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THE  EARLY  ANNALS  OF  THE  ENGLISH 
IN  BENGAL. 


In 


THE  EAELY  AMALS  OF  THE 
ElfGLISH  m  BENGAL, 


BEIXO 


THE  BENGAL  PUBLIC  CONSULTATIOIfS  FOR 

THE  FIRST  HALF  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY, 


SUMMARISED,  EXTRACTED,  AyD  EDFFED  WITH  INTRODUCTIONS 
AND  ILLUSTRATIVE  ADDENDA. 


By 

c.  R.  ^t:lson,  M.A., 

OF     THE     BEKOAl     EDrCATIOX     SERVICE. 


1?     ^ 


LONDON : 

W.  THACKEE  &  Co.,  87,  NEWGATE  STEEET. 
CALCUTTA :  THACKEK,  SPINK  A  Co. 

1895. 


{All  rights  reserved.) 


"VrOLTJlME    T. 


The  Consultation  Books  for  the  years  1704  to  1710, 
with  an  introductoiy  account  of  the  early  history  of  the 
English  in  Bengal,  and  addenda  giving  new  extracts  from 
Thomas  Pitt's  correspondence,  and  new  accounts  of  Bengal 
in  the  seventeenth  century. 


PREFACE. 


In  the  present  volume,  and  in  those  which  are  to  follow, 
I  propose  to  do  two  things. 

In  the  first  place,  I  propose  to  publish  extracts  from  the 
records  preserved  in  the  India  Office  which  deal  with  the 
history  of  the  English  at  Calcutta  during  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  This  period  is  the  dark  age  of  British 
India.  Thanks  to  the  researches  of  Bruce,  and  still  more 
recently  of  Sir  Henry  Yule,  a  considerable  amount  of  infor- 
mation is  available  as  to  the  history  of  the  English  in  Bengal 
up  to  the  first  years  of  the  eighteenth  century.  From  this 
point  hardly  anything  is  known  till  we  reach  the  year  1748, 
at  which  date  Long  began  his  selections  from  the  records 
of  the  Government  of  Bengal.  There  is  thus  a  gap  in  our 
knowledge  of  Calcutta  history,  which  needs  to  be  filled  up. 

In  the  second  place,  out  of  the  new  materials  which  I 
shall  publish  and  the  old  which  we  already  possess,  I  pro- 
pose to  construct  the  history  of  the  English  in  Bengal. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  scientific  enquirer  to  show  the  causes 
of  eveiy  event.  Is  it  not  then  strange  that  we  are  still 
without  any  adequate  explanation  of  one  of  the  greatest 
events  of  modem  history,  the  English  conquest  of  India  ? 
That  conquest  was  the  necessary  result  of  a  long  series  of 
changes  which  preceded  it,  but  of  this  we  have  no  demon- 
stration. It  remains  not  so  much  a  subject  of  careful  study 
as  a  matter  for  wonder,  wonder  the  child  of  ignorance. 

The  history  of  British  India  has  yet  to  be  written.  We 
have  yet  to  understand  why  the  English  conquered  India 
and  not  the  Portuguese,  French,  or  Dutch.  We  have  yet  to 
understand  why  it  was  from  Bengal,  not  from  Madras,  or 
Bombay,  that  the  English  dominion  took  its  rise.     And  we 


Viii  PREFACE. 

have  yet  to  understand  the  necessary  connection  between 
the  stages  of  the  English  advance  into  Bengal. 

Undoubtedly  a  necessary  connection  does  exist.  Every 
step  is  bound  up  with  its  antecedent  and  consequent  steps 
according  to  those  invariable  laws  of  development  which  the 
genius  of  Hegel  has  discovered  and  explained. 

The  first  period  in  this  history  lasts  from  1633  to  1660, 
during  which  the  English  take  up  a  position  in  Bengal, 
aiming  at  nothing  more  than  commerce  under  the  protection 
of  the  Indian  Government. 

This  moment  in  the  development  is  of  necessity  followed 
by  its  contradiction.  In  the  period  from  1661  to  1685 
English  industrialism  finds  itself  opposed  by  militarism. 
The  English  merchants  are  hampered  by  quarrels  with  the 
native  powers,  by  quarrels  with  interloping  rivals,  by  quarrels 
among  themselves.  At  the  end  of  this  period  we  reach  the 
extreme  antithesis  of  the  first  position  taken  up  by  the 
English.  Instead  of  trusting  to  their  own  peaceful  intentions 
and  to  the  promises  of  the  Indian  Government,  they  resolve 
to  establish  themselves  in  Bengal  by  force. 

In  the  period  lasting  from  1685  to  1690  the  English  in 
Bengal  are  in  a  state  of  flux.  They  wander  from  one  policy 
to  another  policy,  and  from  one  station  to  another  station. 
At  last  after  repeated  trials,  they  return  to  Bengal  at  the 
invitation  of  the  Nabob  and  form  a  fortified  settlement  at 
Calcutta,  thereby  in  a  measure  satisfying  the  claims  both  of 
industrialism  and  of  militarism'. 

In  the  fourth  period,  which  begins  from  1690,  the  settle- 
ment thus  reached  takes  definite  shape.  English  trade  is 
established  in  Bengal  partly  through  the  good-will  of  the 
inhabitants  and  with  the  acquiescence  of  the  native  govern- 
ment, and  partly  by  the  powerful  position  which  the  English 
had  acquired.  They  command  the  sea,  they  dominate  the 
river  traffic  from  Patna  to  Saugor,  and  behind  the  river  they 
are  safely  established  at  Calcutta. 


PREFACE.  IX 

Is  it  too  much  to  say  that  these  four  stages  are  connected 
together  in  a  necessary  sequence  ?  Is  it  fanciful  to  see  in 
them  the  sein^  nichts,  tverdeti,  and  dmein  of  English  commerce 
in  Bengal  ? 

In  this  volume  I  publish  summaries  and  extracts  from 
the  Bengal  Public  Consultations  for  the  years  1704  to  1710, 
and  in  the  introduction  I  have  given  the  history  of  the 
English  in  Bengal  up  to  and  including  the  period  covered  by 
these  records. 

Resident  as  I  am  in  India,  only  able  to  pay  brief  hurried 
visits  to  England,  I  have  myself  not  been  able  to  do  more 
than  read  through  the  records  in  the  India  Office,  indicate 
what  extracts  should  be  made,  and  verify  my  printed  copy 
by  comparison  with  the  original.  The  actual  copying  out  of 
the  extracts  was  undertaken  for  me  by  my  friend,  Miss 
Stifevenard,  who  was  good  enough  to  devote  many  months  to 
the  work,  and  to  whom  consequently  I  can  never  be  suffi- 
ciently thankful. 

In  writing  the  introduction  I  have  received  much  assist- 
ance from  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter,  from  Mr.  C.  TV.  C.  Oman, 
Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford,  from  Mr.  J.  Wells, 
Fellow  of  AYadham  College,  Oxford,  and  from  Mr.  E.  M. 
Wheeler,  Senior  Tutor  of  Bishop's  College,  Calcutta,  all  of 
whom  were  so  good  as  to  read  through  my  proofs  and  made 
many  valuable  suggestions. 

I  am  also  greatly  indebted  to  Babu  Gour  Das  Bysack  for 
my  knowledge  of  the  Setts  and  the  By  sacks,  and  of  many 
other  points  in  the  local  history  of  Calcutta. 

For  the  sake  of  clearness  I  have  illustrated  my  text  with 
a  number  of  rough  explanatory  maps  and  plans.  The 
geography  of  Bengal  is  constantly  changing,  and  there  are 
no  accurate  maps  of  the  country  before  those  made  by 
Rennell  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  is  obvious  that  plans  of  places  in  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries  must  be  to  a  certain  extent 


X  PREFACE. 

conjectural.  I  have  done  my  best  to  base  my  plans  on  the 
most  reliable  data,  and  here  too  I  have  been  much  helped  by 
various  friends  in  clearing  up  local  topographical  details. 

Finally,  my  thanks  are  due  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
India  in  Council  for  allowing  me  to  have  access  to  the  records 
in  the  India  Office  and  to  publish  extracts  from  them,  to  the 
officials  in  charge  of  the  records  for  courteous  assistance  of 
every  kind,  and  to  the  Government  of  Bengal  for  giving  me 
permission  to  use  the  Secretariat  Press. 

C.  R.  WILSON. 

Calcutta,  November^  1895. 


ERRATUM. 


On  page  235,  in  the  table  given  in  §  40,  columns  5  and  6,  for  "  Es."  read 


£." 


CONTENTS. 

♦ 

Paob. 
INTRODUCTORY    ACCOUXT    OP    THE    EARLY    HISTORY    OF    THE 

ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL 1  to  21G 

BOOK  L 

How  THE  EKGLI3H  CAiTE  TO  BeJTGAL,  POB  PUEELT  COmiEBCIAL  PUBPOSES, 
EELTIVG  02f  THE  GoOD-WIIJ.  ASD  PBOTECTIOX  OF  THE  NaTIVB  GOTEBS- 
MENx'. lt«     35 

Chapteb  I. 
How  the  English  came  to  Orissa         .        .  1 

Chaptbb.il 
The  English  at  the  Court  of  Malcandy 7 

Chapter  III. 
The  English  factories  at  Balasor  and  Hariharaput  in  Orissa        .         .        •         .15 

Chapter  FV. 
How  the  English  advanced  from  Balasor  to  Hugli 23 

Chapteb  V. 
How  the  English  reorganised  the  Hugli  agency 31 

BOOK  XL 
How  THBorGH  opposmoy  asd  oppeessios  the   Exgush  leabst  that 

THET  MrST   PBOTECT  THEM3ELTE3   BY   FOBCE 37  to     90 

Chapteb  I. 

How   Sir  Edward  Winter  first  advocated  a  policy  of  retaliation  and   how   he 

rebelled  against  the  Court 37 

Chapteb  II. 
How  the  English  trade  advanced  in  Bengid  in  spite  of  opposition       .  .45 

Chapteb  III. 
How  Streynsham  Master  twice  visited  the  Bay  and  introduced  reforms  .     51 


XU  CONTENTS. 

Chaptbb  IV. 

Page, 

Condition  of  the  English  in  Bengal  in  the  days  of  Streynsham  Master        .         .     61 

Chapter  V. 

How  William  Hedges,  first  English  Governor  of  Bengal,  was  sent  to  destroy  the 

interlopers,  and  failed 71 

Chapter  VI. 
How  Hedges  tried  in  vain  to  put  an  end  to  the  exactions  of  the  native  rulers     .    77 

Chapter  VII. 
Hedges  fails,  but  the  idea  of  a  fortified  settlement  prevails         .        .         .        .83 

BOOK  III. 

How    AFTER    MUCH    FIGHTING    AND     WANDERING    THE     ENGLISH     FOUND     IN 

Calcutta  the  place  for  their  fortified  trade  centre  .        .        .    91  to  137 

Chapter  I. 
How  the  English  ransacked  Hugli  and  came  to  Sutanuti 91 

Chapter  II. 

How  the  English  attempted  to  occupy  first  Hijili  and  then  Uluharia,  but  again 

returned  to  Sutanuti 103 

Chapter  III. 

How  the  English  after  wandering  over  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  and  sojourning  at 

Madras,  relumed  once  again  to  Sutanuti 113 

Chapter  IV. 
Calcutta  before  the  English 127 

BOOK  IV. 
How  the  En(3lish  settled  at  Calcutta  and  built  Port  William        .  139  to  217 

Chapter  I. 
The  English  establish  themselves  at  Sutanuti  and  begin  to  build  their  fort         .  139 

Chapter  II. 

The  rival  companies 151 

Chapter  III. 
How  the  English  wound  up  the  separate  affairs  of  the  rival  companies       .         .  159 


CONTENTS.  ^*1 

cuaptbr  iv.  _ 

Paob. 


The  early  days  of  the  Rotation  Government  and  its  efforts  to  come  to  terms 

with  the  local  rulers ^"^ 

Chapter  V, 

How   the  Rotation  Government  completed  the  building  of  Fort  William,  but 

failed  to  come  to  terms  with  the  local  rulers 177 

Chapter  VI. 
Calcutta  under  the  Rotation  Government :  its  population  and  administration       .  189 

Chapter  VII. 
Calcutta  under  the  Rotation  Government :  the  life  of  its  inhabitants  .         .         .  199 

Chaptek  VTII. 
Calcutta  imder  the  Rotation  Government :  its  bmldings 209 


SUMMARIES  OF    THE    BENGAL   PUBLIC   CONSULTATION   BOOKS, 

FOR  THE  YEARS  1704  TO  1710 219  to  342 


ADDENDA 343  to  404 

Additional  exteacts  fbom  thb  Ixdia  Office  Recoeds     ....  345 

Shipping  lists  of  the  East  India  Company 367 

Bengal  in  Goveenob  Pitt's  Coebbspondence 369 

RePOETS   and   LETTEES   CONCEENING    the    COilPANX'S    AFFAIBS    IN    BENGAL, 

1661  to  1683 375 


CHRONOLOGY. 


1530  (circ.)    The  Portuguese  begin  to  frequent  Bengal.  J.TLeir  ships  anchor   in 

Garden  Eeach  at  Betor. 
1560  (circ.)     The  Setts  and  Bysacks  found   Gobindpur  >nd  afterwards  establish 

the  Sutanuti  Hat. 
1575  (circ.)    The  Portuguese  settle  at  HuglL     The  Thana  forts  are  built. 


1620  Hughes  and  Parker  are  sent  from  Agra  to  Patna. 

1632  The  Portuguese  are  expelled  from   Hugli.     Peter  Mendy  is   sent 

from  Agra  to  Patna  and  reports  against  trading  there. 

1633  The  Governor  of  Orissa    grants  freedom  of   trade   to   Ealph   Cart- 

wright,    who    found    English   factories  at  Hariharapur  and  at 

Balasor.     The  Portuguese  return  to  Hugli. 
1636  The  Portuguese  are  expelled  from  Hijili.     Decay  of  Pipli. 

1638  Grant  to  the  English  by  Shah  Jahan. 

1640  Foundation  of  Fort  St,  George. 

1642  Thomas  Day  visits  Balasor  and  advises  its  retention. 

1645  Gabriel  Boughton  sent  to  Agra. 

1651  Stephens  and  Bridgeman  establish  a  factory  at  Hugli  which  becomes 

the  chief  station  of  the  Bay  with  agencies  at  Balasor,  Patna, 
Cassimbazar,  and  Bajmahal. 

1652  Letters  Patent  granted  to  the  English  by  Shah  ShnjS'. 

1653  Powle  Walgrave,  chief  at  Hugli. 

1658  George  Gawton,  chief  at  Hugli.   Eeorganisation  of  the  establishments 

in  the  Bay.  Accession  of  Aurangzeb.  Death  of  Shah  Shnja. 
Mir  Jamlah,  Governor  of  Bengal.  The  English  are  forced  to 
pay  annually  Rs.  3,000  in  lieu  of  custom. 

1658  Sept.       Jonathan  Trevisa  succeeds  Gawton  as  Agent  and  Chief  in  the  Bay. 


1661  Trevisa  seizes   a  native  boat.     Anger  of  Mir  Jumlah.    The  Mogul 

expedition  to  Assam. 
1663  Death  of    Mir  Jumlah.     Shayista  Khan,   "Viceroy  of  Bengal.     Sir 

Edward  Winter,  Governor  of  Fort  St.  George.     William  Blake, 

Agent  at  Hugli.     Winter's  forward  policy. 
166b  Jan,        Winter  superseded  by  Foxcroft. 
1666  Sept.       Winter  rebels  and  seizes  Fort  St.  George. 

