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"  5  -       L  _ 

<  R^  ir  uj  n 


to  t  0.         -^       < 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2010  with  funding  from 

Boston  Library  Consortium  IVIember  Libraries 


http://www.archive.org/details/drum33univ 


STAFF 


Roy  I.  Jones,  Herman  L.  Davenport 

Ernestine  Jewell 

Imogine  Lewis 

Doris  Williams,  Bill  Adams 

DebbeHolford(Kysha) 

Alrundus  Hart 

Robert  Padgett 

Paul  Barrows 


Co-Editors 

Secretary 

Treasurer 

Office  Staff 

Art 

Photography 

Literary 

Layout 


Editor's  Note:  This  page  will  see  many  new  names  next  year  (including  a  new  Editor,  refer  to 
acknowledgements).  We  urge  you  all  to  support  the  staff  by  making  your  literary  contributions, 
thus  making  their  job  easier. 


THE  DRUM,   Spring  1972 
To/.  3,  Vo.  3 

Editorial,  Circulation  and  Ad- 
vertising Offices  located  at  111 
Mills  House,  University  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Amherst,  Mass.  01002. 

Printing:  Gazette  Printing  Co.,  Inc.  Northampton, 
Mass. 


CONTENTS 


3  Congratulations  to  CCEBS  Seniors 

4  Editorial 

5  From  to  What 

6  Feature 

8  The  Black  Community 

13  "On  Mississippi" 

15  The  Sea  and  You 

16  The  Laws  of  Consuinption 
18  Great  Black  Music 

20  Noted  Black  Women 

22  Things  that  Speak  for  Themselves 

30  Seize  the  Time 

31  To  All  Black  Moles  of  Vision 

32  Cockroach  on  a  Bike 

35  Busing  for  Quality  Education 

36  Poetry 

37  Mississippi:  Chance  or  Change 

43  An  Invitation 

44  Acknowledgements 


Herman  L.  Davenport 

A.  Jackson  Linebarger 

Mel  Smith 

Carol  Thompson 

Ingrid  W hite 

Armando  Morales 

Cassandra  Duarte 

Bill  Hasson 

Xernona  Clayton 

Leo  Frame 

Jackie  Bert  y  man 

John  E.  Davis 

Emmanuel  Asibong 

Bill  Adams 

Jeanais  Brodie 

ISapoleon  Jasper 

Roy  L  Jones 


congratulations  to  CCBBS  Seniors 


Cass  o(  CCEBS  ^'"•"'J/'H^  ,g„„s.  all  Wnds 
more  than  paid  "'^'' «^""    %  q,  course 
of  odds.  Do  you  '•^"'^""'f  .„„  „  ,he 

,„u  ian,e,.l>er:  "o-;^^  ^"^.Itesler  grades, 

flrs.  CCEBS  welcome  -""""S' °";.„„,.  „s,,  our  lulors, 
our"siMn,"ourl,    l"""-^",,^^  „,,«,■• 

'"rC."    -^-elsleryearas 

''^::,per,^en,.0,  course /o-e- 

memberll  Vou  rem  n,^er  ^^«  ^_^.^^^  ,^^^ 

and  many  o.her  ""^'f '".X'^olhing  more  Ihan  our 
V,eren'.we?  We  ="-;•;  ,^^„„„,,  ;oys,  sadnesses, 
common  o«por.enoe^  rus.  ^.^^^  ^^^^ 

''Cn"----rr'" 

best  Of  luck  m  your  fu- 
ture endeavors. 

.  s-  ^o  rCEBS  seniors, 
Congratulations,  CCtoo 

Staff  of  the  Drum. 


Editorial 


If  it  is  true  that  Black  students  are  now  going  through  college  to  go  back  to  the 
Black  community,  then  what  is  it  that  we  are  learning  here  that  is  so  vital  to  us. 
Can  it  be  the  Americanization  process  of  brainwashing  that  our  folks  back  home 
need?  Could  it  be  the  corrections  of  the  fallacies  that  "our"  history  books  taught 
us?  Or  could  it  be  that  the  only  thing  the  folks  back  home  need,  is  the  assurance 
that  we  did  battle  with  the  fallacies,  that  we  fought  the  Americanization  in  order  to 
get  back  home. 

What  the  people  are  looking  for  are  not  messiahs  or  martyrs,  but  warriors. 
The  last  Dude  that  came  to  save  his  people  was  crucified.  Then  came  Malcolm 
and  Martin  and  folks  sat  back  and  let  these  men  fight  the  battles  for  them.  But 
warriors  don't  fight  for  the  people;  they  fight  with  them;  and  when  warriors  come 
back  home,  the  folks  have  to  fight  for  themselves,  and  the  things  that  the  people 
want  come  to  be.  What  makes  warriors  different  from  messiahs  or  martyrs? 

Warriors  are  not  above  the  community.  They  come  from  among  the  people 
and  the  things  that  they  fight  for,  are  those  things  that  all  the  people  fight  for,  i.e., 
community  control  of  community  actions  and  welfare.  Warriors  never  leave  the 
community.  They  are  like  craftsmen;  a  carpenter  does  not  leave  his  wood  to  study 
four  years  away  from  it,  and  expect  to  come  back  and  be  a  better  carpenter.  The 
warrior  realizes,  as  does  the  carpenter,  that  in  order  to  be  better,  one  continues 
working  with  the  wood  as  he  defines  his  mathematics,  to  make  his  dimensions 
more  precise;  as  he  enlarges  his  history  to  relate  his  work  to  others  in  the  past,  as 
he  increases  his  power  of  linguistics  to  help  teach,  that  which  he  has  learned,  to 
fellow  warriors. 

In  other  words,  it  is  a  growing  belief  that  a  student  cannot  talk  of  returning 
home  without  having  studied  and  worked  with  people  while  in  school.  There 
cannot  be  any  proof  of  theories  without  practical  application.  Students  must  get 
involved  in  the  same  things  in  which  the  people  are  involved.  There  must  be  the 
same  pressure  on  the  students  that  the  Tenants  Rights  workers  face.  The  student 
must  feel  the  same  fears  that  the  voter  r-egistration  worker  feels.  He  or  she  must 
experience  frustrations  and  defeats  as  any  other  half-way  house  worker,  or  prison 
reformer  would.  Because,  when  the  "warrior  comes  home"  with  his  "education," 
he  must  be  able  to  relate  this  learning  to  the  people  in  such  a  way  that  they  might 
convert  it  to  working,  dealing  energy. 

To  those  of  us  who  are  optimistically  saying  that  Black  students  come  here  to 
learn  and  then  return  home  and  teach,  I  say  that  we  had  better  be  about  getting  the 
tools  for  the  carpenters,  or  the  weapons  for  the  warriors,  so  that  when  they  go  back 
home,  they  will  be  seasoned.  If  we  do  not  start  with  ourselves,  now,  we  will  find 
more  and  more  students  coming  to  Amherst  to  "steal  away"  only  to  find  that 
"There  is  no  hiding  place  down  here." 

HERMAN  DAVENPORT 


FROM  TO  WHAT 

from  the  plastic  God-head 
i  find  myself  escaping, 
tiring  of  naked  runs  in 

fading  woodlands, 
and  the  long-haired  gnomes 
of  love,  peace,  and  happiness, 
white  becomes  repulsing, 
and  the  synthetic  generation, 
successful  in  self-deception, 
plans  for  their  revolution/ 
awaiting  the  day 
when  they  lawfully 
may  fuck  in  the  streets 
and  drink  maalox 
from  an  over-used  needle. 


A.  JACKSON  LINEBARGER 


THE  MAKING  OF  OUR  UBERATION 


In  black  communities  throughout  the  United  States 
today  a  historical  liberation  struggle  continues.  It  is  a 
struggle  that  involves  many  people  in  daily  routines, 
values,  goals,  and  problem  solving  attempts  which 
might  be  considered  to  be  quite  other  than  revolution- 
ary in  the  rhetorical  sense,  but  which  are  based  on  the 
essentials  of  survival  and  accompanying  perceptions  of 
fulfillment.  Sometimes,  and  in  some  persons,  this  means 
accommodation  or  submitting  to  the  prevaihng  or- 
ganized system,  while  "moving  up"  within  it  or  in  dupli- 
cation of  it.  Other  times,  and  in  other  persons,  protest, 
resistance,  and  rebellion  are  foremost  attitudes  and 
actions,  accompanied  by  attempts  to  develop  new  de- 
signs, new  institutions  and  systems.  Of  course  some 
persons  are  apparently  uncommitted  to  a  posture,  but 
in  any  case  the  prospect  of  change  has  not  been  aban- 
doned. 

The  kind  of  change  prospects  to  which  black  people 
will  respond  might  depend  upon  whether  or  not  parti- 
cular advocates  can  produce  practical  results.  Present 
and  past  indications  regarding  social  movements  reveal 
that  much  of  a  movement's  initial  success  depends  upon 
its  abihty  to  provide  benefits,  solve  problems,  and  an- 
swer questions  for  its  people— especially  for  the  un- 
committed. It  seems  reasonable  to  assume  that  the 
overriding  considerations  for  the  black  community, 
along  with  "what  goals  should  we  pursue,"  are  what  can 
group  A  or  professor  B,  or  student  C  do  for  us?  What 
can  they  show  us  and  what  can  they  help  us  do  for  our- 
selves?" 

Meanwhile,  back  on  the  campuses  of  academia,  black 
people  are  heavily  engaged  in  doing  the  traditional 
academic  thing  and/or  in  erecting  new  conceptual 
models  for  social  apphcation.  This,  too,  is  part  of  the 
historic  struggle. 

However,  here  is  where  many  of  the  hoped-for  and 


expected  answers  or  solutions  remain  unaccessable  to 
the  community  outside.  When  values,  goals,  ideologies, 
conceptual  models,  etc.  are  accepted  and  put  forward 
by  individuals  or  groups,  one  of  the  most  crucial  ques- 
tions that  remains  to  be  answered  is,  "How  and  where 
do  we  begin  the  process  of  doing  and  being  whatever 
we  say  we  are  about?"  Surely  concepts  must  be  thor- 
oughly analyzed  and  clearly  articulated,  but  such  analy- 
sis and  articulation  must  also  immediately  provide  the 
workable  answers  or  functional  guides  demanded  by 
black  people  in  the  communities. 

When  we  elaborate  upon  the  pohtical  and  cultural 
significance  of  the  communications  media,  for  exam- 
ple, too  often  the  chapter  on  how  to  obtain  and  main- 
tain a  radio  station  is  omitted.  When  collective  finance 
and  cooperative  housing  ideas  accepted  by  community 
groups  as  being  desirable  short  range  alternatives- 
possible  steps  toward  Ujaama— they  are  frequently 
left  without  instruction  about  the  steps  needed  for  im- 
plementation. 

Furthermore  since  implementation  is  essential  tasks 
in  the  process  of  constructing  viable  institutions  which 
will  provide  for  the  spiritual  and  cultural,  material  and 
political  needs  of  the  people,  we  must  develop  compe- 
tence in  it;  we  must  become  more  adept  at  fulfilling 
our  ideas,  as  well  as  at  developing  them. 

The  abihty  to  conceive,  when  isolated  from  the 
practice— the  act  of  application— is  no  more  functional 
than  steriUty:  only  the  existence  of  potential  in  the 
former  allows  a  distinction  to  be  cited  and  we  cannot 
afford  to  rest  on  our  potentials  in  this  case. 

Such  questions  today  are  especially  crucial  for  those 
persons  who  have  taken  the  path  of  liberation  rather 
than  accommodation,  those  who  in  increasing  numbers 
are  about  the  tasks  of  defining,  designing  and  generat- 


A  PREACHMENT 


ing  alternate  life  systems  and  new  power  relationships. 
They  are  vital  questions  for  those  who  are  engaged  in 
the  nation-building  requirements  that  are  concerned 
with  representative  political  process,  collective  leader- 
ship, and  collective  economics,  rather  than  the  indi- 
viduaUsm  and  plutocracy  of  an  imperialistic  profit  sys- 
tem; and  they  are  certainly  and  especially  important 
for  those  who  have  developed  a  Pan-African  and  Third 
World  perspective. 

Failure  to  provide  some  of  the  answers  now,  and  not 
merely  failure  to  take  on  the  tasks,  can  seriously  jeo- 
pardize the  imminent  emergence  of  a  self-determined, 
progressive  people,  effectively  eliminating  the  reali- 
zation of  Uhuru,— not  to  mention  Ujaama.  Such  failure 
among  black  scholars  could  relegate  them  to  the  posi- 
tion of  being  an  impotent  intellectual  elite  who  will 
have  had  all  credibility  and  confidence  stolen  from 
them  by  others  who  were  willing  and  able  to  answer 
some  of  the  questions  and  "solve"  some  of  the  practical 
problems  of  the  black  populace.  The  present  threat  of 
entrenched  anti-intellectual  and  re-actionary  attitudes 
among  our  people  could  then  grow  into  reality. 

The  obvious  danger  here  is  that  the  field  remains 
wide-open  to  opportunists  generally  and  to  agents  of 
accommodation  and  the  colonial  system  specifically. 
As  the  saying  goes,  "if  one  won't,  then  the  other  will." 
The  history  of  the  federal  War  on  Poverty,  with  its 
many  agencies,  guideUnes,  dollars,  and  programs  pro- 
vides ample  evidence  of  the  neutrahzation,  and  out- 
right co-optation  of  various  elements  of  the  liberation 
movement  in  recent  years;  and  in  one  form  or  another 
this  kind  of  colonial  apparatus  will  probably  continue. 
If  such  institutions  go  uncontested  regarding  the  ability 
and  availability  to  answer  some  of  the  basic  (and  often 
routine)  how  to  do  it  questions  then  they  will  continue 
to  gain  the  attention  of  people  who  are  willing  to  move 


into  action  seeking  practical  direction,  find  no  other 
available  resource. 

Along  with  the  analysis  of  our  condition,  redefini- 
tion of  values,  and  the  articulation  of  concepts,  we,  as 
students  and  teachers,  must  emphasize  the  examina- 
tion of  structures  and  processes— both  existing  and 
envisioned— and  make  the  information  readily  acces- 
sible to  the  black  community  at  large.  More  immediately 
we  must  include  at  the  earliest  point  in  our  process  of 
nation  building,  academic  activity  that  lends  itself  to 
the  study  and  practice  of  implementation  procedures. 
Our  course  designs  research,  participant— observer 
field  work,  lectures,  and  seminars  can  begin  on  the  un- 
dergraduate and  community  levels,  to  bridge  the  gap 
between  idea  and  action. 

The  articles  that  appear  in  this  issue  of  DRUM  are 
expressions  of  some  of  the  recent  efforts  by  black  peo- 
ple in  the  five  college  area  to  learn  by  doing,  to  serve  as 
a  change  agent,  while,  at  the  same  time  sharpening  the 
skills  and  understanding  for  future  struggle.  The  ac- 
counts given  by  the  authors  in  these  articles  reveal 
some  of  the  need  for  our  answering  the  how  to  do  it 
questions,  and  that  community  field  work  projects  can 
be  a  starting  point. 

Scholarship  and  activism  in  good  effective  combin- 
ation provides  an  energy,  a  resource  in  and  of  itself, 
which  can  be  drawn  up  and  extended  by  all  who  are 
engaged  in  the  learning  process.  The  task  of  creating 
the  designs  and  launching  upon  such  combinations  is 
what  we  are  now  about,  and  this  must  speak  to  the  same 
questions  that  the  activities  themselves  will  be  devoted 
to— how  do  we  do  it  and  where  do  we  begin. 

Melvin  W.  Smith 

W.E.B.  DuBois  Department 
of  Afro-American  Studies 


A  BLACK  COMMUNITY 


"The  dark  ghettos  are  social,  political,  educational  and— above  all— economic 
colonies.  Their  inhabitants  are  subject  people,  victims  of  greed,  cruelty,  insen- 
sitivity,  guilt  and  fear  of  their  masters." 

