you have to 
go into the youth group and develop 
new forums and constituencies. The 
black physicians owes it to the pro- 
fession and to him and herself, to 
make sure they are tapping the lives 
of other people educationally. The 
educational linkage is one of the 
most important ones that we have." 

HELPING THE CAUSE 

Consumer education should be a 
major part of the national effort to 
improve the health status of the 
black community. For many years 
and still today the black community 
has been the depository for products 
which, at worst, have negative ef- 
fects on health and at best have no 
positive effects. Familiar to most 
blacks are the numerous "tonics" 
and remedies produced locally for 
promotion to black and poor con- 
sumers. Medicine advertising on 
black oriented radio stations, re- 
quires only a minor stretch of the 
imagination to position these sta- 
tions as dispensers of medical ad- 
vice to the community. For similar 
reasons the home remedy displays 
of neighborhood drug stores have 
been a principal source for relief 
from health problems that other 
population segments routinely carry 
to professionals. The black commu- 
nity continues to be a fertile market 
for products in other categories 
which many regard as harmful. For 



example, cigarette advertising, 
which now is removed from televi- 
sion as a result of federal and social 
pressure, has proliferated in the 
black community through billboard 
campaigns. Much of the growth of 
the tobacco industry in America 
may have come as a result of the in- 
dustry' s growth in the black com- 
munity. According to Howard Jessa- 
my, "we have to become more ad- 
vocates for health care, you hear a 
lot on housing and education but, 
you don't hear much of a voice on 
health care. The priority of health is 
low politically because you don't get 
as many stars for introducing a 
health program then for opening a 
part." We need some black health 
professionals that are advocates for 
preventing medicine. We need to 
have an incentive for people to 
teach or practice preventive medi- 
cine. Mr. Wesley, Jr., concludes, 
"The worst thing that could happen 
now is for the black professional 
who has been trained, educated, 
developed, all of a sudden turn their 
backs and say; it isn't my problem. 
The best thing that could happen is 
that Reagan and Stockman and 
others become even tougher and 
hold the line so much until black 
people realize that your black and 
you gonna be that way." 

LITERATURE CITED 

The State of Black America 1979 - -NTL Ur- 
ban League. Dr. William Darity and Edward 
W. Pitt p. 125. 

Negroes and Medicine — Dietrich C. Reitzes. 
Medical Care-by and for Negroes p. 47. 

Blacks and the Urban Health Crisis — Karl E. 
Hammonds. May 1979 NTL Med. Assoc. — 
p. 226. 

Health Manpower — Harold L. Applewhite. 
May 1974 - NTL Med. Assoc. - p. 219 

Heahh Education and the Black Community 
- Dec. 1980. U.S. Department of Health and 
Human Services. 

Crisis in Health care for the poor. Vertis R. 
Thompson. 

Health policy and the underserved. Stanford 
A. Roman - MD, MPH, Boston, Ma. 

A new definition of health. Harold Elrick — 
MD, F.A.C.P. - Bonita, California. 

Health Status of the Negro Today and in the 
Future. Amer., Jour. Pub. Health — Cornely, 
P.B. 

Medicine in the Ghetto. New York. Apple- 
ton-Century-Crofts. Norman, J. C. 1969. 

Death of the Black Community Hospital: 
Fact or Fiction. Calvin C. Sampson, M.D. 
1973 NTL Med. Assoc. 

Cost Containment in Health Care — A posi- 
tion Paper by the NTL Med. Assoc. 1979. 



62 



CCEBMS SALUTES SENIORS 



by Rick Townes 

Congratulations to the CCEBMS 
graduating class of 1982. 

I am deeply honored to have this 
opportunity to contribute a few con- 
gratulatory words to this years grad- 
uating class. 

I have been associated with the 
CCEBMS program for the past thir- 
teen years. I have watched as many 
groups of students enter this institu- 
tion. It is my personal opinion that 
this has been the most personable, 
most progressive and eventually, I 
think, they will be the most success- 
ful group of students I have seen 
come to the University of Massa- 
chusetts in Amherst. 

The class of 1982 has many stories 
to tell. There are several people who 



touched the Amherst community in 
a very profound way. I don't think 
anybody would have made it with- 
out Neil playing music on BMCP. 
Nor will we forget the athletic ac- 
complishments of Max and Asa. 
And who will ever forget Mr. Hilton 
or K.K. 

But the most important story of all 
is the job that the women of this 
class have done. While many people 
were partying and carrying on, peo- 
ple like Wanda, Janet, Lynne, Deb- 
bie, Felicia, Barbara, Jomaria and 
Maxine were working very diligent- 
ly in order to achieve a high stand- 
ard of academic excellence. Women 
like Karen, Donna, and Earnestine 
were working very hard to lay down 
a firm foundation for their profes- 
sional careers. 