1666  Shayista  Khan  takes  Chittagong. 

1667  First  grant  to  the  English  by  Aurangzeb. 


XVI  CHRONOLOGY. 

1668  Foxcroft  restored.     Stock  for   Bengal,   £31,000.     New  factory    at 

Dacca.     Establishment  of  the  Bengal  Pilot  Service. 

1669  Shem  Bridges,  Agent  in  Bengal. 

1670  Walter  Clavell,  Agent  in  Bengal.     Bengal  to  supply  all  saltpetre. 

1672  Sir    W.   Langhorne,    President  at    Fort  St.  George.      Order  by 

Shayista  Khan  freeing  the  English  trade  of  all  dues  except   the 
annual  tribute  of  Rs.  3,0U0. 

1673  The  Court  send  skilled  artisans  to  Bengal  to  improve  the  silk. 

1675  Stock  for  Bengal,  £85,000.     Growth  of  the  saltpetre  trade. 

1676  Streynsham  Master  sent  to  reform  and  regulate  the  establishments 

in  the  Bay.     New  Factory  at  Malda. 

1677  Matthias  Vincent,   Agent  in  Bengal.     The  stock  rises   to  £100,000. 

Shayista  Khan  leaves. 

1678  Letters  Patent  granted  by  Muhammed  A'zam,   Viceroy  of  Bengal. 

The  Eev.  John  Evans,  first  Bengal  Chaplain  reaches  Hugli. 

1679  Second  visit  of  Master   to  the   Bay.     Captain  Stafford  makes  the 

passage  up  the  river  to  Hugli  in  the  Falcon. 

1680  Shayista  Khan  returns.    Ambiguous  rescript  of  Aurangzeb.     Stock 

for  Bengal,  £150,000. 

1682  William   Hedges,    first   English   Governor  of  Bengal.      Fruitless 

negotiations  at  Dacca. 

1683  Mismanagement  of  Hedges. 

1684  Hedges  displaced.    John  Beard  I,  Agent  under  Fort  St.  George. 
1686                 Quarrel    between    Charnock  and    the  Nabob.      Death  of    John 

Beard  I. 


1686  Job  Charnock,  Agent   at  Hugli.     Arrival  of  the  fleet. 

1686  Oct.        The  skirmish  at  Hugli. 

1686  Dec.         The  English  retire  to  Sutanuti. 

1687  Jan.        The  Sutanuti  articles, 

1687  Feb.        The  English  burn  the  King's  salt  houses,  take  the  Thana  forts,  seize 

Hijili,  and  sack  Balasor. 
1687  May       Arrival  of  the  Mogul  general  at  Hijili.     His  sudden  attack  on  the 

English. 
1687  Jiine.        Eeinforcement  under  Captain  Denham.     The  English  withdraw  to 

Ulubaria. 
1687  July       First  order  from  the  Nabob. 
1687  Aug.        Second  order  from  the  Nabob. 

1687  Sept.       Charnock  returns  to  Siitanuti, 

1688  Eyre  and  Bradyll  sent  to  Dacca  to  negotiate  for  Sutanuti. 
1688  Sept.      Arrival  of  Captain  Heath. 

1688  Nov.      Heath  and  the  English  leave  Sutanuti.     Attack  on  Balasor. 

1688  Dec.      Heath  starts  for  Chittagong. 

1689  Jan.       The  council  of  war  decides  not  to  attack  Chittagong. 
1689  Feb.        The  English  withdraw  to  Madras. 


CHRONOLOGY.  XVU 

1690  Proclamation  of  Aurangzeb. 

1690  34  Aug.  Foundation  of  Calcutta. 

1693  Death  of    Job   Charaock.     Aurangzeb  suspends  all  the  privileges 

of  the  European  traders.     Sir  John  Goldsborough  at  Calcutta. 

1694  Charles   Eyre,   Agent  in   Bengal.     Loss   of  the  Royal  James  and 

Mary  in  the  Hngli. 

1696  Eebellion  of  Cubha  Singh.     The  English  begin  to   build  a   fort  at 

Calcutta. 

1697  Building   of  the  north-east  bastion.     'Azimu-sh-Shan,  Viceroy  of 

Bengal. 

1698  Grant  of  the  three  villages  by  Prince  'Azimu-sh-Shan.     Foundation 

of  the  new  English  East  India  Company. 

1699  John  Beard  II,  Agent  at  Calcutta.     Sir  W.  Korris,  ambassador  to 

the  Mogul.  Sir  E.  Littleton,  representing  the  new  Company, 
arrives  in  Bengal. 

1700  Energetic  efforts  of  the  old   Company.     The   Calcutta  fort  to   be 

enlarged.  Sir  Charles  Eyre,  first  President  of  Fort  William  in 
Bengal.  Ralph  Sheldon,  first  Collector  of  Calcutta.  Benjamin 
Adams,  second  Bengal  Chaplain. 

1701  John   Beard  II,   President.    Building   of  the   south-east    bastion. 

Norris's  fruitless  negotiations  with  Aurangzeb.  Mnrshid  Quli 
Khan,  Treasurer. 

1702  Aurangzeb  orders  all  the  English  goods  to  be  seized.     Kuin   of  the 

English  Company  in  Bengal.  Safety  of  Calcutta.  "A  fort 
better  than  an  ambassador."    Union  of  the  rival  Companies. 

1703  Winding  up  the  separate  affairs  of    the  rival  Companies.     Quarrels 

between  the  Prince  and  the  Treasurer.  Murshid  Quli  Khan 
made  Deputy  Governor  as  well  as  Treasurer. 

1704  to  1707    Fruitless  negotiations  with  Morshid  Quli  Khan. 

1704  Installation    of  the    Eotation    Government.     Benjamin    Bowcher, 

Collector  of  Calcutta.     Scheme  for  a  church. 

1705  Death  of  John  Beard  II  at  Madras. 

1705  Oct.        John  Cole,  Collector. 

1706  April       Arthur  King,  Collector. 

1706  Oct.        John  Maisters,  Collector. 

1707  Death  of  Aurangzeb.    Shah  'Alam  wins  the  race  for  Empire.   Battle 

of  Jaju.     Building  of  the  north-west  and   south-west  bastions 
of  Fort  William.   Building  of  the  Hospital.    Survey  of  the  three 
villages.     Death  of  Littleton. 
1707  Feb.       Ab.  Adams,  Collector. 

1707  Aug.        W.  Bugden,  Collector. 

1708  Temporary  alarm  at  Calcutta  owing  to  the  threats  of  the   Governor 

of  Hugli.     Eenewed  efi"orts  to   secure   a  grant   of  privileges. 
Disputes  with  the  Prince   and   the   Treasurer.     Death  of  Kam 
Bakhsh. 
1708  Eapid  growth  of  Calcutta. 


XVI]  1  CHRONOLOGY. 

1709  The  Prince  and  Treasurer  leave  Bengal  for  Delhi.    Sher  Bulland 

Khan,  the  new  Deputy  Governor,  grants  the  English  an  order  for 
Es.  45,000.  At  Madras  Pitt  proposes  to  send  a  present  to  the 
Emperor. 

1709  Consecration  of  St.  Anne's.    Digging  of  the  great  pond  or  tank 

and  completion  of  the  riverside  face  oE  the  fort.  Death  of 
Sheldon. 

1709  Ap.  Sam.  Blount,  oflSciating  Collector  for  W.  Lloyd. 

1709  Nov.       Sher  Bulland  Khan  recalled.     The  new  Treasurer  tries   to  exact 

money  from  the  English. 

1710  The  new  Treasurer  is  murdered  by  the   Naqdi  horse.     Murshid 

Quli  returns  as  Treasurer  and  Deputy-Governor.  Zainu-d-Dia 
Khan,  Governor  of  Hugli  and  Admiral  in  the  Bay.  Antony 
Weltden,  President  of  Fort  William. 

1710  Jan.        Spencer,  Collector. 

1710  July.      J.  Calvert,  Collector. 


mTEODTJCTOET  ACCOUNT 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL. 


INTRODUCTORY  ACCOUNT 


OP 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EJ5GLISH 

IN  BENGAL. 


BOOK  L 

HOW  THE  ENGLISH  CAME  TO  BENGAL,  FOR  PURELY  COM- 
MERCIAL  PURPOSES,  RELYING  ON  THE  GOOD- WILL  AND 
PROTECTION    OF    THE    NATIVE   GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

HOW   THE    ENGLISH   CAME    TO    ORISSA    IN  1633. 

The  advance  of  the  English  from  the  Coromandel  Coast  up  the 
Bay  of  Bengal,  like  the  recent  advances  of  the  Russians  in  Asia,  was 
primarily  due  to  the  enterprise  of  local  officers.  In  March  1633,  the 
Company's  Agent  at  Masulipatam,  meeting  with  a  growing  scarcity 
of  cloth  in  that  place,  resolved  on  sending  out  an  expedition  to  open 
up  trade  with  the  fertile  provinces  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges. 
The  party,  which  consisted  of  eight  Englishmen,  set  sail  in  a  country 
boat  such  as  may  still  be  seen  in  many  of  the  ports  along  the  coast, 
an  odd-looking  but  serviceable  craft,  having  a  square  sail,  an  oar-like 
rudder,  and  a  high  poop,  with  a  thatched  house  built  on  it  for  a  cabin. 

B 


y  BRUTON  S    VOYAGE. 

On  reaching  Harsapur  or  Haricpur,  the  modern  Haricpur  Gar,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Patua/  in  Orissa,  they  transferred  themselves  and  their 
merchandise  to  small  boats,  and  so  ascended  the  river  some  eight  miles, 
as  far  as  Kosida.  Here  they  took  the  high  road  to  Cuttack  which  then, 
as  now,  passed  through  Balikuda,  the  chief  village  of  the  fiscal  division 
of  Benahar,  and  the  important  town  of  Jagatsimhapur,  or,  as  it  was  till 
lately  called,  Hariharapur.^  From  Cuttack  the  travellers  repaired  to 
the  court  of  Malcandy,  or  Mukund  Deo,  in  Fort  Barabati,  where 
they  were  received   with  great  kindness  by  the  reigning  nabob. 

To-day  the  journey  may  well  seem  commonplace,  but  it  was  then 
a  wonderful  and  hazardous  undertaking.^  Much,  indeed,  had  the 
travellers  heard  of  the  countries  to  which  they  were  going,  but  they 
knew  little.  They  distrusted  the  native  inhabitants ;  they  stood  in  awe 
of  the  high  and  mighty  Mogul  who  had  lately  so  terribly  visited  the 
Portuguese,^  and  above  all  they  dreaded  those  very  Portuguese  whose 
jealousy  could  brook  no  rivals.  The  history  of  this  first  coming  of  the 
English  has  therefore  all  the  interest  which  attaches  to  new  voyages 
of  discovery  and  adventure.  Let  William  Bruton,  of  the  parish  of 
St.  Saviour's,  Southwark,  quartermaster  of  the  good  ship  Kopewell,  and 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  English  trade  in  Bengal,  begin  the  story  in 
his  own  words.^ 

1  This  river  is  called  E.  Patali  above,  and  E.  Patua  below,  Basanta-Patali, 
and  at  its  mouth  K.  Boita-kuliya,  ship-haven,  a  name  significant  of  the  former 
importance  of  the  now  sand-barred  harbour  of  Harippur. 

2  Hariharapur,  the  city  of  the  Tawny  One  and  the  Grasping  One,  i.e.,  the  city 
of  Vishnu  and  ^iva  combined,  Hariharapur  is  eleven  miles  from  Balikuda, 
and  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Cuttack.  It  was  the  capital  of  a  pargana  and 
a  subdivision  of  Orissa.  Hariharapur  and  Jagatsiitihapur,  to  the  north  of  Hari- 
harapur, are  contiguous  villages  on  the  road  from  Eosida  to  Cuttack,  from 
which  they  are  distant  some  twenty-five  miles.  Till  the  beginning  of  the  nmeteenth 
century  Hariharapur  was  the  principal  village,  and  the  place  went  by  that  name. 
To-day  Jagatsiihhapur  has  supplanted  it.  The  river  at  Hariharapur  is  the  Alanka. 
Bruton's  town  of  Hariharapur,  six  or  seven  miles  in  compass,  must  have  included 
all  the  neighbouring  villages. 

3  "The  first  thinge  (of  Note)  that  was  Acted  after  our  Cominge  vato  this 
Coast."     Hedges'  Diary,  III,  178. 

■•  In  16.S2,  by  order  of  Shah  Jahau,  Qasim  Khan  destroyed  the  Portuguese 
settlement  at  Hugli  after  an  obstinate  siege  of  more  than  three  months. 

6  "  News  from  the  East  Indies  or  a  Voyage  to  Bengalla Weittbn  by 

William  Beuton,  now  resident  in  the  parish  of  St.  Saviour's,  Sout/noark, 

and  now  lately  came  Homo  in  the  good  Ship  called  The  Hopetoel  of  London 

Imprinted  at   London  by  I.   Okes .1638."     This  voyage    is  reprinted  in 

vol.  viii,  of  a  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels  published  by  Osborne  in  1762,  and 
also  in  vol.  v.  of  the  enlarged  edition  of  "  Hakluyt  "  of  1809-12.  I  have  printed 
Bruton's  account  as  it  appears  in  the  edition  of  1752,  without  altering  the 
punctuation  or  spelling. 


ARRIVAL   AT    HARICPUR.  3 

"  The  twenty-second  of  J/«rc/<,  1632  [/.e.,  1633  N.  S.],  I  being  in 
the  country  of  Cormandell  with  six  Englishman  more,  at  a  place  called 
Massalupatam,  a  town  of  merchandize,  Mr,  John  Norris,  the  agent 
there,  was  resolved  to  send  two  merchants  into  Bengalla  for  the  settling 
of  a  factory  there:  and  these  six  Englishmen  (of  the  which  I  was 
one)  were  to  go  with  the  merchants,  and  withal  to  carry  a  present 
from  the  agent  to  the  nabob,  or  king  of  that  country,  to  obtain  the 
promises  that  formerly  he  had  granted  to  the  English  for  traffic,  and  to 
be  custom-free  in  those  of  his  dominions  and  ports.  Wherefore  a 
Junk^aa  hired  at  Massalupatam,  io  be  our  convoy;  and  the  ssA^junk 
did  belong  unto  those  parts,  and  the  names  of  the  Englishmen,  that 
were  appointed  for  that  voyage,  were  Mr.  Ralph  Cartwriyht,  merchant, 
Mr.  Thomas  Colley  second,  William  Bruton,  John  Dobson,  Edward 
Peteforde,  John  Busby,  John  Ward,  and  William  Withall. 