Dark  Ghetto  Dr.  Kenneth  Clark 


Within  black  communities,  North  and  South,  poH- 
tics  is  the  tool  presently  being  used  to  bring  about  a 
full  consciousness  of  black  oppression  and  lead 
blacks  to  the  state  of  equality  and  liberation.  Politics 
has  been  referred  to  as  "the  art  of  the  possible"  but 
for  blacks  politics  has  been  proven  the  art  of  the  im- 
possible. It  will  remain  this  way  as  long  as  political 
power  is  in  the  hands  of  whites  who  take  the  support 
of  blacks  without  identifying  with  them  and  blacks 
remain  protagonists  from  the  outside  against  the 
whole  political  system.  In  view  of  this,  one  must  con- 
template the  possibility  of  blacks  making  a  social 
revolution  within  a  political  framework  that  is  de- 
signed to  prevent  radical  social  and  economic  change. 

On  June  15,  1971  four  students  from  the  Five- 
College  Black  Community  arrived  at  the  Delta  Minis- 
try office  in  Greenville,  Mississippi,  We  were  pre- 
pared to  spend  the  summer  observing  and  participat- 
ing in  a  community  outside  of  our  academic  enclave 
in  hopes  of  finding  ways  to  involve  ourselves  in  the 
development  of  the  larger  black  community.  After  a 
summer  in  communities  where  the  evils  of  America 
are  completely  undisguised  and  the  people's  lives  are 
an  unending  fight  for  survival,  I  shed  many  illu- 
sions and  replaced  them  with  insights  into  the  poten- 
tialities of  Blacks  that  must  become  realities.  Through- 
out the  summer  I  worked  with  organizations  and 
people  within  the  community  who  are  striving  for 
unity,  self-determination,  collective  work,  responsi- 
bility and  cooperative  economics  for  the  purpose  of 
creating  or  restoring  self  pride  and  manifesting  long 
denied  rights  within  the  Black  community.  From  my 
experiences  I  will  try  to  relate  what  is  happening  and 
what  needs  to  be  done  for  the  liberation  of  our  souls. 

I  spent  most  of  my  time  in  Canton,  Mississippi 
which  is  in  Madison  County,  one  of  the  counties  in 
the  central  hill  region  of  the  state.  In  the  hill  region 
the  delta  planter  has  been  substituted  by  the  hillbilly 
"redneck,"  "peckerwood,"  or  "peckerhead"  and  its 
rural  isolation  has  been  reduced  by  the  growth  of 
towns,  the  development  of  transportation,  communi- 
cation and  industry  and  the  extension  of  education. 
Madison  County  is  among  the  Mississippi  counties 
with  a  black  majority  in  population  and  registration 
figures  (63%  population  and  72%  registered  voters). 


Like  most  southern  counties,  Madison  is  also  under 
the  southern  "feudal"  system  in  which  a  small  num- 
ber of  whites  hold  the  political  and  economic  power. 
And  most  important,  a  portion  of  it  must  be  used  to 
maintain  the  local  officials  who  keep  this  system  with 
varying  degrees  of  force.  Canton  is  one  of  Mississ- 
ippi's small  urban  industrial  centers  that  is  a  supply 
center  for  the  surrounding  agricultural  regions.  This 
town  has  been  adequately  described  by  William 
"Smokey"  Wood  in  the  following  essay  written  for 
an  English  Composition  course. 

My  home  town 

Is  Canton,  Mississippi 

It  is  located  in  Central  Miss.,  and  is  said  to  be 

one  of  the  finest  shopping  centers. 

I  think  you  know  about  this  so  called  friendly  town. 

Whenever  I'm  coming  home 

and  look  at  that  sign  that  says  "Welcome  to 

Friendly  Canton" 

I  know  that  sign  was  meant  for  someone 

not  me. 

I  was  glad  when  you  asked  us  to  write  about 

our  home  town, 

because  I  want  someone  else  to  know  of  its  evils. 

This  town  is  so  evil 

until  you  can  see  it  in  the  white  men's  eyes. 

It  is  some  men  around  here  that  know  me 

personally  that  are  clansmen, 

take  for  instance  the  Sheriff, 

we  been  knowing  each  other  since  I  was  4  yrs.  old 

going  to  his  grocery  store  with  a  penny  for  bubble  gum 

Would  these  men  kill  me  if  they  got  a  chance? 

I  wish  I  knew  the  answer. 

I  will  tell  you  about  my  people  of  the  town: 

My  people  make  the  white  man  treat  us  like  this. 

If  any  decent  white  man  would  ride  down  North  Hic- 
kory Street  on  a  Saturday  Night 
one  could  see  what  I  mean. 


I  will  attempt  to  describe  what  goes  on 
down  this  rat  hole: 
This  place  is  called  the  "Hollow" 
because  it  is  a  narrow  street.  It  (left  side) 
contains  a 


On  the  right  side 
it  is  full  of  the 
same  thing  mainly 
cafes. 


sandwich  shop 

cola  stand 

honky  tonk  cafe 

barber  shop 

low  down  blues  playing  cafe 

funeral  shop 

and  a  fish  shop. 

The  foundation  for  every  sort  of  disorder  from  murder 

to  rape. 

People  come  here  (some)  for  one  purpose,  that  is  to 

get  drunk. 

Dressed  in  overalls,  white  shorts  and  red  socks. 

Some  women  in  after  five  dresses 

loud  colors  with  high  heels 

I  won't  forget  the  old  men  either 

sitting  around  on  the  streets  eating  sardines  and 

crackers 

and  spitting  tobacco  juice 

on  the  walking  isle. 

The  think  I  hate  most  is  when  I  see 

cops  herding  Negroes  into  cars. 

One  night  when  I  was  passing  through 

going  home, 

two  women  had  gotten  to  fighting  over  some 

man  with  knives. 

One  had  gotten  cut  up  in  the  face. 

Though  it  is  full  of  whiskey, 

bootleggers, 

cutthroats, 

clansmen 

and  what  not. 

Canton  is  my  home  sweet  home. 

I  love  it  from  my  heart, 

I  guess  anyone  would  find  faults  with 

his  or  her  home  town. 

My  mother  was  born  here, 

so  was  I. 

There  is  a  spot  that  I  would  like  to  be  buried  here. 

The  place  has  changed  a  lot, 

there  used  to  be  trees  all  up  and  down  the 

street  that  I  live. 


Now  there  is  nothing 

but  dead  roots. 

The  trees  are  like  the  people, 

getting  old  and  passing  on 

like  the  silent  river. 

I  can  remember  when  I  was  4  years  old, 

the  people  I  knew  were  in  their  prime, 

now  they  are  old  and  grey. 

It  makes  me  want  to  cry  by  just  thinking  of  them. 

Canton  is  a  place  full  of  flowers  and  flower  trees, 

if  I  may  say  so. 

It  smells  as  sweet  as  it  looks 

in  the  spring. 

Even  though  this  essay  was  written  a  few  years 
ago,  I  would  only  make  a  few  alterations  to  his  de- 
scription. For  example,  the  funeral  home  on  North 
Hickory  Street  is  a  furniture/appliance  shop  and 
the  office  of  the  Madison  County  Union  for  Progress. 
Also  the  "Hollow"  is  patrolled  by  the  only  black 
policeman  on  the  force.  Now  white  cops  are  seldom 
involved  in  incidents  in  this  area.  But  the  other  images 
and  attitudes  expressed  are  still  very  evident  in 
Canton. 

Madison  County  is  a  priority  county  of  the  Miss- 
issippi Action  for  Community  Education  (MACE). 
MACE  is  developing  broadly  based  membership  or- 
ganizations in  many  delta  and  hill  counties  of  Miss- 
issippi. These  organizations  deal  with  the  county's 
problems  of  poverty  and  powerlessness.  It  trains 
local  leaders  in  skills  of  community  organization  and 
program  development.  It  also  gives  technical  assist- 
ance to  local  organizations  to  help  develop  programs 
and  secure  necessary  resources  from  within  and  with- 
out the  community.  Community  leaders  are  worked 
with  so  they  can  restructure  existing  local  movements 
so  they  will  attract  more  support.  MACE  provides 
information  on  welfare  rights.  Medicare,  Medicaid, 
elections,  program  development,  food  stamps  and 
countless  other  organizations  and  programs.  Since 
MACE  is  concerned  with  the  people  learning  through 
experience  it  eventually  assumes  an  advisory  posi- 
tion after  its  initial  training  period. 

The  Madison  County  Union  for  Progress  (MCUP) 
is  the  county  MACE  organization.  This  organiza- 
tion has  826  or  more  members.  These  members  are 
registered  voters  in  the  black  community  and  they 
meet  once  a  month  to  discuss  the  needs  of  the  com- 
munity and  the  programs,  etc.  existing  or  needed  that 
will  meet  these  needs.  The  most  frequently  dealt  with 
issues  include  blacks  in  the  political  process,  schools, 
economic  development  and  communication.  The 
Madison  County  Union  for  Progress  co-ordinates 
activities  that  are  common  among  other  Black  organ- 


izations  in  the  county.  They  include  Star,  Inc.;  CEE; 
NAACP;  National  Council  of  Negro  Women  and  the 
Loyalist  Democrats.  MCUP's  key  role  in  the  county 
is  to  mobilize  the  resources  (money,  skilled  people, 
materials,  communication,  transportation,  etc.)  neces- 
sary for  completing  a  task. 

Since  delaying  tactics,  intimidation,  harassment, 
violence  and  economic  repression  are  being  used  by 
the  white  power  structure  to  resist  change  the  Madi- 
son County  Union  for  Progress  concentrates  its  ef- 
forts on  erasing  ignorance  and  myths  of  political 
power  and  conquering  the  fear  and  apathy  of  black 
citizens.  Ways  are  looked  for  to  mobilize  potential 
black  power  and  dramatize  the  need  for  black  parti- 
cipation in  the  political  process. 

My  summer  included  working  on  various  projects 
geared  toward  political,  and  economic  advancement 
in  the  Mississippi  black  community.  It  is  deeply  felt 
that  the  ballot  and  the  dollar  are  the  essential  wea- 
pons in  the  battle  for  liberation.  Therefore  the  summer 
was  full  of  voter  registration  drives,  voter  education 
classes,  political  rallies,  building  two  community 
owned  and  operated  grocery  stores  and  fund  raising 
events. 

A.     Economic  Development 

The  Madison  County  Union  Development  Com- 
pany was  formed  to  facilitate  economic  development 
in  Madison  County.  This  is  the  borrowing  company 
for  the  county's  two  corporate  aims,  the  Madison 
County  United  Corporation  in  Canton  and  the  Ebony 
Group,  Inc.  in  Flora.  These  two  corporations  built  and 
will  run  two  grocery  stores  (they  opened  during 
September,  1971)  in  their  prospective  cities.  Each 
group  raised  from  $12,000  to  $15,000  in  pledges 
from  community  supporters  and  through  the  Madi- 
son County  Union  Development  Company  were  able 
to  secure  Small  Business  Administration  loans  and 
other  money  from  the  federal  government  and  pri- 
vate investors  or  contributors.  The  trained  person- 
nel for  the  stores  is  coming  from  Star,  Inc.  which  is 
an  OEO  funded  continued  education  and  manpower 
development  program  for  the  black  community  of 
Mississippi.  Star,  Inc.  set  up  two  training  classes  in 
cashiering,  stock  clerking  and  other  capacities.  These 
grocery  stores  are  a  major  attempt  to  eep  money 
flowing  in  the  community. 

B.     Social  Development 

The  Madison  County  Union  for  Progress  along 
with  other  black  organizations  in  the  county  set  up 
the  Madison  County  Committee  of  Public  Assistance 
in  July  1971.  This  committee  was  set  up  to  give  in- 
formation through  workshops  in  the  various  dis- 
tricts to  demonstrate  the  ability  of  self-help.  Its  first 
concern  was  educating  the  community  on  the  Food 
Stamp  Program  so  that  there  would  be  a  demand  to 
change  the  corrupt  practices  of  the  Food  Stamp  Office 


in  the  county;  so  that  it  would  meet  the  guidelines  set 

up  by  the  Federal  government.  Eventually  it  will  deal 

with    welfare    rights.    Free   Lunch    Programs,    school 

segregation,  legal  aid  and  create  a  Citizen's  Advisory 

Committee. 

C.     Political  Development 

Being  an  election  year  politics  was  the  key  issue  in 
the  community.  Excitement  filled  the  county  about 
the  candidacy  of  Charles  Evers  for  Governor  and  20 
Black  independents  for  county  offices.  Since  blacks 
have  been  phased  out  of  the  political  system  in  the 
past  by  all  types  of  schemes  to  keep  blacks  from  the 
polls  the  key  effort  was  to  mobilize  black  voter  po- 
tential through  personal  contact,  public  speaking  en- 
gagements and  canvassing  in  rural  and  urban  areas. 

Blacks  were  approached  to  run  for  offices  in  every 
law-making  body  and  agency  that  is  presently  com- 
pletely in  the  hands  of  whites.  As  a  result,  upon  my 
departure  20  were  announced  candidates  and  others 
were  still  seriously  contemplating  running  for  office. 

Voter  registration  drives  were  a  key  activity  of  the 
summer.  By  the  July  2nd  registration  deadline  all  but 
an  estimated  3,000  eligible  voters  had  been  registered. 
And  by  August,  federal  registrars  had  been  sent  to 
the  county  to  reach  that  3,000  in  remote  areas  by  the 
extended  deadline  of  September  17,  1971.  They  were 
also  to  check  the  registrars'  practices  (which  included 
delaying  tactics  and  nastiness)  and  illegal  annexation 
of  polls. 

Numerous  political  rallies  and  fund  raising  events 
were  held  to  inform  the  community  of  the  present 
political  system  and  the  potential  they  can  have  once 
they  begin  to  vote  as  a  bloc.  At  one  of  the  most  suc- 
cessful rallies  Julian  Bond  pleaded,  "We  are  going  to 
control  our  affairs.  Whatever  happens  to  us  as  Black 
people  from  now  on  is  going  to  happen  because  we 
want  it  to.  So  I  urge  you  who  haven't  registered  to 
vote  to  leave  this  courthouse  so  you  can  determine 
what  happens  and  who's  going  to  serve  this  town." 

My  experience  at  the  polls  during  the  August  3rd 
primary  provided  me  with  many  insights  into  Miss- 
issippi politics.  For  example,  I  saw  cases  in  which 
blacks  were  bought  off  by  white  candidates;  faction- 
alism was  obvious  among  many  black  leaders  and 
different  sectors  of  the  black  community  and  the  white 
candidates  are  obvious  racists  whose  rhetoric  is  just 
for  the  sake  of  winning  in  the  game  of  politics. 

The  remainder  of  my  time  was  spent  in  election 
workshops,  in  the  Black  Child  Development  Center 
and  at  the  Evers  for  Governor  Headquarters.  At  the 
Evers  Headquarters  I  did  menial  office  chores,  parti- 
cipated in  a  volunteer's  workshop  that  expounded 
on  the  role  and  tasks  of  volunteers  and  allowed  me 
to  travel  to  various  counties  to  see  how  they  are  cop- 
ing with  the  problems  (Fayette  in  Jefferson  Co.  and 
Philadelphia  in  Neshoba  Co.  to  name  a  few). 


