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DRUM 


The  Drum,  South  Africa  Issue 
Volume  8,  Numbers  1-2 

Editorial,  Circulation  and 

Advertising  Offices 
Located  at  427  New  Africa  House, 
University  of  Massachusetts 
Amherst,  Mass.  01003 
1-413-545-3120 

Address 

All  Letters 

Poems,  Contributions 

To  The  Above  Address. 


Copyright  by  Drum, 
427  New  Africa  House 
Printing:  Hamilton  L  Newell,  Inc. 
Amherst,  Mass. 


CITYC0IMCIL0FPRE10RIA 


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SHRUB  ORTREMieEHUSEOnED. 


CONTENTS 


Page 

4  Editorial  Comment 

6  Soutli  Africa:  The  Imprisoned  Society Allen  Cook 

12  Development  of  Dual  Powers  in  South  Africa Andrew  Lukele 

20  A  Letter  to  Chancellor  Bromery 

32  Photo  Essay:  South  African  Children's  Realities 

41  Black  and  White:  Behind  the  headlines  in  South  Africa 

47  Dateline:  Nuremberg,  South  Africa 

52  A  Statement Miss  Belinda  Martin 

57  An  Open  Letter  on  South  Africa Playthell  Benjamin 

63  The  Role  of  Afrikan  Men  in  the  Liberation  Struggle 

of  the  70s  and  80s Nkrumah  L.  Olinga 


Preface  to  South  Africa  Issue 
DRUM 


"The  problem  of  the  twentieth  century  is  the  problem 
of  the  colour-line,  the  relation  of  the  darker  to  the 
lighter  races  of  men  in  Asia  and  Africa,  in  America  and 
the  islands  of  the  sea." 

W.E.B.  DuBois,  Souls  of  Black  Folk, 

1903 


This  issue  of  Drum  is  dedicated  to  our  brothers  and 
sisters  in  Soweto,  in  what  is  now  called  South  Africa, 
who  have  begun  to  move  with  force  and  purpose  to 
solve  in  their  part  of  the  world  the  problem  that  Dr. 
DuBois  spoke  of.  And  as  we  have  an  Afro-American 
tradition  of  struggle,  so  have  the  captive  and  oppressed 
peoples  of  Southern  Africa.  Since  the  European  inva- 
sion of  the  17th  century  Africans  have  made  many  at- 
tempts to  alleviate  the  situation  of  oppression,  degrada- 
tion and  poverty  that  has  been  the  fruit  of  their  contact 
with  a  'higher  civilization.'  One  such  effort,  that  of  the 
Xhosa  peple,  led  by  Makana  in  the  19th  century,  evoked 
the  following  battle  song: 

To  chase  the  white  men  from  the  earth 

And  drive  them  to  the  sea 

The  sea  that  cast  them  up  at  first 

For  Ama  Xhosa' s  curse  and  bane 

Howls  for  the  progeny  she  nursed 

To  swallow  them  again. 

(version  quoted  in  E.  Roux, 
Time  Longer  than  Rope) 
Makana  and  the  Xhosa  were  unsuccessful,  the  Euro- 
peans remained,  but  the  struggle  has  continued  into  the 
twentieth  century  carried  on  by  such  as  the  A.N.C., 
P.A.C.,  Poqo  and  the  more  recent  Black  consciousness 
movements  in  Soweto.  These  efforts  are  all  part  of  that 
collective  thrust  for  freedom,  justice  and  equality  that  is 
the   fundamental   task   of  Africans   and   peoples   of 


African  descent.  The  interest  shown  by  Afro- Americans 
in  the  struggle  in  Southern  Africa,  as  manifested  in  this 
issue  of  Drum,  indicates  the  accuracy  of  the  conception 
of  Dr.  DuBois,  and  its  vaHdity  in  the  lived  experiences 
of  Black  people. 

The  last  decades  of  the  twentieth  century  are  crucial 
ones  for  the  world's  peoples  of  color.  The  problems  of 
social,  political  and  economic  inequality  are  still  for- 
midable. But  if  we  look  to  our  past  to  those  who  have 
struggled  before  us,  we  can  find  words  of  strength  and 
encouragement.  Once  again,  Dr.  DuBois: 

"The  coming  world  man  is  colored.  For 
the  handful  of  whites  in  this  world  to  dream 
that  they  with  their  present  declining  birth 
rate  can  ever  inherit  the  earth  and  hold  the 
darker  millions  in  perpetual  subjection  is  the 
wildest  of  wild  dreams.  Humanity  is  the  goal 
of  all  good,  and  no  single  race,  whatever  its 
color  or  deeds,  can  disinherit  God's  anointed 
peoples." 

(The  Crisis,  1911) 

John  Bracey 
W.E.B.  DuBois  Dept. 
of  Afro-American 
Studies 

March,  1978 


EDITORIAL  COMMENT 

South  Africa 

Over  the  past  year,  the  situation  in  South  Africa  has 
become  one  of  grave  importance.  We  are  lampooning  a 
newly-found  international  bogeyman,  one  that  we  have 
just  begun  to  view  as  the  epitome  of  all  that  could,  and 
did,  go  awry  with  humanity.  Apartheid  has  been  in 
South  Africa  for  years  now — long  enough  to  have 
become  an  economically  profitable  system  of  govern- 
ment. Foremost  in  that  economic  process  is  the 
perpetuation  of  a  social  structure  that  is  revolting  to 
most  of  us. 

South  African  Blacks  comprise  over  70%  of  the 
population,  but  may  occupy  only  13  %  of  the  land,  and 
receive  only  25%  of  the  national  income.  Blacks  may 
not  vote  or  be  elected  to  Parliament,  nor  may  they  hold 
a  position  supervisory  to  whites.  Almost  80%  of  all 
Blacks  live  below  the  Poverty  Datum  Line,  a  South 
African  government  standard  which  only  considers 
food,  fuel,  and  transportation;  yet.  Blacks  must  pay  for 
their  inferior  educations. 

If  all  of  this  seems  reminiscent  of  our  Pre-Civil  Rights 
days,  consider  the  United  States  corporate  involvement 
in  the  African  country.  We  are  the  second  largest  in- 
vestor in  South  Africa,  and  those  investments  increased 
400%  between  I960  and  1970.  Inexpensive  Black  labor 
guarantees  a  high  return  rate  for  the  U.S.  corporations. 
Black  South  Africans  are  being  imposed  upon  and  ex- 
ploited in  the  international  arena  and  in  their  homeland. 

Our  concern  for  the  plight  of  the  Black  inhabitants  of 
South  Africa  prompted  the  staff  of  DRUM  to  dedicate 
its  energy,  and  this  issue,  to  South  Africa.  There  was  the 
need  to  expound  upon  the  social  and  political  portents 
of  the  Apartheid  juggernaut.  Our  expose  is  the  result  of 
that  need  and  an  obligation  to  our  contributors,  our 
readers,  and  ourselves. 


A  Blackman  holding  his  identity  card  in  Capetown,  South  Africa 


Photo:  United  Nations 


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10 


RACIST 
ATTACKS 


M 


OSTON^SaAFRlCA 


photo  by  Edward  Cohen 


The  thunder  roared 
The  lightening  cracked 

moving  Winds 
of  frightening  hope 
Shining  colors 
of  darkened  beauty 
A  rolling 

goes  the  sweatbeads. 
Sweatbeads  of  a  long  time 
suffering 

SOUTH  AFRICA 

Roar  your  thunder 
Crack  your  lightening 
Move  your  winds 
With  unpredictable 
strength 
Strength  that  only  your 
darkened  beauty 
can  master. 

Off  with  the  head  of  the  beast 
Confront  him  with  his  own 
falsehood  of  illtisional  lies 
While  he  blows  his  own  mind. 

Annie  Carpenter 
©  1976 


11 


Development  of  Dual 
Power  in  South  Africa 


Andrew  Lukele 


The  following  talk  was  given  by  Brother  Lukele  at  a 
nass  meeting  held  in  New  York  city  on  November  20, 
1976,  attended  by  ovec  700  people.  The  meeting — A 
Wight  in  Solidarity  with  the  Struggle  in  South 
Africa — was  co-sponsored  by  Karabo,  PASO  A  and 
Youth  Against  War  and  Fascism. 

Let  me  begin  by  introducing  to  you  the  organization  I 
am  representing  tonight,  Karabo.  Karabo  is  a  group  of 
South  African  political  refugees  who  are  presently 
residing  in  the  United  States.  We  remain  commit ed  to 
the  struggle  for  the  liberation  of  our  country.  Towards 
that  end  we  have  grouped  together  to  undertake  tasks 
here  which  are  relevant  and  helpful  to  the  liberation  ef- 
fort in  South  Africa.  As  part  of  that  undertaking  we 
have  joined  hands  with  our  comrade  organizations, 
PASOA  and  YAWF,  in  organizing  and  sponsoring 
tonight's  forum.  We  wish  to  thank  you  all  most  heartily 
for  being  with  us. 


NECESSITY  FOR  INFORMED  SOLIDARITY 

I  should  like  to  make  a  few  remarks,  firstly  on  the  im- 
portant subject  of  solidarity.  The  need  for  the  solidarity 
of  the  oppressed  peoples  in  the  world  stems  directly 
from  the  condition  of  the  world.  It  is  dictated  by 
capitalist  and  imperialist  domination  which  constrains 
the  lives  of  the  oppressed  millions  in  the  world  and 
prevents  them  and  their  societies  from  developing  and 
realizing  their  full  capacity.  The  same  interests  which 
have,  by  means  of  white  domination,  reduced  the 
Blacks  in  South  Africa  to  mere  subjects  of  super- 
exploitation  and  political  repression;  those  very  same  in- 
terests maintain  in  the  western  world,  in  the  United 
States,  a  kind  of  society  which  rests  on  the  principles  of 
inequality  and  individual  greed,  a  society  which  con- 
demns the  ordinary  person  to  discrimination  of  all 
forms,  to  insecurity,  and  to  painful  purposelessness  and 
worthlessness — and  that  in  a  country  which  has  amassed 
the  greatest  store  of  wealth  on  the  earth. 

This  is  the  basis  of  your  solidarity  with  the  oppressed 


in  South  Africa.  The  solidarity  that  we  seek  to  build  has 
got  to  be  a  strong  and  enduring  solidarity.  A  fickle  tie 
which  caters  to  the  momentary  urges  of  self-indulgence 
just  cannot  do.  Our  solidarity  is  a  weapon  against  the 
combined  strength  of  our  enemies.  And  their  strength  is 
quite  enormous.  Our  solidarity  must  equal  and  exceed 
their  combined  strength. 

How  do  we  achieve  such  a  solidarity  of  strength?  It  is 
a  solidarity  that  comes  from  deep  human  passion,  a  pas- 
sion that  is  fed  by  conviction  and  sound  knowledge.  It  is 
nurtured  by  a  deep  desire  for  true  freedom.  It  is  an  in- 
formed solidarity  that  we  seek.  Uninformed  acts  of 
"solidarity"  can  be  disastrous.  They  can  result  in 
assisting  the  very  enemies  of  the  people  we  believed  we 
were  helping.  We  saw  that  happen  in  Angola  not  so  long 
ago. 

Many  people  in  this  country  and  elsewhere  gave  a 
tremendous  amount  of  moral  and  material  support  to 
what  they  believed  were  movements  of  liberation  in 
Angola.  In  fact  this  support  went  to  organizations  such 
as  the  FNLA  and  UNITA  which,  as  it  turned  out,  were 
not  movements  of  liberation,  but  factions  which  were  in 
deep  collusion  with  white  racist  South  Africa  and  with 
the  CIA  of  the  United  States.  Their  aim  was  to  set  up  in 
Angola  a  puppet  government  that  would  rule  in  a  man- 
ner beneficial  to  South  Africa  and  to  the  governments 
of  the  western  countries,  the  United  States  especially. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  vigilance  and  determination  of 
the  MPLA — and  the  splendid  revolutionary  support  of 
the  Cubans,  a  thoroughly  reactionary  and  counter- 
revolutionary government — composed  of  Black  func- 
tionaries of  western  countries  would  have  been  foisted 
on  the  people  of  Angola.  That,  in  part,  would  have  been 
the  result  of  ignorant  and  uninformed  acts  of  solidarity. 

The  lesson  of  Angola  is  that  solidarity  must  be  in- 
formed if  it  is  to  be  effective.  This  imposes  on 
whomever  seeks  to  express  solidarity  in  action  the  task 
of  making  a  painstaking  and  thorough  effort  to  under- 
stand the  liberation  movement  one  wishes  to  support:  its 
aims,  its  principles  and  methods,  and  its  place  in 
history. 

But  this  responsibility  of  the  friends  of  liberation 


12 


toward  the  liberation  movement  is  reciprocal.  The 
liberation  movement  has  a  duty  towards  those  people 
who  rally  to  its  support.  It  has  the  duty  to  take  them  in- 
to its  confidence  and  to  reveal  to  them  its  view  of  itself: 
how  it  looks  at  its  problems;  what  principles  underlie  its 
methods  and  style  of  operation;  and  its 
worldview — precisely  where  it  places  itself  in  the  con- 
junction of  forces  on  the  world  scene. 

We  in  Karabo  are  keenly  aware  of  the  responsibility 
of  the  movement  of  liberation  in  South  Africa  towards 
people  outside  its  ranks  who  seek  to  rally  to  its  support. 
It  is  for  that  reason  that  we  undertook,  jointly  with 
PASOA  and  YAWF,  to  invite  Broither  Jeff  Dumo  Ba- 
qwa  to  be  with  us  all  tonight. 

Brother  Baqwa  has  played  an  important  role  in  the 
Black  Consciousness  Movement  in  South  Africa, 
especially  in  the  South  African  Students  Organization. 
This  Movement  is  at  the  forefront  of  the  revolutionary 
upsurge  which  is  currently  taking  place  in  South  Africa. 
Indeed,  it  is  in  response  to  its  echoes  that  you  here  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  others  in  the  world  outside 
South  Africa  are  stepping  forward  to  pledge  support. 
Jeff  Baqwa  has  been  in  close  contact  with  the  Black 
Consciousness  Movement  from  its  inception.  We  have 
no  doubt  that  he  will  tonight  bring  you  into  intimate 
contact  with  it,  so  that  you  can  feel  the  rhythm  of  the 
movement  and  follow  the  logic  of  its  develoment. 

CRISIS  CONSTANT  IN  SOUTH  AFRICA 

My  further  remarks,  therefore,  will  be  addressed  not 
so  much  to  the  current  disaffection  of  the  masses  but  to 
attack  the  entire  system  of  oppression.  The  sporadic  and 
unconnected  rebellions  of  the  past  have  now  merged  in- 
to a  unified  and  coordinated  force  of  attack.  The  rumbl- 
ings that  we  hear  in  Johannesburg,  Pretoria,  Capetown, 
and  Port  Elizabeth  are  the  march  steps  not  of  a  mere 
section  of  the  population,  not  just  students.  In  the 
Soweto  uprising  we  hear  the  beginnings  of  the  march 
steps  of  the  whole  Black  population.  This  uprising  aims 
at  nothing  less  than  the  seizure  of  power. 

What  stsmips  a  revolution  with  its  special  character  of 
being  a  revolution  is  that  it  goes  beyond  simply  disturb- 
ing the  workings  of  the  oppressive  system.  It  demolishes 
the  existing  structure  of  power  and  brings  into  being  its 
own  center  of  command.  And  it  accomplishes  this  by 
means,  not  of  the  existing  official  organs  and  institu- 
tions of  authority,  but  by  means  of  its  own  instruments. 
It  establishes  a  center  of  command  that  is  alternative 
and  rival  to  the  existing  state  power;  and  it  implements 
its  command  by  means  of  its  own  organs — instruments 


which  have  been  fashioned  by  the  people  themselves, 
home-made  implements,  so  to  speak.  In  revolution,  the 
principle  of  self-reliance  finds  its  highest  expression. 