"  Though  we  hired  the  aforesaid  junk,  March  22,  yet  it  was  the 
sixth  of  April  following,  before  we  could  be  fitted  to  depart  from  Mas- 
salupatam, and  in  much  various  weather  with  many  difficulties  and 
dangers  (which  to  relate  here  would  be  tedious,  and  impertinent  to  my 
intended  discourse)  ;  the  twenty-first  of  April,  being  then  Easter-day, 
we  were  at  anchor  in  a  bay  before  a  town  called  Harssapoore  :  it  is  a 
place  of  good  strength  with  whom  our  merchants  hold  commerce  with 
correspondency.  Tliis  twenty-first  day  in  the  morning  Mr.  Ralph 
Carticright  sent  the  money  ashore  to  the  governor  of  Harssapoore  to  take 
it  into  his  safe  keeping  and  protection  until  such  time  he  came  ashore 
himself.  So  presently  there  came  a  Portugal  frigate  fiercely  in  hos- 
tility towards  us,  but  we  made  ready  for  their  entertainment  and 
fitted  ourselves  and  the  vessel  for  our  best  defences ;  but  at  last  they 
steered  ofE  from  us,  and,  upon  our  command,  she  came  to  an  anchor 
somewhere  near  us,  and  the  master  of  her  came  on  board  of  us,  who 
being  examined  whence  he  came  and  whither  he  was  bound,  to  which 
demands  he  answered  nothing  worthy  of  belief  as  the  sequel  showed  : 
for  he  seemed  a  friendly  trader,  but  was  indeed  a  false  invader  (where 
opportimity  and  power  might  help  and  prevail)  ;  for,  on  the  22nd 
day,  Mr.  Cartwright  went  ashore  to  the  governor  of  Harssapoore; 
and  on  the  twenty-fourth  day,  the  said  master  of  the  frigate  (with 
the  assistance  of  some  of  the  ribble-rabble  rascals  of  the  town)  did  set 
upon  Mr.  Cartwright  and  Mr.  Colley,  where  our  men  (being  oppressed 
by  multitudes)  had  like  to  have  been  all  slain  or  spoiled,  but  that 
{Lucklip)  the  rogger  ^  (or  vice-king  there)  rescued  them  with  two 
hundred  men. 


Lakshmip  the  raja, 

B  2 


4  HARI9PUR   TO   BiLIKUDi. 

• 

"  In  this  fray  Mr.  Thomas  Colley  was  sore  hurt  in  one  of  his  hands, 
and  one  of  our  men  much  wounded  in  the  leg  and  head ;  their  nockada,^ 
or  India  pilot,  was  stahbed  in  the  groin  twice,  and  much  mischief 
was  done  and  more  intended :  but  by  God's  help  all  was  pacified. 

"  The  twenty-seventh  day  of  April  we  took  leave  of  the  governor 
and  town  of  Harssapoore  (I  mean  three  of  us) ;  namely,  Mr.  Cart- 
wright,  William  Bruion,  and  John  Dobson,  leaving  Mr.  Colley  and  the 
four  men  with  him,  till  news  could  be  sent  back  to  them  from  the 
nabob's  court  at  Cutteke  or  Malcander^  of  our  success  and  proceedings 
there  with  our  other  goods ;  for  he  is  no  wise  merchant,  that  ventures 
too  much  in  one  bottom,  or  that  is  too  credulous  to  trust  Mahometans 
or  Infidels. 

"  And  having  laden  our  small  boats  with  the  goods  which  were 
gold,  silver,  cloth  and  spices  (of  which  spices  those  parts  of  India  are 
wanting),  and  they  almost  are  as  dear  there  as  in  England,  we 
passed  some  two  leagues  and  a  half  in  water  ;  and  after  that  the  said 
goods  were  carried  by  land  in  carts,  till  we  came  to  a  great  town 
Balkkada,  but  it  was  more  than  three  hours  after  sun-setting,  or  late 
before  we  came  thither. 


1  NakhudS  (Pers,),  a  native  skipper.  *^ 

2  Malcander,  or  Malcandy,  seems  to  be  a  corrupt  form  for  Makan  Deo  or 
Mukund  Deo.  Mukund  Deo  (Sanskrit,  Mukanda  Deva)  was  the  last  indigenous 
ruler  of  Orissa.  He  became  king  in  1550  A.D.,  six  years  before  Akbar  ascended 
the  throne.  In  1567  Sulaiman  Shah  Eirani,  the  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  sent 
Kalapahar,  a  fanatic  Musulman,  to  conquer  Orissa,  and  Mukund  Deo  fell  in  fight 
at  Jajpur.  Mukund  Deo  built  a  magnificent  palace  at  Cuttack,  which  JBruton 
speaks  of   as  the    "Court   of    Malcandy." 

"The  city  of  Cuttack,"  says  Abu-1  Fazl  in  the  ^In-i-Akbari,  "has  a  stone 
fort  situated  at  the  bifurcation  of  the  two  rivers,  the  Llahanadi,  held  in  high 
veneration  by  the  Hindus,  and  the  Katjuri.  It  is  the  residence  of  the  Governor 
and  contains  some  fine  buildings.  For  five  or  six  kos  round  the  fort,  during  the 
rains,  the  country  is  under  water.  Eaja  Mukund  Deo  built  a  palace  here  with  nine 
courts  [literally,  '  of  nine  ashianaJis  or  nests  ']  ."  In  giving  the  list  of  the 
mahals  in  the  sarkar  of  Katak,  Abu-1  Fazl  again  briefly  notes  that  Katak  Banaras 
is  a  suburban  district  with  a  city,  having  a  stone  fort  of  great  strength,  and  a 
masonry  palace  within.  The  palace  was  in  time  abandoned  by  the  Musalmaa 
Governors  who  preferred  to  live  in  the  Lalbagh,  on  "the  south  side  of  the  city. 
It  is  now  a  wilderness  of  stone  pits. 

The  construction  of  Fort  Barabati  has  been  assigned  to  various  monarchs  with 
various  dates.  Sterling  thinks  it  was  built  by  Raja  Ananga  Bhima  Deva  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  The  stone  work  has  been  taken  by  the  Public  Works 
Department  to  build  lighthouses  and  hospitals,  and  to  pave  roads. 

The  ditch  of  the  fort,  however,  still  remains,  and  so  does  the  gate,  which  is 
still  approached  by  a  causeway.  The  palace  of  Mukand  Deo,  like  all  eastern 
palaces,  had  a  gathering  of  populace  and  artificers  about  it,  and  this  is  apparently 
■what  Bruton  means  by  the  "  town  of  Malcandy." 


BiLIKUDi   TO   HARIHARPUR.  0 

"  The  twenty-eighth  day  of  April  in  the  morning,  the  governor 
of  this  town  came  and  saluted  our  merchant,  and  promised  him  that 
whatsoever  was  in  his  power  to  do  him  any  friendly  courtesy  he  should 
command  it :  and  indeed  he  was  in  every  way  as  good  as  his  word ;  for 
he  lent  us  horses  to  ride  on  and  cowlers^  (which  are  porters)  to  carry 
our  goods ;  for  at  this  town  the  carts  did  leave  us  and  our  goods 
were  carried  on  men's  shoulders ;  then  we  set  forwards,  being  accom- 
panied with  the  governor,  with  his  music,  which  were  shalms,  and 
pipes  of  sundry  forms,  much  after  the  forms  of  waits  or  hautboys, 
on  which  they  played  most  delicately  out  of  tune,  time,  and  measure. 
In  this  manner  the  governor  with  a  great  number  of  people,  did 
bring  us  about  half  an  Enylish  mile  out  of  the  town,  where  he  courte- 
ously took  his  leave  of  us,  but  yet  he  sent  his  servants  with  us  as 
guides,  and  that  they  might  bring  his  horses  unto  him  that  he  lent  us. 

"  This  day  at  the  hours  of  between  eleven  and  twelve  of  the  clock, 
it  was  so  excessively  hot,  that  we  could  not  travel ;  and  the  wind  blew 
with  such  a  sultry  scalding  heat,  as  if  it  had  come  forth  of  an  oven  or 
furnace  ;  such  a  suffocating  fume  did  I  never  feel  before  or  since :  and 
here  we  were  forced  to  stay  near  three  hours,  till  the  sun  was  declined, 
we  having  happily  got  under  the  shadow  of  the  branches  of  a  great 
tree  all  that  time.  Then  we  set  forward  for  the  town  of  Har/mrrapoore : 
which,  in  the  space  of  two  hours,  or  a  little  more,  we  drew  near  unto  : 
BO  we  staid  awhile,  till  our  carriages  were  come  up  together  unto 
us ;  which  done,  there  met  us  a  man,  who  told  us  that  his  master  staid 
our  coming:  then  we  speedily  prepared  ourselves  for  the  meeting 
of  so  high  esteemed  a  person:  and,  when  we  came  to  the  town's  end, 
there  met  us  at  a  great  pagodo  or  pagod,-  which  is  a  famous  and  sumptu- 
ous temple  or  church  for  their  idolatrous  service  and  worship  there  used  : 
and,  just  against  that  stately  and  magnificent  building,  we  were  enter- 
tained and  welcomed  by  one  of  the  king's  greatest  noblemen,  and  his  most 
dear  and  chiefest  favourite,  who  had  a  letter  from  the  king  his  master, 
and  was  sent  from  him  to  meet  us,  and  to  conduct  us  to  his  court.  The 
nobleman's  name  was  Mersymomeine  ;^  he  received  us  very  kindly,  and 
made  us  a  very  great  feast,  or  costly  collation,  before  supper ;  which 

*  Quit,  the  ordinary  word  used  in  India  for  hired  labourers. 

'  Babu  M.  M.  Chakravarti  tells  me  that  there  still  is  at  Hariharapur  an  old 
temple  dedicated  to  Cira,  locally  known  as  Somnalh.  But  he  also  aro'ues 
that,  if  Mirza  Momin  stopped  in  the  pagoda,  it  could  not  have  been  a  Hindu 
temple  and  may  have  been  a  pavilion  erected  for  royal  encampments,  such  as  we 
find   elsewhere   in   Orissa. 

^  i.e.,  MirzS  Momin. 


b  HARIHAKPUR   TO   CUITACK. 

being  done,  we  departed  for  our  surroy^  or  inn,  where  we  lay  all  night 
with  our  goods ;  but  Mersymomeine  stayed  with  his  followers  and 
servants  in  his  and  their  tents  at  the  pagod. 

"  The  twenty-ninth  day  of  April  we  staid  at  Harharrapoote,  and 
visited  this  great  man ;  but  the  greatest  cause  of  our  staying  was  by 
reason  of  the  nockada,  or  pilot,  of  the  frigate,  whose  men  affronted 
and  hurt  some  of  our  men  at  Harssupoore  ;  for  which  cause  the  frigate 
was  staid  there,  and  the  pilot  of  her  came  to  this  great  man,  thinking 
by  gifts  to  win  him  to  clear  his  vessel ;  but  he  would  not  be  allured 
by  such  rewards  or  promises;  but  told  him  that  he  must  appear 
before  the  nabob  and  seek  to  clear  himself  there. 

"  The  thirtieth  day  of  Aprils  we  set  forward  in  the  morning  in  our 
way  to  the  city  of  Coteke  (it  is  a  city  of  several  miles  in  compass, 
and  it  standeth  a  mile  from  Malcanuy,  where  the  court  is  kept) :  but 
Mr.  Cartwright  staid  behind,  and  came  after  us  accompanied  by  the 
said  nobleman :  we  went  all  the  day  on  our  journey,  till  the  sun 
went  down ;  and  then  we  staid  for  our  merchant,  being  eight  Eng- 
lish miles  from  Coteke  :  and  about  twelve  or  one  of  clock  at  night  they 
came  where  we  were :  so  we  hasted,  and  suddenly  got  all  our  things 
in  readiness,  and  went  along  with  them ;  and  about  the  time  of  three 
or  four  of  clock  in  the  morning,  we  came  to  the  house  of  this  Mersy- 
momeine at  Coteke,  being  May-day. 

**  Here  we  were  very  well  entertained,  and  had  a  great  variety  of 
sundry  sorts  of  meats,  drinks,  and  fruits.  About  eight  of  the  clock, 
Mersymomeine  went  to  the  court,  and  made  known  to  the  king  that  the 
English  merchant  was  come  to  his  house:  then  the  king  caused  a 
great  banquet  to  be  speedily  prepared,  and  to  be  sent  to  the  house 
of  Mersymomeine^  which  banquet  was  very  good  and  costly.  Then, 
about  three  or  four  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  we  were  sent  for  to 
the  court  of  Malcandy, " 

'  i.e.,  Sarai,  an  edifice,  a  palace,  but  in  India  a  building  for  the  accommodation 
of   travellers. 


CHAPTER  U. 


THE    ENGLISH    AT    THE    COrRT    OF    MALCANDT. 


To  the  north  of  the  city,  at  the  bifurcation  of  the  Mahanadi  and  the 
Katjurl,  stood  the  citadel  of  Cuttack,  Fort  Barabati,  a  spacious  area,  a 
mile  and-a-half  in  circumference,  defended  by  a  broad  ditch  faced  with 
masonry,  by  double  walls  of  stone,  and  by  square  sloping  bastions 
which  clearly  bespoke  its  indigenous  origin.  Fifty  years  before  the 
coming  of  the  English,  Mukund  Deo,  the  last  Hindu  ruler  of  Orissa, 
had  built  within  it  a  castle  of  grey  granite  with  nine  lofty  courts, 
but  he  had  lost  his  kingdom  to  the  Moslem,  and  Agha  Muhammad 
Zaman  of  Tahran,  a  Mogul  viceroy,  now  abode  in  the  stately  palace 
of  "Malcandy."  The  English  travellers  reached  the  place  from  the 
east,  over  a  long  narrow  causeway,  and  were  conducted  through  a 
labyrinth  of  buildings  to  the  court  of  public  audience. 

Here  Bruton  and  his  companions  awaited  the  coming  of  his 
Highness,  and  found  themselves  objects  of  much  curiosity.  At  last 
the  word  came  that  the  nabob  was  approaching.  The  place  was 
forthwith  spread  with  rich  carpets,  gold  pillars  being  placed  at  the 
comers  to  hold  them  down,  and  in  the  middle  a  red  velvet  bolster  for 
his  Highness  to  recline  against.  Then,  preceded  by  his  brother,  a 
comely  man  carrying  a  sword,  accompanied  by  fifty  grave  looking 
courtiers,   and   greeted   on  all  sides  with  low  prostrations,  came  the 


8  iGHi   MUHAMMAD   ZAMIn. 

Mogul  Governor,  a  fair  and  stately  personage,  leaning  his  arms  upon 
two  of  his  attendants.  This  v^as  Agha  Muhammad  Zaman/  a  Persian 
grandee,  born  in  Tahran,  who  was  in  high  favour  with  the  Emperor 
Shah  Jahan,  and  had  recently  been  sent  to  Orissa  to  wage  war  against 
the  king  of  Golkouda.  He  very  affably  inclined  his  head  towards 
Mr.  Cartwright,  who  was  presented  to  him  by  Mirza  Momin,  and, 
slipping  off  his  sandal,  offered  "his  foot  to  our  merchant  to  kiss, 
which  he  twice  refused  to  do,  but  at  last  he  was  fain  to  do  it." 