10 


From  looking  at  the  projects  for  social,  economic 
and  political  development  it  is  obvious  that  blacks  in 
Mississippi  are  rejecting  their  subservient  and  inferior 
position  and  challenging  the  status  quo.  But  after  talk- 
ing to  people  I  became  most  concerned  about  ways  to 
preserve  the  southern  black  community's  sense  of 
creativity,  movement,  love  and  especially  the  role  of 
the  church  (which  is  the  meeting  place  of  the  masses 
and  place  of  strict  tithing  that's  the  mighty  fortress 
of  Black  advancement).  Mississippi  and  other  parts 
of  the  south  must  be  saved  from  heading  toward  the 
repressive,  exploitative,  devious  and  subtle  tactics 
and  the  depersonalized,  computerized,  dehumanized 
lifestyle  of  the  North.  Hopefully  with  the  people's 
attitudes,  the  adaptability  of  southern  institutions  to 
survive,  and  the  primitive  state  of  their  development 
it  will  be  easier  for  us  to  determine  its  future  structure. 

Mississippi  has  become  a  real  part  of  my  life.  I  find 
it  constantly  on  my  mind  and  in  my  heart.  As  a  result 
of  this  summer  I  realize  that  I  have  only  begun  to 
contribute  to  an  emerging  lifestyle  for  blacks  on  this 
earth.  Being  a  region  completely  unknown  to  me  I 
had  no  idea  of  its  beautiful  landscape,  distinctive  and 
pleasant  lifestyle  full  of  generosity  and  neighborli- 
ness  that  coexists  with  the  accepted  segregated  way 
of  life,  moral  and  economic  persecution  and  the  feel- 
ing of  futility  for  trying  to  change  so  awesome  and 
peculiar  a  social  system.  Most  importantly  I  realize 
that  (a)  academic  life  and  the  social  struggle  must 
come  closer;  hopefully  with  the  mergence  of  the  in- 
tellectual conceptualizations  and  the  working  experi- 
ence each  group  will  become  conscious  of  their  com- 
mon bond  and  role  in  the  struggle,  (b)  only  we  can 
create  communities  where  we  as  people  can  realize 
the  full  meaning  of  self  and  demand  an  open,  equal 
relationship  with  others.  This  will  happen  only  when 
we  unite  on  all  levels  to  destroy  the  stereotype  plan- 
tation image  of  the  south  in  American  minds  and  (c) 
dormant  communities  must  be  revitalized  by  ener- 
getic and  conscious  black  youths. 

Robert  Moses,  COFO  program  director  and  head 
of  the  SNCC  Mississippi  project  said,  "The  tragedy 
here  is  the  work  of  people  who  believed  in  an  idea 
enough  to  kill  for  it.  The  problem  of  Mississippi  is 
the  problem  of  the  nation  and  the  world.  A  way  has 
to  be  found  to  change  this  desire  to  kill."  We  as  stu- 
dents can  save  our  communities  by  returning  with 
our  knowledge  and  skills.  Those  in  the  community 
with  the  most  resources  today  become  the  most  vul- 
nerable to  economic  pressure  from  the  white  com- 
munity. Unfortunately,  these  people  who  comprise 
the  black  middle/professional  class  can't  be  counted 
on  for  anything  except  minimal  undercover  sup- 
port. They  only  become  visible  contributors  and  actors 
when  the  effort  has  materialized,  become  successful 
and  appears  to  be  a  wise  investment  for  them. 


The  American  corporate  state  is  only  interested  in 
training,  influencing,  and  controlling  a  new  genera- 
tion of  Afro-Americans  and  Africans  so  we  will  be- 
come part  of  the  western  world  and  enjoy  its  lifestyle. 
The  federal  government  superficially  appears  to  be  an 
ally  but  it  has  proven  to  be  a  poor  defender  of  our 
civil  liberties.  FBI  agents,  federal  registrars  and  ob- 
servers are  usually  cold,  unresponsive,  hostile,  un- 
enthusiastic,  hold  segregationist  views  and  fail  to 
enforce  existing  legislation.  Also  federal  programs 
after  stating  very  idealistic  aims  eventually  lose 
financing  or  become  woefully  underfinanced,  be- 
come snarled  in  administrative  difficulties  of  deliver- 
ing the  proclaimed  services  or  commodities  to  the 
poor  spread  across  the  country  once  it's  approved  in 
Washington  and  leaves  to  go  through  the  many 
layers  of  government.  In  short,  each  has  underesti- 
mated the  problems  of  dealing  successfully  with 
poverty.  And  we  have  overestimated  the  national 
commitment  to  getting  the  job  done.  From  this  it  is 
evident  that  the  system  that  is  killing  our  creativity 
and  keeping  us  in  flux  is  being  contained  by  those  al- 
legedly dedicated  to  creating  a  better  life.  Therefore 
the  task  of  life  reconstruction  is  only  up  to  us  and  will 
only  become  a  reality  when  we  define  who  we  are, 
what  we  believe  in  and  start  acting  accordingly. 

As  you  can  see  the  days  of  bullshitting  are  over. 
We  have  to  meet  the  challenges  of  the  coming  years 
and  not  turn  our  backs  to  the  problems  of  our  com- 
munities thinking  they'll  disappear.  They  haven't  in 
400  years  so  why  should  they  vanish  now.  In  the 
south,  blacks  are  obviously  on  the  first  rung  of  the 
political  ladder— the  entrance  into  the  political  sys- 
tem. But  only  through  an  endless  concentrated  effort 
will  we  eventually  reach  the  stage  of  being  recurrent- 
ly elected.  From  that  stage  we  will  obtain  a  consoli- 
dated power  base  that  will  ultimately  allow  the  black 
community  to  control  its  behavioral  and  value  sys- 
tems. This  control  will  inevitably  free  us  from  dom- 
ination by  the  alien  power.  Thus  allowing  us  to  create 
a  humanistic  society  that  will  let  each  of  us  become 
what  we  are  capable  of  being. 

In  conclusion,  I'd  like  to  appeal  to  you  to  go  to  the 
place  of  your  roots  so  you  can  see  that  even  though 
these  people  don't  have  money  or  materialism  they 
do  have  a  freedom.  This  freedom  results  from  their 
knowledge  of  self,  a  lack  of  shame,  and  their  being 
totally  beautiful  black  human  beings.  I  know  you'll 
find  a  trust,  hope,  security,  strength,  confidence, 
love  and  respect  that  the  northern  experience  has 
killed  in  most  of  us.  Like  Fannie  Lou  Hamer  says 
"Here  in  Ruleville,  Mississippi,  in  the  heart  of  "crack- 
er country"  a  shouting  distance  from  where  Emmett 
Till's  body  was  found,  where  Joetha  Collier  was  shot 
I  feel  as  safe  and  secure  as  I  would  in  my  mother's 
arms."  Think  about  it. 

Carol  Thompson  11 


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ON  MISSISSIPP 


(During  the  past  summer,  four  Black  students  from  the  Five-College  area  found  the  opportunity  and  need  to  spend  their 
vacation  In  the  Delta  Area  of  Mississippi  (Sunflower  Holmes.  Humphnes.  and  Boliva  Counties).  This  was  the  preliminary  period 
during  which  organizations  and  candidates  would  begin  preparing  for  the  consequential  November  2nd  elections.  The  major 
significance  of  "Election  '71"  lay  In  the  fact  that,  for  the  first  time  since  Reconstruction,  every  white  candidate  had  a  Black 
running-mate,  and  Black  people  were  in  a  position  to  determine  the  outcome  of  the  state-wide  election.) 


It's  easy  and  safer  to  believe  that  "anything  below  the 
Canadian  border  is  the  Deep  South."  and  continue  to  live 
anywhere  BUT  the  South,  in  a  luxurious  college-town, 
pretending  to  suffer  as  much  pain  as  any  Black  person  in  the 
country.  But  the  differences  between  Northern  and  Southern 
racism  and  discrimination  are  great:  and  most  Northerners 
would  prefer  to  remain  in  the  North  because  the  racism 
which  exists  there  is  more  latent,  and  many  people  prefer  to 
not  SEE  or  individually  and  directly  FEEL  the  problems  and 
the  pains  and  the  reality  of  being  Black  and  oppressed. 

In  the  South,  the  oppression  is  clear  and  felt  by  the 
overwhelming  majority  of  The  People.  I,  personally,  prefer  to 
know  who  my  enemies  are.  and  am  particularly  appreciative 
if  they  identify  themselves  to  me.  "Although  southern  racism 
IS  generally  beginning  to  become  more  discreet  now.  too. 
the  peckerwoods  of  the  South  aren't  as  rehearsed  in  their 
discreetness  as  those  in  the  North,  who  have  been  keeping 
their  demonic  thoughts  so  well  hidden  for  so  long  that  many 
of  them  have  even  convinced  themselves  that  they  are  not  in 
the  least  bit  racist. 

Conditions  in  the  Mississippi  Delta  are  appalling,  to  say 
the  very  least.  Living  conditions,  of  course,  are  the  first  that 
strike  one  upon  arrival,  and  these  represent  the  remaining 
social,  political,  and  economical  deficiencies  which  exist 
within  the  counties.  The  People  have  absolutely  no  control 
of  the  way  they  are  forced  to  live — and  have  little  hope  of 
ever  achieving  any.  This  hopelessness  is  caused  by  a  history 
of  futile  attempts  at  striving  toward  freedorn  Since  the  Civil 
Rights  Movement  and  Voter  Registration  in  the  60's.  The 
People's  apathy  and  lack  of  energy  is  surpassed  only  by  their 
poverty. 

But  It's  not  all  apathy's  fault.  Because  of  a  strong  desire  to 
live  in  peace  or  because  of  one  or  another  kind  of  fear. 
Blacks  in  Mississippi  are  extremely  hesitant  to  openly 
protest  what  they  know  in  their  hearts  are  gross  evils  Most 
non-conformists  learn  the  advisability  of  keeping  their 
mouths  shut,  or  are  silenced  in  one  way  or  another,  or  find  it 
expedient  to  leave  the  state.  The  number  of  serious  and 
political  Black  workers  in  Mississippi  is  minute.  The 
leadership  which  does  exist  lacks  political  education,  and  is 
generally  inexperienced,  especially  in  expressing  their 
needs  and  interests  through  the  political  process.  But  then, 
whenever  Black  people  have  attempted  to  take  the  step  into 
politics,  they  have  been  beaten  back  into  submission,  and/or 
any  minute  progression  has  been  hindered,  detained,  stifled, 
or  cut  off  completely.  This  being  the  case  during  "Election 
71."  when  the  re-districting  of  most  of  the  state  was 
compelled,  (without  a  court  decree,  no  less.)  it  was 
necessary  to  re-register  every  Black  citizen  in  the  state,  an 
extremely  tedious  and  difficult  task.  Due  to  various, 
numerous,  and  legitimate  fears  on  the  part  of  the  Black 
citizenry,  the  successes  of  the  voter's  registration  project 
cannot  be  used  as  a  measure  of  rising  political  awareness 
within  the  Black  community.  These  fears  and  inhibitions 
stem  from  a  vanety  of  past  and  present  frightening,  even 
terrorizing  events  which  (have)  occur(red)  during  election 
years. 


Initially,  the  deeply  imbedded  memories  of  the  60's:  the 
bombings,  the  evictions,  the  harassment,  the  loss  of  jobs, 
the  shootings,  etc..  —  all  remain,  in  some  cases 
unconsciously,  in  the  minds  of  The  People. 

Most  Blacks  in  Mississippi  are  instinctively  apprehensive 
of  the  word  "registration."  They  connect  it  with  going  to  the 
courthouse  and  answering  lengthy  and  trickily  worded 
forms  Some  ask  if  they  have  to  pay  any  money,  associating 
It  with  the  poll  tax 

Many  of  The  People  have  been  led  to  believe  that  they 
are  simply  too  old  to  vote  One  beautiful  little  lady — a  fly  82 
years  old — spent  our  time  attempting  to  convince  us  that 
she  was  too  old  to  vote 

The  courthouse,  the  ONLY  place  of  registration,  has 
extremely  uncomfortable  connotations  for  Black  folks.  All  of 
these  are  reasons  for  the  Black  community  to  fear 
registration. 

Fifty-percent  of  the  adults  in  Mississippi  over  the  age  of 
twenty-five  have  less  than  nine  years  of  schooling.  In  1960, 
the  median  for  whites  was  eleven  years:  for  Blacks,  six.  Fifty 
percent  of  them  had  less  than  4  7  years.  Most  of  the  older 
Black  citizens  can't  as  much  as  write  their  names.  It's 
embarrassing  for  them  to  ask  the  white  registrar  to  write  it 
for  them. 

Politics  have  done  nothing  more  than  neglect  the  needs 
of  Black  Mississippians.  and  exploit  their  resources.  They  fail 
to  see  how/that  politics  might  work  more  to  their  advantage 
with  proper  representation.  Presently,  every  law-enforcing 
agency  is  in  the  hands  of  those  whites  who  are  faithful  to  the 
orthodoxy 

Especially  in  Mississippi,  political  power  is  one  of  the 
most  powerful  instruments  of  legitimate  change.  As  the 
Black  man  gets  the  vote,  he  also  gets  representation.  With 
representation,  the  power  of  the  state  must  begin  to  look 
more  to  his  interests.  Political  power  constitutes  the  ability 
to  create  changes  in  every  other  aspect  of  life.  It  can  create 
changes  in  the  educational  system,  in  housing  conditions, 
employment,  welfare,  medical  facilities. — most  of  the 
changes  that  need  to  occur  are  usually  connected  to  the 
political  process  in  some  way  A  freedom  ride,  or  a 
demonstration  has  short-term,  usually  symbolic  goals,  A 
Black  man  marching  down  the  street  with  a  sign,  ordering 
the  conviction  of  Joetha  Collier's  murderers,  is  protesting 
discnmination  in  ALL  courthouses.  It  is  time  now  to  go  after 
the  long-range  goals  of  political  power  through  direct 
participation. 

Since  "Election  7  1 "  was  almost  a  total  failure  in  terms  of 
the  election  of  Black  candidates,  the  political  structure  must 
be  moved  on  in  another  way.  The  People  don't  seem  to  see 
the  connection  between  their  problems  and  the  political 
system,  and  tend  to  be  disinterested  in  any  conversation 
suggesting  their  involvement  in  CHANGING  this  system. 
They  have  too  many  Immediate  and  personal  problems  to 
tend  to — lack  of  food,  clothing:  illness:  finding  employment, 
etc.  Politics  seems  to  be  a  rather  abstract  means  of  alleviat- 
ing these  direct  needs.  Mostly,  they  complain  and  denounce 
among  themselves  about  their  problems. 


13 


The  town  of  Inverness  in  Sunflower  County  is  an 
example.  In  February,  1971,  a  tornado  completely  wiped 
out  Inverness.  The  Red  Cross  replaced  smashed  houses 
with  new  trailers.  Three  or  four  white  dudes  OWN  Inverness: 
and  they  say  that,  come  March  72,  all  Black  folks  must  be 
gone  from  the  town  They  will  be  "granted  $2500,  $500  of 
which  they  must  re-pay  the  government.  They  can  either 
purchase  the  trailers  and  take  them  elsewhere,  or  they  can 
take  the  money  and  split — use  it  as  a  down-payment  on  a 
home,  some  land.  Meanwhile,  the  plumbing  needs  repair, 
the  sewerage  is  fertilizing  the  dust  of  their  yards,  the  wind  is 
toppling  the  trailers.  The  People  are  being  harrassed  by  the 
Black  police  officer,  who  orders  them  about  and  off  the 
street  whenever  he  so  desires,  and  life  is  generally  a  daily 
drag 

But  folks  don't   know  that  their  basic,   natural,   human 
rights  are  being  denied,  and  are  semi-satisfied  to  "suffer 
peacefully  " 

The  difference  is,  there  is  no  question  in  The  People's 
minds  as  to  who  the  "villain"  really  is  In  other  parts  of  the 
country,  Black  people  have  been  granted,  some  of  them,  at 
least,  certain  benefits  and  endowments.  Enough  of  us,  in 
fact,  to  confuse  the  issue  of  white  racism,  exploitation,  and 
discrimination,  the  most  popular  comment  being,  "There's 
some  GOOD  white  folks,  and  there's  some  BAD  white  folks, 
just  as  there  are  some  GOOD  Negroes  and  some  BAD 
Negroes." 