It  is  not  possible  to  understand  fully  the  significance 
of  the  Soweto  uprising  and  the  incidents  connected  with 
it  unless  one  takes  a  view  of  the  movement  as  a  whole. 
The  individual  acts  and  episodes  should  not  be  looked  at 
in  isolation  from  the  thrust  of  the  total  movement. 
South  Africa  has  its  own  special  features  which  are  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  other  African  countries  which  have 
had  their  revolutions  in  recent  times. 

Typically,  what  happened  in  those  other  countries 
was  that  the  revolutionary  movement  was  able,  relative- 
ly early,  to  establish  its  own  physical  and  territorial 
basis  of  authority.  It  created  a  zone  which  came  com- 
pletely under  its  jurisdiction  of  command — the  liberated 
zone.  In  South  Africa,  the  establishment  by  the  revolu- 
tionary forces  of  their  center  of  command  has  not  yet 
taken  this  tangible,  physical  form.  But  the  center  of 
command  has  been  established  most  undoubtedly.  It  ex- 
ists and  you  can  identify  it  by  its  results.  Let  me  mention 
only  two  of  these  results. 

BLACK  MASSES  ESTABLISH  CENTER  OF  COM- 
MAND 

You  will  recall  that  soon  after  the  white  racist  state 
had  fired  its  first  shots  at  the  student  demonstrators  in 
Soweto,  in  Alexandra,  etc.,  the  Black  urban  workers 
came  out  in  a  massive  solidarity  effort  of  their  own. 
They  downed  their  tools.  This  happened  in  Johan- 
nesburg, Cape  Town,  and  Port  Elizabeth,  the  three 
largest  cities  in  South  Africa.  I  cannot  think  of  a  single 
event  in  the  whole  history  of  our  struggle  against  white 
oppression  which  compares  with  this  event  in 
significance.  As  far  as  I  am  aware  there  has  not  been  a 
place,  even  in  the  most  highly  industrialized  countries  of 
the  West,  where  workers  came  out  in  such  large 
numbers,  in  such  solidarity,  discipline,  and  firm  deter- 
mination. Make  no  mistake,  this  was  not  an  ordinary 
strike  about  wages,  conditions  of  work,  etc.  It  was  an 
extraordinary  form  of  strike  action:  profoundly 
political  in  its  motivation;  and  it  declared  itself  political 
in  its  banners  as  well. 

It  is  common  knowledge  that  in  South  Africa  strike 
action  by  Blacks  is  prohibited  by  law.  Black  trade 
unions  do  not  have  legal  recognition.  But  the  body  of 
Black  workers  established  their  strike  action  as  an  enor- 
mous fact  of  life,  albeit  not  of  law.  Everyone  in  South 
Africa  recognized  this  fact.  Indeed  it  was  recognized 
practically  everywhere  on  this  globe.  This  fact,  as  a 


13 


reality,  was  "recognized"  even  by  the  South  African 
state  power,  though  it  continued  to  rave  and  say  that  its 
law  did  not  recognized  strikes  by  Blacks.  This  sort  of 
thing  happens  only  when  the  law  and  the  state  power 
behind  it  cease  having  any  hold  n  the  social  reality,  on 
actual  events,  that  is. 

The  fact  which  these  strikes  so  clearly  established  is 
that  the  Blacks  in  South  Africa  are  well  on  their  way  to 
establishing  their  life,  as  a  fact,  away  from  the  old  order 
of  state  and  law,  and  independently  of  the  existing 
order.  They  establish  their  will;  and  they  implement  it 
by  their  own  instruments.  This  way  they  place  their  lives 
on  a  self-sustaining  basis.  This  is  the  basis  of  the 
"power  of  the  people,"  the  concept  that  governs  the 
Black  Consciousness  Movement  in  South  Africa. 

But  we  must  be  careful  not  to  make  the  terrible 
mistake  of  believing  that  the  life  of  the  people  on  a  self- 
sustaining  basis  can  exist  permanently  alongside  the  old 
order  of  white  dominance.  This  is  the  belief  which  the 
white  supremacists  have  been  at  pains  to  foster. 
Towards  this  end  they  have  created  the  bantustans,  even 
the  so-called  "independent"  bantustans. 

The  power  of  the  peple  does  not  develop  parallel  to 
the  existing  white  state  power.  It  grows  at  the  expense  of 
the  present  white  state  power;  and,  as  the  one  grows  in 
strength  and  vitality  the  other  progressively  undergoes 
death.  The  motion  is  quite  like  that  of  the  liberation 
movements  in  the  other  African  countries,  notably 
Mozambique,  Guinea-Bissau,  and  Angola.  The  expan- 
sion of  the  liberated  zone  inevitably  meant  the  reduction 
of  the  area  of  jurisdiction  of  the  forces  of  colonialism. 
The  expansion  of  our  center  of  command  likewise  spells 
the  erosion  of  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  the  old 
order.  In  South  Africa  this  is  already  a  fast-growing 
fact. 


OLD  ORDER  BEING  SWEPT  ASIDE 

As  another  illustration  of  this  fact,  let  me  cite  an  ex- 
cerpt from  an  article  which  appeared  in  yesterday's 
(November  19,  1976)  New  York  Times: 

An  elusive  student  group  has  emerged  as 
the  single  most  powerful  group  in  the  black 
township  of  Soweto  except  for  the  police, 
who  are  busy  jailing  most  of  the  student  ac- 
tivists they  find. 

While  the  Government  reviews  ways  of 
giving  blacks  more  control  over  their  own 
communities,  the  group  known  as  the 
Soweto  Students  Representative  Council  has 
become  almost  a  shadow  government  in  the 


sprawling  township  outside  Johannesburg. 

Recently,  after  months  of  close  involve- 
ment in  the  uprisings  against  apartheid  in 
which  more  than  200  Soweto  residents  have 
been  killed  since  June,  the  student  group 
declared  a  period  of  mourning  for  the  rest  of 
the  year. 

In  a  community  of  more  than  a  million 
people,  it  was  far  from  clear  that  an  edict 
issued  by  a  group  of  students,  many  in  their 
teens,  the  oldest  about  25,  would  have  much 
impact. 

However,  the  results  have  been  an  im- 
pressive demonstration  of  the  power  the 
students   wield.    Whether   out   of  fear   of 
retribution  or  sympathy  for  the  students' 
aims,  residents  of  the  township  have  shown 
remarkable  respect  for  the  young  people's 
decisions. 
This  report  issues  from  a  source  which  is  not  even 
remotely  sympathetic  to  our  movement.  The  situation, 
which  it  merely  samples,  is  not  confined  to  Sowete  nor 
to  the  student  section  of  the  population.  It  typifies  a 
nation-wide   phenomenon.   The  incontrovertible   fact 
that  has  emerged  is  that  the  Black  masses  in  South 
Africa  have  at  last  established  their  center  of  command. 
The  powers  that  be  are  frantic;  because,  try  what  they 
may,  they  have  been  unable  to  track  it  down.  This  is 
because  it  derives  ultimately  from  the  will,  passion,  and 
determination  of  the  bulk  of  the  oppressed  nation. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  initiative  in  directing 
events  has  begun  to  pass  over  from  the  rulers  to  the  rul- 
ed. The  rulers  still  retain  the  instruments  of  force  but 
their  capacity  for  implementing  their  will  is  rapidly  be- 
ing impaired.  Real  action  and  the  capacity  to  initiate  it 
are  fast  gravitating  into  the  hands  of  the  revolutionary 
masses. 

REVOLUTIONARY    SIGNIFICANCE    OF   STRIKE 
ACTIONS 

One  of  the  "Great  Lies"  of  the  old  order  that  has 
come  tumbling  down  in  the  revolutionary  process  now 
underway  in  South  Africa  is  the  idea  fostered  by  white 
supremacists  of  the  supposed  omnipotence  of  their 
system.  The  strikes  alone  have  delivered  a  mortal  blow 
to  this  "Great  Lie."  The  Black  workers  carried  out  a 
massive  political  strike,  and  demonstrated  to  themselves 
their  own  strength  and  the  relative  helplessness  of  the 
state.  They  became  convinced  of  what  they  have  been 
learning  over  time;  namely,  that  their  labor  is  the 


14 


LNS  Women's  Graphics 


15 


greatest  force  in  society;  that  the  entire  establishment  of 
the  white  state  rests  ultimately  on  the  force  that  comes 
from  their  combined  labor. 

The  slogan  "power  to  the  people"  is  no  longer  a 
statement  of  hope  and  aspiration;  it  is  a  statement  of 
demonstrated  fact.  It  is  no  longer  merely  theory, 
because  it  has  seeped  down  to  the  level  of  popular  belief 
and  prejudice.  When  as  revolutionary  a  concept  as  this 
becomes  the  common  property  of  the  people,  then  there 
is  no  longer  room  for  the  myth  that  there  can  exist  a 
power  above  that  of  the  people.  When  we  view  the  re- 
cent strikes  in  South  Africa  from  this  angle,  then  their 
significance  emerges  fully. 

Their  significance  is  derived,  in  the  first  place,  from 
the  nature  of  South  African  society  itself,  the  place  of 
Black  labor  and  its  relation  to  the  mass  movement  of  the 
population.  Almost  the  entire  Black  population  are 
working  people.  The  displacement  of  the  bulk  of  the 
population  from  the  land,  which  was  effected  by  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution  in  most  European  countries,  was  ac- 
complished by  means  of  force  and  military  conquest  in 
South  Africa.  Consequently,  there  does  not  exist  in 
South  Africa  a  peasantry  properly  so-called.  Almost  the 
entire  Black  population  consists  of  industrial  and 
agricultural  laborers.  Because  of  color  discrimination 
there  is  hardly  a  Black  bourgeoisie.  The  so-called  Black 
middle  class  is  extremely  small  and  weak,  relative  to  the 
extent  of  industrialization  in  the  country  and  to  the 
numbers  of  the  Black  population. 

This  gives  an  idea  of  the  potential  strength  of  the 
political  strike  in  the  South  African  situation.  This  form 
of  political  action  is  accessible  to  almost  the  whole  of 
the  Black  population.  Its  importance  cannot  be 
overstated. 

South  Africa  combines  important  characteristics  of 
both  the  western  industrialized  countries  and  the 
underdeveloped  Third  World  countries.  Like  the  first,  it 
is  relatively  highly  industrialized:  this  makes  feasible  the 
industrial  form  of  strike  action.  But  it  shares  with  the 
Third  World  countries  the  character  of  being  an 
underdeveloped  country  subject  to  a  kind  of  colonial 
domination,  which  makes  the  struggle  for  self  deter- 
mination a  historial  imperative.  The  movement  towards 
liberation  gathers  its  momentum  from  these  combined 
urges:  to  eliminate  capitalist  exploitation  and  to  achieve 
self-determination.  Because  the  South  African  white 
state  is  recognized  relatively  easily  to  be  the  instrument 
of  capitalist  exploitation,  the  Black  workers  realize  that 
the  real  and  effective  counter  to  such  exploitation  is  not 
along  the  lines  of  pure  trade-unionism,  but  towards  the 


seizure  of  power.  It  is  this  combination  of  factors  which 
explain  why  the  Black  workers  in  South  Africa  have 
been  able  to  impart  a  political  and  revolutionary 
character  to  their  strike  action  well  ahead  of  any  work- 
ing class  movement  in  the  industrialized  countries  of  the 
West. 


THE  BLACK  CONSCIOUSNESS  MOVEMENT 

I'd  like  to  mention  just  one  other  falsehood  that  has 
been  spread  concerning  the  liberation  movement  in 
South  Africa.  When  the  uprisings  first  erupted  in 
Soweto  on  June  16,  the  white  supremacists  raised  a  hue 
and  cry,  trumpeting  that  what  they  called  riots  and 
disturbances  were  instigated  by  "irresponsible" 
elements  who  were  coercing  the  population  by  means  of 
"terror."  As  events  developed,  these  happenings  were 
described  as  being  the  result  of  machinations  by  groups 
and  individuals  operating  from  outside  the  country.  In 
truth,  of  course,  these  events  were  the  revolutionary  ex- 
pression of  the  masses  in  South  Africa. 

The  movement  which  ushered  in  these  developments 
is  the  Black  Consciousness  Movement.  This  Movement 
is  not  a  single  party;  it  consists  of  a  network  of  people's 
local,  regional,  and  nation-wide  organizations  which 
operate  among  the  people  within  South  Africa,  not 
from  the  outside.  It  is  truly  a  united  front  of  people's 
organizations.  Among  the  largest  within  this  network 
are  the  Black  People's  Convention,  the  South  African 
Students  Organization,  the  Black  Allied  Workers' 
Union,  and  the  Union  of  Black  Women's  Federation. 
The  claim  that  the  uprising  was  being  master-minded  or 
directed  by  groups  outside  the  country  is  utterly  false. 
And  it  is  in  fact  resented  by  the  people  in  South  Africa. 
Rightly  so,  because  this  lie  is  also  a  slur  upon  their  in- 
telligence and  self-respect.  It  takes  the  inveterate  con- 
temptuousness  of  the  South  African  white  racists  to 
fabricate  such  a  lie  about  the  masses  of  South  Africa. 

Let  me  leave  you  with  this  simple  message: 

The  Black  Consciousness  Movement  opens  up  an  en- 
tirely new  chapter  in  the  history  of  South  Africa.  The 
movement  of  liberation  belongs  now,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, to  all  the  oppressed  people  of  South  Africa;  and 
uhimately  to  history,  that  is,  to  the  whole  of  mankind. 
We  of  South  Africa  are  re-entering  our  history  and  the 
history  of  mankind  from  which  we  have  been  excluded 
for  so  long  by  the  combined  forces  of  international 
capitalism,  imperialism,  and  South  African  white 
domination.  Your  solidarity  will  assist  us  in  clearing  the 
great  leap. 


16 


^--W^^^Sg^^- 


I      .,;i  lilt* 


.^•, 


ANOTHER  DEATH 

The  roof  sags  and  creaks  at  the  wind's  gentle  breeze; 

Bemudes  wasps  vie  for  entry  into  the  mud  mound  on  the  ceiling. 

The  clogged  sewers  stench  beckons  rats  to  a  banquet; 

The  fungus  hangs  on  grandpa's  neck  like  lillies. 

The  flea-coated  mongrel  in  the  manger  growls  and  strums  her  concertina 

ribcage; 

The  litter  sticks  like  ticks  on  it's  ghostly  chassis. 

And  mama  heaves  and  sighs 

And  delivers  Charles. 

Bheki  Langa 


17 


GOD  BLESS  THE  CHILD 

i'd promised  to  write 

no  more  'tortured'  verse,  again 

i'd  walk  the  beaten  track 

display  servile  manners  to  superiors 

and  earn  myself  an  A  on  the  attitude  scale. 

i'd  wipe  off  history;  obtain  citizenship 

and  call  veterans  of  the  Anglo-Boer  war, 

comrades  .  .  . 

leaning  on  an  iron  fence,  across  Canadian  Life  Insurance, 

a  week  to  date, 

Kaisey  lectured  me  on  human  harmony;  insisted 

i  pocket  four  tokens,  i  took  them, 

for  luxury. 