Then  the  nabob  and  the  whole  court  sat  down  cross-legged.  The 
English  merchant  brought  forth  his  presents,  and  made  his  requests  to 
the  nabob  for  trading  privileges.  But,  by  the  time  he  had  reached  the 
end  of  his  story,  the  king's  almoner  gave  the  signal  for  prayers,  and  the 
whole  company  knelt  down  with  their  faces  towards  the  setting  sun. 
Prayers   being    ended,  and  business  laid  aside,  the  palace  was    soon 

^  Bruton  does  not  tell  us  the  name  of  the  nabob,  whom  he  saw  in  1633,  and 
who  gave  Cartwright  the  order  for  free  trade  in  Orissa.  All  that  we  could 
infer  from  this  narrative  is  that  the  nabob  had  recently  succeeded  Baqir  Khan, 
that  he  was  a  white  man,  and  possibly  that  he  was  a  Persian.  But  from  a  list 
of  State  papers  found  in  the  United  Trade  Consultations  Book  for  1704,  under 
the  date  of  the  19th.  February,  we  find  that  the  name  of  Cartwright's  nabob  was 
Agha  Muhammad  Zaman.  From  other  sources  it  appears  that  Agha  Muhammad 
Zaman  was  a  Persian,  born  in  Tarhan,  who  was  one  of  the  high  officials  of 
Jahangir.  He  served  in  Bengal  for  a  long  time,  and  was  Tuquldar  and  Faujdar 
of  Sylhet.  On  the  accession  of  Shah  Jahan,  his  allowance  of  two  thousand 
rupees,  and  his  command  of  one  thousand  horse  were  allowed  to  remain.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Padshah  Namah,  in  1049  H.,  i.e.  1630-31  A.D.,  he  was  serving  in 
Bengal.  The  next  year  he  was  raised  to  a  higher  rank,  that  is  his  allowance  and 
command  were  increased.  In  1044  H.,  or  1634-5  A.D.,  he  is  mentioned  as  attend- 
ing the  court  of  Shah  Jahan,  and  presenting  two  elephants  and  nine  horses 
brought  from  Bengal.  In  the  same  year  he  accompanied  Islam  Khan,  who  was 
sent  to  Bengal  as  governor.  In  1047  H.  he  was  sent  by  Islam  Khan  to  carry 
on  war  in  Kuch  Hajar,  and  f  jr  the  next  few  years  fought  with  some  success 
again  t  the  Assamese.  For  these  services  he  was  raised  to  a  still  higher  rank. 
In  1051  H.  Shah  Jahan  having  given  the  province  of  Orissa  to  Shah  Shuja', 
directed  him  to  send  Muhammad  Zaman  Tahrani  to  govern  that  province.  In 
1055  H.  Mu'taqid  Khan  succeeded  him,  and  Muhammad  Zaman  was  sent  to  Balkh 
to  serve  under  Prince  Aurangzeb. 

There  is  thus  no  mention  of  his  being  governor  of  Orissa  in  1633  A.D. 
On  the  contrary  the  Padshah  Njimah  says  that  Baqir  Khan,  who  was  nabob 
of  Orissa  at  the  succession  of  Shah  Jahan,  was  succeeded  by  Mu'taqid  Khan 
in  1041  H.,  or  1631-2  A.D.,  who  was  succeeded  by  Nawaz  Khan  in  1049  H.,  or 
] 639-40  A.D.  Muhammad  Zaman  was  made  governor  of  Orissa  and  displaced 
Nawaz  Khan  in  1050  H. 

In  the  face  of  the  evidence  of  the  English  records  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Persian  authorities  are  in  error  here  as  they  often  are.  Baqir  Khan 
was  succeeded  by  Muhammad  Zaman  in  1631-32  A.D,,  who  was  succeeded  by 
Mu'taqid  Khan  in  1044  H.,  or  1634-5  A.D.  Thus  Muhammad  Zaman  was  twice 
governor  of  Orissa,  and  was  twice  succeeded  by  Mu'taqid  Khan. 


THE   ENGLISH   PLEAD   THEIR   CAUSE.  9 

ablaze  with  countless  wax  tapers  which  the  attendants  lighted  up  with 
great  ceremony.  Between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  the  English  returned 
to  Cuttack. 

"  The  second  day  we  came  in  the  afternoon  again  to  the  court 
before  the  nabob,  which  being  set,  there  met  us  at  the  dcrbar  ^  (or 
council  house)  our  old  enemy,  the  noclxoda  of  the  frigate,  who  made  a 
great  complaint  against  us,  that  we  had  fought  to  make  prize  of  his 
vessel,  and  to  take  his  goods  by  force :  he  had  likewise  given  a  great 
gift  to  a  nobleman,  to  stand  his  friend,  and  speak  in  his  behalf. 

"  Our  merchant  pleaded  likewise,  that  all  such  vessels  as  did  trade 
on  the  coast  and  had  not  a  pass  either  from  the  Englishy  Danes,  or 
Dutch,  were  lawful  prize.  He  answered  that  he  had  a  pass.  Our 
merchant  told  him  to  produce  the  same  before  the  nabob,  and  he 
would  clear  him ;  to  which  the  nabob  and  the  whole  council  agreed ; 
but  he  could  shew  no  pass  from  any  of  the  aforenamed  three  nations, 
but  he  shewed  two  passes  from  or  of  the  Portugah,  whicli  they  call  by 
the  name  of  fringes  ^ ;  and  thus  was  he  cast,  and  we  had  the  better  of 
him  before  the  king  and  council. 

"  But  then  stood  up  the  nobleman  to  whom  he  had  given  a  reward 
(who  had  also  a  little  knowledge  or  insight  in  sea  affairs),  and  said, 
What  stranger,  seeking  a  free  trade,  could  make  prize  of  any  vessel 
within  any  of  the  sounds,  sesis,  roads  or  harbours  of  his  majesty's 
dominions?  This  he  spoke  not  so  much  for  the  good  of  the  king,  but 
thinking  and  hoping,  that  the  vessel,  by  this  means,  should  have  been 
clear'd  with  all  her  goods,  and  the  nockada  (or  pilot)  acquitted ;  that 
so,  by  those  means,  he  might  have  gained  the  more  and  greater 
rewards;  but  he  was  quite  deceived  in  his  vain  expectation;  for  the 
nabob  perceiving  that  she  belonged  to  Pipely,  a  port-town  of  the 
Portugah,  whom  the  nabob  affects  not,  where  the  Portugah  were 
resident,  and  that  she  was  not  bound  for  any  of  his  ports,  he  made 
short  work  with  the  matter,  and  put  us  all  out  of  strife  presently ;  for 
he  confiscated  both  vessel  and  goods  all  to  himself,  whereby  the 
nobleman  was  put  by  his  hopes,  who  was  indeed  a  governor  of  a  great 
sea-town,  where  to  much  shipping  belonged,  and  many  ships  and 
other  vessels  built.  Our  merchant  seeing  that  he  could  not  make 
prize  of  the  vessel  or  the  goods,  nor  have  any  satisfaction  for  the 
wrongs  which  he  and  our  men  had  received,  he  rose  up  in  great  anger, 

>  i.e.,  darhar,  a  court  or  levee. 

^  Farangl,  a  Frank.    The  term  is  used  in  India,  as  here,  to  denote  the  Indian- 
born  Portuguese. 


10  THEY   ARE    ACCEPTED. 

and  departed,  saying,  that  if  he  could  not  have  right  here,  he  would 
have  it  in  another  place ;  and  so  went  his  way,  not  taking  his  leave 
of  the  naboby  nor  of  any  other  :  at  which  abrupt  departure  they  all 
admired. 

*'  The  third  day  in  the  morning  the  king  sent  for  our  merchant  by 
the  lord  comptroller  of  his  court,  who  went  with  him  accompanied  with 
Merssymomeine  and  others  to  the  Derbar,  where  there  was  a  very  grave 
assembly  set :  then  come  the  king,  who,  being  set,  he  smiled  upon  our 
merchant,  and  (by  an  interpreter)  demanded  the  cause  why  he  went  away 
the  last  evening  (or  overnight)  in  such  an  anger  ?  To  whom  he  answered 
boldly,  and  with  a  stern  undaunted  countenance,  that  he  had  done  his 
masters  of  the  honourable  company  wrong,  and,  by  his  might  and  power, 
had  taken  their  rights  from  them,  which  would  not  be  so  endured  or  put 
up.  The  king,  hearing  this,  demanded  of  the  assembly,  which  were  as 
well  merchants  as  nobles,  in  the  Persian  tongue,  of  what  strength  and 
force  our  shipping  were,  their  number,  burthen,  and  force ;  where  our 
chief  place  of  residence  was  for  trading  :  he  likewise  sent  for  Persian 
merchants  and  diligently  enquired  of  them  the  same  demands  and 
questions:  who  answered,  that  we  had  great  trading  on  the  coast  of 
Cormandelf  India  ^  and  Persia ;  and  likewise  in  the  south  seas,  as 
Pantam,  JaparOy  Janbee,  and  Mocossor.  ^  They  further  told  the  nabob 
that  our  shipping  was  great,  and  of  great  force  withal ;  and  likewise 
if  his  pleasure  was  such  as  to  be  at  odds  with  us,  there  neither  could, 
would,  or  should  any  vessel,  great  or  small,  that  did  belong  to  these 
parts,  stir  out  of  any  havens,  ports,  or  harbours,  of  his  majesty's  domi- 
nions, but  they  would  take  them,  for  they  were  not  able  to  withstand 
their  force.  At  these  words  the  king  said  but  little,  but  what  he 
thought  is  beyond  my  knowledge  to  tell  you. 

*'  Then  the  King  turned  to  our  merchant,  and  told  him,  in  Moors 
language  (the  which  he  could  very  well  understand),  that  he  should 
grant  the  English  free  trade  upon  these  conditions  following : — 

"  That  if  the  English  ship  or  ships  should  at  any  time  see  any  ship 
or  ships,  jw/jA;  or  Junks,  or  any  other  vessel  of  the  naboVsy  or  any  of  his 
subjects,  in  distress,  either  by  foul  weather,  or  in  danger  of  enemies,  or 

*  i.e.,  the  Malabar  Coast. 

^  Bantam  is  on  the  west  and  Japara  on  the  north  coast  of  Java.  Jambi  is  the 
name  of  a  Malay  State  on  the  north-eastern  side  of  Sumatra.  Macassar  used 
to  be  the  name  of  a  people  of  Celebes  inhabiting  the  extreme  end  of  its  south- 
western peninsula.  Captain  Lancaster  established  a  factory  at  Bantam  in  1603. 
In  ]6l3  a  ship  was  sent  for  the  first  time  to  Jambi,  "hitherto  not  discovered  by 
any  Christians."     In  1626  a  factory  was  established  at  Japara. 


PERMITTED    TO   TRADE.  11 

in  any  other  extremity,  that  we  (the  English)  should  help,  aid,  and 
assist  them,  to  our  powers ;  or,  if  it  happened  they  were  in  want  of 
cables,  anchors,  water,  victuals,  or  any  other  necessaries  whatsoever, 
that  did  belong  to  them,  that  we,  the  said  English,  should  help  them 
as  we  were  able ;  likewise  that  we,  the  said  English,  should  not  make 
prize  of  any  vessel  belonging  to  any  of  the  dominions  of  the  said  nabob ; 
and  that  we,  the  said  English,  should  not  make  prize  of  any  ship,  ves- 
sel or  vessels,  within  the  ports,  rivers,  roads,  or  havens  of  the  nabob, 
though  they  were  our  enemies ;  but  at  the  sea  we  might  make  prize  of 
them,  if  we  could.  To  this  all  our  merchants  agreed.  Then  the  king 
caused  articles  on  his  part  to  be  drawn  and  published  in  this  manner 
following : — 

" '  Here  I,  the  said  nabob,  vice-king  and  governor  of  the  country  of 
Woodia,^  under  the  great  and  mighty  prince  Pedesha  Shassallem,^ 
do  give  and  grant  free  licence  to  the  aforesaid  Ralph  Carttcright,  mer- 
chant, to  trade,  buy,  sell,  erport,  and  transport,  by  shipping,  either  off 
or  upon  the  shore,  not  paying  anyjunken  or  custom,  nor  any  under  me 
to  cause  them  to  pay  any :  likewise,  that  if  they  do  convey  goods  by 
shore  between  factory  and  factory,  or  any  other  place,  for  their  better 
advantage  of  gain,  within  these  his  dominions,  I  strictly  charge  and 
command,  that  no  governor,  custom-gatherer,  or  other  oflBcer  whatso- 
ever, shall  make  or  cause  them  to  pay  any  Junken*  or  customs;  but 
shall  suffer  them  to  pass  free,  without  lett,  hindrance,  molestation,  or 
interruption  of  stayage,  but  shall  (I  say)  help  and  further  them  in 
anything  that  shall  be  the  furtherance  of  their  business.  Morever,  I 
do  grant  to  the  English  merchants  to  take  ground,  and  to  build  houses 
fitting  for  their  employments,  and  where  they  shall  see  convenient  for 
their  best  utility  and  profits,  without  lett  or  hindrance  of  any  of  my 
loving  subjects. 

"  *  And  further,  I  do  give  and  grant  to  the  English  merchants  free 
license  to  build  shipping,  small  or  great,  or  any  other  vessel  they  think 
best  and  fittest  for  their  occasions  and  uses ;  they  paying  no  more  than 
the  custom  of  the  country  to  the  workmen ;  and  likewise  to  repair 
shipping,  if  any  such  occasion  be  to  require  it. 

"  '  Likewise  I  the  nabob  do  command,  that  no  governor  or  officer 
whatsoever  under  me  shall  do  the  English  any  wrong,  or   cause  any 

*  This  is  Odiya  or  OdaoD,  i.e.,  Orissa.  All  these  forms  are  corruptions  of  the 
Sanskrit  Odra-deca,  which  means  the  country  of  the  Odras  or  Udras,  but  who  the 
Odras  were  is  not  known. 

2  That  is,  Padshah  Shah  Jahan. 

'  This  viordjuiiA-en  comes  fi-om  the  Tamil  chungam,  meaning  customs. 


12  INVITED    TO   BALASOR. 

to  be  done  unto  them,  as  they  shall  answer  it  at  their  perils,  where- 
soever they  are  resident:  neither  shall  any  wrong  be  done  to  any 
servant  of  theirs,  that  doth  belong  unto  them. 

" '  And  again,  if  any  controversy  should  be  betwixt  the  English  and 
the  people  of  the  country  if  the  matter  be  of  any  moment,  then  the 
said  cause  shall  be  brouglit  before  me  the  nabob,  at  the  court  at 
Malcandy,  and  at  the  derbar  I  will  decide  the  matter,  because  the 
English  may  have  no  wrong  (  behaving  themselves  as  merchants  ought 
to  do).' 

"  This  licence  formed  and  given  at  the  royal  court  of  Malcandy,  the 
third  day  of  May  1633,  but  not  sealed  till  the  fifth  day  of  May  follow- 
ing, at  night. 

"The  fourth  day  of  May  the  king  sent  a  great  banquet  to  the  house 
of  Merssymomeine,  to  our  merchant ;  and  there  came  to  this  feast  the 
great  man  that  spake  on  the  noekada's  side  against  us,  at  the  derbar, 
about  the  frigate  aforesaid :  he  brought  with  him  to  our  merchant  for 
a  present,  a  bale  of  sugar,  a  bottle  of  wine,  and  some  sweetmeats, 
saying,  he  was  sorry  for  the  things  done  before  and  past,  but  if  anything 
lay  in  him  to  do  the  company  and  him  any  good,  he  and  they  should 
be  sure  of  it.  This  man  was  governor  of  a  town  called  Bollasorye,^ 
a  sea-town  where  shipping  was  built,  as  is  aforesaid  ;  his  name  was 
Mercossom,  ^  and  understanding  that  the  merchant  was  minded  to 
travel  that  way,  he  promised  him  to  do  him  all  the  courtesies  that 
could  be. 

"  The  fifth  day  of  May,  in  the  afternoon,  we  were  before  the  king 
again  at  the  derbar ;  at  our  coming  he  called  for  our  perwan^  (which 
was  our  warrant  or  licence),  and  then  he  added  to  it  the  free  leave  of 
coining  moneys,  and  sealed  it  with  his  own  signet  himself,  and  so  all 
things  were  strongly  confirmed  and  ratified  for  our  free  trade  in  his 
territories  and  dominions."* 


'  i.e.,  Balasor. 