In  Mississippi  I  found  that  the  great  maiority  of  The 
People  are  completely  aware  of  the  white  man's  charade, 
and  even  his  Toms  (of  which  he  has  created  an  abundance) 
despise  him  for  forcing  them  to  lower  themselves  to  such  a 
demeaning,  self-effacing  level  of  clientship 

The  People,  too — most  of  them — maintain  a  status  of 
Tomship,  simply  because  they  have  been  forced  to  mistrust 
one  another  so  relentlessly  A  kind  of  "hopeful"  trust  is  then 
directed  toward  white  folks,  who,  due  to  their  extraneous 
relationship  with  The  People,  appear  to  be  the  most 
responsible  and  capable  of  relieving  them  of  their  fulsome 
conditions 

It  IS  now  a  matter  of  educating  them  as  to  specifics — who 
or  which  group  is  personally  responsible  for  particular 
deficiencies  within  the  Black  community — and  of  organizing 
them  to  move  on  very  specific  issues — convincing  them  that 
they  are  indeed  capable  of  procuring  change  A 
comprehensible  form  of  political  education  is  basic  and 
essential  in  this  organization  A  foundation  on  which  self- 
confidence  can  be  built  is  primary.  This  confidence  is 
presently  in  abeyance. 

A  grave  problem  is  that  a  great  deal  of  pessimism  exists 
within  the  communities.  The  People  really  don't  expect  any 
significant  changes  or  improvements,  and  lose  interest  very 
quickly.  Any  small  obstacle  serves  as  a  diversion,  and  any 
other  inconveniences  may  serve  to  end  all  participation  and 
activity  all  together.  They  don't  seem  accustomed  to 
successfully  achieving  a  particular  goal.  Things  are  done 
hurriedly,  and.  therefore,  shakily.  Rather  than  spend  time 
carefully  and  seriously,  plans  for  activities  are  zipped 
through  and  are  usually  a  waste.  The  same  is  true  during 
meetings — a  board  is  elected  hurriedly  and  without 
consideration  of  who  has  the  time  and  capacity  to  work 
advantageously  in  a  particular  position. 

The  Sisters  who  directed  the  organization  in  Sunflower 
County  were  both  sincere  and  committed.  Their  problem,  in 
the  long  run,  was  a  lack  of  confidence  and  of  direct 
resources.  Being  trainees  of  a  larger  community 
organization  meant  that  they  had  acquired  certain  know- 
how  and  experience,  but  to  place  them  in  charge  of  an  entire 


county  IS  asking  a  high-school  student  to  do  a  college-man's 
|ob  Without  any  kind  of  supervision  or  instruction,  the 
Sisters  hadn't  the  initiative  to  organize  an  entire  county.  The 
prospect,  alone,  had  frightened  them  from  broaching  the 
problems  which  confront  their  communities.  Given  some 
ordinance  and  direction,  these  Sisters,  and  others  with 
similar  decrements  who  work  for  and  with  their  community, 
could  be  major  influences  on  the  progress  within  their 
respective  communities.  As  things  stand  now,  a  lot  of  paid 
energy  is  being  wantonly,  yet  guiltily,  wasted  in  sleep,  in 
local  pubs,  or  in  aimless  rides  throughout  the  community. 

You  will  love  Black  Mississippians — you  will  be  forced  to. 
You  will  be,  immediately  and  without  question,  welcomed 
into  the  community,  and  treated  as  a  member  of  everyone's 
family  The  warmth,  affection,  and  obvious  humanism  of  our 
people  there  is  unavoidable — you  will  be  subjected  to  it  at 
all  times.  You  will  be  welcomed  into  people's  homes,  and  be 
given  whatever  you  need,  even  when,  (most  of  the  time)  you 
probably  need  it  less  than  the  donor.  The  People  are 
excruciatingly  poor,  financially,  and  have  only  one  another 
for  support  and  comfort.  The  sense  of  community  which 
exists  will  overwhelm  you  almost  immediately.  To  find  that 
there  are  still  human  beings  in  this  world  will  over-power 
you — mainly  because  you've  never  met  and  lived  with  an 
entire  community  of  them  and  don't  have  any  conception  of 
what  human  beings  really  are.  You  will  be  forced  to  want  to 
do  everything  within  your  capability  to  work  and  struggle 
with  and  for  the  living  conditions  that  these  people  deserve 
more  than  anyone  else,  and  you  and  they  will  become  one. 

I  am  justified  in  using  the  terms  "us"  and  "them"  here, 
because  there  IS  a  great  difference  between  "us"  and 
"them"  Only  in  this  case,  it  is  the  "them"  who  are  the 
superior,  to  me,  so  I  don't  use  the  terms  as  they  are 
generally  used  by  outside  workers  and  organizers,  who 
maintain  a  paternalistic,  condescending  attitude  towards  the 
communities  with  whom  they  are  involved 

It's  crucial  that  we  all  go  down  there  and  work.  The 
conditions  which  existed  in  Mississippi  during  the  period  of 
slavery  continue  to  manipulate  the  Black  people  in  the  state. 
The  plantations  are  still  there,  and  the  dependency  of  Blacks 
on  the  plantation  owner  is,  in  many  cases,  as  strong  as  ever. 
Black  folks  are  trying  so  hard  to  be  Black,  and  proud,  but  it's 
being  made  so  difficult  for  them  by  the  conditions  under 
which  they  are  forced  to  exist.  They  really  seem  to  THINK 
Black,  but  everything  else  makes  it  so  hard  to  BE  it. 

No  one  is  addressed  with  the  terms  "Brother,"  or 
"Sister,"  but  one  is  treated  more  like  one  than  blood 
brothers  and  sisters  in  the  North.  Here,  most  of  us  do  things 
for  each  other  deliberately,  because  "this  is  the  way  we 
SHOULD  treat  one  another" — this  is  the  way  a  GOOD 
Brother  or  Sister  should  be  In  Mississippi,  any  act  of 
kindness  is  natural — done  because  people  naturally  help 
one  another  out  whenever  possible,  without  giving  it  a 
second  (or  even  first)  thought 

Our  skills,  combined  with  the  unity  and  willingness  of  our 
Brothers  and  Sisters  in  the  South  can  bring  about  wonders 
in  the  state.  These  changes  will,  undoubtedly,  be  slow  in  the 
coming  if  we,  or  other  people  from  other  parts  of  the  country 
refuse  to  involve  themselves  The  People  in  Mississippi, 
having  lived  in  these  conditions  for  generations,  fail  to  see 
how  miserable,  deplorable  their  condition  really  is — out- 
siders see  It  immediately,  and  are  astounded. 

"One  of  our  mam  purposes  it  to  unify  our  Brothers 
and  Sisters  in  the  North  with  our  Brothers  and 
Sisters  in  the  South" 

Ingrid  White 


14 


The  Sea  and  You 

to  a  woman  that  I  don't  know 

We  two  in  this  human  silence 
For  to  tinge  life's  canvas.  .  .  . 

There  is  something  I  want  to  say  before  our  farewell: 

As  legend  would  have  it,  in  the  beginning  all  waters  were  fresh,  even  those 
of  the  sea  which  sleep  peacefully,  billowing  its  head  on  all  the  beaches  of  the 
world.  This  lasted  on  for  years,  even  ages.  .  .  .  and  never  a  gale.  The  breeze 
was  light  and  well  mannered.  Despite  its  bright  blue  color,  and  despite  the  fact 
that  it  sings,  caresses,  and  gets  away  like  any  boy,  everyone  knows  that  the  sea 
is  old,  very  old  indeed.  It  was  one  of  the  first  things  made  for  God,  and  it  is  only 
natural  that  its  towering  whitecaps  and  dark  depths  should  have  played  a  lead- 
ing role  and  witnessed  man's  great  adventure. 

Countless  stories  have  been  written  about  the  history  of  this  romantic  and 
turbulent  oldster  that  keeps  a  thousand  memories  of  all  horizons.  But  no  one, 
except  dark  a  far  distant  man  has  ever  told  the  story  of  the  heart  of  the  sea.  For 
the  sea  does  have  a  heart,  an  embittered  heart  like  that  of  a  lonely  man  coritem- 
plating  the  vastness  of  a  life  without  end.  One  bright  summer  day  a  young 
woman  went  down  to  one  of  the  sea's  golden  beaches.  She  was  beautiful,  and 
one  could  well  imagine  that  night  had  given  its  color  to  her,  black  and  lustrous 
hair.  But  whence  did  those  honeyed  and  dreamy  eyes  originate?  One  could  easily 
guess  that  her  body,  under  the  woven  vines  that  clothed  it,  was  beautiful.  She 
walked  lazily,  as  though  she  was  dark-skinned,  and  her  sensuous  lips  were 
parted  as  though  in  thirst.  The  breeze  stood  stock-still  and  looked  at  her.  She 
reached  the  beach  and  entered  the  fresh  and  slumbering  water.  When  she  had 
gone  in  far  enough  she  stripped.  She  frolicked  for  a  long  time  with  the  warm 
water  that  caressed  her  skin.  She  then  put  on  her  vine  clothing  and  departed. 

Everyone  began  to  talk  then.  .  .  the  trees,  the  air,  and  all  the  rest  asked:  You 
that  have  seen  her  and  held  her  in  your  arms,  tell  us,  o  sea,  what  she  is  really 
like.  The  sea  did  not  reply.  The  woman  returned  once  again  and  the  whole  beach 
again  asked  anxiously:  What  is  she  like  naked?  The  sea  never  answered.  The 
sea  had  fallen  in  love  with  her.  Until  the  day  when  the  girl  came  along  with  a 
stranger,  who  kissed  her  until  her  lips  ached.  .  .  .  They  then  departed,  both 
man  and  girl.  But  before  leaving  they  drew  a  love  sign  on  the  sand  with  their 
hands.  Then,  everything  changed.  The  sea  began  to  brood  and  became  as  salt 
as  it  is  today.  Then  love  signs  the  lovers  had  drawn  on  the  sand.  The  sea  con- 
tinued thus  hour  after  hour,  twisting,  groaning  and  crying  out  like  a  beast  in 
pain.  The  first  storm  was  born  thus.  It  still  groans  and  drags  its  aching  and 
lacerated  body  along  the  sands  of  its  beach. 

At  times  it  becomes  weary  and  falls  asleep.  But  it  awakens  in  an  irritable, 
jealous  and  embittered  mood  every  time  a  pair  of  lovers  sits  on  the  shore,  and  it 
recedes  in  pained  anguish  when  it  sees  them  drawing  love  signs  in  the  sand. 
Later,  when  they  leave,  it  stretches  out  its  long  arms  and  erases  the  sign  vindic- 
tively. This  is  why  names  and  words  written  on  sand  are  erased,  because  the  sea, 
though  very  old  in  years,  does  not  forget,  and  its  heart,  torn  by  its  great  secret, 
shakes  in  anguish  and  wrath  every  time  a  young  girl  in  love  calls  back  the 
memory  of  the  girl  it  once  cradled  in  its  arms. 

Armando  Morales 
lAHora!  Member 


15 


THE  LAWS  OF 


Way  out  in  the  middle  of  the  Carribbean  Sea,  there 
is  a  very  small  island.  As  one  approaches  it  the  abun- 
dance and  variety  of  vegetation  is  overwhelming. 
Birds,  flowers,  animals  and  everything  that  a  man 
could  think  of  to  place  in  his  paradise  is  here.  The 
closest  that  one  could  get  to  picturing  this  scene 
would  be  to  imagine  the  Garden  of  Eden  as  it  was.  Al- 
though beautifully  intriguing,  one  could  detect  a 
sense  of  strangeness  about  the  island. 

If  you  were  to  come  to  this  island  at  a  certain  time 
of  the  morning  or  a  certain  time  in  the  evening  no  one 
could  be  found.  In  fact  it  was  amazing  the  way  people 
would  disappear  at  certain  times  of  the  day.  Judging 
from  their  appearance  the  only  people  who  stayed 
around  were  the  social  outcasts  and  the  deviants.  Be- 
ing a  curious  person  and  this  being  my  first  time  on 
the  island,  I  asked  the  first  person  I  saw  where  every- 
body had  gone.  The  young  man  flushed  with  em- 
barrassment, gave  me  a  disgusting  look  and  ran 
away.  So  I  ran  up  to  a  man  who  was  sitting  on  the 
grass  with  a  sandwich  in  his  hand.  As  I  approached 
him  he  put  the  sandwich  behind  him.  "Where's  every- 
body going?",  I  asked.  "That's  a  silly  question,"  he 
growled.  "Where  the  hell  do  you  think  they  are  going, 
to  fuck?  You  know  where  they're  going." 
"No  I  don't,  I'm  new  around  here  and  a  lot  of  what  I 
see  going  on  is  very  strange  to  me." 
"Where  are  you  from?" 

"I'm  from  a  land  a  long  ways  from  here,  to  tell  you  the 
name  of  it  really  isn't  necessary,  but  as  I  asked  be- 
fore, where's  everybody  going?" 
"They  are  going  to  do  just  what  I'm  doing  now." 
"I  don't  understand— but  you're  not  doing  anything 
but  eat"— Before  I  finished  he  placed  his  hand  over 


my    mouth    and    suspiciously    looked    around    us    as 
though  someone  were  policing  our  conversation. 
"The   law's   concerning   consumption   are  very  strict 
around    here,    one    is   not   allowed    to   talk   in   public 
about  it." 
"Why  not?" 

"Because  it  is  dirty  and  indecent.  If  a  person  were  to 
be  caught  by  a  cop  eating  in  public  he  could  be  jailed 
for  5  years." 

"But  how  can  that  be?",  I  asked.  "I  was  under  the 
impression  that  this  culture  was  an  extremely  free 
one.  In  fact  as  I  walked  over  here  I  stepped  over 
several  bodies,  all  of  them  fucking  to  their  heart's  con- 
tent." 

"And  what's  wrong  with  that,  how  else  does  one 
satisfy  his  drives?" 

"Well,"  I  asked,  "isn't  eating  a  drive?" 
"Yes,  but  it's  still  dirty  unless  it's  done  at  the  proper 
time,  in  the  proper  place  and  at  the  right  age." 
"What  is  the  proper  time,  place,  and  age?" 
"Well,  a  person  can  eat  from  6  a.m.  to  8  a.m.,  from  12 
noon  to  2  p.m.  and  from  6  p.m.   to  8  p.m.,  and  of 
course  be  in  the  privacy  of  your  own  eating  room. 
Children   should   not  be  allowed   to  eat  with  adults. 
Males  are  not  allowed  to  eat  with  females  until  they're 
married.  And  even  then  only  at  the  designated  times 
and  places,  if  they're  respectable  people.  Around  here 
it's  not  too  cool  to  eat  with  people  who  have  brown 
eyes  either." 
"Why  not,"  I  asked. 

"Because    they're   greedy   people,    all    they   do   is   sit 
around    and    eat    all    the    time.    They're    disgusting. 
Haven't  you  noticed  how  fat  they  are." 
"No,  I've  only  been  around  here  a  few  days." 


16 


CONSUMPTION 


"Well,   I  guess  some  of   the  brown-eyed   people  are 

respectable,  but  they  are  the  ones  who've  been  around 

blue-eyed  people  most  of  their  lives.  " 

"Well,"  I  said,  "you  aren't  very  thin  and  when  I  came 

over  here  you  were  eating  a  sandwich." 