I've  wiped  all  that  now. 

before  these  cemetery-like  flowers  on  University  Avenue 

I  need  no  lectures  on  responsibility. 

I'm  hungry,  kaisey  and  want  cash,  today. 

the  Postman 's  delay  will  evict  me  from  the  Y. 

Lady  Day  who  knew  hunger,  sometimes  for  days,  once  snapped; 

you  can 't  begin  to  talk  of  love 

with  an  empty  stomach  and  no  clothes  on  your  back. 

Jutting  from  the  blossom,  the  angel-topped  cenotaph  recalls; 

Driefontein,  Johannesburg,  Diamond  Hills,  Natal .  .  . 

These  names  chiselled  on  the  monument  of  hunger, 

have  tossed  me  on  these  gold  glittering  pavements. 


Bheki  Langa 

Canada  1973  September 


saj£^<;cet^*7  M-sTB/e^^-T7. 


19 


New  Africa  House 

Room  115 

Amherst,  Massachusetts 

To:  Randolph  Bromery,  Chancellor 

Robert  Wood,  President 

Governor  Michael  Dukakis 
From:  South  African  Support  Committee 

Re:  Investments  by  the  University  of  Massachusetts 

Dear  Sirs: 

The  University  of  Massachusetts  owns  stocks  and  bonds  in  a  number  of  corporations  with  major  in- 
vestments in  South  Africa.  These  corporations  are:  General  Motors,  fohnson  and  Johnson,  General  Electric, 
Motorola,  Nabisco,  Lilly  Pli,  Pfizer,  Smithkline,  Minnesota  Mining  and  Manufacturing,  FMC,  Newmont 
Mining,  Honeywell,  IBM,  Exxon,  Eastman  Kodak,  and  Goodyear.  The  University  is  also  considering  pur- 
chases of  Ingersoll  Rand  and  Caterpillar  Tractor.  The  University  has  spent  a  total  of  $540,558.43  on  these  in- 
vestments. We  arrived  at  these  figures  by  comparing  the  account  of  the  University  endowment  fund  of 
February  18,  1977  with  the  latest  report  of  the  American  Consulate  General  in  Johannesburg,  Republic  of 
South  Africa  (Commercial  Section). 

The  South  African  holdings  of  these  corporations  provide  material  support  and  legitimacy  to  a  white 
supremacist  regime.  The  facts  of  life  for  black  South  Africans — such  as  53%  of  all  black  children  dying  by  the 
age  of  five— cannot  be  altered  by  these  corporations.  To  the  contrary,  they  are  bound  by  the  laws  of  the  land 
and  can  only  strengthen  the  apartheid  system.  In  fact,  the  legalized  exploitation  of  black  labor  helps  these  cor- 
porations make  a  17-19%  return  as  opposed  to  a  world  average  of  11%.  Their  material  interests  makes  them 
resist  any  real  reforms. 

We  must  do  more  than  simply  hope  for  change.  Points  3  and  4  of  the  University's  "Guidelines  for  the  In- 
vestment of  the  Endowment  Fund"  state  that:  "The  University  will  endeavor  to  take  informed  and  ethical 
positions  whenever  it  exercises  its  voting  rights  as  a  stockholder  and  may  communicate  directly  with  manage- 
ment when  there  is  evidence  that  the  corporation  is  not  acting  responsibly  in  the  public  interest. "  and  "When 
there  is  evidence  that  a  corporation  in  which  the  University  owns  stock  is  persistently  engaging  in  activities 
that  are  grossly  contrary  to  these  guidelines,  the  Treasurer,  after  consultation  with  investment  counsel,  will 
recommend  the  sale  of  that  stock. "  Point  2  states  "The  University  will  seek  to  invest  in  corporations  that  have 
a  responsible  posture  in  matters  relating  to  .  .  .  public  health  .  .  .[and]  equal  employment  opportunities  .  .  ." 
The  University's  own  criteria  make  these  investments  unacceptable  from  a  moral  and  legal  point  of  view. 

We  therefore  request  that  the  University  immediately  sell  its  holdings  in  the  above  corporations  and 
publicize  its  reasons  for  doing  so. 

Sincerely, 

University  of  Massachusetts 

South  Africa  Support  Committee 

copies  to: 
Boston  Globe 
Springfield  Union 
Northampton  Gazette 
Holyoke  Transcript 
N.Y.  Times 
Valley  Advocate 
Boston  Phoenix 
Collegian 
Outfront 
New  Unity 


20 


SIGIDI! 

(For  Keorapretse  William  Kgotsitsile, 
Afrikan  scholar  &  Guerilla  I  poet) 

Drums  of  our  fathers, 

hear  us.  Souls  of  our  mothers, 

bear  witness  .  .  . 

When  the  Whirlwind  sweeps 

south  of  Zambezi,  we 

hope  your  eyes  witness 

the  open  graves  of  four 

million  monsters.  (Guerilla 

warrior  completing  Shaka  's  task. 

In  Soweto,  the  children's 

graves  will  blossom  amid 

the  dust  from  troop  carriers 

and  the  earth  they  blessed 

will  sing  lull  a  byes 

to  glorious  dawn. 

Willie  the  years 

stretch  like  a  string  of 

mine  fields  across  the  leprous 

terrain  of  Caucasian  madness. 

Our  lives  are  a  thousand 

rebellions,  uprisings- 
massive  cries  into  the 
Whirlwind  of  World  Spirit. 
Guerilla  souls  we  are! 
building  bridges  of  revolt 
from  Harlem,  Watts,  Newark, 
Detroit — a  Black  Bandoleer 
stretching  from  New  Afrika 


to  Manibia,  Zimbabwe,  Angola 
and  points  South.  (Comrade 
when  you  march,  30  million 
tramp  in  your  footsteps: 

Malcolm,  Martin,  Lumumba, 
Cabral  are  loose  again 
in  the  Afrikan  Whirlwind, 
Willie 

keep  a  steady 
trigger-finger;  don 't 
stop  shooting 

'till  the  Cape  is  stained 

a  brilliant  red,   'til 

Zulu  drums  thunder  from 

south  Atlantic  to  the 

Indian  Ocean,  and 

Azania  blooms  like 

a  red  hibiscus  in 
the  radient  dawn  I 

Aikia  Muhammad  Toure  (copyright  Oct.  1976) 


l:k 


k 


love  poem  no.  8 


who  are  we  to  say 
that  we  are  lovers 
in  these  days  of  unhappiness 

neutral  shifts  upon  the  wind  i 
have  forgotten  their  order 
standing  here  at  this  point 
somewhere  between  then  and  now 

it  is  dark  here  sometimes 
yet  even  when  the  sun  empties 
who  am  i  to  ask 
and  who  are  we  to  assemble 
these  broken  seedlings 
that  we  have  gleaned  after  the  harvest 
(always  after  the  harvest) 
it  is  not  easy  for  me 
to  speak  of  love 
but  this  one  time 
when  i  am  tired 
i  will  say  with  meaning 
i  love  you 

and  picture  your  face 
in  shadow. 

John  Williams 


Black  Cypress 

Absorb  yourself 

and  be  nourished  by  the  beauty  of  blackness 

and  be  nourished  by  the  richness  from  our  home  land 

from  which  we  once  came. 

As  black  women 

we  are  faced  with  many  challenges  that  days  bring  forth 
BUT  THATS  ALL  RIGHT 

build  it 

make  it  strong 

mold  it  into  a  figure  shaped  you 

and  you  are  one  to  set  an  example  for  all 

and  your  men 

feed  them  yourself 

(talk-to-em) 

don  V  test  them 

guide 

don 't  mislead 

Black  women  (todays  tomorrow) 

WE  ARE  LIKE  THE  BLACK  PEARLS  IN  THE  SEA!!!  rarest  among  jewels 

SO  SSSSSSsshine  radiantly 

Pam  Benn 


22 


love  poem  no.  9 
October  26,  1973 

and  today  as  i  stand  at  the  entrance 

to  november 

making  futile  preparations 

for  the  cold 

my  hands  thrown  away  to  the  ends  of  the  earth 

on  this  day  this  holy  day  this  Sunday 

of  racing  winds  and  inaudible  prayers 

that  find  no  difference  between  themselves 

on  this  day 

this  day  of  many  clouds  and  little  warmth 

on  this  day 

my  love  is  a  tattered  veil  of  arabesque 

etched  across  into  the  hills        laughing 

into  the  wind 
as  it  stretches  and  runs  from  me 

to  you 

badly  in  need  of  repair, 

for  no  other  reason  than  it  is  the  nature  of  a  veil 
to  unravel,  to  be  re- spun,  and  to  unravel  again, 
i  ask  you  to  run  to  the  mountains 
to  see  my  love  painted  there 
a  reflection  of  the  sun  growing  older 
slowly  peeling  off  into  the  face  of  the  earth 
falling  from  the  trees 
the  fastidious  scrape  me  away 
to  be  burned  and  my  ashes  scattered 
into  the  dust 

by  which  time  if  you  will  have  not  yet  gone 
up  into  the  mountains 
in  search  of  me  and  my  love 
it  will  not  matter  then 
for  by  then  my  love     and  i 
will  have  turned  inward 
and  have  become 
the  mountain  itself 


John  williams 


23 


The  South  African's  Vow 


I  saw  a  free  spirit  out-distance  the  wind 

on  its  journey  home. 

I  saw  him  turn  and  laugh  as  she  (the  wind) 

waved  at  his  triumph. 

I  saw  years  of  life  comfortably  lulled  to 

rest  by  happiness  and  fulfillment . 

I  saw  the  sun  hunger  after  the  Brightness 

of  the  smiles  of  a  nation  combined. 

Then  I  awoke,  Dream  gone. 

I  saw  the  storm's  hand  gently  wash  and 

cleanse  a  quiet  free  land. 

I  saw  love  sit  heavily  about  this  land 

and  warm  all  in  it's  peaceful  embrace. 

I  saw  nature  call  to  her  proud  children 

and  they  answered  like  the  rushings  of  a  tide. 

I  saw  one  content  face  in  this  tide  and 

knew  it  to  be  a  family  picture. 

Then  I  awoke,  Dream  gone. 

I  saw  the  back  of  a  nation  come  alive 

as  the  opressor's  whip  was  cut  short 

by  emotions  that  would  be  bruised  no  more. 

I  saw  the  life  that  grew  out  of  this  turning 

point,  flower  and  bring  all  of  nature's  beauty 

with  it. 

I  saw  a  people  sweating  out  thrust  and  drive 

as  their  labor  built  a  nation. 

I  saw  laughter  and  mirth  run  rampant 

through  bountiful  ranks  of  strong  young 

children. 

Then  I  awoke,  Dream  gone. 

And  through  my  hazy,  sleep  filled  eyes, 

I  saw  a  living  nightmare  where  my  dream 

should  have  been. 

I  leaped  from  my  state  of  somnambulant 

acceptance  and  grabbed  my  gun. 

I'll  have  my  dream. 

I  now  marched  through  the  corridors  of 

resistance  and  oppression. 

The  waiting  claws  of  the  resister, 

the  oppressor  clamber  for  my  soul. 

I  am  determined  that  he  shall  not  have 

it. 

Not  when  I  have  seen  the  free  spirit  in 

me. 

Not  when  I  have  felt  the  love  of 

freedom.'s  kiss  upon  my  heart. 

Not  when  one  free-smile  is  worth  a 

thotisand  in  bondage. 

Not  when  I  have  been  a  king  under  the 

reign  of  justice. 

No.  He  shall  not  have  my  soul. 

Bui  I  shall  have  his  if  he  seeks  to 

restrict  my  freedom  once  again. 

"This  I  Vow. " 


Sandy  Mclean 


24 


THE  BLOOD  LINE'S  CRY 


Listen,  do  you  hear  it 's  cry? 

Do  you  hear  the  cry  of  the  blood  line? 

It  is  a  cry  that  transcends  all  distance  and  time. 

It  is  a  cry  that  grabs  you  and  holds 

you  for  its  full  duration,  its  full 

course. 

It  sails  the  impassionate  seas  to  find  its 

way  to  a  strangely  familiar  shore,  (familiar  thru 

vicarious  experience) 
Now  that  it  is  here,  it  follows  its  natural 
attraction  to  the  Blood  line. 
A  line  that  runs  thru  resistance  and  apathy  to  the  real 

people 
called  us.   We  are  the  line's  end. 
The  red  current  flows  to  us  and  from  us. 
Once  awakened,  our  ears  tune  to  the  sorrowful 
howl  it  carries. 

In  the  howl  we  see  grey  cold  things  which  resemble 
chains. 

They  drop  from  the  heavens  to  conquer  all  within 
their  reach  in  the  name  of  the  oppressor. 
They  lock  the  free  spirit  to  a  block 
called  Apartheid. 

Yet  the  picture  slowly — quickly  changes. 
It  turns  in  on  itself  and  explodes  into  violent  rebellion. 
Brother  who  was  suffering  under  their  weight  (those 

heavycold  chains) 
now  seek  to  breath  freely. 
The  Blood  line  cries  out  for  support,  this  then  is  the 

cry  we  heard. 
Brother  is  dying  in  the  struggle. 
Sister  is  crying  in  the  struggle. 
All  are  suffering  in  the  struggle. 
The  Blood  line  comes  alive  and  cries  for  strength  that 

comes 
from  here  and  goes  all  the  way  over  to  there. 
To  their  hearts.  Blood  holds. 
To  their  minds.  Blood  holds. 
To  their  souls.  Blood  holds. 

Dying  blood,  anguished  blood,  despairing  blood 
pouring  blood.  Right-on  blood,  fighting  blood. 
Our  blood.  Holds. 
Yes  blood. 

We  are  with  you  blood. 
For  now  blood, 
and  tomorrow  blood. 
With  you  all  the  way. 


Sandy  Mclean 


25 


TO  MY  MOTHER 

To  my  mother 

through  whom  God  chose, 

To  bring  me  birth, 

To  my  mother, 

a  humble 

peaceful,  submissive, 

servant  of  God, 

who  nursed 

me,  gave  me  warmth 

and  tender  care, 

who  taught  me 

the  difference 

of 
right  from  wrong 
who, 

guides  me  along, 
the  correct  path, 
who  is  my 
heart,  life  and  soul, 
for  whom  i  pray 
daily  that  she  may 
one  day  see  the 
abode  of  peace 
who  is  a  righteous 
woman  who  has  suffered 
many  hardships, 
pains  and  sorrows, 
but  who  has  remained 
steadfast  to  the  truth 
in  times  of  trials 
and  tribulations, 
who  in  this  very 
hour  is  a  prisoner, 
captive  in  an  unrighteous, 
nation  that  breeds, 
unrighteous  people. 
May  Allah,  God,  bless, 
guide  and  protect 

her. 
To  my  mother, 
i  just  want  to  say, 
there  are  no 
words  to  express, 
the  appreciation, 
love  and  respect 
i  have  for  you 
being  the  mother 
you  have  been, 
and  are  now 
and  i  give  all 
praise  and  thanks  to 


almighty  God,  Allah 
for  having 
blessed  me  with 
having  such 
a  spiritual 
righteous  mother 
May  we  understand 
Allah's,  God's 
divine  plan 
one  day, 
and  if  we 
don 't  see 
one  another 
again  in  this 
life, 

May  we 
re-unite 

in  paradise 


A.H.  1391 


26 


I  AM  UP 

Mom,  at  school  the  writing  on  the  wall 
It  puts  me  down,  they  say  I'm  not  a  man 

21  I  am  I'm  now  a  man,  mom  can't  they  see 
Why  do  they  say  black  men  never  grow  up 

since  the  day  of  my  birth,  I've  grew  in  mind 

I  grew  in  strength  and  wisdom,  I'm  more  than  a  man 

those  who  oppose  me  I  forgive  them 
For  they  do  not  know  any  better 

Only  a  fool  would  go  against  God  in  the  flesh 
I've  sacrificed  my  live  for  those  to  live. 