'  i.e.,  Mir  Qasim. 

'  That  is  partcana,  an  order.  It  technically  denotes  a  grant  signed  by  the 
nabob. 

■*  The  initiation  of  the  trade  with  Bengal  is  usually  ascribed  to  a  farman  sup- 
posed to  have  been  granted  to  the  English  by  ShUh  Jahan  on  the  2nd  February 
1634,  allowing  them  liberty  to  trade  in  Bengal,  but  confining  them  to  Pipli. 
I  have  taken  no  notice  o£  this  story  for  the  following  reasons. — The  only  evidence 
produced  to  prove  that  there  ever  was  -such  a  farman  is  a  letter  from  the 
Council  of  Surat,  dated  the  21st  February  1634,  in  which  thiy  state  that  on  the 
2nd  of  that  month  they  received  a  farman  of  this  description,  but  they  go  on  to 
say,  somewhat  incredulously  ,that  they  had  received  "  no  English  letter  or  syllable, 


THBT  TAKE  LEAVE  OF  THE  COURT. 


13 


On  the  6th  of  May  the  nabob  gave  a  great  feast  to  the  English 
at  the  court  under  a  canopy  of  velvet  of  four  colours,  and  invested 
Cartwright  with  a  dress  of  honour.  On  the  8th  of  May  they  again  went 
to  the  court  to  get  a  free  pass  and  a  safe  convoy,  and  found  the  nabob 
busy  with  his  war  preparations.  The  next  day  they  finally  took  leave 
of  the  court. 

••  Thus  have  I,"  says  Bruton,  "plainly  and  truly  related  the  occur- 
rences that  happened  at  the  court  of  Malcandy :  but  although  the  palace 
of  the  nabof)  bo  so  large  in  extent,  and  so  magnificent  in  structure, 
yet  he  himself  will  not  lodge  in  it,  but  every  night  he  lodgeth  in 
tents,  with  his  most  trusty  servants  and  guards  about  him ;  for  it 
is  an  abomination  to  the  Moguls  (which  are  white  men),  to  rest  or  sleep 
under  the  roof  of  a  house  that  another  man  hath  built  for  his  own 
honour.  And  therefore  he  was  building  a  palace,  which  he  purposed 
should  be  a  fabric  of  a  rest,  and  future  remembrance  of  his  renown  :  he 
likewise  keepeth  three  hundred  women,  who  are  all  of  them  the 
daughters  of  the  best  and  ablest  subjects  that  he  hath." 

private  or  public,  directly  or  indirectly,  concerning  this  or  any  other  business." 
I  may  add  that  from  that  day  to  this  no  one  has  ever  heard  or  seen  one  English 
letter  or  syllable,  private  or  public,  directly  or  indirectly,  concerning  this  farman, 
and  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  English  in  Bengal  ever  went  to  Pipli,  or 
ever  heard  that  they  had  been  permitted  to  do  so.  I  may  also  point  out 
that  if  the  farman  was  granted  at  Agra  on  the  2nd  of  February,  it  could  not 
have  arrived  at  Surat  on  that  same  day.  The  farman  of  coiu-se  originated  in 
the  imagination  of  the  native  interpreter,  who  was  employed  to  translate  the 
despatch  from  Agra,  and  who  did  his  best  to  please  his  masters  according  to  his 
lif^hts.  Such  farmans  and  rumours  of  farmans  were  common  enough  in  those  days, 
and  we  see  that  they  did  not  put  much  faith  in  the  story  at  Surat;  yet  it  has 
been  solemnly  repeated  as  history  ever  since. 

According  to  the  legend,  the  English  established  factories  at  Pipli  in  1634, 
at  Hugli  in  1640,  and  at  Balasor  in  1642.  The  truth  is  that  the  English  never 
had  any  factory  at  Pipli  except  in  the  imagination  of  the  historians.  Sir  Henry 
Yule,  who  has  examined  all  the  records  extant  relating  to  this  period,  has  not 
been  able  to  find  any  e\ddence  whatever  of  any  such  thing.  Bruton  gives  us 
the  authentic  account  of  the  origin  of  the  English  factory  at  Balasor.  It 
was  established  there  by  Ealph  Cartwright  in  1633  A.D,  in  response  to  an 
invitation  from  the  governor,  Mir  Qasim.  Even  without  Bruton's  circum- 
stantial account  of  the  origin  of  the  English  factories  at  Hariharapur  and 
Balasor  in  1633,  I  should  have  thought  that  Day's  letter  would  have  shown  our 
historians  that  the  Balasor  factory  was  established  some  years  before  1642, 
Day  says  :— "  Do  not  abandon  Balasor  after  all  your  trouble  and  expense.''  This 
implies  that  the  Enj^lish  had  already  come  there,  yet  the  historians  perversely 
argue  that  the  English  came  to  Balasor  in  1642.  In  the  next  chapter  but  one 
I  shall  give  the  true  account  of  the  establishment  of  the  flugli  factory  in  1650  A.D. 


CHAPTER  III. 


1633  TO  1650. 


THE    ENGLISH    FACTORIES   AT  BALASOR   AND  HAEIHARAPUR   IN  ORISS.i. 


Leaving  the  court  of  the  nabob,  the  English  proceeded  to  found  a 
factory  at  Hariharapur.  "  The  ninth  of  May^  we  gathered  together  all 
our  things,  and  at  night  we  departed  from  Coteke.  The  tenth,  at  the 
hour  of  two  in  the  afternoon,  we  came  to  the  town  of  Harharrapoore,  and 
hosted  in  the  house  of  our  interpreter.  The  eleventh  day  we  went  to  the 
governor  of  the  town  and  shewed  him  our  fermand}  or  commission 
from  the  king :  the  governor  made  a  great  salame,  or  court'sy,  in  rever- 
ence unto  it,  and  promised  his  best  assistance  and  help  in  anjtliing  that 
he  could  do ;  and  there  the  said  governor  had  a  small  present  given 
to  him.  The  twelfth  day  of  May  Mr.  Thomas  Colley  came  to  us  at 
Harharrapoore,  and  the  rest  of  the  Englishmen  with  him,  with  all  the 
goods ;  then  we  hired  a  house  for  the  present,  till  such  time  as  ours 
might  be  built,  for  our  further  occasions  to  the  company's  use. 

"  This  town  of  Harharrapoore  is  very  full  of  people,  and  it  is  in 
bounds  six  or  seven  miles  in  compass ;  there  are  many  merchants  in  it 
and  great  plenty  of  all  things :  here  is  also  cloth  of  all  sorts,  great  store, 
for  there  do  belong  to  this  town  at  least  three  thousand  weavers,  that 
are  housekeepers,  besides  all  other  that  do  work,  being  bound  or 
hired. 

"The  fourteenth  day,  the  two  merchants  went  abroad,  and  found 
out  a  plot  of  land  fitting  to  build  upon ;  then  they  laid  the  king's 
deroy  ^  on  it  and  seized  upon  it  for  the  company's  use ;  and  there  was 
no  man  that  did  or  durst  gainsay  them  for  doing  the  same. 

'  That  is  farman,  an  order.  It  is  used  incorrectly  here,  as  it  properly  denotes 
»  grant  sigoed  by  the  Mogul. 

-  Mar.  durahi  or  Tel.  durai:  "a  prohibition  in  the  King's  name  for  anyone 
to  have  anything  to  do  with  them  till  that  be  taken  off." 


16  THE    "  SWAN  "    SENT    TO    ORISSA. 

**  The  fifteenth  day  they  hired  workmen  and  labourers  to  measure  the 
ground  and  to  square  out  the  foundation  of  the  house,  and  likewise  for 
the  wall,  which  was  one  hundred  conets  ^  square,  which  is  fifty  yards, 
every  oonet  being  half  a  yard  or  a  foot  and  a  half;  and  it  behoved  us 
to  make  haste  for  the  time  of  the  great  rains  was   at  hand. 

"  The  sixteenth  day  they  laid  the  foundation  of  the  walls,  being  nine 
feet  thick :  much  haste  was  made  and  many  workmen  about  it ;  but 
this  our  first  work  was  but  labour  lost  and  cast  away,  for  it  came 
to  nothing. 

"  For  on  the  eighteenth  day  the  rains  began  with  such  force  and 
violence  that  it  beat  down  all  our  work  to  the  ground  and  washed  it 
away  as  if  there  had  not  been  anything  done:  this  storm  continued 
without  ceasing  (day  and  night),  more  or  less,  three  weeks  complete. 

"  The  sixteenth  day  of  June  Mr.  Ralph  Carlwright  took  his  journey 
for  Ballazary,  and  two  Englishmen  with  him  who  were  Edward  Peteford 
and  William  Wifhall,  and  from  thence  he  was  minded  to  travel 
further  into  the  country  of  BengallaJ^^ 

Meanwhile  the  Council  at  Masulipatam  had  not  forgotten  their 
mission  to  Orissa.  The  good  ship  Sican^  under  the  command  of 
Edward  Austin,  had  recently  arrived  from  England  ;  and  by  a  consul- 
tation held  on  the  27th  June,  it  was  decided  that  she  and  all  her 
cargo,  with  Mr.  Bannister  and  Mr.  Littler,  two  new  factors,  should 
be  sent  on  to  Bengal  to  discover  the  condition  and  prospects 
of  the  trade  in  those  parts,  and  to  effect  a  permanent  settlement. 
There  were  many  reasons  to  be  given  for  this  decision.  "  Ffirst,^  for  the 
trade  'twixt  that  and  this  place  [Masulipatam],  in  Rice,  Sugar,  Butter, 
and  divers  other  sorts  of  Provisions  and  course  Commodities.  Secondly, 
it  affords  Store  of  white  cloths  at  Cheape  Prices,  such  as  is  Suitable  for 

England,  Persia,  and  the  Southwards Besides  it  yealdes  good 

Store  of  exceeding  good  powder  Sugar  ^,  which  Costs  not  there  above 
two  pence  halfe  penny  the  English  pound,  with  all  charges  aboard.    As 

^  This  seems  to  bo  a  misprint  for  covet  or  covid,  a  corruption  of  the  Portu- 
guese covado,  a  cubit  or  ell. 

2  Bruton's  voyage  in  Osborne's  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,  volume 
VIII,  p.  276,  edition  of  1752. 

3  Diary  of  William  Hed.ges,  edited  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  by  Colonel 
Henry  Yule,  volume  III,  pages  178,  179,  edition  of  1889.  Bruce  in  his  Annals 
of  the  East  India  Company  altogether  misunderstands  this  letter.  See  op.  cit. 
I,  p.  327,  edition  of  1810. 

*  They  do  not  appear  to  have  thought  so  highly  of  this  commodity  at  home. 
In  September  1660,  the  Court  gave  orders  not  to  purchase  any  more  Bengal 
sugars  for  the  future. 


SICKNESS   AND    DISCOURAGEMENT.  17 

much  of  this  Commoditj  as  may  be  got  timely  enough  for  Persia,  wo 
intend  for  that  place  by  the  Discovery.  Gumlacke  ^  vppon  stickes  is 
there  to  be  had  very  Cheape,  and  is  much  required,  as  well  for  Macas- 
sar and  Persia  as  for  England Silke  may  there  be  Bought  like- 
wise yearely  to  a  great  Summe  at  4  in  5  fanams  ^   the  English  pound. 

Divers  other  things  it  affords  for  Persia,  as   S/iashes,  Stuffes, 

AllyjahSy^  fine  Chite  Cloths,  and  the  like.  Some  whereof  is  now  in 
Action  for  that  place,  and  our  Better  experience  will  doubtless  Bringe 
the  rest  Also  within  the  compass  of  our  future  investments." 

On  the  22nd  of  July,  the  Swan  anchored  off  Haricpur  and  fired 
three  guns;  but  as  the  English  were  all  inland  at  Hariharapur,  she  got 
no  answer.  Having  waited  all  night,  they  weighed  anchor  in  the 
morning  and  went  on  to  Ealasor,  where  they  met  Mr.  Cartwright.  ^ 

So  far  all  had  gone  well  with  the  English.  But  difficulties  now 
began  to  arise  in  various  directions.  The  new-comers  were  quite 
ignorant  of  the  commercial  needs  of  the  people  of  Bengal.  The 
goods  brought  out  by  the  Sican  were  not  of  the  right  sort.  She  was 
chiefly  laden  with  broadcloth  and  lead,  but  there  was  no  demand  for 
these  commodities  in  Bengal,  and  so  the  whole  of  the  cargo  lay  at 
Balasor  for  nearly  a  year  without  being  sold.^  Neither  the  merchants 
nor  the  common  sailors  understood  the  necessity  for  severe  self- 
restraint  and  temperance  in  these  Eastern  regions.  The  place  abounded 
with  fruit  and  arrack,^  and  tbese  when  taken  in  excess  produced  the 
most  lamentable  consequences. "  On  the  2oth  of  August,  in  the  morn- 
ing, Mr.  Thomas  Colley  died  of  fever  at  Hariharapore,^  and  on  the 
17th  October,  John  Poule,  purser  of  the  Sican,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Balasor  to  take  poor  Colley's  place,   writes  to   Cartwright  in  the 

*  Lac  is  a  resinous  incrustation  produced  on  certain  trees  by  the  puncture  of 
tlie  lac  insect.  The  material  in  its  crude  form  is  called  stick  lac.  It  contains 
sums  10  per  cent,  of  dark  red  dye,  and  some  60  or  70  per  cent,  of  resinous  lac. 

^  Fandm  denominates  a  small  coin  long  in  use  in  South  India.  It  was  an- 
ciently of  gold,  but  latterly  of  silver.  The  Madas  fanam  was  worth  about  two 
pence. 

3  It  is  not  possible  now  to  discover  the  peculiarities  of  all  the  different  sorts 
of  Indian  piece-goods.  The  alleja,  we  are  told,  came  from  Turkistan,  and  was 
a  silk  cloth,  five  yards  long,  with  a  wavy  line  pattern  running  in  length  on  either 
side.     A  shash  is  a  turban  cloth,  hence  our  "sash."   Chitta  means  white. 

*  Bruton's  voyage  as  above. 

"  Hedges'  Diary  as  above,  vol.  Ill,  page  179. 

^  Arrack  is  derived  from  the  Arabic  'arak,  meaning  properly  perspiration,  and 
so  the  sap  of  the  date-palm.  In  India  the  word  denotes  common  spirit,  especially 
that  distilled  from  the  fermented  sap  of  palms. 

7  lb.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  180. 

*  Bruton's   voyage  as  above. 