"Yeah,  well  ever  since  the  time  I  got  arrested  and  was 

sent  to  jail  I've  had  a  bad  record.  Decent  people  won't 

even  talk  to  me  and  the  only  job  I  can  get  is  the  worst 

thing  out." 

"What's  that?"  I  asked. 

"Washing  the  grease  and  slop  off  dishes  that  people 

ate  from.  I've  given  up  in  this  place,  so  I  might  as  well 

eat  when  and  where  I  please,  'cause  people  just  sum 

me  up  as  a  food  maniac  anyway." 

"How  did  it  happen?" 

"Well,  it  was  quite  a  few  years  ago,  I  was  going  out 

with  this  brown-eyed  chick.  She  wasn't  like  the  rest 

of  them.  She  had  been  educated  in  the  best  schools 

and  had  the  finest  of  eating  habits.  In  fact,"  he  smiled, 

"you  could  say  that  sheiwas  a  real  prude.  She  was  even 

more  polished  in  eating  than  most  blue-eyed  people." 

"Well,  what  happened?" 

"One   afternoon   we   had   been   fucking   all   day  and 

running  around  a  lot  and  we  got  hungry.  At  the  time 

we  were  near  this  pornography  joint,  (they're  called 

restaurants  if  you  want  to  get  fancy).  So  we  went  in. 

I'll  never  forget  it.  She  ordered  a  hamburger  with  lots 

of   catchup   and   I   ordered  a   submarine  sandwich,   I 

guess  I  was  really  hungry  and  I  made  a  pig  of  myself, 

getting  that  big  sandwich." 

"Well  we  weren't  caught  then,  but  three  months  later, 

her  mother  realized  that  she  had  gained  a  pound.  It 

was  a  terrible  scene,  especially  since  I  had  blue  eyes 

and  she  had  brown  ones.  Her  mother  made  her  leave 


home  until  she  had  lost  the  pound,  but  they  had  me 
arrested  for  being  a  glutton  in  the  presence  of  a  young 
lady.  I've  been  labelled  a  deviant  ever  since." 
"Does  everyone  feel  this  way  about  food?" 
"No,  the  younger  people  are  changing  their  attitude 
toward  food  and  eye  color.  They  take  diet  pills  and 
eat  with  who  they  want,  where  they  want  and  at  any 
time  that  they  want." 
"What  about  the  children,"  I  asked. 
"Oh  yeah,  the  laws  against  the  children  are  a  bit  stiff. 
The  children  should  not  be  expected  to  restrict  them- 
selves when  it  comes  to  eating.  The  half-way  houses 
are  full  of  little  boys  who  have  been  caught  watering 
at  the  mouth,  in  the  presence  of  food." 
"That  is  outrageous"!   I   cried.   "Those  laws  should 
definitely  be  changed." 

"How  do  you  feel  toward  the  young  people  and 
brown-eyed  people  trying  to  make  changes  in  the 
present  laws?  You  have  been  a  victim  of  them." 
"I  feel  that  they  are  being  a  little  extreme,  but  I  do 
think  that  The  Laws  of  Consumption  are  too  strict. 
To  give  you  an  example  of  what  I  mean  by  extreme, 
the  other  day,  you  want  to  know  what  I  read  in  the 
newspaper?" 
"No  what?"  I  asked. 

"I  read  that  males  and  females  are  eating  together  in 
the  larger  universities.  I  suppose,  in  a  few  years 
they'll  be  treating  eating  as  freely  as  we  treat  fucking 
now.  That  will  be  some  day." 

"You  know,"  I  said,  "that's  about  the  most  ridicu- 
lous story  that  I've  ever  heard  of.  I  could  understand 
it  if  your  attitudes  toward  sex  and  race  were  like  this, 
but  to  have  these  attitudes  toward  food  and  eye  color 
is  ridiculous!!!  I  am  taking  the  first  boat  out  of  this 
primitive  place." 

Cassandra  Duarte 


17 


GREAT  BLACK  MUSIC 


We  have  fo  be  able  to  get  down  with  Black  Music  on  all  levels.  Just  as  we  are  constantly  being  divided 
politically,  socially,  academically,  and  otherwise,  we  can  be  divided  musically.  Whether  some  of  us  know  it  or 
not  we  listen  to  music  and  especially  Black  Music  in  political  terms  whether  we  are  politically  active  or  not.  Much 
of  our  day  to  day  language  is  derived  from  the  words  of  our  music  and  black  musicians  capture  and  express  the 
feelings  of  black  people  in  their  music.  Therefore,  there  is  a  connection  between  the  feeling  and  the  expression  of 
black  people  as  it  relates  to  Black  Music. 

When  we  are  isolated  from  our  music  and  have  to  accept  substitute  music  over  the  airwaves  of  those  that  are 
oppressing  us,  we  tend  to  compromise  in  our  commitment  to  black  music.  We  lose  perspective  on  our  souls  and 
develop  new  yardsticks  for  black  music.  This  does  not  happen  by  accident,  it  is  by  design.  If  this  were  not  the 
case,  you  would  be  hearing  a  better  representation  of  black  music  over  the  air  wherever  there  are  black  people. 
We  must  develop  the  ability  to  avoid  compromise. 

The  next  thing  we  must  be  able  to  do  is  add  a  socialist  perspective  to  black  music.  (Socialism — o  social  system  in 
which  the  producers  possess  both  the  political  power  and  the  means  of  producing  and  distributing  goods).  We 
live  in  a  capitalist  system.  (Capitalism — an  economic  system  characterized  by  freedom  of  the  market  with 
increasing  concentration  of  private  and  corporate  ownership  of  production  and  distribution  means, 
proportionate  to  increasing  accumulation  and  reinvestment  of  profits.)  Black  people  are  producers.  (Produce — fo 
create  by  mental  or  physical  effort.)  But  we  do  not  control  what  we  produce.  So,  os  producers  being  denied 
occess  in  the  so-called  free  market  in  such  a  way  that  we  can  reinvest  some  of  the  dividends  from  the  profits,  we 
must  begin  to  move  toward  political  power  so  that  production  and  distribution  is  in  our  own  hands. 

Another  important  point  about  Black  Music  is  how  we  view  it  in  terms  of  classes  and  how  we  can  be  trapped 
into  pimping  it  unconsciously.  We  must  avoid  separating  ourselves  from  other  black  musicians  simply  because 
our  stations  in  life  may  be  different.  Our  enemy  is  the  same.  We  must  be  able  to  deal  with  the  distinctions  and 
the  contradictions  of  class.  Most  of  us  are  familiar  with  the  brothers  who  used  to  be  in  the  hallways  in  High 
School  trying  to  sound  like  the  Temps  or  Smokey.  Where  are  they  now?  Where  are  you  now?  Where  is  the 
enemy?  And  many  probably  remember  the  time  when  someone  asked  you  who  John  Coltrane  or  Pharoah 
Sanders  was  five  years  ago  and  you  said  you  didn't  know.  Or  the  fact  that  people  latched  on  to  Lee  Morgan  and 
Otis  Redding's  music  only  after  their  deaths.  Now  it's  hip  and  fashionable  to  know.  But  who  controls  music?  I 
say  we  must  connect  up  now.  To  Muddy  Waters  to  Sun  Ro  fo  Slim  Gilliam  to  Big  Mama  Thornton  to  War  to  the 
Stylistics.  Even  Charlie  Pride  (Black  country  and  western  singer.)  We  must  be  familiar  with  all  of  our  Black 
Artists. 

That  is  not  to  say  we  cannot  be  critical  when  a  particular  musician  makes  counter-productive  statements.  But 
rather  we  must  analyze  and  understand  what  conditions  forced  him  to  rpake  those  statements,  and  what  we 
can  do  to  bring  him  or  her  back  to  consciousness.  Much  of  our  music  speaks  of  resistance  and  if  you  are  not 
resisting  what  the  oppressor  is  doing  to  you  it  may  be  very  difficult  to  understand.  In  many  ways  individual 
comfort  dulls  your  resistive  senses.  Also  the  oppressor  will  cool  you  out  with  his  own  brand  of  narcosis  so  you  will 
be  unable  to  hear  your  own  music  when  and  wherever  it  is  being  played. 

A  final  comment  I  would  like  to  make  is  our  being  able  to  keep  Black  Music  in  its  proper  political  and  historical 
context.  And  also  making  sure  that  the  use  of  our  language  as  it  relates  to  the  music  is  consistent  with  the  life 
style  and  behavior  of  those  that  are  using  it.  Nostalgia  can  be  dangerous  when  progressive  behavior  is  needed 
to  change  the  conditions  of  black  people.  Songs  and  melodies  of  the  past  that  have  no  relevance  for  our  present 
situation  must  be  seen  in  their  proper  perspective.  We  can  get  hung  up  on  tunes  out  of  the  past  that  make  us 
yearn  for  unresolvable  situations.  The  oppressor  has  tunes  that  he  calls  standards  and  he  plays  them  over  and 
over  again  and  his  people  dig  them  because  of  the  position  they  are  coming  from.  Sometimes  they  make  us  dig 
them.  Sometimes  we  dig  them  in  our  isolation.  There  is  music  from  our  heritage  that  has  eternal  strength  in  its 
content  and  context.  There  are  others  that  are  significant  only  for  a  particular  time.  We  must  be  able  to  identify 
both  types. 


18 


Black  language  and  Black  Music  as  they  exist  here  in  America  have  been  the  most  innovative  vehicle  for 
communication  between  people.  Some  use  the  mediums  because  it  is  indigenous  to  them,  others  defect  from 
their  own  forms  of  communication  because  they  recognize  its  restrictions,  lack  of  creativity  and  beauty.  So  what 
we  have  is  the  oppressor  using  language  and  trying  to  play  music  of  black  people  without  doing  anything  to 
change  the  black  man's  state  of  oppression.  We  are  able  to  see  daily  how  both  of  these  two  forms  of 
communication  have  had  all  of  the  seriousness  taken  out  of  them. 

There  used  to  be  a  time  when  we  could  talk  to  another  and  not  be  understood  by  the  oppressor,  but  now  our 
own  language  and  music  is  in  vogue  without  us  receiving  just  due  for  producing  it. 

So,  /  soy  fo  all  in  closing,  struggle  with  Black  Artists  on  whatever  level  they  are  and  you  are  on  and  check  out 
yourself  in  isolation. 

BILL  HASSON 


19 


Noted  Black  Women: 
Xernona  Clayton 


-.     /      --; 


....-A- 


>\    -i"-."^ 


\i^^ 


20 


Introduction: 

(The  Drum  went  to  Atlanta  and  was  fortunate  enough  to  have  the  opportunity  to  interview  a  well  known  T.V.  per- 
sonality, sister  Xernona  Clayton.  Barring  a  tight  schedule  we  still  managed  to  get  a  general  overview  and  some 
aspects  of  Atlanta's  political  and  social  life.  The  rap  took  place  over  an  exciting  lunch  |at  Paschals  Restaurant  on 
Hunter  street.) 


Sister  Xernona  Clayton  is  currently  operating  her  own  tele- 
vision program  on  channel  five  m  Atlanta,  Georgia.  Sister 
Clayton  is  the  first  Black  personality  to  have  her  own  show 
and  has  been  currently  running  for  four  and  one  half  years. 
Before  becoming  involved  in  television,  she  worked  in  the 
Mayor's  office  where  she  was  involved  in  community  affairs, 
specifically,  the  Model  Cities  Program. 

As  far  as  Black/white  affairs  are  concerned  (in  Atlanta)- 
sister  Xernona  feels  that  at  best  she  acts  as  a  mediator  in  most 
black  white  situations  in  general,  and  in  situations  dealing 
with  mass  communications  particularly.  She  was  instrumental 
in  getting  the  first  Black  reporter  on  Atlanta's  white  owned 
and  operated  newspaper.  The  Atlanta  Constitution.  She  feels 
Black  people  need  to  focus  on  all  metropolitan  newspapers 
because  they  represent  a  source  of  wealth  as  yet  to  be  exploited. 
According  to  sister  Xernona,  Atlanta  is  the  only  city  in  the 
country  having  three  Black  newspapers  which  ascribes  to 
Black  people  on  a  metropolitan  scale.  Two  of  these  papers  are 
weekly  issues,  and  the  other  is  a  daily  paper.  The  Atlanta 
Daily  World  was  the  first  Black  newspaper  to  operate  in  At- 
lanta. "Atlanta  is  unique  because  of  the  many  important 
areas  that  Black  people  now  occupy,  such  as  traffic,  camera- 
men, radio  and  television  technicians.  "  Channel  five  in  At- 
lanta has  also  been  accepted  by  the  Black  Coalition  of  Sta- 
tions. This  station  has  participated  in  a  special  program  de- 
signed by  CBS  to  train  interested  Black  students  in  the  areas 
of  radio  and  television;  the  program  also  promises  jobs  to  the 
students   in   the   program   upon   completion   of  training. 

Currently,  the  only  colleges  progressing  to  some  extent  in  the 
field  of  communications  are  Moorehouse  and  Clark.  Moore- 
house  has  a  weekly  publication  that  focuses  on  community  bul- 
letins. The  sisters  at  Spelman  College  also  have  a  weekly  publi- 
cation but  it  focuses  only  on  the  affairs  at  Spelman.  A  broad- 
casting station  (WAUC)  is  now  being  implemented  on  these 
campuses.  This  project  was  started  by  its  current  administra- 
tor. Earl  Jones.  Earl  Jones  is  a  former  television  man  of  much 
respect  to  the  Black  community  of  Atlanta.  The  purpose  of  this 
station  is  to  focus  on  not  only  what's  happening  in  the  Atlanta 
University  complex,  but  also  the  entire  Black  community.  Pre- 
sently, Michael  Cromson,  a  brother  from  New  York  City,  has 
started  a  mass  communications  department  at  Clark  College. 
This  brother  was  one  of  the  producers  of  such  programs  as.  Tell 
it  like  it  is  and  Black  Journal.  The  local  television  stations  are 
supporting  this  program  by  allowing  some  of  the  students  in 
journalism  to  use  their  facilities  for  training  techniques.  Prior 
to  the  beginning  of  this  department,  the  closest  place  for  a  stu- 


dent interested  in  journalism  and  mass  communications  was 
Florida  State  College.  The  only  other  information  that  the 
students  received  along  these  lines  were  through  brief  semin- 
ars and  workshops  offered  by  visiting  professionals. 

Sister  Xernona,  has  a  deep  regard  for  young  people,  com- 
mitting herself  to  an  organization  called  (AWRT)  American 
Women  Radio  and  Television.  This  organization  has  cur- 
rently completed  an  eight-week  series  of  workshops,  designed 
to  inform  interested  people  in  the  greater  Atlanta  area  about 
broadcasting  and  journalism. 