The 1980s will bring many chal- 
lenges to the black community. We 
will have to cope with Reagonom- 
ics, high unemployment, world- 
wide inflation and a whole effort to 
take back the political and economic 
gains of the sixties and seventies. 

I feel confident that the black 
community in America will benefit 
greatly from the efforts of these 
very fine graduates. They have 
prepared themselves well for the 
tasks at hand. The women of this 
class, especially, will make their 
mark on black communities all over 
America. 

On behalf of the CCEBMS staff, 
the Board of Directors, I commend 
you for doing a fantastic job! 



Alestock, Wanda A. 
Allen, Stacey H. 
Ambrose, Morden S. 
Anderson, June E. 
Black, Ross E. 
Brown, Earnestine 
Bulgar, Pamela 
Butler, Janet R. 
Butler, Lynne C. 
Butler, Susan L. 
Cadet, Nissage 
Chan, Shu H. 
Chen, Sarah 
Cheng, Vickie T. 
Chiu, Oi Ling 
Clark, Luciel M. 
Coleman, Jomaria K. 
Covington, Barbara M. 
Crichlow, Gail L 
Davis, Darwin N. Jr. 
Donald, Claudia 
Dwork, Ernest J. 
Eynatian, Gary 



Gillens, Tracey 
Grant, Neil C. 
Gray, Hannah 
Gray, Leo 
Hart, Gail 
Henry, Barrington 
Henry, Pamela 
Hilliard, Asa G. 
Ho, Irene S. 
Hui, Lai-Wah 
lannarilli, Alfredo 
Jackson, Deborah 
Jenkins, Loretta V. 
Jones, Ashford M. 
Kei Bouquinard, Patrick 
Kim, Hyung S. 
Mahan, Kenneth 
McNeill, Olive M. 
Mensah, Allan N. O. 
Mont, Anthony 
Nelson, Portia 
Nguyen, Dy B. 
Paik, Hong Ki. 



Pierre, Claudia A. 
Pruitt, PhylHs D. 
Ray, Michael 
Ryan, Teresa B. 
Sargeant, Marilyn D. 
Sharpe, Cheryl A. 
Small, Felicia A. 
Soares, Constance G. 
Srethabhakti, Irene S. 
Thomas, Karen M. 
Thomas, Van-Lan T. 
Thomas, Velma 
Tyson, Jeanine L. 
Weeden, Carla M. 
Williams, Cynthia D. 
Williams, James R. 
Wimbish, Beth Ann 
Woolridge, Robert Lee 
Yu, Christina 
Granger, Michael 
Randolph, Diane 
Cockburn, Diane 



63 



DRUM STAFF 1982 




64 



DRUM STAFF 1982 



Deborah C. Jackson — President, Business Manager, Writer, Distribution 

Lynne C. Butler — Vice-President, Editing, Distribution, Assistant Business Manager 

Richard H. Pina — Treasurer, Editing, Transcriber 

Carl D. Lowman — Secretary, Editing 

Mychel L. Ray — Writer, Lay-out, Photographer 

Stephanie D. Glenn — Writer, Editing 

Philip Pasley — Writer, Lay-out, Editing 

Neil C. Grant — Writer, Distribution, Fundraising 

Lance E. Wallace — Lay-out, Typist, Transcriber, Distribution, Editing 

Phillip Martin — Writer, Lay-out, Distribution 

Denise Bulgar — Editing, Lay-out, Distribution 

Jeanine L. Smith — Transcriber, Distribution, Typist 

Marann Cassell — Lay-out, Transcriber, Writer 

Michael Nauls — Editing, Distribution 

Mark J. Themea — Photographer 

Edwin Green — Lay-out, Distribution 

Ashford Maxwell Jones — Editing, Distribution 

Grady F. Fuller — Editing, Writer 

Sabina C. Hobbs — Lay-out, Typist, Editing, Distribution 

Sharon R. Kelly — Typist, Writer, Distribution 

John Brown — Editing, Writer 

Holly Roberts — Lay-out, Writer, Distribution 

Susan J. Callender — Editing, Writer, Transcriber, Distribution 

Frank E. Oglesby — Editing, Transcriber 

Lori J. Becklo — Typist, Editing, Transcriber, Fund-raising, Distribution 

Deborah T. Jones — Lay-out 

Professor Nelson Stevens — Adviser, W.E.B. DuBois Department of Afro-American Studies 



Camera Shy — without whose help it would not have been possible 

Ahmed A. Yakudima — Lay-out 

Tyrone Whitehead — Distribution 

Greg Brent — Writer, Distribution 

Alexander Murkison — Writer, Distribution 

Kent Woolridge — Writer 

Jalica Battle --Writer 

Deirdre L. Earl — Writer 

Lloyd Henley — Writer, Distribution 

Semaj. S. Lycurgus — Transcriber 

Cami Harris — Photographer 

John Harris — Writer, Distribution 

Mark Semedo — Distribution