18  NO    HOPE    OF    PIPLI    OR    HUULI. 

following  depressed  strain :  ^  "  Your  opinion  of  sending  a  man  to 
Gugernat  Et  setera  places,  there  to  procure  clotli  would  very  well 
become  our  implyment  had  we  but  on  home  ^  we  might  truste  in  that 
bissines  but  you  well  know  the  fallsity  and  desaytfullness  of  our  new 
imply ed  servants  is  such  that  we  Durst  not  depose  confidence  in  them  to 
the  vallew  of  10  roopees.  Our  servant  Nirana  cannot  be  well  spared  from 
this  place.  I  doo  therfore,  my  Sellfe  intend  so  farr  as  I  can  gett 
musters  of  Cussai/es  ^  which  are  now  A  making  to  Leave  the  oversight 
of  this  place  vnto  William  Brut  on  and  the  broker,  and  A  dress  my  Sealfe 
for  the  greate  pogodo,  ^  there  soposing  Likewise  to  put  ofe  part  such 
Marchandise  as  heere  Lyeth  ded  on  our  hands.  The  market  of  Saylls 
in  Harrapore  seimes  at  present  as  if  there  were  no   marchantes  in  tho 

Contrj' Those  Portingalls  whilome  exspelled  from  Hvgly  have 

found  greate  favor  with  Shawgahan  and  reentered  that  place  to 
the  number  of  20  persones  hows  Cavidail-^  for  their  commensing  A 
new  investment  is  the  third  part  of  there  goods ^  formerly  cessed 
on  which  with  Large  priveliges  and  ta&hareefes''  with  honor,  the 
kinge  hath  bestowed  on  them  bo  that  our  expectation  of  Hugly 
is  frustrayt  and  I  feare  likewise  Pippely  will  be  [not?]  obtained 
beeing  A  convenient  Randy vors  of  theirs  wherefor  som  parsones  have 
Latly  complained  to  this  Nabob  of  our  seeking  to  put  them  from  that 
porte;  have  Answered  we  eutended  no  Svch  mater  but  only  for  Bolla- 
gary  or  Harssapoore,  so  with  good  delassa^  they  were  dismissed/' 

Altogether,  in  1633,  five  of  the  six  factors  of  the  Bay  fell  victims 
to  the  climate.  A  large  number  of  the  8ican's  men  were  visited  with 
sickness,  and  the  Thomas,  which  was  sent  on  after  her,  buried  four 
men,  and  returned  with  the  greater  portion  of  her  crew  dangerously 
ill.^  The  place  scon  acquired  a  bad  name  amongst  the  English, 
and  its  unhealthiness  was  one  of  the  most  serious  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  their  progress.  The  hand  of  man  was  also  against 
them.  The  Aracanese  pirates  haunted  the  Bay,  and,  when  the 
Swan  was   in  Bengal  in    1633,   some  of    them    suddenly    attacked 


1  Sedges  Diary,  vol.  Ill,  p.  177. 

-  i.e.  on  whom. 

3  Khaxa,  a  liind  of  fine  muslin. 

*  i.e.  tlie  temple  of  Jagannatli. 
''  i.e.  "whose  capital.'' 

8  i.e.  "  seized.'' 

'  Arabic  tashrlf,  honouring,  hence  a  complimentary  present  here. 

*  DilS'.a,  heart-hope. 

»  Hedges  Diary,  III,  180. 


DECLINE  OF  THE   ENGLISH  TBADE.  19 

her  boat  as  it  was  being  sent  ashore  for  water,  killed  three  of  her 
men  aud  carried  off  the  rest  to  Pipli.  ^  The  English  also  had  to 
meet  the  opposition  of  the  Portuguese,  who  in  spite  of  recent  reverses 
still  retained  a  hold  on  the  trade  of  the  eonntry,  and  the  still  worse 
opposition  of  the  Dutch,  who  claimed  sovereignty  over  the  places 
within  their  limits,  and  excluded  the  English  even  from  stations 
recognized  as  belonging  to  them  by  existing  treaties.  Owing  to  these 
various  difficulties,  Cartwright  was  unable  to  do  more  than  make 
settlements  at  Hariharapur  and  Balasor.  All  hope  of  fresh  establish- 
ments at  Jagannath  or  Pipli  had  to  be  abandoned.  Even  the  factory, 
which  Cartwright  had  established  at  Hariharapur,  fell  into  decay,  for 
as  the  river  where  the  vessels  used  to  lie  gradually  silted  up,  it 
became  unsafe  for  ships  to  ride  there  and  difficult  to  send  goods  by  sea 
that  way.- 

The  expulsion  of  the  Portuguese  from  Hijili  in  1636,  and  the 
consequent  ruin  of  Pipli,  offered  fresh  opportunities  for  developing 
the  trade  of  the  Bay  ;  but  the  English  were  not  at  the  moment  in 
a  position  to  avail  themselves  of  them.  It  had  been  more  than 
once  pointed  out  to  the  Court  that,  if  it  wished  to  succeed  in 
Bengal,  it  must  send  out  an  additional  number  of  properly  qualified 
factors  and  •^Titers,  and  secure  two  or  three  small  pinnaces  as 
coasters,  such  as  the  Dutch  had,  of  80  or  120  tons,  drawing 
little  water,  and  carrying  twelve  or  fourteen  guns  apiece. '  But 
in  spite  of  urgent  appeals  neither  men  nor  boats  ever  came. 
Indeed  the  Company's  affairs  were  too  much  embarrassed  to  allow 
them  to  attend  to  such  matters.  In  India,  on  the  Coromandel 
Coast,  in  spite  of  specious  promises  and  golden  firmans  their 
trade  was  hampered  and  restricted  in  every  direction  by  the 
jealous  rivalry  of  the  Dutch  and  the  vexatious  oppression  of  the 
officers  of  the  King  of  Golkonda.  At  home  they  had  to  struf'gle  for 
very  life  with  an  Association  formed  in  1635  under  the  immediate 
patronage  of  Charles  I.,  by  Sir  William  Courten,  for  fitting  out  ships 
and  sending  merchandise  to  the  East  Indies.  It  was  not  till  1639 
that  the  King  was  induced  to  revoke  Courten's  license  on  the  condi- 
tion that  a  fourth  joint  stock  should  be  formed,  and  that  greater 
efforts  should  be  made  to  prosecute  and  develop  the  Eastern  trade. 
For  this  purpose  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  some  station  should 

'  Hedoes  Diary,  III,  180. 
-  Ih.,  ill,  181. 
n..  Ill,  179. 

C   2 


20  FRANCIS  DAY  AT  BALASOR. 

be  found  on  the  Coromandel  Coast,  better  situated  than  Armagon,  to 
protect  the  trade,  and  Mr.  Francis  Day,  one  of  the  Council  of  Masuli- 
patam,  having  been  sent  to  examine  the  country  near  the  Portuguese 
settlement  of  St.  Thome,  reported  strongly  io  favour  of  Madrasa- 
patam.  Accordingly,  in  16^0,  the  English  here  laid  the  foundation 
of  Fort  St.  George,  and  established  their  first  independent  station 
in  India. 

A  new  impetus  was  given  to  the  Company's  trade.  In  1641 
Bengal  seemed  of  so  little  consequence  that  the  ship  Dyamond 
was  sent  thither  to  pay  off  debts  and  fetch  away  the  factors  ;  ^  but  in 
the  very  next  year  this  policy  of  withdrawal  was  reversed.  Francis 
Day  came  to  Balasor  in  the  autumn  on  a  visit  of  inspection.  He 
found  the  factory  at  Hariharapur  on  the  point  of  dissolution.  Only  a  few 
*'  Cassaes  "  and  "  Sannoes  "  were  in  preparation.  Of  the  three  factors 
then  in  the  Bay,  Yard  and  Trauell  intended  to  return  to  Europe.  Only 
Hatch  would  remain,  and  he  was  much  discontented,  as  his  contracted 
time  had  expired  and  he  expected  to  get  but  little  employment.  ^  But 
the  quick  insight  which  had  selected  Madras  for  the  head-quarters 
of  the  coast  trade,  here  too  enabled  Day  to  discern  the  commercial 
advantages  of  a  station  at  Balasor.  Thanks  probably  to  Mir  Qasim, 
the  English  settlement  occupied  an  excellent  situation.  The  factory 
was  built  in  the  principal  quarter  of  the  new  town  and  was  easily 
defensible,  commanding  the  river  and  a  convenient  careening  creek,  and 
having  ready  access  to  the  native  markets.  The  port  had  rapidly 
improved  during  the  past  eight  years.  The  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
had  opened,  and  the  river  itself  proved  much  better  than  had  been  sup- 
posed ;  the  road  was  safe,  and  the  Hariharapur  cloth  could  be  easily 
transported  thither  by  land.^  Day,  therefore,  was  strongly  in  favour 
of  retaining  the  station  at  Balasor  and  of  supporting  it  by  ample 
supplies  of  men,  money  and  goods.  "  Accordinge  to  that  small  time 
of  my  being  heer,"  he  wrote,  "  and  that  little  observation  that  I  have 
taken,  I  think  Ballasara  with  tjie  Adjacent  places  is  not  to  bee  totally 
left,  for  it  is  no  such  dispisable  place  as  is  voted,  it  being  an  opulent 
Xingdome  and  you  haveing  bin  already  at  great  charges  in  gaininge 
the  free  Custome  of  all  Sorts  of  Goods,  beleive  it  if  you  had  but  an 
Active  man,  two   or   three  in   these  parts,   you  would  find  it    very 


»  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  181. 
2  lb.,  Ill,  182. 
=•  lb..  Ill,  181. 


BALASOR   XOT   TO   BE    ABANDONED.  21 

profitable  provided  you  double  Stocke  *  the  Coast,  without  which  it  is 
impossible  to  comply  to  your  desires.  Since  I  have  knowen  these  parts, 
for  the  most  parte  you  have  had  servants  and  little  or  noe  meanes  to 
imploy  them,  if  you  should  inlarge  your  trade,  you  may  happely  have 
meanes  and  noe  servants,  especially  such  that  should  know  how  to 
imploy  it  to  best  advantage."  -  Day's  recommendation  was,  no  doubt, 
carried  into  effect,  and  the  Company's  servants,  including  the  faithful 
Narayan,  concentrated  at  Balasor,  for  we  find  that  in  1644  there 
were  in  those  regions  three  factors,  Henry  Olton,  William  Gurney  and 
"William  Netlam,  of  whom  Olton  was  the  chief.  ^  Yet  the  English  had 
little  faith  in  Day's  judgment.  They  shook  their  heads  when  they 
thought  of  the  future  of  ''Bengala, "  and  referred  the  whole  matter  to 
the  Court  in  London  for  decision.* 

^  i.e.  not  only  funds  sufficient  to  purchase  the  investment  for  the  season,  but 
funds  sufficient  to  procure  a  stock  to  be  ready  on  the  arrival  of  the  ships  in  the 
subsequent  year.  Such  a  resource  would  enable  him  to  purchase  coast  cloths  and 
Coromandel  goods  when  they  could  be  had  cheap,  and  with  most  adytmtage  to  the 
Company. 

•  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  182. 
3  lb.,  Ill,  182. 

*  Bruce's  Annals  of  the  East  India  Compani^,  vol.  I,  p.  403,  edition  of  1810. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


1650   TO    1657. 


HOW    THE    ENGLISH   ADVANCED   FEOM    BALASOE    TO    HrGLL 


While,  however,  the  Company's  servants  were  discussing  the  utility 
of  a  station  at  Balasor,  and  waiting  for  a  despatch  from  home  to 
decide  whether  they  should  go  on  with  the  trade  in  Bengal  or  not, 
events  were  coming  to  pass  which  answered  the  question  for  them  in 
the  affirmative.  For  several  years  the  districts  in  the  vicinity  of 
Madras  and  Masulipatam  had  suffered  from  famiaes  and  desultory  wars 
between  the  local  kings.  The  trade  of  the  Coromandel  Coast  was  in 
consequence  almost  ruined,  and  the  agent  and  factors  at  Fort 
St.  George  were  forced  to  look  abroad  in  the  hope  of  discovering 
new  openings  for  commercial  enterprise.  ^ 

In  Bengal  the  signs  were  encouraging.  Here  was  Gabriel  Boughton, 
formerly  surgeon  of  the  HopeiceU,  who  had  been  sent  across  from 
Surat  to  Agra  in  1645  at  the  special  request  of  Asalat  Khan,  and 
had  by  his  professional  services  acquired  great  influence  at  Court.  He 
had  in  fact  become  a  prime  favourite  wdth  Shah  Shuja',  the  Prince 


'  Brace's  Amiah,  I,  pp.  i!0,  424,  430. 


24  ADVANCE  TO   HUGLI. 

Governor  of  Bengal,  and  was  residing  with  his  patron  at  Rajmahal.^ 
The  doctor  would  naturally  use  all  his  influence  in  favour  of  his  country- 
men and  would  interfere  to  free  their  trade  from  all  vexatious  im- 
posts and  customs.  Urged  by  the  necessities  of  the  time,  and  trusting 
to  the  good-will  of  the  Bengal  Government,  the  English  Court  of 
Committees  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  the  Dutch,  and  establish 
a  factory  inland  up  the  Ganges.  In  1650  the  Lyoness  was  despatched 
to  Bengal  for  this  very  purpose.  The  ship  was  under  the  command  of 
Captain  John  Brookhaven,  and  had  on  board  three  factors,  named 
Eobert  Spavin,  James  Bridgeman,  and  William  Fairfax,  and  a  large 
cargo  of  moneys  and  goods  all  destined  for  Hugli.^ 

The  Lyoness  arrived  at  Madras  on  the  22nd  of  August,  and  the 
agent  and  factors,  who  had  been  eagerly  expecting  her,  at  once  set 
about  debating  the  best  manner  of  carrying  out  their  honorable  masters' 
wishes.  With  the  Dutch  cruisers  scouring  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  the 
enterprise  seemed  at  best  precarious,  and  in  any  case  many  of  the 
details  must  be  altered.  Spavin  had  died  on  the  voyage.  Fairfax 
was  set  aside  as  unfit.  The  management  of  the  whole  business  was 
therefore  committed  to  Captain  Brookhaven,  with  James  Bridgeman 
and  Edward  Stephens  to  assist  him.  For  local  knowledge,  Brookhaven 
was  directed  to  use  the  advice  and  experience  of  Eichard  Potter,  who 
would  be  found  somewhere  about  Balasor.  William  Netlam,  who  had 
been  some  eight  years  or  more  stationed  in  the  Bay,  though  he  was  at 
his  own  request  allowed  to  return  thither,  had  fallen  under  suspicion, 
and  was  not  to  be  trusted. 

So  far  the  Madras  merchants  were  prepared  to  go,  but  they  boggled 
at  the  idea  of  sending  the   Lyoness  up  the  Ganges  to  Hugli.     With 

^  Hedges'  Diary,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  182  and  185.  According  to  our  historians, 
Bongliton  was  sent  for  in  consequence  of  a  sad  accident  whicli  had  occurred  at 
the  Mogul  Court.  The  princess  Jahan-Xra  was  the  eldest  and  best  beloved 
daughter  of  Shah  Jahan.  "  Returning  one  night  from  visiting  her  father  to 
her  own  apartments  in  the  haram,  she  ^  unfortunately  brushed  with  her  clothes  one 
of  the  lamps  which  stood  in  the  passage.  Her  clothes  caught  fire,  and  as  her 
modesty,  being  within  hearing  of  men,  would  not  permit  her  to  call  for  assistance, 
she  rushed  into  the  haram  in  flames  ;  and  there  was  no  hope  of  her  life."  It 
was  to  attend  the  poor  burnt  princess  that  Boughton  was  summoned  to  Agra, 
gay  our  historians,  and  it  was  through  his  skill  that  she  recovered.  Sir  Henry 
Yule  has  not  been  able  to  find  any  conflrmation  of  this  story  in  the  records. 
The  accident  happened  in  1643-4.  Boughton  was  sent,  it  appears,  at  the  beginning 
of  1645,  in  which  case  he  must  surely  have  arrived  too  late.  Besides  the  native 
historian  who  tells  us  of  the  accident,  also  tells  us  that  a  famous  physician  was 
brought  express  from  Lahore  to  treat  the  case. 