Sister  Clayton  participated  in  two  organizational  meetings 
concerning  productions  initiated  by  Tony  Brown,  i.e..  Black 
Producer  and  B.E.S.T.  Quite  frankly  she  felt  disappointed 
when  the  meetings  concluded,  stating  "the  whole  venture  was 
unsuccessful  and  no  follow-up  was  being  planned.  " 

Mrs.  Clayton  was  pessimistic  about  the  possibilities  of  a 
Black  Atlanta  T.V.  station  by  stating  "Black  enterprises  have 
no  money  to  invest,  and  the  few  that  have  this  capital  are 
reluctant  to  invest  in  this  f  eld.  " 

Politically,  she  feels  that  Atlanta  is  very  much  together. 
There  is  a  definite  protest  group  that  actively  involves  itself 
in  such  areas  as  welfare  rights.  There  is  a  strong  and  positive 
Black  leadership  stemming  from  the  days  of  Martin  Luther 
King.  "The  Black  community  has  many  leaders  that  the  white 
power  structure  will  listen  to  and  act  upon."  She  gave  the 
example  of  Julian  Bond  because  of  his  political  and  organi- 
zational activities  in  Atlanta.  "At  one  time  he  might  be  seen 
leading  a  march  of  the  Tenants  Rights  organization,  and  at 
another  time  he  might  be  seen  on  the  campuses  talking  with 
students  about  any  problems  that  they  might  have.  " 

"The  lack  of  a  working  relationship  between  the  Atlanta 
University  Center  and  the  Black  community  is  detrimental." 
The  complex  is  set  off  to  the  side  and  left  alone  to  function 
within  its  own  capacities,  without  any  participation  by  the 
Black  community.  "This  situation  has  got  to  end  immediately 
because  administrators,  staff  and  faculty  have  a  lot  to  offer 
to  the  community  in  areas  of  lectures,  films,  seminars  and  rap 
sessions.  " 

On  the  other  hand,  she  views  the  upcoming  mayoral  race 
will  witness  the  coming  together  of  the  total  Black  community 
in  electing  Maynard  Johnson,  a  Black  candidate.  Brother 
Maynard  would  be  the  first  Black  mayor  of  Atlanta  with 
strong  support  from  the  majority  of  Black  voters.  (The  Black 
vote  makes  up  more  than  50%  of  the  total  voting  community 
in  Atlanta.) 


21 


Things  that  speak 


22 


for  themselves 


23 


24 


■^fthB^jggj^ 


25 


26 


27 


28 


29 


Seize  the  Time  —  College  Students 
Power  to  Black  People 


During  the  fall  semester  of  1971,  I  was  enrolled  in  a  fieldwork  course  in  the  Department  of  Afro-American 
Studies  and  served  as  a  participant-observer  with  the  Springfield  Tenants'  Rights  Organization. 

During  the  Spring  of  1970  a  group  of  tenants  —  at  the  suggestion  of  local  community  organizers  —  decided 
to  organize  themselves  into  a  group  to  combat  the  slumlord  and  the  inhumane  living  conditions  which  they  were 
subjected  to.  The  tenants  met  in  their  apartments  and  went  to  work  on  their  problems  with  the  technical 
assistance  of  community  organizers.  Without  money  or  salaries,  these'tenants  decided  to  go  on  a  rent  strike.  The 
people  involved  worked  hard  and  devoted  a  lot  of  time  to  participating  in  negotiation  sessions,  in  picketing  the 
landlord's  home  in  the  suburbs,  and  in  attending  educational  orientation  sessions. 

This  tenants  group  became  a  member  of  the  National  Tenants'  Rights  Organization  making  them  part  of  a 
national  movement  of  militant  people  dedicated  to  ending  poor  housing  conditions  for  low-income  people.  As  a 
member  organization  they  received  the  benefits  of  being  in  touch  with  other  tenants  organizations  around  the 
country  with  whom  they  could  share  strategies  and  information  on  new  housing  legislation.  The  activities  of  this 
core  group  proved  to  be  most  successful  so  there  was  a  general  desire  to  expand  the  group  into  one  that  would 
benefit  more  people. 

Under  a  grant  by  Model  Cities  a  staff  was  hired  during  the  fall  of  1971  to  help  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the 
Tenants  Rights  Organization  which  were  to  organize  tenants  for  a  stronger  voice  in  determining  housing  pattern 
and  conditions,  to  organize  tenants  moving  into  new  housing  projects  in  the  Model  Cities  area,  to  improve 
budgeting  and  housekeeping  practices  of  the  tenants,  and  to  establish  a  grievance  committee  in  housing  matters 
made  up  of  landlords,  tenants  and  city  government  personnel. 

The  possibilities  of  a  strong  tenants  organization  are  numerous—  they  could  get  repairs  on  existing  housing, 
have  a  voice  in  the  terms  of  leases  and  general  management  of  housing  developments,  have  a  part  in  the  planning 
for  new  housing  in  the  city,  perhaps  help  design  a  better  court  system  which  would  be  more  sensitive  to  tenants 
needs,  or  demand  more  housing  inspectors  to  be  hired  by  the  city.  There  happens  to  be  organizations  in  other 
cities,  such  as  Boston,  where  these  very  things  are  being  worked  on. 

Some  of  the  jobs  or  duties  where  I  helped  and  where  other  students  could  be  of  real  help  are  first  in 
researching.  The  type  of  information  needed  such  as  how  many  houses  a  particular  slum  lord  owns  in  the  Black 
community  can  be  obtained  by  students  spending  several  hours  in  the  tax  assessors  office,  looking  the  facts  up. 

Students  can  also  be  useful  in  the  door  to  door  talking  to  Black  residents  trying  to  interest  them  in  becoming 
active  in  such  an  organization  in  order  to  help  themselves,  I  did  a  little  of  this  also,  but  the  task  is  a  large  one  and 
many  people  willing  to  spend  time  on  projects  such  as  these  are  needed. 

Too  often,  students  feel  that  they  should  seclude  themselves  on  the  college  campus  and  postpone  their 
helping  the  community  until  they  have  obtained  their  degrees.  This  is  a  terrible  waste  of  knowledge  which  can  be 
utilized,  during  the  few  spare  hours  per  week  which  all  students  have.  Most  of  the  time  the  practice  of  postponing 
the  commitment  to  the  Black  community  dwindles  into  a  task  never  to  be  performed:  a  cop-out. 

A  successful  tenants  rights  organization  or  any  such  "people's  organization",  if  worked  on,  can  effect 
drastic  changes  in  the  living  conditions  and  other  aspects  of  black  life  in  our  communities.  Think  of  it!  if  some 
brother  and  sisters  had  a  better  apartment  to  come  home  to,  they  just  might  not  hang  out  on  the  block  and  get 
hung  up  in  drugs. 

Community  organization  is  not  just  limited  to  housing;  drastic  changes  can  be  made  in  other  aspects  as  well. 
A  cooperative  food  store  can  supply  the  Black  community  with  food  at  lower  prices;  a  community  run  school  can 
supply  the  children  with  a  more  valuable,  relevant  education. 

College  campuses  are  a  gold  mine  of  manpower  for  research  and  organization.  Seize  the  time,  help  bring 
power  to  Black  people.  '      '" 

Sister  Jackie  Berryman 


30 


to  all  black  moles  of/vision.  . 


...  we  sit  with  spoke  faces  &  nothing  ever  gets  said,  consequently  the  same  amount  gets  done,  as  we 
gag  and  choke  on  one  another's  memories. 

A  mythology  is  as  important  as  a  philosophy  to  a  nation;  it  produces  its  national  consciousness  and 
its  ideology.  Our  ideology  cannot  stand  the  test  of  time,  for  it  is  also  another  thing  we  do  not  have.  Time 
is  life,  it  is  our  lifeblood,  for  there  can  be  no  life  without  it,  thus  our  ideology  must  encompass  visions, 
conceptualizations,  and  most  important — a  directive.  This  directive  must  be  based  on  a  political  referent 
that  clearly  depicts  the  realities  that  we  as  a  people  must  face  (faces  spoke). 

The  realization  of  our  political  and  economic  realities  ultimately  must  lead  to  the  creation  of  a  new 
man;  a  man  of  vision,  unstifled  by  the  decadence  of  "demon-cracy.  "  The  university  is  our  city,  our 
universe  in  microcosm  at  the  time  spent  here.  This  is  one  of  the  stifling  things  about  it.  .  .  a  contrast 
model  in  miniscule  can  only  lead  to  micro-visions  and  produce  frantic,  visionary  moles. 

—  From  the  hollow  skulls  of  ist  World 
creatures  of  europe,  exhausted  on  ameri-cunt, 
for  their  subsequent  reappearance  as  the  demon  makers, 

the  makers  of  demons,  and  "demon-cracy." "Never 

could  have  children  only  little  gadgets"  —  'beep-beep,  bleep 
.  .  .  Groovy,  bleep-bleep  beep.' 

As  they  continue  to  rainshit  on  the  righteous,  the  spiritual  people,  and  death  is  a  mild  form  of  es- 
capism with  or  w/out  drugs.  While  the  tragedy  of  black  misery  remains  to  be  seen  in  the  number  of 
brothers  and  sisters  who  think  how  you  look  is  all  it  is. 
DOWN, 

Down 

down 

downdown  here  below,  talking  from  the 
belly  of  the  earth,  &  civilizations  have  always  turned  to  astrology  in  the  Last  Days. 

That  is  why  a  meaningful  political  referent  and  its  resultant  ideology  are  crucial.  For  history  clearly 
teaches  us  that  those  with  stronger  moral  convictions  will  be  those  who  prevail  in  any  protracted  struggle. 
We  must  struggle  to  emerge  as  rulers,  but  we  must  do  so  cleanly,  with  direction  and  conviction.  For 
then  and  only  then  will  justice  emerge  in  the  aftermath. 

Black  Power  is  no  longer  the  phrase  of  the  hour,  and  we  must  begin  to  use  those  spoke  faces 

to  our  advantage.  Even  visionary  moles  live  underground,  but  that  does  not  prevent  them  from  seeing  the 
surface — and  be/yond. 

Vision  can  only  be  created  when  we  stop  fucking  each  other's 
noses,  and  have  completely  severed  pharoah's  shackles: 
Wait  &  the  Chains  may  rust/as  ashes/  as  dust,  as 
blood  upon  history's  pages.  Cuz  we  still  where 
our  parents  were  at  25  years  ago,  only  we 
look  prettier. 

Deception  is  in  his  tricks,  and  occultism  m  its  many  tacit  forms,  — :  from  make-up  and  zodiac  ear- 
rings, to  incense  which  does  not  reach  either  the  outer  ear  of  a  nation  of  oppressed  people,  or  the  Cosmos. 
Black  is  Beautiful  only  helps  those  who  don't  want  freedom,  but  will  be  content  to  see  3  "colored"  com- 
mercials a  night,  and  black  models  showing  their  indifferent  behinds  (shoulders  attached). 

.  .  .  they  Sat,  faces  spoke,  and  shattered  on  the  floor.  The  pieces  only  remaining  to  be  swept  up  and 
rearranged,  or  can  this  not  indeed  be  the  beginnings. 

END. 


John  E.  Davis 


31 


The  Cockroach  On  A  Bike 


Part  III  of  a  Three  Part  Epic  Poem 

by  Emmanuel  Asibong, 

English  Dept. 


Jack,  the  Giant-Killer 

Ask  in  the  super  dragon 

in  his  fine  academic  gown 

and  bid  him  distribute 

foreign  f rench  letters 

(not  in  this  barrell  chute) 

full  of  live  lice 

and  squeaking,  stinking  mice, 

I  am  Jack,  the  giant-killer. 

His  Daughter's  Perception 
He  bought  his  one-year-old  daughter 
a  very  fanciful  potty 
taught  her  how  to  stand 
and  then  how  to  sit.  .  .  . 
whether  she  decides  to  make  water 
or  just  a  boo 

she  knows  where  to  go  for  her  loo 
And  now  just  after  a  week 
his  daughter  has  made  it  a  habit 
of  getting  up  after  a  boo 
of  staring  hard  at  her  boo 
of  closing  her  eyes  after  a  boo 
of  saying,  naw,  naw,  naw,  naw,  naw! 


Daringly  Attired  to  Die 

Daringly  attired  to  die 

up  from  my  mother's  womb; 

twenty-five  years  and  after, 

with  beads  of  lead  and  chrome 

about  my  blubber  saturated  neck; 

and  then  to  awake 

from  the  raging  sea.  .  .  . 

What  concentration, 

what  millstone  of  ideas? 

The  gecko  on  the  wall 

dances  after  the  baby  moth 

darkly  and  invisible, 

though  we  see  his  blue  pulsating  veins: 

and  the  spider 

weaves  its  web 

in  his  way; 

Who  are  these,  amongst 

whom  I  find  myself? 

how  becoming  his  world 

under  whose  weal  we  waul? 


32 


On  Seeing  a  Coconut  Tree 
Heliotropic  bent 
of  the  coconut 
along  the  beach 
on  an  August  afternoon 
Burnt,  bent,  crude  bark 
browned  upwards  by  the 
insignificant 
lolling  tongues  of  time, 
the  fairies  will  be  here 
to  dance  round  you  tonight 
You  are  not 
the  maypole, 

but  like  your  long  probing  stem 
my  heavy  heart  searches  after 
the  warmth  of  the  coming  year. 
Once  this  tired  old  heart 
ceases  pumping  out 
fresh  stinking  flowers 
clearly  emblematical  of  the  past 
look  out  for  my  rejuvenated  smile 
strongly  emblematical  of  the  perhaps. 

Dirty  Air 
Fetid  air 

within  tyre  tubes  .  .  . 
release,  and  then 
relaxation, 
automobile, 
skidding  on 
rough  city  roads, 
amongst  faces 
old  familiar  faces, 
on  narrow 
muddy  lanes  and  bends. 


past  faces 

past  bodies  .  .  . 

bodies  and  faces 

that  were  leonine 

feline,  acquiline, 

canine,  elephantine 

and  so-ine  .  .  . 

then  the  nursing  mothers 

(pardon) 

nurses,  looking  like 

nursing  mothers  .  .  . 

within  the  hospital 

walls  where  I  lived. 

When  a  green  snake 

bit  and  killed 

an  Hausa  youth 

nothing  was  done. 

Even  the  mother, 

asked  the  doctors 

to  forget 

because  there  was 

no  serum  .  .  . 

small  matter,  this 

and  yet 

six  hours  later 

an  unidentifiable 

species  bit 

and  nearly  killed 

a  doctor  .  .  . 

We  were  all  moved. 

move,  dirty  air 

inside  tyre  tubes 

my  gentle  anger 

with  you,  over 

rough  city  roads. 


33 


/  am  only  a  child  in  this  wilderness 
please  help  me  when  i  falter.  . 


I  am  the  child  of  the  earth  and  the  heavens 
who  has  strayed  too  far  from  home.  .  . 


My  parents  are  the  Universe 

and 
i  haven 't  even  begun  to  understand 

what  that  means. 


Jeanais  Brodie 
'7-r 


34 


BUSING 

FOR 

QUALITY  EDUCATION? 


As  we  get  closer  to  the  next  school  year  in  Sept- 
ember there  seems  to  be  an  increasing  degree  of  frus- 
tration, ambiv,  mce  and  obfuscation  over  an  issue 
that  at  face  value  doesn't  appear  to  be  that  difficult 
to  deal  with.  That  issue  is  busing.  Yes,  to  be  more 
refined— busing  to  achieve  racial  integration.  This 
single  issue,  agitated  and  blown  out  of  proportion 
by  one  southern  politician  in  particular  and  various 
interest  groups  in  general,  is  now  of  major  concern 
to  many. 

It  all  began  in  1954  in  the  Brown  v.  Board  of  Ed- 
ucation ruling;  in  that  decision  the  court  judged 
that  separate  black  schools  by  their  very  nature 
were  inherently  unequal.  States  were  obliged  to  move 
forward  with  "all  deliberate  speed"  in  desegregating 
their  school  systems.  In  1964,  in  the  civil  rights 
act  of  that  same  year  a  tremendous  amount  of  lit- 
igation at  the  district  court  level  attempted  to  make 
that  which  was  written  on  paper  become  a  reality. 
The  results  of  this  act  were  minimal  in  the  South. 
As  a  resident  and  high  school  student  during  that 
period  I  can  recall  just  how  speedily  the  school  sys- 
tem in  Birmingham,  Alabama  tackled  that  task.  They 
took  their  time. 