I  respect  myself,  I  love  it,  its  so  good 

I'm  love,  I'm  black,  I  carry  the  wisdom  of  a  king. 

Tell  me,  tell  my  mom  tell  the  fools 

Tell  them  that  if  anyone  is  a  man  that  it  be  me. 

Keith  Peters 


A  POEM  OF  BLACK  MOTHERS  OF  YESTERDAY 
AND  WOMEN  OF  TODAY 

Is  there  a  woman  with  love  more  dear 

To  keep  her  man  alive,  she  instilled  in  him  fear? 

Emasculating  Black  manhood  and  all  manhood  means. 

Banking  Blackfires  with  caresses  and  dreams. 

Many  are  the  lonely  nights  her  heart  wailed 

For  the  son  I  husband  in  the  white  man's  jail. 

The  salty  tears  Black  eyes  have  shed. 

Unwanted  whiteman  who  favored  Blackbeds. 

But  for  a  sigh  and  a  prayer,  now  and  then. 

Who  knows  that  hell  a  Black  woman  lives  in? 

All  in  all,  that  day  is  through. 

Today,  a  Black  sun  shines  on  you. 

Yet,  there  is  still  that  fear  in  your  eyes. 

And  still,  you  endure  so  Black  man  survives. 


11 


People  of  Power 

We  are  the  dancers  and  the  singers;  we  are  the  music  makers  and 
the  poets;  we  are  the  star  gazers  and  the  spirituaUst;  we  are 
the  amazons  and  the  Spartans;  we  are  the  metaphysicians  and  we  are 
the  muse. 

We  are  the  laborers  and  the  servants;  we  are  the  mangers  and  me- 
chanics; we  are  the  extensions  of  your  machines;  we  are  the 
makers  of  your  dreams;  we  are  the  exploited;  we  are  the  armies 
waiting  for  employ. 

We  are  the  dangerous  and  the  violent;  we  are  the  corrupted  cre- 
ations of  this  time;  we  are  seekers;  we  are  sought;  we  are  the 
wretched  masses  feeding  on  your  shores;  we  are  the  damned  mult- 
itude of  poor;  we  are  what  you  fear. 

We  are  the  unassimulated  natives;  we  are  the  unpacified  captives; 
we  are  the  silent  vigilants  who  perserve;  we  are  the  tortured 
and  tormented,  the  occupied  oppressed;  we  are  the  incarnation  of 
your  nightmares. 

We  are  the  people  of  the  covenant;  we  are  the  people  who  will  crown 
your  wealth  with  steel  and  gather  together  your  technology  devel- 
oped at  your  expense  to  joyously  celebrate  our  victory  as  we 
hammer  your  bones  on  a  cross  of  dollars  *  symbolizing  salvation. 
We  are  the  people 
And  we  promise 
Liberation! 


Jamila  Semueya  Grastou 
1976 

'from  Pablo  Neruda,  revolutionary  Chilean  poet 


John  Kendrick 


28 


J  I.  y    - 


John  Kendrick 


29 


30 


SOUTHERN  AFRICAN  HUNTER 

(For  Dennis  Brutus) 


(According  to  a  report  in  The  Times,  17.8.1973,  at  the  South  African  Prime  Minister's  annual  get-together  with  the 
world's  press,  in  Pretoria,  more  than  twenty  journalists  were  given  an  informal  plates-on-the-knees  dinner  of  ostrich 
egg  omelette,  roasted  impala  and  eland  cottage  pie,  devised  by  the  Prime  Minister's  wife.  The  Prime  Minister  had  shot 
the  game  himself,  he  said,  and  during  the  meal,  he  talked  about  his  love  of  hunting,  but  only  of  species  in  plentiful 
supply.) 


This  circumspect  hunter, 

kitted  out  to  kill, 

certainly  can't  be  challenged 

by  any  still-centred 

wild  life  preservationist. 

Legal  accusation?  Murder? 
What's  that  for  Smuts'  sake? 

Our  hunter's  hands  are  clean, 

his  heart  as  lean  as  linen, 

they'll  definitely  say 

and  mean  every  word  of  it. 

There's  more  about  him,  too, 

than  the  mere  established 

black  and  white  crazy -paving 

in  his  perfect  public  parks 

and  in  his  vast  country  garden. 

His  thinking  is  as  direct  as  bullets; 

his  preference  is  to  meet,  head  on, 

whatever  comes  at  him:  meandering, 

dangerotis,  philosophical  animals, 

half-cocked,  interrmtional  sanctions, 

split-second,  trip-wire  boycott  campaigns, 

looming  investment  nightmares, 

or  plain  shooting  trouble 

preferably  on  the  Zambesi 

rather  than  on  the  Limpopo. 

He's  a  southern  hunter  who  knows 
his  river  banks,  whatever  one  says. 

And  one  more  thing:  he  eats  well; 

he  likes  a  strict,  native  diet. 

He  shoots  dead  straight 

(and  so  do  his  obedient  beaters) 

but  only  at  those  prescribed  targets 

moving  in  the  greatest  possible  numbers: 

a  warning  too  late  for  several  millions 

swelling,  year  by  year,  to  several  more, 

a  river  of  man,  which,  will,  one  night 

(knowing  how  long-imprisoned  rivers  are), 

flood  the  southern  hunter's  private  garden 

his  great  acreage  of  deadly -accurate  guns. 


Andrew  Salkey 


SOUTH  AFRICAN 


ADOWS  CASTED  INTO  TME  RUBBLE 
TO  MAKE  WAY  FOR  WHi™  EXPANSION 


/«^ 


32 


CHILDREN'S  REALITY 


PHOTOS:  ERNEST  COLE 
Reprint  from  House  of  Bondage, 
Random  House,  Inc.,  1967 


PHOTOS  ON  PAGES  32  to  35:  ERNEST  COLE 
Reprint  from  House  of  Bondage, 
Random  House,  Inc.,  1967 


33 


FREE  SICKNESS  FOR  ALL 
IN  THE  HOSPITAL 


FREE  GOVERNMENT  EDUCATION 

EN-MASS 


34 


FREE  HOUSING 
\FTER  TRESPASSIN( 
WHITE  AREAS 


TROUGH 


One- Way  Traders 

(For  Mazisi  Kunene) 

PLAN  TO  MOVE 

120,000  BLACKS 
More  than  120,000  members  of  the  Swana  race  will 
have  to  be  moved  from  their  present  lands,  South 
Africa's  Minister  of  Bantu  Administration  and 
Development,  Mr.  M.C.  Botha  said  today.  He  was  an- 
nouncing final  land  consolidation  proposals  for  the 
Bophuthatswana  homeland  in  the  Northern 
Transvaal,  Cape  Province. 

The  Guardian  Correspondent,  Johannesburg 
(26.5.1973)  (25.5.1973) 

Thinking  that  you're  actually  moving 
the  spirit  of  a  people, 
faith,  hope  and  dream, 
because  the  bodies  shift 
easily  by  decree, 
is  a  dangerous  illusion; 
it  fools  the  eye; 

balances  the  accounts  on  paper,  somehow; 
but  it  does  something  violent 
to  the  morbid  mind. 

The  trees  and  homestead  markings 

rush  past,  flapping  in  the  wind, 

loose  and  serrated, 

like  torn  bandages 

blurred,  at  first, 

but  soon  afterwards 

like  return  signposts. 

Those  who  persist 

in  working 

in  the  moving  business, 

against  the  wishes 

of  their  rooted  customers, 

are  fascist  handlers: 

one-way  traders 

driving  over  shifting  sand 

to  a  desolating  bend 

farther  down  the  road. 


Andrew  Salkey 


36 


arganta  Vargas 


37 


Dangerous  Singer 

(in  memory  of  Vuyisile  Mini) 

(Vuyisile  Mini,  popular  singer 
and  songwriter,  was  executed 
by  the  South  African  government, 
in  1964.] 

The  uncertain,  collapsing  family  house 

was  never  the  same,  again, 

after  those  songs  blew  over  the  stunted  grass; 

the  walls  pinched  the  cracks  shut; 

the  doors  swung  free,  wide  open 

to  the  inciting  wind  curving  off  the  cockpit  hill; 

and  your  words  were  good,  always  real, 

repeated  over  the  years,  going  deeper  down 

into  the  ground  where  dangerous  songs  live  like  roots. 


Andrew  Salkey 
Photo  by  Juan  Durruthy 


39 


r 


A  CRIME  AGAINST  HUMANITY 


40 


BLACK  &  WHITE 

Behind  the  headlines 

in  South  Africa 


Prosperity  for  South  African  whites  has  been  achiev- 
ed through  the  systematic  denial  of  political  rights  and 
the  economic  exploitation  of  its  black  majority.  Whites, 
who  comprise  only  17%  of  the  population,  take  home 
over  76%  of  the  wealth.  Why  does  such  a  large  disparity 
exist? 

1.  Whites  may  apply  for  any  job;  blacks  are 
restricted  to  certain  jobs  no  matter  what  their 
skills. 

2.  Whites  organize  trade  unions  and  may  strike  for 
higher  pay;  blacks  go  to  jail  for  striking  while  their 
trade  unions  receive  no  legal  recognition. 

3  South  Africa  has  been  divided  into  white  and 
black  land  areas — one-seventh  of  the  land  for  the 
19  million  blacks  and  six-sevenths  for  the  4  million 
whites.  Every  major  city  and  town  in  the  country 
is  reserved  for  white  ownership  and  control. 

4.  The  state  spends  approximately  $340  a  year  for 
educating  each  white  child,  only  $30  for  a  black 
child;  education  is  free  only  for  whites. 

APARTHEID 
SEPARATE  AND  UNEQUAL 

The  apartheid  political  system  decrees  that  blacks 
have  no  rights  except  in  the  reservation  set  aside  for 
them  by  the  white  government.  These  areas,  known  as 
"Bantustans,"  comprise  but  13%  of  the  land.  Africans 
are  defined  as  "temporary  sojourners,"  in  the  "white" 
urban  areas.  Thus,  by  definition,  they  are  deprived  of 
all  political  and  economic  rights  in  87%  of  their  coun- 
try. 

The  effects  of  domination  and  exploitation  are  clear: 

1 .  Whites  per  capita  income  is  about  fourteen  times 
that  of  the  African — $133  a  month  for  every  white 
man,  woman  and  child,  $9.50  a  month  for  every 
African. 

2.  Over  80%  of  all  Africans  live  below  the  poverty 
line. 

3.  One-half  of  the  children  born  in  the  Bantustans 
die  before  reaching  the  age  of  five.  The  death  rate 
is  25  times  that  of  white  children;  tuberculosis,  a 
frequent  aftermath  of  malnutrition,  is  10  times  as 
common  among  Africans  as  whites. 


4.  Whites  have  one  doctor  for  every  455  people,  one 
of  the  highest  doctor-patient  ratios  is  one  to 
18,000. 

5.  93%  of  whites  of  high  school  age  go  to  school;  for 
blacks,  the  figure  is  8.9%. 

South  Africa  is  a  police  state  denying  basic  human 
rights  and  freedoms  to  most  of  its  people.  African  men . 
and  women  must  carry  passes;  they  may  live  or  work 
only  where  the  stamp  in  their  passbook — put  there  by  a 
white  official — decrees.  In  fact,  one  half  million  people 
are  arrested  and  jailed  each  year  for  infringement  of  the 
pass  regulations.  There  are  about  one  million  migratory 
laborers  in  South  Africa,  men  who  are  forced  to  leave 
their  families  behind  in  the  Bantustans  to  live  in  prison- 
Hke,  single-sex  compounds,  often  16  to  a  room.  Whites 
vote  and  make  laws  in  Parliament;  blacks  cannot. 

Those  accused  of  participating  in  "illegal  political  ac- 
tivities" are  detained  without  trial  and,  often,  tortured. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  ROLE 
This  is  a  brutal  picture,  but  true.  It  is  also  true  that 
the  United  States  helps  to  maintain  this  system  of  apar- 
theid. United  States  corporate  investment  in  South 
Africa  has  grown  dramatically  from  $286  million  in 
1960  to  over  $1 .5  biUion  today.  US  investment  and  trade 
has  played  a  critical  role  in  developing  manufacturing  in 
South  Africa.  US  involvement  provides  not  only  much 
of  the  capital  for  development  of  key  industries,  but 
also  the  licenses,  technology  and  personnel,  which,  in 
many  cases,  are  even  more  important  than  the  capital 
itself.  With  the  approval  of  the  US  government, 
weapons-grade  uranium,  aircraft  and  electronics 
technology  have  gone  to  South  Africa  to  assist  the 
military  build-up  against  the  majority  of  its  people. 

Some  argue  that  economic  growth  and  industrializa- 
tion will  automatically  bring  in  their  wake  an  improved 
life  for  black  people.  But  time  has  made  a  mockery  of 
this  belief.  After  years  of  industrialization,  Soweto  and 
the  other  black  townships  near  major  industrial  areas 
remain  desperately  poor  shanty-towns.  In  fact,  the  gap 
between  white  and  black  is  growing. 


41 


a  poem  in  late  hours 

i  say  now: 

in  this  storm  of  conception, 

it  is  difficult  to  gather  words  of 

muhiple  meanings 

and  spread  them  with  clarity  .  .  . 

coherent  bursts  of  profundity — so  unprofound 
laden  in  disparity. 

i  say: 
it  is  difficult 

in  these  evenings  of  awkward  smiles 
nnd  genteel  leanings 
when  voices  accord  the  wind 
beret  the  motion  of  your  eyes 
amidst  the  strands  of  concurrent  beginnings, 
your  laughter  'rosed'  in  storm  hollows 
must  yearn  caravans  of  mornings 
i  say: 

i  am  not  the  wind,  my  love 
i  cannot  sweep 
the  broken  tears  as  if  no  one 
longed  their  magic, 
i  am  not  the 

caretaker  of  yesterday  warnings 
of  you  and  i — 
embodied  in  postures  .  .  . 
of  not  knowing  what  to  be. 
aye,  my  love,  i,  indeed, 
eye  have  cried 

and  seemingly  i — again — embrace  these 
second  thoughts, 
i  have  cried  .  .  .  and  again 
i  am  alone 


thomas  waltet  jones 


42 


SISTER 

She  must  be  so  beautiful  now 

ripe  like  blueberries, 

her  eyes  a  blossom  of  jewels 

her  teeth  a  harvest  of  choice  ivory  .  . 

Yet,  at  dawn, 

haven't  I  seen  too  many  blueberries 

promising  a  joyous  bounty 

nodding 

languid  on  125th  and  Lenox 

picked  by  the  icy  wind 

Long  before  midday? 


Bheki  Langa 

Copyright  1975 


43 


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45 


THANKSGIVING  DAY  1977 

Dick  Gregory,  his  wife,  and  Senator  Bill  Owens,  out- 
side the  South  African  embassy  in  Washington,  D.C., 
are  arrested  for  protesting  U.S.  involvement  in  South 
Africa. 