2  Hedges    Liaiy,  III,  186. 


brookhaven's  instructions,  25 

one  consent  they  resolved  to  avoid  so  great  a  hazard  and  to  stay  the 
ship  in  the  Balasor  road.  The  factors  designed  for  Hugli  were  to 
make  their  way  thither  as  best  they  could  upon  some  other  freighted 
vessel.^ 

The  consequence  was  that  when  the  Lyotiess  reached  Balasor  her 
Captain  determined  to  stay  with  her  and  to  send  up  Bridgeman  to 
Hugli  as  chief,  with  Stephens  as  his  second  and  Blake  and  Tayler  as 
assistants .-  The  paper  of  instructions  which  he  drew  up  for  their 
guidance  before  parting  from  them  in  December  is  still  extant,  and 
gives  a  picture  of  the  position  of  the  English  in  Bengal  at  this  period.' 

The  tone  of  the  opening  paragraph  is  markedly  devout.  "Prin- 
cipally and  above  all  things,"  it  begins,  "you  are  to  endeavoar 
with  the  best  of  your  might  and  power  the  advancement  of  the 
glory  of  Grod,  which  you  will  best  doe,  by  walking  holily,  right- 
eously, prudently,  and  Christianly,  in  this  present  world  that  soe 
the  Religion,  which  you  professe,  may  not  be  evil  spoken  of  and 
you  may  enjoy  the  quiet,  and  peace  of  a  good  conscience  towards  God 
and  man  and  may  alwayes  bee  ready  to  render  an  accompt  in  a  better 
world,  where  Grod  Shall  be  Judge  of  all," 

After  this  we  come  to  more  mundane  matters.  *'  Whereas  it  is  the 
designe  of  our  Masters  the  honoble :  Company  to  advance,  and  enerease 
the  trade  in  these  parts  of  Orexea  and  Bengal,  you  are  by  all  possible 
meanes  to  endeavour  more  and  more  to  informe  yourselves  how  best  and 
most  profitably  to  carry  out  the  trade  thereof,  especially  for  Saltpeter, 
Siike  and  Sugers.  To  this  ende,  that  you  endeavour  the  sale  of  those 
goods  remaining  in  the  factories  to  the  most  advantage,  therebye 
assoone  as  may  bee,  to  gett  moneys  into  your  hands  that  soe  yon  may 
proceed  to  invest  the  same  in  the  best  time  of  buying  the  aforesaid 
goods." 

Particular  directions  about  the  investments  in  saltpetre,  silk 
and  sugar  follow,  commending  the  example  of  the  Dutch  for  imitation. 
"Patenna  being  on  all  Sides  concluded  the  best  place  for  procureing 
Peter,  desire  you  therefore  to  make  a  tryall  how  you  can  procure  the 
same  from  thence,  wherein  you  may  make  vse  of  W.  B.,^  who  you  know 
is  able  to  informe  you.  You  must  soe  order  that  business  as  hee  may 
have  proffitt  thereby  and  may  bee  encouraged,  by  which  meanes  yon 

>  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  186,  187,  and  19/,  198. 

-  Pei-liaps  Waldegrave,   William   Pitts,   and   WiUiam  Nellam  were  left  at 
Balasor. 

3  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  184  to  186. 
*  Perhaps  William  Blake. 


26  FOLLOW  THE  DUTCH,  AND  GET  A  GRANT. 

■will  soonest  arrive  to  our  desire.  lu  this  commodity  invest  at  least 
one  halfe  or  your  Stock,  and  endeavour  the  refineing  of  the  same  at 
Hukeiy.  In  case  you  runne  into  debt,  lett  it  bee  for  this  commodity 
yet  I  dnre  not  advise  yoa  soe  to  do,  vntill  you  receive  order  from  the 
Agent,  and  Councell,  the  Interest  being  (as  you  know)  soe  exceeding 
high. 

"  In  silke  you  know  what  great  matters  are  to  be  done,  therefore 
it  doth  import  the  Company  much,  that  you  strive  both  by  relation  and 
your  own  experience  to  know  how,  and  where  best  to  carry  on  the 
Manufacture  thereof,  where  the  best  Silkes  are  procured,  and  where  the 
best  conveniences  are  for  fitting  and  preparing  the  Same  for  the  Sale, 
of  Europe,  that  soe  if  the  Company  shall  require  large  quantities  you 
may  bee  in  a  posture  to  fitt  them  all  at  the  first  hand.  I  suppose  the 
order  of  the  Dutch  is  very  good,  and  will  be  freest  from  adulteration, 
the  properest  way  will  bee  to  make  three  sorts,  as  Head,  Belly,  and 
ffoote,  each  apart  by  them  Selves.  You  may  also  make  an  experience 
of  washiug  thereof  at  Hukeiy  or  elsewhere,  and  Send  the  Company  a 
maund  of  each  Sort  apart  by  the  next  Shipping  for  a  Sample,  with  an 
exact  accompt  of  the  losse  in  washing,  and  charge  of  the  same.  In  this 
commodity  you  may  invest  neare  three  eight  parts  of  your  remaiues. 

"As  for  Sugers,  you  know  they  are  procured  in  many  places,  you 
may  make  a  small  try  all  in  each.  Herein  I  suppose  you  need  but 
inquire  secretely  into  the  order  of  the  Dutch,  how,  where,  and  when 
they  proceed  to  buy  the  said  Commodity,  and  how  the  seasons  doe  fall 
for  bringing  the  same  out  of  the  Countrey,  or  downe  the  Rivers.  I  am 
informed  that  the  quantity  they  last  bought  at  Patenna  is  well 
approved  of,  therefore  I  desire  also  that  you  procure  some  from 
thence  by  the  same  way  or  Instruments  that  you  make  use  of  to  obtayne 
the  Peter." 

The  instructions  go  on  to  speak  of  Gabriel  Boughton,  from  whom 
the  Company  expected  such  great  services.  "  You  know  how  necessary 
it  will  bee  for  the  better  carrying 'on  the  trade  of  these  parts  to  have 
the  Prince's  ffirman,  and  that  Mr.  Grabriel  Boughton,  Chirurgeon  to  the 
Prince,  promises  concerning  the  same.  To  putt  matters  out  of  doubt  it 
is  necessary  that  you  forthwith  after  our  departure,  and  the  settlement 
of  the  business  here,  and  at  Hukley,  proceed  to  Rajamall  with  one 
Englishman  to  accompany  you;  where  being  come  consult  with 
Mr.  Boughton  about  the  busines,  who  hath  the  whole  contents  of  the 
Dutches  last  fflnnan^  and  together  endeavour  (if  possible)  that 
accDrding  to  Mr.  Boughton's  promise)  the  Company  may  have  such    a 


AVOID    QUAKRELS   AND    EXPENDITURB.  2T 

ffirman  granted,  as  may  outstrip  the  Dutch  in  point  of  Privilege  and 
freedome,  that  soe  they  may  not  have  cause  any  longer  to  boast  of  theirs. 
You  know  what  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Boughton  about  it,  who 
(without  doubt)  will  be  very  faithfuU  in  the  busines  and  strive  that  the 
same  may  bee  procured,  with  as  little  charge  as  may  bee  to  the 
Company,  knowing  that  the  lesse  the  charge  is  the  more  will  bee  the 
reputation,  according  to  his  owne  advice  in  his  last  \Tito  me :  wliat  you 
shall  present,  or  expend  in  the  busines  I  cannot  advise,  however  what 
you  doe,  lett  it  bee  done  with  joint  consent,  and  I  pray  you  bee  as 
spareing  as  may  bee  in  a  busines  of  this  Import." 

Directions  are  also  given  on  various  maH:ers  of  minor  importance. 
The  two  assistants,  Blake  and  Tayler,  are  each  to  have  a  salary  of 
£5  or  £6  a  year ;  Narayan,  the  Company's  broker,  who  had  been  on 
the  Bengal  establishment  since  1G33,  was  to  be  kept  on  in  spite  of  the 
accusations  made  against  him ;  the  trade  of  Balasor  is  to  be  carried 
on  in  "  Rupees  Morees" ;  ^  friendly  relations  are  to  be  cultivated  with 
the  governors  of  Balasor  and  Hugli;  all  matters  of  concern  to  the  Com- 
pany are  to  be  declared  to  their  servants,  so  that  in  case  of  sickness, 
*' which  doth  often  happen  in  this  part,"  their  successors  may  always 
know  how,  what,  and  where  the  Company's  interests  are ;  and  lastly, 
land  is  to  be  procured  for  building  additional  houses  for  the  Company 
at  Balasor,  but  in  this,  as  in  everything,  they  are  to  have  a  special 
reo'ard  not  to  put  the  Company  to  unnecessary  expense. 

Such  wf-re  the  excellent  intentions  and  edifying  admonitions  with 
which  the  Company  sent  forth  Bridgeman  and  Stephens  in  1651  to 
establish  a  new  factory  at  Hugli ;  and  for  a  time  all  seems  to  have  gone 
well.  Gabriel  Boughton  was  not  unmindful  of  his  promises.  In  1652  we 
hear  that  for  so  trifling  a  sum  as  Rs.  3,000  the  English  have  obtained 
letters  patent  granting  them  freedom  of  trade  in  Bengal  without  pay- 
ment of  customs  or  dues.  An  indefinite  quantity  of  saltpetre  could 
be  purchased  there,  particilarly  at  Bsdasor  and  Hugli.^ 


'  Yale  suggests  muhrl,  i.e.,  round  rtipees. 

"  Bruce's,  Annals,  I,  463,  464.  It  is  rery  doubtful,  however,  whether 
Boughton  ever  secured  any  grant  at  all  for  the  English.  In  1650,  when  we  last 
hear  of  him,  he  is  still  promising,  but  not  performing.  In  1651 -2  Bruce  and 
Stuart  tell  us  that  the  English  in  Bengal  obtained  a  nishdn  from  Shah  Shuja'.  If 
it  could  be  shown  that  they  did  get  a  nishan  ia.  this  year,  and  that  Boughton  was 
then  living,  we  might  conjecture  that  his  influence  had  something  to  do  with  it. 
But  neither  of  these  conditions  can  be  established.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that 
Boughton  was  still  living  and  influencing  Shah  Shuja'  in  1651-2,  and  there  are 
considerable   doubts  as  to  whether  any  nishan  was  granted  by  the  priuoe  in  tliat 


28  IRREGULARITY   AND  DISHONESTY. 

Lafer  on  accounts  grow  much  less  favourable.  The  Madras  Council 
complain  that  the  sums  which  the  Bengal  factors  have  paid  to  be  exempted 
from  dues  and  customs  will  counterbalance  the  profits  of  the  trade,  and 
will  be  rather  a  benefit  to  their  own  private  trade  than  to  the  Com- 
pany's investments.^  Gabriel  Boughton  is  dead,  his  widow  married 
again,  and  she  and  her  husband  are  making  claims  on  the  Company 
on  account  of  Boughton's  services.  In  fact  Bridgeman  and  his  friends 
were  acting  irregularly  and  dishonestly .^  When  called  to  account, 
two  of  them,  Bridgeman  and  Blake,  deserted  the  Company's  service 
without  vouchsafing  any  explanation ;  ^  another,  Waldegrave,  in  his 
journey  to  Madras  overland,  managed  to  lose  all  the  Company's  accounts 
and  papers,  among  them,  apparently,  the  letters  patent  granted  by  Shah 
Shuja'.* 

As  for  Madras  itself,  although  it  had  just  been  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  a  separate  Presidency,   its  real  power  was  greatly  crippled  by  a 

year.  A  copy  of  the  nishdn  of  Shah  Shuja'  exists,  but  it  is  said  to  have  been  given 
"at  the  request  of  Thomas  Billedge,  in  the  sixth  month,  in  1066  H.,  in  the  28th 
year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  i.e.,  in  April  1656  A.D."  This  would  be  conclusive 
against  the  whole  story  about  Boughton  if  we  could  trust  the  copy ;  but  we  cannot. 
In  spite  of  the  date,  1656  A.D,,  given  in  'the  copy,  Stuart  assigns  the  nishdn  to 
the  year  1651-2 ;  and  he  tells  us  in  1703  that  forty  (?  fifty)  years  before,  i.e., 
in  1663  (?  1653),  the  original  nishdn  was  lost.  Writing  on  the  31st  December  1657, 
the  Court  refer  to  the  fact  that  Waldegrave  has  lost  all  their  papers,  farmans, 
and  the  like.  This  looks  as  if  the  nishdn  was  granted  earlier  than  1656, 
otherwise  the  losing  of  the  nishdn,  the  reporting  of  its  loss  to  London,  and  the  con- 
sidering of  the  business  by  the  Court,  followed  the  granting  of  it  in  April  1656 
with  unexampled  rapidity.  Again,  in  the  list  of  Government  papers  that  I 
have  found  in  the  United  Trade  Consultation  Book  of  1704,  the  copy  of  this  nishdn 
is  dated  1652,  although  it  is  said  to  have  been  given  in  the  28th  year  of  Shah 
Jahan's  reign.  Once  more  I  may  point  out  that,  if  the  nishan  was  granted  in 
the  28th  year  of  Shah  Jahan's  reign,  it  was  not  granted  in  1066  H.,  or  1656  A.D., 
which  was  the  30th  year  of  the  reign.  The  28th  year  of  the  reig'n  was  1064  H., 
or  1664-5  A.D.  Hence  the  existing  copy  must  be  incorrect,  as  it  is  not  consistent 
with  itself.  I  am  on  the  whole  inclined  to  accept  the  date  given  by  Bruce  and 
Stuart,  and  to  believe  that  the  original  nishdn  was  granted  in  the  25th  year  of 
Shah  Jahan  in  1061  H.,  or  1651-2,,  and  that  it  was  lost  in  1663  or  1654  by 
Waldegrave  on  his  journey  to  Madras,  In  consequence  of  the  loss  of  the  original 
the  English  bad  to  rely  on  a  rough  copy  or  note  of  the  contents  of  the  nishan, 
and  in  this  way  the  25th  year  was  altered  to  the  28th  year.  This  would  account 
for  the  entry  in  the  Consultation  Book  of  1704,  After  the  regnal  year  had  been 
altered,  some  other  wise  person  took  it  into  his  head  to  correct  the  Hejira  year. 

'  Bruce's  Annals,  I,  485. 

2  Sedges'  Diary,  III,  187,  188. 

•'' Bridgeman  seems  to  have  left  sometime  in  1653.  See  Danvers'  Bengal,  its 
Chiefs,  Agents,  and  Governors,  p.  7.  edition  of  1888.  Edward  Stephens  died  in 
Cassimbazar  in  1654  much  in  debt.     See  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  194. 

■•  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  188. 


BENGAL   DESPAIRED    OF.  29 

variety  of  circumstances.  Inland  trade  on  the  Coromandel  Coast  had 
become  impracticable,  owing  to  the  convulsed  state  of  the  country; 
the  coasting  trade  was  hazardous  from  the  superior  force  of  the  Dutch, 
with  whom  England  was  openly  at  war  from  1652  to  1654;  and 
lastly  the  merchant  adventurers,  who  had  obtained  a  charter  from 
Cromwell  in  1655,  competed  with  their  countrymen  in  every  direction. 
In  1657,  the  year  in  which  Sivaji  first  invaded  the  Camatic,  the 
Madras  Council  seem  to  have  "  despaired  of  the  republic."  Once  more 
they  resolved  to  withdraw  from  Bengal.^ 

*  Broce's  Annals,  vol.  I,  pp.  499,  525,  and  536,  edition  of  J  810. 


CHAPTER  V. 