The  method  that  the  Birmingham  Board  of  Ed- 
ucation used  was  as  pathological  as  it  was  racist. 
In  1964  each  school  in  the  school  system  got  a  few 
token  black  representatives.  Usually  this  meant  that 
in  that  year  less  than  one  half  of  one  percent  of  each 
school  in  the  white  Birmingham  school  system  was 
black.  Parents  were  required  to  have  their  chil- 
dren screened  and  dossiers  were  compiled  on  each 
perspective  black  student  to  see  if  he  was  acceptable. 
Acceptable,  can  you  dig  that!  For  a  black  child  to 
get  an  integrated  education  he  would  be  placed  in 
a  psychologically  strained  situation.  If  a  black  attend- 
ed an  all  black  school  then  he  would  suffer  the  con- 
sequences of  being  a  part  of  one  which  was  plaqued 
by  financial  and  social  problems.  Integration  moved 
slowly  under  these  token  methods,  but  a  shot  in 
the  arm  was  just  around  the  corner. 

In  the  interim  between  1964  and  1967  black  people 
were  using  the  phrase  "freedom  of  choice",  that  is 
they  wanted  to  have  the  choice  of  attending  a  pre- 
dominately white  institution.  Black  neighborhood 
schools  were  dilapidated  and  at  that  time  the  city 
of  Birmingham  refused  to  upgrade  them.  The  fac- 
ilities were  poor  in  every  respect.  Black  demands 
were  simply  this.  Either  the  city  Board  correct  the 
inadequate  black  schools  or  blacks  would  attend 
white  neighborhood  schools.  The  inadequate  condi- 
tions in  black  schools  were  not  corrected. 

Clearly,  in  order  for  integration  to  ideally  take  place 
black  kids  should  be  transported  to  predominately 
white  schools  and  white  kids  should  be  transported 
to  predominately  black  schools.  This  will  cause  a  mic- 
rocosm which  will  reflect  the  percentage  of  whites 
and  blacks  in  the  larger  community.  White  commun- 


ities and  governing  bodies  on  the  local  levels  in  the 
South  rejected  this  and  designed  a  racist  alternative. 
At  present  in  many  southern  cities  black  students 
go  out  of  their  communities  to  attend  white  schools 
in  white  neighborhoods  to  achieve  so-called  quality 
education.  Few  white  students  are  bused  out  of 
their  neighborhoods  into  black  neighborhood  schools. 

In  one  problem  area,  Atlanta,  Georgia,  a  paradox 
exists.  Atlanta's  population  is  over  one  million 
people  and  an  increasing  percentage  of  Atlanta's 
white  population  move  to  the  suburbs  every  year. 
The  logical  extension  of  this  observation  is  that 
whites  will  create  school  systems  in  their  immediate 
communities.  The  people  who  run  the  government 
in  Atlanta  live  in  those  suburbs.  Much  of  the  money 
needed  to  rebuild  inner  city  black  schools  will  be 
channeled  out  into  the  suburbs.  Quality  education 
will  be  channeled  in  the  same  direction  as  the  money 
flow.  The  paradox  crystalizes  if  busing  is  used  to 
transport  black  students  to  quality  suburban  schools. 
Busing  would  help  to  defeat  the  creation  of  good 
inner  city  schools  in  the  black  community. 

This  is  evident  for  two  reasons  which  are  inex- 
tricably bound  to  each  other.  First,  busing  in  At- 
lanta would  primarily  transport  black  students  into 
the  suburbs.  This  would  cause  the  residents  there 
to  become  closely  involved  in  the  city  Board  of  Ed- 
ucation in  particular  and  in  city  politics.  In  short, 
whites  in  suburbia  would  have  a  voting  power  that 
does  not  exist  at  present,  a  voting  power  that  they 
should  not  have  since  they  do  not  reside  in  the  city. 
The  black  majority  of  53%  would  be  diluted  far 
below  its  present  plurality.  The  new  white  major- 
ity would  be  more  concerned  with  upgrading  schools 
in  their  community  rather  than  doing  the  same  for 
black  inner  city  schools. 

Atlanta's  black  citizens  predict  a  black  mayor 
by  1973,  but  is  this  possible  if  busing  aids  in  reduc- 
ing the  black  majority  that  exists  there  now?  Con- 
trolling the  flow  of  funds  is  the  key  to  quality  ed- 
ucation. The  election  of  a  black  mayor  in  Atlanta 
should  insure  quality  education  for  black  students 
without  transporting  them  out  of  their  neighbor- 
hoods into  the  suburbs. 

This  article  neither  encourages  busing  nor  condemns 
it;  it  merely  attempts  to  show  by  two  examples  the 
problems  that  may  occur  in  metro-cities  in  which 
Afro-Americans  are  in  great  numbers.  In  conclusion 
it  must  be  realized  that  busing  is  only  a  means  to  an 
end— quality  education.  Busing  ceases  to  be  an  issue 
when  blacks  can  achieve  quality  education  without 
going  out  of  their  communities  to  attend  suburban 
schools.  Therefore,  perhaps  separate  schools  need 
not  necessarily  be  unequal  as  the  Supreme  Court 
said  in  1954  but  in  the  near  future  be  equal  or  better 
for  educating  Afro- Americans. 

Oscar  W.  Adams,  III 


35 


Fire  hydrants  spewing  water  in  tiie  city's  gutters/ 
Ctiildren  laughing,  shouting,  crying,  groaning, 
as  they  run  thru  the  piss,  the  beer,  the  whiskey, 
the  blood  and  the  vomit  stench/ 
giving  them  a  contact  HIGH,  worsening  their  pain 

and  clouding  their  joy.  ./ 
But  making  them  even  more  aware  of  politicians  in 
their  fine  big  cars,  with  their  cool  clothes  and 

women.  .  . 
(SOMEHOW  they  remind  you  of  the  hustlers  m  the  streets, 

the  pimps  and  number  runners) 
politicians  saying,  "ELECT  US 

BRIBE  US.  .  . 
NOJOBTOOBIG!" 
Dope  kills/  support  your  local  politician.  .  . 
Fire  hydrants  spewing  water  in  the  city's  gutters/ 
Things  just  get  dirtier.  .  ./ 
Folks  rappin'  about  a  "DREAM"/ 
i2-year-olds,  forgotten,  junkies  are  dying  in  alleys 

from  O.D.'s/ 
babies  half  born  being  snatched  from  their  mama's 

pussy  with  lead  poisoning/ 
Hippies  and  Yippies  and  other  white  middle  class 

young  marching  tor  peace,  since  they  can  no  longer 
buy  a  deferment/ 
20-year-old  vets  of  the  Nam  advertising  for  wives: 
"...  ain't  got  no  arms  or  legs 
and  penis  was  lost  in  action; 
the  heart  will  love,  though  the 
body  can't. 
Got  plenty  of  money.  .  .  WILL  MARRY!" 
Folks  rappin'  about  a  "DREAM"/ 
And  how  great  "it  would  be,"  they  ain't  realized 
yet  that  the  "DREAMER"  is  dead/ 
A  bullet  pierced  thru  him  and  thus  thru  his  "DREAM"/ 
The  "DREAMER"  didn't  make  it  .  .  . 

.  .  and  the  "dream' 
Struggles/ 

Fire  hydrants  spewing  water  in  the  city's  gutters/ 
Folks  rappin'  about  a  "DREAM"/ 


Jeanais  Brodie 

'71 


36 


Mississippi:  Chance  or  Change 


On  October  23,  twenty  students  from  the  Five- 
College  area  left  the  Valley  for  the  Mississippi  delta 
to  lend  their  assistance  in  the  political  campaign 
there.  Specifically,  these  students  sought  to  raise  the 
level  of  voter  participation  in  the  old  Confederate 
state,  to  close  the  gap  which  divided  the  number  of 
registered  voters  and  the  actual  voters  of  the  area. 

While  the  project  would  prove  a  learning  experi- 
ence for  the  students,  it  was  also  designed  to  provide 
some  basic  service  to  the  community.  It  is  projects  of 
this  nature  that  enable  the  student  to  reaffirm  his 
sense  of  identity  while  fulfilling  a  commitment  to  the 
community  at  large.  (It  is  felt  that  Black  students  in 
white  schools  seem  to  experience  an  extreme  identity 
crisis  and  a  sense  of  uselessness  because  they  are 
restricted  from  aiding  in  the  struggle  for  Black  Liber- 
ation and  community  development.) 

The  students  drove  the  approximately  1500  miles 
to  Mississippi  in  five  rented  cars  and  one  van;  all 
vehicles  were  provided  through  the  courtesy  of  the 
schools  involved.  The  U.  Mass.  vehicles  were  rented 
directly  through  the  Black  studies  department;  the 
van  was  provided  through  the  courtesy  of  Smith 
College  and  its  Black  studies  department.  The  remain- 
ing vehicles  were  provided  through  the  courtesy  of 
Amherst  College. 

The  drive  proved  to  be  an  experience  in  itself.  There 
were  students  from  three  schools  who  had  not  met 
prior  to  the  final  planning  stages  of  the  project.  All 
being  from  diverse  backgrounds  had  two  basic  things 
in  common.  1)  They  felt  that  their  academic  needs 
were  not  fulfilled  by  their  current  curriculum,  2)  a 
need  to  simultaneously  fulfill  their  academic  require- 
ment and  fulfill  their  commitment  to  the  development 
of  the  Black  Community.  The  trip  was  long  and 
sacrifices  had  to  be  made.  The  two  days  on  the  road 
were  generally  without  conflict  and  incidents  con- 
trary to  the  mission.  Provisions  were  made  for  an 
overnight  stay  at  Guilford  College,  Greensboro,  N.C. 
Our  thanks  and  appreciations  to  the  Black  students 
at  Guilford,  who  were  as  determined  as  we  were  that 
our  mission  be  accomplished.  After  two  days  on  the 
road,  and  adjustments  to  the  individual  personalities 


were   made,   we   arrived,   as   a   group,   in   Greenville, 
Miss,  at  1:30  a.m.,  October  26. 

We  were  met  by  Mr.  Owen  Brooks,  director  of  the 
Delta  Ministry  who  had  made  provisions  for  12  peo- 
ple to  spend  the  night  in  Greenville  before  being 
assigned  to  different  counties  the  next  morning.  The 
eight  remaining  students  decided  to  travel  the  addi- 
tional 70  miles  to  Marks,  Mississippi,  where  they 
would  work  as  a  group.  The  12  students  who  re- 
mained were  divided  into  groups  of  three  and  dis- 
persed into  four  counties— Madison,  Holmes,  Hum- 
phries, and  Washington.  Reviewing  our  financial 
situation  with  Fred  Williams,  Director  of  MACE  (Mis- 
sissippi Action  for  Community  Education),  we  dis- 
covered that  our  funds  were  sufficiently  low;  there- 
fore, MACE  agreed  to  pick  up  the  tab  for  housing. 
Again  the  group  expresses  its  thanks  to  Mr.  Williams 
for  making  our  attempts  fruitful. 

After  a  day  or  two  of  adjustment,  orientation  and 
specific  role  identification  with  established  local  or- 
ganizations and  local  procedures,  most  people  were 
hard  at  work  to  fulfill  some  community  oriented  goal. 
Most  students  worked  through,  or  in  conjunction 
with,  some  local  civil  rights  organization.  The  stu- 
dents in  Washington  County  were  directly  affiliated 
with  the  Delta  Ministry  (Greenville,  Miss.).  Students 
in  other  counties  worked  with  MACE,  MFDP,  VEP, 
the  Voters'  League  and  the  Quitman  County  Improve- 
ment Association.  Whatever  the  organization,  the 
specific  details  of  students'  activities  were  the  same. 
Students  prepared  posters,  newsletters  and  flyers. 
Students  assisted  in  planning  and  instructing  voter 
education  rallies,  classes  and  other  activities  related 
to  voter  education. 

Many  students  were  selected  to  speak  in  churches 
and  other  community  meetings  to  explain  the  im- 
portance of  voter  participation  and  the  need  for 
Black  people  to  take  command  of  their  new  role  in  the 
Southern  United  States.  (Much  of  this  "new  role"  is 
said  to  be  incorporated  in  the  Civil  Rights  Act  of  1965 
and  the  Voting  Rights  Act  of  1967.  Many  Black 
voters  are  newly  enfranchised  through  those  acts  and 
do  not  fully  understand  the  importance  of  engaging 


37 


in  a  process  that  for  30,  40  and  50  years  has  been 
taboo  for  them.)  Many  of  the  top  political  leaders  in 
the  country  were  present  at  one  time  or  another  during 
the  two  weeks  we  were  in  Mississippi.  Most  students 
were  directly  engaged  in  planning,  preparing  and 
hosting  these  national  leaders  while  in  the  state.  This 
activity  continued  thru  November  2,  and  many  stu- 
dents were  thoroughly  exhausted  upon  our  return. 

Some  days  would  include:  breakfast  at  nine  or  ten 
and  then  preparing  or  distributing  some  type  of  in- 
formation throughout  the  community.  There  would 
be  some  type  of  rally  that  would  last  until  nine  or 
ten  p.m.  and  then  preparations  for  the  next  day.  Of 
course  on  election  day  most  students  were  poll- 
watchers  or  acting  in  some  service  position  attending 
the  polling  places.  Then  of  course  there  was  the  door 
to  door  canvassing  and  urging  potential  voters  to  be- 
come statistics. 

There  were  many  minor  incidents,  but  only  two 
cases  of  abuses  resulting  in  arrest.  Two  students. 
Glen  Hardin  (Amherst)  and  Sidney  Davis  (UM)  were 
arrested,  both  on  the  same  charges:  "Interfering  with 
the  election."  Glen  was  accused  of  being  a  foreigner 
and  later  arrested  for  the  above  stated  charges.  Sid- 
ney was  imprisoned  overnight  and  fined  $200.  This 
incident  was  the  cause  of  the  group's  detainment  an 
extra  day  in  Mississippi. 

There  were  many  claims  that  the  election  was  not 
conducted  properly.  Alleged  abuses  ranged  from 
simple  cheating  by  mis-counting  to  illegal  procedures 
in  assistance  to  illiterate  voters  and  incapicitated  per- 
sons. There  were  cases  of  verbal  coercion,  illegal  dis- 
qualification and  outright  violent  attacks  upon  some 
black  voters.  Most  abuses  and  discrepancies  were 
documented  by  students,  lawyers  and  Federal  elec- 
tion officials.  There  were  rumors  of  contesting  the 
election  but  there  will  be  rumors. 

One  fact  that  amazed  students  was  that  all  higher 
authorities  in  the  State  of  Mississippi  are  white.  An 
appeal  by  blacks  to  the  white  Sheriff,  the  white  elec- 
tions commissions  or  even  the  white  state  and  Federal 
officials  proves  that:  a)  Blacks  can  appeal,  or  b)  there 
needs  to  be   a  substantive  number  of  Black  people 


represented  on  three  committees,  from  the  local  level 
and  throughout  society.  If  not.  Black  people  will  re- 
main in  a  state  of  semi-slavery;  in  that  they  must 
bow  to  the  whims  of  the  white,  no  matter  what  they 
are,  because  he  (the  white  man)  forms  the  committees 
that  make  the  rules. 

As  students  most  of  the  participants  felt  that  the 
project  was  successful.  Our  action  was  not  oriented 
towards  any  specific  candidate.  An  examination  of 
election  returns  shows  that  there  was  a  record  turn- 
out. Our  victory  being  inherent  in  the  turn-out.  It  is 
believed  that  most  of  the  students  would  have  to 
blush  in  acknowledgement  of  the  fact  that  (maybe) 
they  did  contribute  something,  and  that  while  stu- 
dents gained  plenty,  the  indigenous  people  shared  in 
our  gains. 