Photos  by  Edward  Cohen 


46 


DATELINE: 
NUREMBERG,  SOUTH  AFRICA 


Beneath  the  social  mushroom  of  Apartheid, 
the  Nationalist  regime  in  South  Africa  has 
erected,  and  is  consolidating,  an  economic 
pyramid.  At  the  peak  of  this  structure  are 
Whites.  Coloureds  and  Asians  constitute  the 
body.  Blacks — who  are  the  majority — form 
the  base.  This  state  of  affairs  is  nothing  short 
of  compounding  an  already  caluminous  situa- 
tion. Moreover,  it  is  a  foolhardy  militation 
against  any  effort  to  protect  and  work  toward 
a  socially  and  economically  integrated  South 
African  nation,  a  nation  that  will  establish  a 
common  citizenship  and  merit  the  loyalty  of 
every  race.  The  following  is  a  sampling  of  the 
Apartheid  recipe  as  it  exists  today. 

Marriage  between  whites  and  non-whites  is 
illegal  under  the  Prohibition  of  Mixed  Mar- 
riages Act  of  1949.  Marriage  officers  enforce 
this  law,  and  where  persons  domiciled  in  South 
Africa  contract  such  marriages  outside  the 
country,  the  act  dictates  that  they  be  voided 
within  South  Africa. 

The  Native  Laws  Amendment  Act,  enacted 
the  same  year,  focuses  on  restricting  the  flow 
of  African  workers  into  the  cities.  This  act 
serves  two  exploitative  purposes:  the  insurance 
of  an  abundant  pool  of  cheap  laborers  to  work 
in  the  mines,  and  the  deterant  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  large  native  population  in  urban 
areas.  The  latter  ramification  makes  it  im- 
possible to  organize  functional  socio-political 
black  units,  and  increases  the  number  of  black 
families  that  must  separate.  Special  labor 
bureaus  enforce  this  law. 

As  a  result  of  the  Population  Registration 
Act  of  1950,  South  Africans  are  required  to 
carry  identification  cards,  on  which  is  indelibly 
inscribed  the  race  and  status  of  each  person. 
The  provisions  made  in  this  act  also  establish- 
ed   a    racial    register;    the    population    was 


classified  under  three  groups — Europeans, 
Coloureds,  and  Africans.  Of  these  groups,  the 
Coloureds  and  Africans  were  also  registered 
according  to  their  ethnological  sections.  This 
elaborate  documentation  process  boosts  the 
separatist  policies,  and  effectively  hinders  any 
inter-racial  alhances. 

Perhaps  the  most  glaring  exhibition  of  the 
monstrosity  of  the  Apartheid  system  is  the  Im- 
morality Amendment  Act.  Enacted  in  1950, 
this  act  prohibited  carnal  intercourse  between 
whites  and  non- whites.  (The  original  1927  Act 
forbade  intercourse  between  whites  and 
Africans).  Thousands  of  people,  ranging  from 
visiting  seamen  and  clergy  to  a  Prime  Minister, 
have  been  punished  under  this  law.  Over 
6,000people  were  convicted  under  this  Act  bet- 
ween 1950  and  June  1966. 

The  ownership  and  occupation  of  land  is 
governed  by  the  Group  Areas  Act.  The  land 
and  its  uses  are  rationed  along  ethnic  lines, 
thereby  creating  racial  ghettoes. 

The  Native  Laws  Amendment  Act  of  1952 
controls  the  movement  to  and  from  and  the 
grouping  of  Africans  in  urban  areas.  Under 
this  Act,  the  Africans  are  not  permitted  to  re- 
main in  an  urban  area  over  seventy-two  hours 
without  a  permit — unless  it  is  their  birthplace 
and  permanent  residence.  This  law  helps  to 
prevent  the  formation  of  a  potentially 
dangerous  black  proletariat. 

The  founders  of  apartheid  might  have 
postulated  separate  but  equal  development, 
however  the  Reservation  of  Separate  Amen- 
titiesAct  of  1953  permits  separate  and  unequal 
facilities  to  exist.  Persons  in  charge  of  any 
public  premises  or  public  vehicle  may  reserve 
such  premises  or  vehicle  for  the  exclusive  use 
of  any  race  or  class.  The  facilities  afforded 
non-whites  were  substantially  inferior  to  those 


47 


available  to  whites;  consequently  the  doctrine 
of  separate  but  unequal  was  enshrined  in 
South  African  law. 

Strikes  by  African  workers  are  outlawed  by 
the  Native  Labor  (Settlementof  Disputes)  Act 
of  1953.  Industrial  disputes  involving  Africans 
were  to  be  settled  through  a  complicated 
machinery,  but  this  only  compounded  the 
disputes. 

In  the  urban  areas,  the  number  of  Africans 
residing  in  one  building  is  also  a  matter  of 
regulation.  The  Native  Amendment  Act  pro- 
hibits landlords  from  allowing  more  than  five 
Africans  to  inhabit  one  building  at  any  one 
time — unless  special  permission  had  been 
granted  by  the  Minister  of  Native  Affairs. 

The  Criminal  Procedures  Act,  enacted  in 
1955,  empowers  the  police  to  kill 
suspects  fleeing  or  persons  resisting  arrest. 

In  compliance  with  the  Industrial  Concilia- 
tion Act  of  1956,  entry  into  trade  unions  and 
job  placement  are  based  upon  race.  This 
schematic  ruling  deprives  blacks,  who  are 
component  units  in  the  country,  of  a  possible 
platform  for  racial  cooperation. 

The  Natives  (Prohibition  of  Interdicts)  Act 
stated  that  any  African  in  receipt  of  a 
removal  or  banishment  order — rightly  or 
wrongly — cannot  request  a  stay  of  suspen- 
sion for  its  execution.  This  law  dictates  that 
no  court  issue  interdict  to  such  orders,  no 
matter  how  arbitrarily  those  orders  were 
issued.  The  African  is  obligated  to  move  first 
and  argue  later — even  at  the  risk  of  ir- 
reparable personal  and  familial  damage. 

The  dragnet  against  intimate  relations  bet- 
ween the  races  is  expanded  and  reinforced 
by  the  Immorality  Act  of  1957.  The  penalty 
for  carnal  intercourse  between  whites  and 
non-whites  was  increased  to  seven  years  im- 
prisonment, while  solicitation  with  intent  to 
commit  an  indecent  or  immoral  act  was 
declared  a  criminal  act. 

Between  1961  and  1962  the  pain- 
ting of  political  slogans  had  flourished,  and  a 


passed  to  prohibit  this  activity.  The  General 
Law  Act  of  1962,  one  of  a  series  of  such  acts, 
made  the  slogan  painting  an  offence  that  was 
punishable  with  a  maximum  of  six  months  in 
prison  and/or  any  other  penalty  that  might  be 
imposed  under  the  law. 

The  General  Laws  (1963)  also  provides  for 
the  detention  of  persons  without  trial.  A 
similar  Act  (1964),  among  other  things,  allows 
the  government  to  jail  anyone  who  refuses  to 
give  evidence  during  criminal  proceedings.  The 
jail  term  is  a  minimum  of  twelve  months.  In 
addition  to  this,  the  Act  authorizes  the  use  of 
force  to  make  alleged  accomplices  testify- even 
at  the  risk  of  incriminating  themselves. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  writing  by  exiled 
South  Africans  is  prohibited  by  the  Suppres- 
sion of  Communism  Amendment  Act  (1965). 
This  Act  empowers  the  state  to  ban  publica- 
tion and  distribution  of  hterary  works  deemed 
a  continuation  of  a  work  by  the  exiled  person. 

The  Police  Amendment  Act  of  1965  allows 
the  pohce,  at  any  place  within  a  mile  of  the 
South  African  border,  to  search  any  person, 
vehicle,  or  premises  without  a  warrant.  The 
Minister  of  Justice  declared  these  powers 
necessary  to  combat  infiltration. 

Inter-racial  marriages  contracted  outside 
South  Africa  are  voided  in  the  African  coun- 
try. Under  the  Prohibition  of  Mixed  Marriages 
Amendment  Act  (1968),  such  marriages  are  il- 
legal and  cannot  be  consumated  in  South 
Africa. 

Multi-racial  poUtical  activities  are  also  il- 
legal according  to  the  Prohibition  of  Political 
Interference  Act. 

One  may  want  to  know  how  the  South 
African  society  is  faring  in  the  face  of  such 
regulations.  Statistics  may  not  be  conclusive  as 
proof  of  consequence,  but  the  following  serve 
at  least  as  primers  on  the  South  African  social 
scene. 

In  1912,  one  out  of  every  twenty-two  per- 
sons was  brought  before  the  courts.  By  1960, 
the  figure  was  one  in  eight — and  even  more 
startling  is  that   one  in  every  eight  of  the 


48 


African  population  alone  was  convicted.  On  The  suicide  rate,  another  social  phenomena, 

November    22,    1967,    the    United    Nations  reached  651  in  1962;  536  whites,  71  coloureds, 

pubHshed  a  report  stating  that  1,066  people  and  44  Asians.  Figures  on  the  Africans  are 

had  been  executed  throughout  the  world  in  the  unavailable.  Still  the  crime  rate  grows, 

years  between  1961  and  1965.  Nearly  half  of  And  what  about  1978  or  the  year  2000? 

this  total  had  been  hanged  in  South  Africa.  In  what  will  the  future  hold  for  the  people  of 

1920,  one  South  African  in  10,000  lost  his  Ufe  South  Africa? 
through  violence.  In  1964 and  1965, the  figure 
was  five  times  as  high. 


LIFES  DIMENSIONS 

When  search  was  all, 

She  searched  and  found 

A  man,  who  was  but 

Less  than  she 

They  ran,  like  fluff  balls 

Through  the  town 

and  worshipped  him 

On  bended  knee. 

The  child  she  brought 

And  one  he  gave,  sat 

Entwined  in  company; 

This  child  came  in,  so 

Fair  of  face  with  eyes 

That  gazed  upon  the  heart 

So  those  around 

With  special  sense 

Made  mention 

He  was  more  than  smart. 

With  wayward  mind 

And  unset  time,  the  man 

Turned  tail  to  other  things 

but  she  sat  hard  on  winded  sea 

And  rode  on  balded  eagle  wings. 

Some  wonder  now,  the  way  they  went 

Or  see  them  now  and  then  again 

(I've  seen  her  sit  on  window's  ledge 

and  hold  her  two  quite  close  at  hand) 

(Then  too,  I've  seen  a  better  day,  where  laurel 

spawn  and 

green  fields  roam) 

(She  dreams  and  searches  not  of  him  but  of  a 

everlasting 

home) 


barbara  j.  black 


49 


^r(  Uatei 


Mothering  Midnight  Stars 

Tonight 

Ssshimmer 

""  down 

And  open  our  minds 

Lets  the  cries  from  your  planets 

Encompass  our  true  growth 

Quickening  the  spirits 

That  dwell  within 

Giving  dreams  direction. 


Pamela  Benn 


51 


STATEMENT 

By  Miss  Belinda  Martin  aged  22. 


I  am  a  resident  at  129  Cumberland  Avenue,  Nancefield, 
Johannesburg. 

I  am  employed  as  a  computer  programmer  by  Generex 
Computer  Bureau,  Fedmis  Buildings,  Marshall  Street, 
Johannesburg. 

I  was  detained  by  plain-clothes  Security  Police  at  my 
place  of  employment  at  8:30  a.m.  on  July  17. 
I  was  handcuffed  and  taken  by  car  to  John  Vorster 
Square,  to  the  9th  floor. 

There  were  eight  White  Security  Police  present  and  one 
Coloured  Lieutenant  Sons,  the  policeman  who  arrested 
men. 

I  was  threatened  with  violence  if  I  didn't  answer  their 
questions.  I  was  told  that  if  I  didn't  answer  questions 
put  to  me  I  would  not  be  released. 
I  was  then  taken  to  the  10th  floor  where  a  number  of 
photographs  were  taken  of  me. 

The  police  then  handed  me  over  to  two  White  police 
women.  They  were  middle-aged  (more  than  32),  one  was 
uniformed  the  other  not. 

The  policemen  told  the  two  women  to  rough  me  up  to 
give  me  a  taste  of  the  treatment  I  was  to  get  from  them. 
I  was  left  alone  with  the  two  women.  They  stripped  all 
my  clothes  off  me.  I  was  handcuffed  by  my  hands  and 
feet.  Then  they  beat  me.  They  hit  me  with  their  hands 
and  fists.  I  fell  over  and  sprawled  on  the  floor.  The 
policemen  stood  outside  the  door  during  this  beating. 
The  police  had  told  me  earlier  they  could  beat  me  as 
much  as  they  wanted  to  because  I  would  have  no  proof 
against  them. 

They  then  took  the  handcuffs  off,  and  they  allowed  me 
to  dress.  I  was  then  handcuffed  again,  hands  and  feet. 
I  was  put  at  a  chair  in  front  of  a  desk.  It  was  a  front 
room  of  the  building.  They  closed  the  blinds  and  stack- 
ed chairs  against  the  door. 

Now  there  were  the  eight  White  policemen  and  Lieut. 
Sons.  They  all  crowded  around  me,  and  all  spoke  and 
shouted  at  once. 

I  remember  them  asking  which  organization  did  I 
belong  to.  Had  I  formed  my  own  revolutionary  group? 
I  just  sat  and  looked  at  them. 

They  pulled  my  hair,  whole  handfuls,  and  they  used  ter- 
rible language. 

They  said  they  would  not  let  me  leave  the  room.  I  would 
have  to  wet  the  floor  if  necessary. 

This  went  on  till  about  4:30  p.m.  I  didn't  answer  any 
questions.  They  then  unhandcuffed  me,  and  left  me 


with  a  uniformed  male  and  female  policeman  and  the 
woman  who  booked  me  in. 
They  took  me  to  a  cell  on  the  first  floor. 
The  cell  was  stinking  and  filthy.  The  toilet  was  full  and 
couldn't  be  flushed. 

Before  reaching  the  cell,  we  passed  through  two  steel 
doors. 

I  was  given  two  blankes,  if  you  can  call  them  blankets, 
they  were  more  like  rags.  And  I  was  told  to  sleep  on  the 
cement  floor.  There  was  no  mat.  There  was  nothing  in 
the  cell  besides  the  toilet. 

I  was  not  given  anything  to  eat  or  drink,  nor  was  I 
allowed  other  clothes.  I  was  to  stay  in  the  same  clothes  I 
was  arrested  in  for  the  next  2-3  weeks. 
Also  I  was  not  given  any  food  or  water  for  the  next  two 
weeks,  and  only  survived  by  drinking  water  from  the 
toilet  pan  in  my  cell  from  the  fourth  day  after  my  ar- 
rest— on  Monday  July  21. 

The  next  day,  Friday  (July  18)  I  was  fetched  from  my 
cell  at  about  8:30  and  taken  to  the  9th  floor  of  the 
building  again.  This  time  there  were  more  security 
police  than  the  day  before.  They  were  all  in  plain 
clothes,  and  included  my  main  interrogator  a  Lieut. 
Cornelius,  a  White  policeman. 

I  was  again  handcuffed  hands  and  feet  and  sat  in  a  chair 
in  front  of  the  same  desk. 

I  was  asked  many  questions  about  my  brother 
(Leonard)  in  exile  n  Botswana,  and  about  his  friends. 
During  this  questioning,  Lieut.  Sons  hit  me  in  the  face 
twice  with  his  open  hand— he  always  gave  the  first  shots. 
My  nose  started  to  bleed.  Even  today  it  still  bleeds  some 
times. 

I  just  sat  there  and  said  I  could  not  answer  their  ques- 
tions. 

They  said  that  if  I  wanted  to  get  out  I  should  just  agree 
with  what  they  said.  They  questioned  me  about  SASO, 
BPC,  AFRO  (South  African  Student  Organisation, 
Black   Peoples'    Convention,   Anti-Coloured   Peoples 
Representative  Council  group)  and  about  exiles,  and  if 
they  were  engaged  in  a  revolutionary  project. 
They  accused  me  of  having  gone  to  Botswana  for 
revolutionary  military  training — I  had  gone  there  three 
times  to  take  money  and  clothes  to  my  brother. 
I  have  never  belonged  to  SASO,  BPC  or  AFRO. 
I  was  questioned  all  day,  and  again  given  no  food  or 
water. 

Besides  hitting  me  in  the  face,  Lieut.  Sons  also  kicked 
me  in  the  stomach  with  his  knee.  I  don't  think  the  White 
security  police  would  have  assaulted  me  if  Sons  had  not 


52 


been  there. 

They  suggested  at  one  stage  that  the  women  should  beat 
me  up.  He  said  no.  He  said  I  was  a  revolutionary  bitch 
and  should  be  treated  as  such  regardless  of  my  sex. 

I  was  taken  back  to  my  cell,  and  that  night  I  was  given 

no  food  or  water.  I  was  deprived  of  food  and  water  for 

14  days.  The  security  policemen  said  that  I  should  talk  if 

I  wanted  a  drop  of  water. 

That  day,  Friday,  they  had  fixed  the  toilet,  but  I  didn't 

drink  out  of  it  until  the  Monday.  Also  the  cell  light  did 

not  work,  and  I  was  left  in  the  cell  in  the  dark. 

I  was  left  in  the  cell  the  whole  of  the  next  two  days, 

Saturday  and  Sunday,  without  food  and  water. 

On  Monday  morning  (July  21)  I  was  fetched  from  my 

cell. 

I  asked  to  be  allowed  to  wash  and  was  told  "you're  not 

in  a  hotel,  remember  you  are  in  prison." 

I  was  taken  to  the  same  interrogation  room.  This  time 
there  was  only  Lieut.  Sons  and  Lieut.  Cornelius  present. 
I  was  again  handcuffed  hands  and  feet. 
They  removed  my  shoes,  and  in  my  socks,  I  was  made  to 
stand  on  a  block  of  hot  ice  (dry  ice).  They  ice  was  stan- 
ding on  a  tray,  and  a  row  of  iron  spikes  was  put  in  front 
and  behind  the  tray,  so  that  if  I  fell  or  wanted  to  get  off 
the  spikes  would  stick  into  me.  I  must  have  stood  for 
about  8  hours  in  this  way,  without  moving.  I  can  tell  it 
was  about  this  long,  because  I  remember  the  two 
policemen  preparing  to  stop  work,  as  they  did  each  day 
from  about  3:30  p.m. 

Throughout  that  day  they  just  carried  on  with  office 
work  at  desks  in  the  office. 

They  told  me  that  if  I  was  prepared  to  tell  them  what 
they  wanted  to  know,  they  would  release  me. 
I  was  completely  dazed  after  a  while.  They  may  have 
removed  the  spikes.  I  complained  of  feeling  dizzy  and 
said  I  could  not  see. 

My  feet  swelled  up  and  I  felt  a  burning  pain  through  my 
body.  Then  at  some  stage  everything  went  black.  I  must 
have  collapsed  and  lost  consciousness. 
I  woke  up  in  my  cell.  I  had  a  terrible  migraine. 
My  whole  body  was  swollen,  as  if  it  was  full  of  water. 
I  was  very  thirsty  and  drank  form  the  toilet  in  the  cell 
for  the  first  time. 

The  following  morning  Tuesday  (July  22)  I  was  taken  to 

the  District  Surgeon  in  town.  I  wasn't  handcuffed,  and 

was  taken  there  by  Lieut.  Sons  and  a  White  policeman. 

I  didn't  answer  to  any  of  the  doctor's  questions. 

I  had  difficulty  walking,  and  he  must  have  seen  the 

swelling  on  my  body. 

He  checked  me  over.  He  gave  me  tablets  for  a  migraine, 

although  I  didn't  complain  of  one. 

He  was  a  very  old  doctor.  He  could  hardly  see.  He  had 

thick  glasses. 


He  asked  if  I  had  been  assaulted.  I  didn't  say  I  had 

been — it  wouldn't  have  served  any  purpose. 

I  didn't  tell  him  anything.  I  saw  no  reason  to  complain. 

I  was  then  taken  back  to  my  cell  and  left  for  the  whole 

day. 

The  next  day,  Wednesday  (July  23)  my  nose  started 
bleeding,  and  I  started  wretching  and  my  bowels  pro- 
duced blood. 

I  didn't  ask  to  see  a  doctor. 

I  wretched  all  over  the  cell  floor.  Nobody  cleaned  up, 
and  I  used  my  pantyhose  to  clean  up. 
I  felt  I  was  dying,  as  I  had  a  burning  inside  me. 
The  toilet  was  still  filthy,  and  I  used  the  same  pantyhose 
to  wash  it  out. 

I  was  then  left  alone  altogether.  I  was  not  brought  any 

food  or  water  for  two  to  three  weeks. 

I  was  told  that  if  I  wanted  to  talk,  I  should  just  press  the 

red  button  on  the  cell  wall.  I  lost  some  sense  of  time,  but 

could  tell  it  was  day  by  the  light  from  the  window  high 

up  on  the  wall  of  the  cell. 

I  was  given  no  toilet  paper  or  soap,  and  washed  myself 

from  the  water  in  the  toilet  pan  with  my  pantyhose. 

I  was  terribly  cold,  especially  at  night.  1  had  a  cough, 

and  my  throat  used  to  burn. 

Then  the  Friday  of  the  next  week,  I  think,  a  magistrate 
came  to  see  me. 

I  couldn't  tell  him  anything.   I  just  couldn't  com- 
municate with  him — I  saw  no  purpose  being  served. 
He  asked  me  a  number  of  questions.  I  didn't  reply. 
He  must  have  seen  I  wasn't  washed,  that  my  clothes 
were  dirty  and  that  the  cell  was  filthy  and  smelled. 
After  that  weekend,  on  Monday  morning  I  was  taken 
for  a  shower  on  the  first  floor.  I  was  given  a  piece  of 
Lifebouy  soap,  but  no  towel.  I  was  given  toilet  paper  to 
dry  myself  with.  After  the  shower  I  had  to  get  back  into 
the  same  filthy  clothes. 

The  next  day,  Tuesday  (August  5)  I  was  given  clean 
clothes  which  my  family  had  sent. 

That  Monday  (August  4)  I  was  given  food  for  the  first 
time.  I  was  brought  a  piece  of  fish  with  carrot  or 
beetroot  peels.  There  was  no  bread,  but  a  cup  of  cold 
coffee. 

I  ate  only  the  fish.  After  eating  it  I  had  a  terrible  craving 
for  more  food.  My  head  started  swimming  and  I  started 
shivering,  going  from  hot  to  cold. 
That  night  they  brought  me  a  sort  of  stew,  with  pieces  of 
fat  in  it.  I  ate  one  spoonfull  and  felt  great  relief,  but 
decided  not  to  eat  the  rest — I  thought  it  might  be  drugg- 
ed. 


53 


The  next  day  Tuesday  (August  5)  besides  the  clean 
clothes,  I  was  brought  some  sandwiches  which  I  decided 
not  to  eat  because  I  thought  they  had  been  drugged. 
Then  a  White  matron  in  the  cell  block  started  smuggling 
sandwiches  which  she  had  made  to  me.  Also  fruit  juices 
and  milo  or  cocoa.  I  don't  think  I  would  have  survived 
without  those. 

She  could  see  what  a  state  I  was  in  and  probably  took  pi- 
ty on  me. 

From  then  on  they  brought  food  to  me  regularly.  All  I 
took  was  the  water  they  brought.  I  wasn't  interrogated 
again. 

Then  in  the  4th  week  of  detention  they  brought  me  more 
clothes  and  a  packet  of  biscuits,  two  packets  of  crisps,  a 
bar  of  chocolate,  a  bar  of  soap  and  a  packet  of  washing 
powder  sent  by  my  family. 

I  was  able  to  wash  my  clothes,  and  kept  a  spencer  and 
slacks  in  back  of  the  dirty  clothes  so  as  to  keep  one  set 
clean. 

The  matron  who  brought  me  sandwiches  told  me  she 
had  been  threatened  and  that  she  could  be  jailed  if  seen 
speaking  to  me.  She  had  been  asked  if  I  was  sending 
notes  through  her. 

On  Wednesday  (August  27)  I  was  taken  to  the  9th  floor 
to  see  my  parents.  I  didn't  want  them  to  see  me  in  such  a 
terrible  state. 
My  feet  were  swollen. 

There  were  two  security  police  present,  including  Lieut. 
Sons,  and  they  had  a  tape  recorder  on. 
My  mother  started  crying,  and  asking  what  had  happen- 
ed to  my  feet.  She  could  hardly  speak. 
We  chatted  for  a  while  and  I  was  then  taken  back  to  my 
cell. 
That  day  I  was  accused  of  sending  letters  out  of  my  cell. 

The  next  day  Thursday  (Aug  28)  at  about  2:30  p.m. 

Lieut.  Sons  came  to  my  cell  and  told  me  to  get  ready  to 

go  home. 

I  was  again  taken  to  the  9th  floor  and  told  that  my 

release  was  temporary.  I  was  told  that  I  would  be  put 

under  house-arrest  if  I  spoke  to  the  Press  or  had  any 

contact  with  people  they  still  wanted  to  arrest.  They 

didn't  say  who  these  people  were. 

They  gave  me  a  typed  slip  saying  I  would  have  to  appear 

as  a  State  witness  against  Joseph  Molekeng — whom  I 

don't  even  know. 

In   all   the   time   I   was   detained   I   never   made   any 

statements  to  the  police,  and  never  signed  anything. 

At  one  stage  they  asked  me  to  copy  from  a  book  onto 

paper  saying  they  had  hand-writing  expert. 

That  day  Lieut.  Sons  drove  me  home.  The  next  day  he 

returned  and  asked  for  my  passpost,  which  my  father 

gave  him. 


I  broke  down  for  the  first  time  when  I  got  home.  I  just 

cried  and  cried. 

I  cannot  sleep  at  night. 

There  are  three  other  things  I  should  mention. 

The  night  I  woke  up  in  my  cell  after  being  made  to  stand 

all  day  on  hot  ice,  I  found  a  burn  mark  on  my  neck.  It 

was  as  though  I  had  been  burned  with  a  cigarette.  It  was 

painful.  I  still  have  the  mark. 

Also,  one  night,  I  don't  remember  which  night,  the 

security  police  came  to  my  cell  in  the  middle  of  the  night 

with  a  doctor,  who  was  dressed  in  black. 

They  shone  a  bright  torch  in  my  face.  They  said  they 

had  arrested  my  brother  and  others. 

The  doctor  asked  if  I  was  unwell.  I  said  I  was  well  and 

feeling  fine.  I  don't  remember  anything  more. 

During  my  detention  there  were  times  when  I  found 
myself  talking  and  laughing  to  myself.  When  this  hap- 
pened I  stopped  myself  and  clenched  my  fists  and  tried 
to  sleep.  I  found  great  difficulty  in  ever  getting  to  sleep, 
and  when  I  did,  it  was  only  half-sleep. 


Witness: 
Witness: 


Signed: 
Date: 


Christopher  Themptander   LNS 


54 


SEEING  IT  THROUGH 

"Above  all,  it  (revolution  in  Africa)  is  made  up  of  or- 
dinary people.  We  are  not  born  revolutionaries,  just 
people  who  could  no  longer  support  a  situation.  You 
get  caught  up  in  a  revolution  and  then  you  see  it 
through." 

A  Frelimo  cadre  talking  to  Barbara  Cornwall,  author 

of  The  Bush  Rebels. 

In  our  open  house 

in  underdevelopment, 

first,  saying  no  to  oppression, 

then,  getting  caught  up 

in  the  struggle  for  change, 

lasting  out 

and  seeing  it  through 

are  really  all  the  matter. 

In  our  broken  house 

in  underdevelopment, 

the  trampled  grass 

and  the  dynamited  walls 

are  the  things 

that  pitch  our  responses  forward 

and  make  forests  of  our  people. 

In  our  new  house, 
because  we've  lasted  out 
and  seen  the  long  night  through, 
because  we've  humped  our  pain 
and  sliced  away  our  self  contempt, 
the  new  land  will  bind  our  promises, 
sprout  tall  grass,  again, 
rebuild  our  defoliated  dreams, 
wait  for  our  love,  a  second  time, 
and  guide  our  scientific  hand. 

In  our  new  open  house, 

all  our  children  will  be  equal 

and  their  parents  will  learn  from  them 

those  things  that  will  last 

and  last 

and  last. 

Andrew  Salkey 


55 


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W.E.B.  Du  Bois  Department 

of 

Afro-American  Studies 


Area  Code  413 
545-2751 


An  Open  Letter  on  South  Africa 


To  the  Management  of  C.B.S.  News: 

I  am  compelled  to  write  this  letter  because  of  my  deep 
concern  with  the  way  you  have  reported  on  recent  events 
in  southern  Africa.  In  the  past  I  have  been  an  en- 
thusiastic fan  of  C.B.S.  News.  In  fact,  I  have  often 
defended  the  breadth  and  objectivity  of  your  coverage 
against  charges  to  the  contrary  from  many  of  my  col- 
leagues. However,  your  recent  reportage  on  southern 
Africa  has  forced  me  to  reconsider  my  previous  judge- 
ment as  to  the  honesty  and  neutrality  of  your  presenta- 
tion of  certain  events. 

As  one  who  has  studied  Africa's  problems,  offered 
university  courses  on  Africa,  and  is  presently  engaged  in 
research  and  writing  on  the  subject,  I  find  your  (C.B.S. 
News)  view  of  southern  Africa  astoundingn  In  my  opi- 
nion, the  images  of  southern  Africa  that  emerges  from 
both  your  reportage  and  commentary  supplies  an  im- 
pressive, logical  and  persuasive  argument  in  favor  of 
white  facist  minority  rule  in  southern  Africa.  This  fact 
raises  a  fundamental  question:  How  can  C.B.S.  take 
such  a  position  when  you,  like  the  American  govern- 
ment, profess  to  stand  for  democratic  government  (i.e. 
majority  rule)  and  basic  human  freedom?  In  the  final 
analysis  the  central  question  is:  What  does  C.B.S.  stand 
for? 

Since  I  am  certain  that  you  possess  both  a  reasonable 
knowledge  of  and  respect  for  the  rules  of  inquiry,  let  us 
seek  to  answer  the  question  by  reviewing  the  record. 
Since  I  have  neither  the  time  nor  space  to  review  the 
total  product  of  your  reportage  on  southern  Africa,  I 
have  selected  a  representative  sample.  To  demonstrate 
my  point  I  have  selected  several  programs  and  analyzed 
their  content  and  point  of  view. 

Having  sufficiently  stated  our  case  in  general  terms  let 
us  get  down  to  specifics.  On  Wednesday  evening  April 
28,  1976,  Eric  Severied  presented  a  commentary  which 
addressed  the  question  of  white  rule  in  southern  Africa. 
The  tone  and  character  of  his  remarks  were  in- 
distinguishable from  the  official  propaganda  of  the  il- 
legal white  South  African  regimes.  Mr.  Severied  took 
the  position  that  in  southern  Africa  "Whites  have 
created  everything  that  means  anything  in  twentieth  cen- 
tury terms".  I  would  Hke  to  ask  Mr.  Severied:  Does  not 


"life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness"  mean 
anything  in  twentieth  century  terms.? 