While  most  students  were  not  working  specifically 
for  any  one  particular  candidate  and  our  actions  were 
not  campaign  oriented,  one  could  not  help  but  be  con- 
cerned with  the  elections  and  their  outcome.  The  sit- 
uation was  gloomy  before  the  elections  and  probably 
much  more  so  afterwards.  Even  though  there  was 
much  talk  of  a  moral  victory,  my  concern  is:  how 
long  can  Black  people  be  content  to  settle  for  moral 
victories?  There  is  corruption,  abuses,  malpractices 
and  outright  mockery  of  the  democratic  process  in 
the  state  of  Mississippi.  People  are  living  in  what 
will  become  the  hot-bed  of  injustice  and  discontent 
thus  setting  the  stage  for  something  other  than  the 
result  desired  by  those  in  power.  If  the  existing  mal- 
practices are  continued,  while  the  people  are  given 
increments  of  freedom,  the  state  will  become  ripe  for 
revolution.  According  to  Eric  Hoffer  in  The  True 
Believer  when  the  downtrodden  masses  are  relieved 
from  their  destitute  condition  and  have  something  to 
look  forward  to  then  they  will  rebel.  "After  a  century 
of  racial  terror  and  repression,  the  closed  society  of 
white  Mississippi  is  making  slow,  often  grudging, 
but  real  concessions  to  black  demands  for  change."* 

Following  are  statistics,  strategy,  election  results 
and  future  alternatives  which  will  help  one  to  obtain 

""Washington  Post,  Mon.,  June  28, 1971 


39 


a  clearer  view  of  exactly  what  lies  ahead  for  Mississ- 
ippians  and  Americans. 

Before  the  elections  of  November  2,  1971,  Black 
people  in  Mississippi  composed  37%  of  the  total 
population  of  2.2  million.  There  were  95  elected  offi- 
cials in  the  poorest  state  in  the  nation.  Black  voters 
outnumber  whites  in  17  of  Mississippi's  82  counties. 
There  were  more  than  300,000  Black  voters  as  com- 
pared to  over  700,000  whites.  These  are  the  kinds  of 
statistics  that  threw  Mississippi  into  the  national 
press  in  1971.  To  add  even  more  publicity,  on  June 
12,  1971,  "Charles  Evers  opened  his  campaign  for 
Governor  on  the  eighth  anniversary  of  the  murder 
of  his  Brother  Medgar."*  Evers  began  to  campaign 
as  an  independent,  the  first  Black  to  seek  the  Gov- 
ernorship since  the  days  of  Reconstruction.  It  was 
also  noted  in  that  same  article  that  "three  shooting 
deaths  of  blacks  in  the  last  few  weeks,  including  the 
slaying  of  a  black  girl  in  Drew,  Miss,  just  hours  after 
her  high  school  graduation,  were  not  directly  related 
to  the  Evers'  campaign  or  the  voter  registration  drive, 
but  they  serve  to  remind  both  races  of  the  ever-con- 
stant threat  of  violence  that  hangs  over  the  state. 
"There  is  a  sense  of  danger  slowly  building  up,'  said 
Rev.  William  Morrissey,  a  Roman  Catholic  priest 
who  has  helped  organize  some  student  volunteers." 

There  was  much  talk  about  the  new  era  in  southern 
politics,  "Mississippi's  moment  of  transition." 
Charles  Evers  entered  the  race  for  Governor  against 
two  moderates  (Mississippi  style).  One  (Lt.  Gover- 
nor Charles  Sullivan),  was  called  the  "Machine's" 
man  and  was  supported  by  the  upper-class  and  big 
business.  The  other  (Bill  Waller)  was  a  District  At- 
torney who  had  made  two  unsuccessful  attempts  to 
prosecute  the  accused  murderer  (Byron  De  La  Beck- 
with)  of  Charles  Evers'  younger  brother,  Medgar 
Evers,  who  was  Chairman  of  the  Mississippi  Chapter 
of  the  NAACP.  Sullivan,  the  favorite,  Waller,  and 
several  outspoken  racist  segregationists  were  candi- 
dates in  the  Democratic  primary.  In  the  primary,  Sul- 
livan led  in  57  of  the  82  counties;  Waller  led  in  only 

»New  York  Times,  June  13, 1971 


11.  The  remaining  votes  were  split  by  the  racists.  The 
two  leaders  were  pitted  against  each  other  in  a  run-off 
on  August  24,  1971. 

Although  Waller  and  Sullivan  both  adopted  moder- 
ate stances  on  racial  matters.  Waller  apparently  landed 
the  votes  that  went  to  two  segregationist  candidates 
who  lost  in  the  August  3  primary.  Waller,  a  Jackson 
attorney,  swept  62  counties  in  the  run-off.  With 
2,503  of  the  2,405  voting  units  reporting,  Waller  had 
389,003  votes  to  327,764  for  Sullivan.  This  was  sup- 
posed to  be  an  upset  victory  according  to  the  Wednes- 
day, Aug.  25,  1971,  edition  of  the  Washington  Even- 
ing Star.  Waller  told  some  500  cheering  supporters 
from  a  flatbed  truck  in  front  of  his  downtown  Jack- 
son campaign  headquarters  shortly  after  he  was  de- 
clared the  winner,  "There's  going  to  be  a  new  day— 
the  state  government  has  just  returned  to  the  people." 

These  are  the  circumstances  that  set  the  stage  for 
all  the  publicity,  gossip,  frustration  and  disappoint- 
ment that  evolved  from  the  Mississippi  elections  in 
November  of  1971.  Now  that  the  elections  are  past  a 
review  of  the  publicity  reports  have  hints  of  the  (pos- 
sible) Evers  campaign  strategy.  These  reports  appear 
to  further  reveal,  it  seems,  the  true  meaning  of  the 
Evers  Campaign.  One  newspaper  was  quoted  as 
saying:  "The  Democratic  nomination  traditionally 
has  been  tantamount  to  election  in  Mississippi  and 
Waller  is  considered  a  heavy  favorite  over  indepen- 
dent Charles  Evers,  the  mayor  of  Fayette,  Miss.,  in 
November."*  "Mr.  Evers  stood  on  the  sundrenched 
steps  of  the  Newton  County  Courthouse  today  and 
told  a  crowd  of  300  supporters  that  it  was  time  for 
memers  of  both  races  to  work  together  for  common 
goals.  Addressing  himself  to  about  50  whites  who 
stood  across  the  street  in  the  shade  of  several  canopied 
store  fronts,  he  said:  Don't  go  around  no  more  spit- 
ting tobacco  and  cursing  us.  Let  us  join  hands  and 
go  forward  together.'  This  statement  was  wildly  ap- 
plauded by  the  Blacks  but  greeted  in  silence  in  the 
shadows  across  the  street."**  But  even  with  those 
100,000  previously  unregistered  Blacks,  it  still  would 

*The  Columbia  (S.C.)  Record,  Aug.  25,  1971 
**The  Times,  Sun.,  June  13, 1971 


40 


be  far  from  enough  to  help  him  defeat  the  Hkely  win- 
ner of  the  Democratic  primary,  Lt.  Gov.  WiUiam 
SuUivan  (Who  did  not  win). 

Even  if  all  eligible  blacks  registered,  they  would 
only  make  up  approximately  39  per  cent  of  the  Miss- 
issippi electorate  and  although  Evers  spoke  confi- 
dently of  expecting  white  support,  he  doesn't  predict 
more  than  25,000  white  votes  for  himself.  That  would 
hardly  be  enough  to  defeat  Sullivan. 

To  win  this  election  said  George  Taylor,  "Evers 
would  need  51  per  cent  of  the  vote  and  that  is  impos- 
sible." The  following  quotes  seem  more  accurate  in 
summing  up  the  real  campaign  strategy.  "The  impact 
of  strong  federal  action  between  now  and  the  fall 
election  would  be  felt  most  in  such  places  as  Talla- 
hatchie County,  where  the  presence  of  federal  regis- 
trars could  help  blacks  pick  up  additional  registrants 
and  have  a  fighting  chance  for  countywide  office. 
Indeed,  although  it  doesn't  show  up  very  often  in 
Evers'  campaign  literature,  that  is  the  underlying  ob- 
jective of  his  campaigning  for  governor.  More  than 
230  blacks  will  run  for  local  office  across  the  state 
this  fall.  On  their  own,  those  candidates  are  not  ex- 
pected to  be  able  to  pull  enough  blacks  to  the  polls  to 
win  in  counties  such  as  Tallahatchie.  But  the  Evers 
Campaign  helps  them  raise  funds  and  fight  the  fear 
of  local  blacks  to  come  out  to  the  polls.  Evers  then,  is 
a  symbol  of  strength  for  blacks  here.  He  also  sym- 
bolizes for  blacks  the  success  they  can  expect  from 
using  the  system."*  "As  matters  now  stand,  Evers  has 
no  chance  for  election.  Black  voters  will  probably 
number  no  more  than  25  per  cent  of  the  electorate 
and  there  will  be  no  Republican  candidate  for  gover- 
nor."** 

One  should  be  able  to  discern  from  these  pre-elec- 
tion statements  that  Charles  Evers,  in  fact,  never  had 
a  real  chance  of  winning.  Of  course,  during  the  cam- 
paign, the  Evers  camp  had  to  elaborate  and  expand 
even  the  wildest  possibility  of  winning,  which  they 
seemed  to  have  done  with  a  great  amount  of  success. 

It  was  my  belief,  and  I  was  later  informed,  that 

*Washington  Post,  Aug.  15, 1971 
**Washington  Post,  June  28, 1971 


Evers  would  serve  mainly  as  a  drawing  card.  That  is, 
he  is  a  national  figure  who  could  gather  support, 
finances,  and  resources.  He  could  bring  Black  people 
out  of  the  woods,  hills,  and  plantations  to  vote.  Tele- 
vision, radio,  and  newspapers  could  broadcast  him 
into  the  backest  of  the  back  woods,  and  the  people 
would  come  out  to  vote  for  him.  Once  they  were  out 
where  they  would  be  reached,  they  would  be  informed 
of  the  local  candidates,  and  the  local  candidates  would 
achieve  sweeping  gains  and  successes. 

What  seemed  a  well-organized  and  executed  plan 
proved  to  be  a  disappointment  and  further  frustra- 
tion to  many  Blacks— not  only  in  Mississippi  but 
around  the  country,  as  is  evidenced  by  a  later  news- 
paper account  of  the  election:  "A  number  of  black 
Mississippians  are  saying  that  violence,  harassment, 
intimidation,  and  theft  caused  244  of  284  black 
candidates  to  lose  in  their  attempts  to  win  elective 
offices  in  this  month's  general  elections.  A  number 
of  whites  contend,  however,  that  many  thousands 
of  "silent"  black  voters  preferred  white  leadership 
and  rejected  black  militancy  and  the  very  idea  of  non- 
whites  in  non-traditional  roles.  There  is  evidence 
here  that  each  of  these  reasons  contributed  to  the 
lopsided  final  figures  in  a  number  of  predominantly 
black  areas  where  black  candidates  lost."* 

There  have  been  many  claims  ranging  from  injus- 
tice and  violence  to  negligence,  but  the  result  will 
stand,  to  be  evaluated  again  and  again.  Whatever  the 
results,  there  was  a  record  turnout  in  the  Mississippi 
election  of  November  2,  1971.  The  total  results  have 
not  been  presented  at  this  time,  but  it  can  safely  be 
said  that  more  black  people  participated  in  the  1971 
Mississippi  elections  than  any  year  in  the  past. 
While  the  student  volunteers  can  only  claim  a  small 
proportion  of  the  success,  the  important  thing  is 
that  the  students  from  the  Valley  were  alongside  the 
Brothers  and  Sisters  from  many  other  institutions 
and  from  the  local  communities  working  on  vital  and 
immediate  problems.  Such  activity  is  the  core  of  the 
meaningful  education  that  should  be  pursued  by 
Black  students. 

*New  York  Times,  Nov.  15,  1971 


41 


42 


^HnckJC, 


An  Invitation 

The  potential  of  the  Drum  cannot  exceed  the  potential  of  Its 
students.  Therefore,  It  Is  Innperatlve  that  everyone  be  allowed  to 
contribute  to  Its  advancement,  so  that  we  may  have  a  true  Black  Literary 
Experience.  One  cannot  stress  enough  the  Importance  of  projecting  our 
thoughts,  our  ideas,  our  proposals,  our  culture  m  wntlng. 

The  Drum  symbolizes  one  of  many  organizational  opportunities 
open  for  Third  World  Peoples  on  this  campus,  organizations  formed 
specifically  with  our  needs  in  mind.  Maybe  it  Is  too  presumptuous  to  think 
the  organizations  now  existing  are  broad  enough  In  Ideology  and  concept 
to  encompass  the  intellectual  concerns  of  the  more  than  seven-hundred 
minonty  undergrads.  However,  even  that  hypothesis  can  only  be  carried 
to  a  point,  for  it  does  not  explain  why  the  various  organizations 
(particularly  the  Drum)  has  not  gotten  more  Input.  Do  you  not  feel  the 
Drum  is  worth  It?  I  cannot  believe  that!  It  cannot  be  because  the  Drum 
does  not  deal  with  your  Interests.  The  magazine  does  not  support 
individuals  nor  does  it  push  any  particular  position.  Its  purpose  is  to 
reflect  the  Black  Experience  In  all  its  phases,  in  all  its  realities,  thus  no 
person  of  color  is  cut  off  from  exercising  this  right.  We  do  not  always  have 
to  agree  with  each  other,  but  there  is  room  for  constructive  criticism 
provided  It  is  constructive  and  further  clarifies  a  position.  It  is  my  belief 
that  each  and  every  one  of  us  has  something  of  value  to  communicate 
and  it  Is  of  vital  importance  to  all  of  us  that  whatever  it  is,  in  whatever  way 
you  wish,  it  should  be  communicated. 

In  a  previous  editorial,  I  stated  that  Black  students  suffered  from  a 
"trance  of  luxury."  Do  we  have  too  many  resources  at  our  disposal, 
including  (financial)  to  even  realize  what  we  can  do  with  It?  If  so,  we  have 
not  yet  internalized  the  meaning  of  "self-help.  "  What  can  you  do?  You  can 
make  your  presence  known  by  channeling  some  of  your  energies  into 
your  own  Third  World  Organizations,  i.e..  Drum,  Black  Mass 
Communications,  Harambee,  Steering  Committee,  Cultural  Center,  etc. 

Consider  this  an  invitation  /br  You!!  The  Drum  Is  searching  for 
writers,  photographers,  artists  and  reliable  dependable  people  ready  to 
take  care  of  business.  We  need  each  other  to  maintain  the  top  quality 
magazine  the  Drum  has  proved  to  be. 

Your  True  Brother, 

Roy  I.  Jones 
Editor.  The  Drum 


43 


mm. 


Acknowledgements 


We  would  like  to  thank. 

Professor  Melvin  Smith  of  the  Afro-American  Stud- 
ies Dept.  for  his  contribution  to  this  issue  of  the 
Drum. 

Also  we  would  like  to  thank  for  their  articles, 
Bill  Hasson, 
Ingrid  White, 
Jackie  Berryman, 
Cassandra  Duarte, 
Armando  Morales, 

Carol  Thompson,  a  student  at  Smith  College 
Napoleon  Jasper,  a  student  at  Amherst  College 

For  Poetry: 

A.  Jackson  Linebarger 

Emmanuel  Asibong 

John  E.  Davis 

Jeanais  Brodie,  a  student  at  Hampshire  College 

We  would  also  like  to  offer  special  thanks  to: 

Xernona  Clayton  for  use  of  her  interview.  Nat  Rut- 
stein  for  his  continuing  support  of  the  Drum.  A  spe- 
cial thanks  for  all  of  you  who  have  contributed  to  the 
publication  of  the  Drum  throughout  the  year.  Lastly, 
but  not  leastly,  we  introduce  officially  the  new 
Editor-in-Chief,  Brother  Billy  Roberts.  We  are  con- 
fident Bro.  Billy  will  be  a  worthy  replacement  for 
this  year's  Editors. 

Please  feel  free  to  lend  your  support  to  Bro.  Billy  in 
any  way  which  may  be  useful.  Thank  you! 


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