Perhaps  Mr.  Severied  considers  these  principles  to  be 
unfashionable  eighteenth  century  anachronisms,  or  that 
they  apply  to  whites  only!  In  any  case,  even  if  Mr. 
Severied  is  intellectually  perverse  enough  to  believe  the 
latter,  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  there  is  precious  lit- 
tle freedom  for  whites  who  oppose  official  policy  in 
southern  Africa.  The  experiences  of  anti-apartheid 
white  South  African  intellectuals  such  as  Dr.  Beyers 
Naude  and  Ronald  Segal  among  others  are  excellent 
cases  in  point. 

It  is  precisely  because  there  is  such  an  abundance  of 
reliable  information  on  South  African  society  that 
C.B.S.  motives  are  suspect.  When  viewed  from  this 
perspective  it  is  clear  that  you  hold  a  double  standard  on 
the  question  of  human  freedom;  one  for  whites  and  one 
for  non-whites. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  of  this  double  standard  at 
work  in  the  remainder  of  Mr.  Severied's  commentary  of 
April  28th.  For  example,  he  refers  to  the  "barbaric 
treatment  of  Asians"  in  East  Africa,  and  to  tribalism 
"as  a  form  of  racism".  He  also  spoke  of  tribal  conflict 
as  "wars  of  extermination".  Notice  the  extravagant  use 
of  the  negative  adjective  when  he  addresses  what  he 
perceives  as  African  shortcomings.  When  viewed 
against  the  feeble  or  non-existent  treatment  given  these 
same  questions  when  blacks  are  the  victims  of  whites;  it 
does  not  require  extraordinary  intelligence  to  recognize 
a  double  standard. 

Here  again  Mr.  Severied's  commentary  obscures 
more  than  it  enlightens.  Every  reasonable  observer  of 
the  East  African  scene  recognizes  the  racist,  oppressive, 
exploitative  role  traditionally  played  by  East  Indians. 
The  East  Indians  came  to  Africa  from  a  society  with 
what  is  perhaps  the  world's  oldest  and  most  deeply  en- 
trenched system  of  institutionalized  inequality.  (Though 
we  readily  admit  that  the  present  government  is  attemp- 
ting to  change  this).  They  entered  Africa  with  a  highly 
developed  sense  of  social  discrimination,  and  were  given 
a  privileged  position  within  the  British  colonial  system. 

There  is  a  also  a  long  tradition  of  racism  that  is  in- 
digenous to  Indian  society.  The  age  of  this  racist  ethic  is 


57 


58 


well  documented  in  the  great  Hindu  Epics.  They  tell  of 
battles  between  the  black  Dravidians  and  white  Aryans 
for  the  possession  of  India  several  thousand  years  ago. 
In  all  these  accounts  it  is  the  white  Aryans  who  are  the 
aggressors.  Since  Mr.  Severied  is  either  unwilling  or 
unable  to  do  the  necessary  reading  to  comment  in- 
telligently on  these  matters,  he  should  seek  alternative 
means  of  education. 

On  Thursday  morning  April  29th  the  C.B.S.  Morning 
News  presented  Dr.  Milton  Freedman  in  a  commentary 
on  southern  Africa.  Dr.  Freedman  had  recently  return- 
ed from  a  trip  to  the  Republic  of  South  Africa.  His 
remarks  on  the  South  African  situation  sounded  as 
though  they  were  written  by  the  South  African  Ministry 
of  Information.  He  proceeded  to  argue  that  "most  of 
the  blacks  are  freer  and  wealthier  than  elsewhere  in 
Africa".  He  goes  on  to  point  out  "southern  Africa  with 
8%  of  the  population  (of  Africa  at  large)  produces  25% 
of  the  goods".  He  then  uses  these  arguments  to  call  for 
American  support  for  the  white  South  African  facist. 
This  commentary  raises  so  many  questions  one  hardly 
knows  where  to  begin. 

The  most  pressing  question  raised  by  the  Freedman 
commentary  is  why  was  he  given  the  opportunity  at  all? 
To  begin  with,  Mr.  Freedman  has  no  credentials  on  the 
subject,  academic  or  otherwise.  He  is  not  noted  as  a  stu- 
dent of  African  affairs,  nor  does  he  have  extensive  per- 
sonal experience  there.  And  to  this  observer,  his  com- 
ments on  C.B.S.  does  nothing  to  recommend  him  as  a 
credible  analyst  of  South  African  affairs.  In  fact,  he 
remarks  strongly  suggest  that  he  is  either  a  dupe  or  a 
brazenly  forward  apologist  for  South  African  facism. 

However,  it  is  not  at  all  difficult  to  conceive  of  Mr. 
Freedman  in  the  latter  role:  particularly  when  one  con- 
siders his  present  relationshiop  to  the  facist  pinochet 
junta  in  Chile.  As  you  probably  know,  Mr.  Freedman  is 
a  Professor  of  Economics  at  the  University  of  Chicago. 
He  is  also  the  principal  architect  of  the  present 
economic  policy  of  the  Chilean  junta.  In  the  opinion  of 
many  economists  this  policy  known  as  "shock 
treatment"  is  one  of  the  most  inhumane  in  the  world. 
But  one  need  not  be  an  economist  to  recognize  that 
anyone  who  could  work  so  closely  with  an  outright 
facist  regime  must  be  of  like  mind.  Here  we  defer  to  the 
superior  wisdom  of  the  folk  as  expressed  in  the  old  ad- 
dage,  "Birds  of  a  feather  flock  together." 

As  an  intellectual  and  moral  statement  on  South 
Africa,  Mr.  Freedman's  commentary  is  at  best  a  burles- 
que of  analysis  and  a  reflection  of  moral  bankruptcy. 
To  argue  as  he  does  that  blacks  in  South  Africa  are 
"freer  and  wealthier"  than  anywhere  else  in  Africa  is 
prima  facie  absurd.  This  argument  bears  a  strikingly 
close  resemblance  to  the  arguments  of  those  who  tell  us 
that  black  U.S.  slaves  were  better  off  than  their  poor 
white  counterparts.  The  latter  argument  is  presented  in 
the  multi-volume  quantitative  tome  by  Professors  Fogel 
and  Engerman,  entitled  "Time  on  the  Cross". 

In  reply  I  would  argue  two  things:  It  is  not  possible  to 
determine  the  quality  of  life  from  mainly  quantative  in- 


dices, and  in  both  cases  the  statistical  data  was  provided 
by  the  oppressors.  In  other  words,  to  base  such  an 
assumption  on  records  supplied  by  the  South  African 
government  and  the  U.S.  slaveholders  is  to  disregard  the 
most  basic  lessons  of  human  history.  In  both  instances 
Professors  Fogel,  Engerman,  and  Freedman  base  their 
judgements  on  the  quality  of  black  life  on  quantitative 
data  expressed  in  statistical  interpretations.  The  most 
important  of  which  is  per  capita  income.  (With  Freed- 
man, this  is  his  only  index). 

In  regard  to  Mr.  Freedman's  statement  that  white 
dominated,  southern  Africa  with  only  8%  of  Africa's 
population  produced  25%  of  the  goods,  we  say,  "So 
what"!  What  was  he  attempting  to  demonstrate  by  this 
proclamation?  That  the  whites  are  therefore  superior 
and  ought  to  rule?  If  so,  we  say  this  is  nothing  more 
than  the  pious  palaver  of  a  diseased  mind!  There  is  no 
mystery  in  regard  to  the  reasons  for  the  productivity  of 
the  white  dominated  areas  of  southern  Africa.  Whites  in 
South  Africa  are  Europeans  and  have  had  all  of  the 
benefits  of  European  capital,  technology,  and  fraternal 
assistance. 

Europe  was  the  incubator  of  the  industrial  revolution 
and  as  such  leads  the  world  along  with  her  North 
American  descendants — as  the  center  of  capital  and 
technology;  no  one  who  is  reasonably  informed  on 
world  history  denies  this.  However,  I  would  remind 
you — as  Arnold  Toynbee  and  others  have  done — that 
the  European  domination  of  the  world  is  only  a  few 
hundred  years  old;  and  is  due  almost  entirely  tothe 
white  monopoly  of  capital  and  technology  in  the 
modern  world. 

Hence,  one  does  not  need  to  resort  to  Hitlerian 
theories  to  explain  the  superior  productive  capacity  of 
white  dominated  southern  Africa.  The  more  important 
question  that  begs  an  answer  is:  How  much  has  this  pro- 
ductive capacity  benefited  the  African  majority?  The 
black  South  African  as  a  people  are  in  every  important 
respect  far  worse  off  than  they  were  before  the  coming 
of  whites.  In  fact,  one  could  argue  that  in  many  respects 
they  are  in  worse  condition  than  the  U.S.  blacks  were  as 
slaves.  For  example,  the  Land  Acts  of  1913  and  1936, 
allocates  only  13%  of  the  land  to  blacks  while  preserv- 
ing 87%  for  whites.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  black 
husbands  and  wives  see  neither  each  other  or  their 
children  but  two  days  a  year. 

The  balance  of  the  year  is  spent  toiling  in  the  white- 
owned  gold  mines  and  lavish  households.  In  both  in- 
stances they  are  generally  paid  less  than  $500  a  year.  Is 
this  the  wealth  and  happiness  of  which  Professor  Freed- 
man speaks?  What  fairly  sane  person  could  seriously 
argue  that  this  is  not  slavery?  Black  labor  cannot 
organize,  black  womanhood  is  not  respected,  black 
children  are  exploited,  and  the  black  community  is 
defenseless  before  the  bar  of  justice] 

Being  Jews,  one  therefore  wonders  how  Professors 
Freedman,  Fogel,  and  Engerman  would  react  to  the  sug- 
gestion that  perhaps  Hitler  was  right  with  regard  to  - 
Jews.  After  all  there  is  not  a  dimes  worth  of  difference 


59 


between  Nazism  and  Afrikanerism.  The  only  differnce 
is  that  Nazism  was  directed  towards  a  white  European 
minority  and  Afrikanerism  is  aimed  at  the  black  African 
majority!  The  best  evidence  of  the  similarity  between 
these  two  ideologies  is  that  most  of  the  Afrikaner 
leadership  actively  supported  the  Nazis.  This  includes 
the  present  Prime  Minister,  John  Vorster! 

Thus  far  we  have  confined  our  attention  to  C.B.S. 
commentary,  now  let  us  examine  some  examples  of 
reportage.  On  the  Morning  News  May  17th,  C.B.S.  did 
a  report  on  Zimbabwe.  (Whites  refer  to  this  country  as 
Rhodesia).  This  report  dealt  with  the  white  farmer  in 
Zimbabwe.  It  featured  the  Deal  family  and  their 
neighbors.  The  artistic  acuity  of  the  camera  work  con- 
trasted sharply  with  the  propagandistic  banality  of  the 
narrative.  As  the  commentator  introduced  them,  the 
camera  panned  around  revealing  pompous  white 
farmers  smiling,  waving  guns,  and  making  every  variety 
of  racist  statements.  They  swore  to  "uphold  our  land 
rights  and  way  of  life".  The  C.B.S.  reporter  later 
quoted  remarks  by  Ian  Smith — the  Prime  Minister  of 
the  illegal  white  regime — to  the  effect  that  "majority 
rule  means  marxist  rule". 

Throughout  this  report  the  whites  are  presented  as 
just  nice  hardworking  folks,  simply  fighting  to  protect 
what  is  rightfully  "theirs".  No  member  of  the  African 
masses  or  their  representatives  were  interviewed.  What 
is  wrong  with  this  report  should  be  obvious.  In  order  to 
clarify  my  objection  it  is  necessary  to  review  certain 
facts  regarding  Zimbabwe.  The  beginning  of  white  set- 
tlement in  Zimbabwe  was  due  to  the  activities  of  Cecil  J. 
Rhodes  in  the  late  nineteenth  century.  To  whites, 
Rhodes  is  remembered  as  am  empire  builder;  to  think- 
ing Africans  he  is  remembered  as  a  pirate,  brigand,  and 
rogue.  The  history  of  Rhodes  relations  with  Africans  is 
replete  with  treachery  and  debauchery. 

Driven  by  a  lust  for  African  land  and  gold,  he  made 
agreements  with  Africans  then  unilaterally  disregarded 
them;  smuggled  in  an  army  from  England  while  feigning 
good  relations  with  the  African  king;  and  caused  the 
murder  of  the  trusting  king,  Lubengula,  ruler  of  the 
Ndebele  people.  The  direct  result  of  Rhodes  thievery 
and  murder  is  contemporary  Zimbabwean  society.  The 
difference  between  South  African  and  Zimbabwean 
society  is  like  "Tweedle  dee  and  Tweedle  dum";  you 
have  six  on  the  one  hand  and  a  half  dozen  on  the  other. 
It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  the  specter  of  ignorance 
prevails  so  heavily  at  C.B.S.  News  that  no  one 
understood  these  facts. 

Finally  the  issue  here  is  why  is  C.B.S.  so  unabashedly 
partisan  to  white  minority  rule?  Enlightened  world  opi- 
nion has  soundly  denounced  the  Smith  clique,  yet  you 
possess  the  unmitigated  gall  to  openly  defend  them.  To 
quote  as  credible  information  Ian  Smith's  remark  that 
"majority  rule  means  marxist  rule"  appears  to  us  as  a 
willful  derelection  of  reportorial  duty.  It  also  lends  the 
He  to  any  contention  that  C.B.S.  News  attempts  to  be 
objective  on  all  issues. 

If  there  be  any  reader  who  having  followed  our  argu- 


ment thus  far  remains  unconvinced,  we  submit  a  final 
piece  of  evidence.  On  Thursday  morning  May  20th, 
C.B.S.  News  presented  a  series  of  interviews  with  whites 
in  Zimbabwe.  They  were  all  pro-minority  rule  and 
represented  Europeans  as  well  as  Americans.  One  of  the 
characters  most  prominently  featured  was  the  white 
American  who  directs  the  psychological  warfare  effort 
for  the  Smith  regime.  There  he  stood,  reflected  on  the 
silver  screen,  pasty-faced  and  foggy-minded,  spouting 
pious  platitudes  in  a  vain  attempt  to  justify  white 
minority  rule.  He  then  went  on  to  bore  us  with 
sophomoric  tales  of  super  whitey. 

There  were  other  Americans  who  argued  that  the 
white  minority  should  remain  in  power  because  "the 
streets  of  Salisbury  are  safer  than  the  streets  of  Los 
Angeles".  It  seems  that  C.B.S.  had  an  infinite  capacity 
for  nonsense  when  apologizing  for  white  racism.  This 
seems  an  almost  inescapable  conclusion  after  carefully 
scrutinizing  your  commentary  and  reportage  on 
southern  Africa.  If  we  are  to  accept  the  argument  that  a 
white  facist  minority  should  rule  Africa  by  virtue  of 
superior  technology  and  the  ability  to  impose  order, 
then  it  is  equally  valid  to  argue  in  defense  of  the  Nazi 
Reich's  right  to  rule  in  Europe. 

Let  us  be  abundantly  clear  on  one  final  point;  the 
capitalist  nations  of  the  world  created  the  problem  in 
southern  Africa.  It  is  they  who  created  the  anti- 
democratic colonial  systems  in  Africa,  while  at  the  same 
time  proclaiming  the  virtues  of  democracy.  In  South 
Africa,  blacks  outnumber  whites  four  to  one,  and  in 
Zimbabwe,  twenty-two  to  one.  The  black  liberation 
movements  in  southern  Africa  (The  P.A.C.  and  A.N.C. 
of  Azania,  the  A.N.C.  of  Zimbabwe  and  S.W.A.P.O. 
of  Namibia)  enjoy  a  dedicated,  articulate,  and  in- 
telligent leadership.  They  have  demonstrated  their  com- 
mitment to  their  people  through  devoted  struggle.  They 
have  gone  far  beyond  any  reasonable  expectation  in 
seeking  a  peaceful  solution.  The  leaders  of  the  capitalist 
world  consistently  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  pleas  for 
justice. 

There  are  so  many  questionable  aspects  to  C.B.S. 
posture  on  this  matter  that  it  would  be  easily  possible  to 
double  the  length  of  this  discourse.  However,  we 
recognize  the  virtual  impossibility  of  overcoming  a 
lifetime  of  racist  indoctrination  in  a  single  discussion. 
We  fully  recognize  the  limitations  of  our  discussions  due 
to  the  restrictions  of  time  and  space.  Still  we  feel  the 
leader  is  likely  to  learn  more  from  this  analysis  than 
anything  yet  presented  by  C.B.S.  News  on  African  af- 
fairs. 

There  is  a  larger  issue  which  haunts  this  entire  discus- 
sion. That  is  the  absolute  disrespect  shown  to  milHons 
of  Americans  of  African  descent  by  C.B.S.  No  other 
ethnic  group  is  treated  with  such  abject  disregard  when 
discussing  issues  relevant  to  their  motherlands.  This  is 
not  meant  to  suggest  that  Africa  is  the  traditional  home 
of  the  black  race.  As  has  been  pointed  out  elsewhere, 
the  slavery  experience  and  the  constant  onslaught  of 
racist  propaganda  emanating  from  the  mass  media, 


60 


resulted   in   a   rejection   of   Africa   by   many   black 
Americans. 

One  of  the  consequences  of  this  rejection  of  Africa  by 
black  Americans  is  that  whites  have  been  free  to  pursue 
any  sort  of  racist  policy  towards  Africa.  Well,  as  you 
will  see,  those  days  are  long  gone!  This  letter  represents 
the  beginning  of  a  comprehensive  investigation  into  the 
racial  policy  of  C.B.S.  One  of  the  major  questions  we 
seek  to  answer  is:  Why  does  C.B.S.  think  it  can  con- 
sistently insult  over  thirty  million  Afro-Americans  with 
impunity!  We  seek  to  know  if  this  attitude  can  be  cor- 
related to  an  absence  of  blacks  in  management  and 
ownership  positions  in  C.B.S. 

The  result  of  this  situation  is  that  non-white 
Americans — along  with  most  white  workers,  students, 
and  radical  intellectuals — have  no  access  to  the  major 
media  institutions.  One  of  the  obvious  consequences  of 
this  state  of  affairs,  is  that  the  major  media  caters  to  the 
special  interests  of  select  class,  racial,  and  ethnic 
groups.  Indeed,  as  the  outstanding  Afro-American 
social  theorist,  Harold  Cruse,  has  pointed  out,  the  mass 
media  as  it  presently  exists,  represents  an  extension  of 
the  power  of  the  ownership  class.  One  could  therefore 
argue,  that  perhaps  a  great  deal  of  C.B.S.'  attitude  on 
the  southern  Africa  issue  might  simply  reflect  your 
special  relationship  with  the  U.S.  corporate  elite. 

For  example,  it  is  a  well  known  fact  that  many  of  the 
three-hundred  U.S.  corporations  doing  business  in 
South  Africa  are  also  clients  of  C.B.S.  The  fact  that 
these  corporations  reap  huge  profits  by  observing  South 
Africa's  slave  wage  standard  is  also  well  known.  In  fact, 
the  National  Council  of  Churches  has  been  fighting  on 
this  question  for  several  years.  They  have  even  waged 
proxy  fights  in  their  laudible  efforts  to  change  American 
corporate  poHcy  in  South  Africa.  Perhaps  it  would  be 
helpful  to  investigate  the  nature  and  extent  of  C.B.S. 
business  interest  in  South  Africa.  However,  that  ques- 
tion will  have  to  await  a  more  wide  ranging  study. 

It  seems  that  C.B.S.  places  a  much  higher  value  on 
the  interests  of  its  corporate  clients  than  on  that  of  the 
millions  of  Afro-Americans  who  consume  their  pro- 
ducts. If  so,  we  say  this  is  plainly  anti-democratic,  a 
form  of  media  tyranny  as  it  were.  This  situation 
presents  us  with  an  extraordinary  paradox  in  this 
bicentennial  year,  when  the  entire  nation  is  called  upon 
to  rejoice  in  the  destruction  of  tyranny!  In  order  to 
democratize  the  reportage  on  southern  Africa,  certain 
steps  must  be  taken  immediately.  There  are  two  reasons 
why  we  are  taking  the  liberty  to  spell  out  alternatives. 
Firstly,  we  believe  there  is  merit  to  the  argument  that 
criticism  is  not  enough.  Secondly,  we  are  supplying  the 
black  community  with  a  yardstick  by  which  to  measure 
your  response. 

There  are  certain  minimum  essentials  which  must  be 
met,  in  order  to  bring  some  semblance  of  democratic 
fairness  to  your  coverage  of  the  southern  African  situa- 
tion. The  first  step  is  glaringly  obvious:  the  leaders  of 
the  black  liberation  organizations  must  be  given  equal 
time  to  present  their  case.  The  American  public  has  been 


preyed  upon  long  enough  by  the  one-sided,  racist,  anti- 
democratic propaganda  which  passes  for  objective 
reportage.  The  southern  African  liberation  movements 
possess  a  wealth  of  intelligent,  articulate,  spokesmen 
who  are  quite  capable  of  speaking  for  themselves. 

One  wonders  in  bewilderment,  at  the  callous 
disregard  with  which  you  have  treated  the  legitimate 
spokesmen  of  the  African  people.  Abel  Muzerewa  and 
Ndbaningi  Sitole  are  both  respected  men  of  the  cloth. 
The  former  is  a  bishop  and  the  latter  a  minister  in  a  ma- 
jor Christian  denomination.  They  are  also  respected 
leaders  of  the  African  National  Council  of  Zimbabwe, 
this  organization  is  the  national  voice  of  the  African 
people.  In  the  American  context  this  organization 
would  be  equal  to  the  N.A.A.C.P.,  C.O.R.E., 
S.C.L.C.  and  the  Urban  League  combined.  What  possi- 
ble reason  could  C.B.S.  have  for  ignoring  such  men, 
while  simultaneously  subjecting  the  American  pubhc  to 
the  ignominous  rantings  of  white  racist  buffoons'! 

How  is  it  possible  that  C.B.S.  could  overlook  a  man 
such  as  Joshua  Nkomo?  Here  is  a  man  even  Ian  Smith 
referred  to  as  "reasonable",  until  he  refused  to  par- 
ticipate in  a  sellout  of  his  people  at  the  recent  constitu- 
tional talks.  The  Pan  Africanist  Congress  of  Azania 
(whites  refer  to  this  country  as  the  Republic  of  South 
Africa)  enjoys  a  highly  intelligent  and  articulate 
spokesman  in  its  Foreign  Minister,  Mr.  David  Sebieko. 
Mr.  Sebieko  is  often  in  New  York  and  can  be  contacted 
at  the  U.N.  delegates  lounge.  I  have  personally  met  and 
talked  with  several  of  these  leaders,  especially  Mr. 
Sebieko,  and  found  their  ideas  infinitely  more  in- 
telligent than  those  of  Ian  Smith,  John  Vorster  or  Henry 
Kissinger's  for  that  matter. 

The  United  Nations,  representing  most  of  the  nations 
of  the  world,  has  declared  the  white  South  African  oc- 
cupation of  Namibia  (popularly  known  as  Southwest 
Africa)  to  be  illegal.  They  recognize  the  South  West 
African  Peoples  Organization  headed  by  Mr.  Sam 
Ujoma,  to  be  the  legitimate  representatives  of  the  Nami- 
bian  people.  It  is  well  known  that  the  U.N.  provided  the 
original  mandate  for  the  temporary  administration  of 
Namibia  by  South  Africa.  Therefore  the  U.N.  was 
operating  well  within  its  realm  of  authority  when  it 
chose  to  terminate  South  Africa's  mandate.  In  view  of 
these  realities  we  insist  that  C.B.S.  stop  presenting  racist 
white  South  African  spokesmen,  and  provide 
S.W.A.P.O.  representatives  with  the  opportunity  to  lay 
their  case  before  the  American  public. 

In  regard  to  the  issue  of  American  spokesmen  on  the 
South  African  question,  it  is  high  time  you  cease  the 
parade  of  white  racist  ignoramuses.  There  exists  within 
the  U.S.A.  a  highly  talented  group  of  Afro-American 
scholars  on  African  affairs.  They  are  ready,  willing,  and 
more  than  able  to  comment  on  the  South  African  situa- 
tion with  sensitivity  and  intelligence.  Among  them  are 
scholars  of  the  calibre  of  Martin  Kilson,  who  holds  the 
same  academic  rank  in  the  same  department  as  Henry 
Kissinger,  professor  of  Government  at  Harvard. 

There  is  Professor  Willard  Johnson,  Chairman  of  the 


61 


Political  Science  Department  at  M.I.T.,  Professors 
Elliot  Skinner  and  Wilfred  Cartey  are  both  full  pro- 
fessors at  Columbia  University.  All  of  these  men  are 
outstanding  scholars  with  international  reputations. 
Professor  William  J.  Wilson  holds  the  same  academic 
rank  as  Milton  Frbedman  at  the  same  institution.  Fur- 
thermore Professor  Wilson,  a  social  theorist,  has  writ- 
ten a  major  book  on  South  African  society.  The  title  of 
this  book  is  "Racism,  Power,  and  Privilege".  We  sug- 
gest that  had  Messrs.  Freedman  and  Severied  availed 
themselves  to  its  contents  beforehand,  they  might  have 
commented  with  considerably  more  intelligence. 

Scholars  such  as  Professors  John  Hendrik  Clarke  and 
James  Turner,  of  Hunter  College  and  Cornell  Universi- 
ty respectively,  are  men  of  wide  experience  with  much  of 
the  leadership  of  Africa.  Dr.  Beverly  Lindsay  of  Penn. 
State  University  is  an  important  observer  of  African  af- 
fairs and  has  conducted  first  hand  interviews  with  black 
Zimbabweans.  To  be  sure,  this  is  only  a  partial  listing  of 
the  available  black  scholars  on  African  affairs.  We 
would  argue  that  the  American  public  in  general,  and 
blacks  in  particular,  have  a  right  to  hear  the  views  of 
these  scholars.  Instead,  we  are  abandoned  to  the  in- 
competent meanderings  of  neophyte  white  reporters 
bemused  by  the  complexity  of  events,  eloquent  old 
silvery  haired  hypocrites,  and  academic  hired  guns  who 
pose  as  objective  social  scientists. 


In  the  geopolitical  circumstances  of  the  U.S.  you 
possess  an  awesome  power  to  determine  events.  In  many 
ways  this  power  exceeds  that  of  a  poweful  army  in  less 
developed  areas  of  the  world.  One  therefore  wonders  as 
to  your  objectives  in  giving  license  to  the  vice  of  racism 
in  your  coverage  of  southern  Africa.  It  is  virtually  im- 
possible to  escape  the  conclusion,  that  you  are  engaged 
in  a  sinister  attempt  to  manipulate  American  sentiment 
in  favor  of  the  white  facist  minority.  In  our  view  this  is 
an  extremely  dangerous  development  and  must  be  op- 
posed! 

Professor  Fred  Friendly  of  the  Columbia  School  of 
Journalism,  recently  pointed  out,  that  the  public  has 
virtually  no  means  of  opposing  the  excesses  of  broad- 
cast media.  That  is  why  we  have  chosen  the  open  letter 
as  the  vehicle  to  express  our  objections.  This  document 
will  be  published  and  widely  circulated  in  this  country 
and  in  Africa.  We  call  upon  African  Americans  in  par- 
ticular and  progressive  Americans  in  general,  to  resist 
this  attempt  at  subterfuge  by  C.B.S.  It  is  conceivable 
that  you  may  be  so  intoxicated  with  the  arrogance  of 
power,  that  you  will  choose  to  ignore  this  expression  of 
dissent.  But  you  may  rest  assured,  that  you  will  hear 
more  from  the  black  community  on  this  matter. 

Playthell  Benjamin 

Adjunct  Professor,  W.E.B.  DuBois  Dept. 

University  of  Massachusetts,  Amherst 


?ve  Bj'Ko 


if  Antji-  SK*' 


Steve  Biko 

by 

Antar  Shakir 


62 


The  Role  of  Afrikan  Men 

in  the  Liberation  Struggle 

of  the  70's  to  80's 


"Some  of  the  contradictions  of  Afrilon  men  will 
be  briefly  analyzed.  The  present  role  of  Afrikan 
men  in  the  liberation  of  Afrikan's  colonized  in  the 
U.S.A.  is  strategic.  One  of  the  first  suggestions  for 
Afrikan  men  providing  leadership  in  our  struggle 
is  to  first  change  our  view  point  of  the  Afrikan 
females  being  an  object  rather  than  our  equal.  The 
next  step  would  be  changing  our  behavior  pattern 
in  the  Afrikan  family  household. 

The  total  roles  of  all  family  life  must  be  changed 
if  we  as  a  people  really  desire  freedom  in  our 
lifetime.  Present  struggles  in  Afrika  and  other 
developing  and  other  developing  countries  have 
had  to  deal  with  the  question  of  men  and  women's 
relationships  to  each  other.  Afrikan  men  can  no 
longer  afford  to  continue  to  be  an  oppressor  to  the 
Afrikan  female. 

We  must  begin  to  deal  with  each  other  as  one 
family  if  we  are  going  to  change  our  conditions 
now,  in  our  lifetime. 

The  struggle  continues. 

Agitate,  work  for  the  people  without  a  thought 
of  material  reward." 

NKRUMAH  LUMUMBA  OLINGA 


63 


!UNW.  m  MSI, 
ARCHIVES 

m   51980  DRUM  STAFF 

Editorial  Staff Vicki  Taylor 

Angle  Small 

Janet  Rausa 

Lisa  DiRocco 

Deborah  Maley 

Cheryl  L.  Crowell 

Onyeabo  Okoro 

Art  Editors Carl  Yates 

Margarita  Vargas 

Photography  Staff Juan  Durruthy 

John  Matthews 

Kenneth  Robinson 

Matthew  McDonald 

Sonali  Williams 

Edward  Cohen 

Keith  Peters 

Lloyd  Alford 

Business  Managers Dawne  Bates 

Roy  Tiller 

Ron  Conyers 

Carl  Yates 

Administrative  Secretary Pat  Smith 

Office  Staff Kathy  Rose 

Doreen  Gurley 

Jeanette  Worley 

Rosilyn  Paige 

Brenda  Belizere 

Karen  Yuen 

Layout  and  Distribution Cathy  Anderson 

Ana  Andreu 

Cheryl  L.  Crowell 

Tony  Crayton 

Dana  DeBarros 

Lisa  DiRocco 

Debbie  Lee 

Sherwin  Moyston 

Janet  Rausa 

Antar  Shakir 

Margarita  Vargas 

Kelly  Wright 

Carl  Yates 

Advisor Professor  of  Art  Nelson  Stevens 

of  the  W.E.B.  DuBois  Department 
of  African  American  Studies 

64