1658  TO  1661. 


HOW    THE    ENGLISH   RE-ORGAXISED   THE    HUGLI    AGENCY, 


That  the  English,  -who  boast  of  a  special  faculty  for  organising 
foreign  establishments,  should  thus  without  encountering  serious  exter- 
nal opposition  twice  fail  to  effect  a  settlement  in  Bengal  will  probably 
excite  surprise.  We  were  not  prepared  for  this  repeated  failure ;  yet 
we  should  remember  that  repeated  failure  is  the  road  to  success.  Like 
nature,  man  does  nothing  great  at  a  bound.  He  makes  a  hundred 
attempts  which  come  to  nothing  before  he  hits  upon  the  one  true 
expedient.  Such  has  been  the  history  of  most  of  the  achievements  of 
genius :  such  is  the  history  of  the  settlements  of  the  English  in  India. 
They  bought  their  experience.  Schooled  by  repeated  failure,  they 
advanced  from  the  Spice  Islands  to  the  mainland,  from  the  Coast  to  the 
Bay,  from  Balasor  to  Hugli,  from  Hugli  to  Calcutta.  At  each  step 
they  made  mistakes ;  at  each  step  they  learnt  lessons  which  led  them 
to  further  and  wiser  efforts.  Let  us  look  again  at  the  two  steps  which 
they  have  just  taken. 

The  English  did  well  to  come  to  Balasor  in  1633 ;  for  the  provinces 
at  the  head  of  the  Bay  were  far  richer  and  far  easier  of  access  to 
western  merchants  than  the  Carnatic  and  the  Coast  of  Coromandel, 
and  it  was  from  Bengal  that  a  maritime  empire  of  India  must  of 
necessity  begin.  Yet  the  settlements  made  by  Cai-twTight  languished 
as  soon  as  he  left  them.  No  one  cared  about  them;  they  were 
distant,  unhealthy,  dangerous. 


32  BENGAL   TO    BE   REFORMED. 

Then  tlie  English  found  out  their  mistake.  They  had  been  too 
timid ;  they  now  went  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  became  too  rash. 
Confiding  implicitly  in  the  promises  of  the  Indian  GovernmcDt  and 
in  the  good-will  of  its  subordinates,  the  Court  of  Committees  trans- 
ferred the  head-quarters  of  the  trade  in  the  Bay  from  Balasor  to 
Hugli.  ^  This  too  was  a  step  in  the  right  direction.  It  was  right 
to  adopt  a  forward  policy  ;  it  was  right  to  advance  further  into  the 
country  than  Balasor;  but  the  English  now  advanced  too  far. 

Some  of  the  inconveniences  of  making  Hugli  their  head-quarters 
appeared  at  tbe  very  outset.  In  commerce,  as  in  war,  sustained  opera- 
tions cannot  be  conducted  without  a  secure  starting  point.  Such  a 
starting  point  could  not  be  Hugli,  where  the  English  were  surrounded 
by  rivals  and  possible  enemies,  and  separated  from  the  sea  by  more 
than  a  hundred  miles  of  a  difficult  and  dangerous  river.  The  refusal 
of  the  Council  of  Fort  St.  George  to  allow  the  Lyoness  to  proceed 
further  than  Balasor  was  indeed  a  bad  omen  for  the  new  factory. 

Another  mistake  soon  showed  itself.  Tbe  number  of  the  English- 
men in  Bengal  was  so  small  that  their  morale  quickly  degenerated. 
Bight  conduct  is  largely  supported  by  public  opinion,  and  an  English- 
man in  India,  placed  in  the  midst  of  new  and  bewildering  circum- 
stances, needs  all  the  moral  support  that  can  be  given  him.  He  needs 
to  be  in  constant  contact  with  those  who  may  help  him  with  their 
criticism,  their  advice,  their  sympathy.  The  Court  at  home  could  not 
understand  this.  They  sent  out  a  young  man  of  eighteen  or  twenty 
on  a  salary  of  five  pounds  a  year  to  a  lonely  post  of  difficulty  and 
danger ;  and  when  he  proved  an  unprofitable  and  unfaithful  servant, 
they  marvelled. 

But  they  did  not  despair.  In  1657,  the  very  year  that  the  Madras 
Council  was  thinking  of  withdrawing  from  Bengal,  the  company  of 
merchant  adventurers  had  been  amalgamated  with  the  original  Com- 
pany, At  a  general  meeting  of  proprietors  the  rights  of  the  respective 
stock-holders  were  satisfactorily  adjusted.  The  Company's  charter  was 
renewed,  and  Cromwell  was  petitioned  to  protect  their  settlements 
against  the  depredations  of  the  Dutch,  and  to ,  vindicate  the  honour  of 
the  English  in  India.  Having  settled  their  charter  and  exclusive  rights 
in  England,  the  Court  turned  their  attention  to  the  re-arrangement  of 
their  factories   abroad.     A   commission  was   appointed,  in   Bengal  to 

1  Danvers,  op.  cit.,  p,  7,  says  that  Balasor  was  at  first  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Company's  Bengal  factories,  and  apparently  thinks  it  was  so  in  1651.  But  it 
appears  that  Bridgemau  was  always  at  Hugli. 


A    NEW    AKD   ENLARGED   ESTABLISHMENT.  33 

inquire  into  the  misdemeanours  and  corrupt  practices  whicli  had  been 
going  on  there ;  and,  to  prevent  further  irregularities,  private  trade^ 
on  the  port  of  the  Company's  servants  was  prohibited  and  their  pay 
increased.  Before  drawing  their  enhanced  salaries  they  were  to  sign 
security  bonds  or  covenants  to  specified  amounts  to  observe  this  con- 
dition. They  were  also  directed  to  keep  diaries  of  their  proceedings 
and  transmit  copies  of  them  annually  to  the  Court.  Ail  the  Com- 
pany's factories  were  to  be  subordinate  to  the  Presidency  of  Surat, 
besides  which  there  were  four  agencies,  at  Bantam,  at  Madras,  in 
Persia,  and  in  Bengal.  Inferior  agencies  were  established  at 
Balasor,  Cassimbazar  and  Patna,  in  subordination  to  the  agency  at 
HugK.2 

A  despatch,  dated  the  27th  February,  1658,  gives  an  almost 
complete  list  of  the  Councils  established  in  Bengal.  It  appoints  Greorge 
Gawton,  Chief  Agent  at  Hugli,  with  a  salary  of  a  hundred  pounds  a 
year.  His  second  is  not  named.  The  other  members  of  the  Council  are 
Mathias  Halstead,  William  Ragdale,  and  Thomas  Davies.  Hopkins 
is  made  agent  at  Balasor,  Kenn  at  Cassimbazar,  Chamberlain  at 
Patna.  To  each  of  these  agents  three  coadjutors  are  assigned;  among 
them  the  celebrated  Job  Charnock,  who  is  appointed  fourth  at 
Cassimbazar.^  By  a  subsequent  despatch  the  Court  appointed  Jonathan 
Trevisa  to  fill  the  vacant  post  of  second  at  Hugli,  and,  failing  Gawton, 
to  succeed  to  the  agency  itself.     This  he  did  in  September,  1658.* 

By  these  arrangements  the  number  of  the  Company's  servants  in 
Bengal  was  more  than  doubled.  For  the  first  time  in  that  distant 
land  there  was  an  English  society.  Its  character  may  be  gathered 
from  the  private  correspondence  still  extant.  They  often  had  to  come 
to  terms  with  the  climate  in  matters  of  dress  and  cut  short  the  flow- 
ing locks  of  the  cavalier.  But  they  consoled  themselves  with  drinkino-- 
bouts  and  bowls  of  clear  arrack  punch.  A  more  respectable  solace  was 
the  reading  of  books  such  as  the  Eikon  Bis  Hike  or  ReUgio  Medici. 
The  latter  seems  to  have  been  especially  popular,  and  they  amused 
themselves  by  corresponding  with  each  other  in  good  Brownese. 
We  may  laugh  at  the  Latin  saws  which  stuff  these  Ciceronian 
epistles,   the  elaborate   compliments,   the  invocations   for    Heliconian 

*  They  were  not  to  trade  privately  in  any  of  the    Company's  commodities,  but 
they  were  not  forbidden  to  trade  in  other  commodities. 

-  Brace's  Annals,  vol.  I,  p.  532. 
2  Hedges  Diary,  III,  189. 

*  Danvers'  Bengal,  its  Chiefs,  Agents,  and  Governors,  p.  8,  edition  of  1888. 


34  CHANGES  IN  THE  MOGUL  GOVERNMENT. 

irrigations  to  sublimate  the  writer's  thoughts;  but  they  are  more  to 
our  taste  than  the  ill-penned,  ill-spelt,  ill-constructed  scrawls  which  do 
the  duty  of  letters  in  the  earlier  period.^ 

The  Court  had  certainly  succeeded  in  raising  the  moral  tone  of  the 
Bengal  establishment,  but  it  had  done  nothing  to  add  to  its  security. 
At  first  all  seemed  to  go  well  with  the  Company's  servants.  "  Bengal," 
they  wrote  home,  "  is  a  rich  province.  Raw  silk  is  abundant.  The 
tafi'aties  are  various  and  fine.  The  saltpetre  is  cheap  and  of  the  best 
quality.  The  bullion  and  pagodas  you  have  sent  have  had  an  imme- 
diate and  most  favourable  effect  on  the  trade ;  the  goods  have  been 
sold  at  great  advantage.  Our  operations  are  growing  so  extensive 
that  we  shall  be  obliged  to  build  new  and  large  warehouses."  ^ 

But,  in  the  meanwhile,  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  native  govern- 
ment of  India  and  of  Bengal.  On  the  8th  September,  1657,  Shah  Jahan 
fell  seriously  ill  at  Delhi,  and  a  fratricidal  war  broke  out  between  his 
children.  In  the  end  Prince  Aurangzeb,  the  third  son,  succeeded  in 
defeating  his  brothers  and  in  seizing  the  person  of  his  sick  father.  On 
the  22nd  July,  1658,  he  took  his  seat  on  the  throne  of  Hindustan.  A 
few  months  later  Shah  Shuja'  was  barbarously  murdered  in  Arakan, 
whither  he  had  fled,  defeated  and  heart-broken,  and  Mir  Jumlah,  the 
imperial  general,  was  nabob  of  Bengal. 

Under  the  new  Government,  the  English  began  to  see  the  folly 
of  trusting  to  the  promises  and  good-will  of  a  power  so  arbitrary 
and  variable  as  the  Mogul  government.  In  1658  the  governor  of 
Hugli,  considering  that  the  deposition  of  Shah  Jahan  rendered  all 
Imperial  grants  null  and  void,  had  insisted  on  an  annual  payment  of 
three  thousand  rupees  in  lieu  of  custom.  In  1659,  the  governor  of 
Balasor  began  to  make  exorbitant  charges  for  anchorage.  The 
Hugli  was  infested  with  pirates,  and  to  send  up  goods  in  small  craft 
without  a  convoy  was  no  longer  safe.^  At  Eajmahal  all  the  English 
boats  as  they  came  down  the  Granges  from  Patna  laden  with  saltpetre 
were  stopped  by  Mir  Jumlah.  On  every  side  the  English  found 
themselves  oppressed  and  the  trade  vexatiously  hampered.^  At  last  in 
1661  the  agent  at  Hugli  lost  patience  and  seized  a  native  vessel  as 
security  for  the  recovery  of  debts.  Mir  Jumlah  was  greatly  incensed. 
He  demanded  immediate  reparation  of  the  offence,  and  threatened  to 

*  Sedges'  Diary,  III,  192  to  194. 

^  Bruce's  Annals,  vol.  I,  pp.  541,  550,  560. 
3  Hedges  Diary,  III,  198. 

*  Stewart's  History  of  Bengal,  p.  380. 


shXyista  khLn  comes  to  bengal.  35 

destroy  the  out-agencies,  to  seize  the  factory  at  Hugli,  and  expel  the 
English  from  the  country.  Alarmed  at  this  danger,  the  agent  "wrote 
to  Madras  for  iustructions,  and  was  directed  to  restore  the  boat,  and  to 
apologise  to  Mir  Jumlah.  Trevisa  accordingly  submitted  and  was 
forgiven,  but  the  viceroy  continued  to  exact  the  annual  payment  of  the 
three  thousand  rupees.* 

Fortunately  for  the  English,  Mir  Jumlah's  attention  was  soon 
engaged  with  much  more  serious  matters.  Eebellions  had  taken  place 
in  Koch  Bihar  and  Assam,  and  the  Mogul  general  had  to  conduct  a 
great  expedition  against  those  distant  provinces  to  reduce  them  to  sub- 
mission. From  the  hardships  of  these  campaigns  he  returned  to  die 
near  Dacca  on  the  30th  March,  1663. 

He  was  succeeded  in  the  Grovemment  of  Bengal  by  Shayista  Khan, 
the  Premier  Prince  of  the  Empire. 

'  Bruce's  Annals,  vol.  I,  pp.  560,  561.     Stewart's  Bengal,  pp.  180,  181. 


D  2 


BOOK  11. 


HOW  THEOUGH  OPPOSITION  AND  OPPRESSION  THE  ENGLISH 
LEA.RNT  THAT  THEY  MUST  PEOTECT  THEMSELVES  BY 
FOECE. 


CHAPTER  r. 

HOW   SIB   EDWAED    WINTER   FIRST    ADVOCATED   A  POLICY   OF   BETALIATION. 
AND    HOW    HE    REBELLED    AGAINST   THE    COURT. 

In  1651  the  English  had  come  to  Hugli  full  of  confidence  in  the 
good- will  and  good  order  of  the  Mogul  empire.  In  less  than  ten  years 
that  confidence  had  been  utterly  destroyed.  They  had  seen  their  friend 
and  patron  driven  to  his  death  in  Burmah;  they  had  seen  India  torn 
with  fratricidal  wars ;  they  had  seen  how  little  control  the  central 
government  could  exercise  over  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  its 
subordinates.  They  were,  therefore,  forced  to  consider  in  what  way 
they  could  best  protect  themselves  and  their  trade  against  the  oppressions 
of  the  local  oflBcers.  The  seizure  of  the  Bengali  boat  and  the 
consequent  dispute  with  Mir  Jumlah  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new 
period  in  thq  history  of  the  English  in  Bengal — a  period  of  growing 
anxiety  and  danger. 


38  WINTEB  AT  FORT  ST.  GEORGE. 

This  second  period  is  the  antithesis,  the  contradiction,  of  the  first. 
In  it  industrialism  is  checked,  and  at  last  overcome,  by  militarism. 
Provoked  by  the  vexatious  exactions  of  the  local  rulers,  the  English  are 
led  to  abandon  their  peaceful  attitude  and  seek  to  establish  their  trade 
by  force.  The  men  who  in  1661  apologised  for  seizing  a  small  boat,  in 
1685  waged  open  war  upon  the  Mogul,  capturing  his  ships  and  burn- 
ing his  ports. 

Is  this  antithesis,  this  contradiction,  accidental  ?  On  the  contrary 
it  is  necessary.  In  the  first  period  English  industry  simply  takes  its 
place  in  Bengal.  Its  aims,  its  limits,  its  resources,  are  vague  and  in- 
definite. It  is  therefore  at  once  exposed  to  opposition.  As  the  Hegelian 
would  say,  setn  at  once  negates  itself  and  becomes  uichts. 

Of  this  inevitable  opposition  the  Court  at  home  had  no  prevision. 
The  prospects  of  the  Company  seemed  fair.  The  restoration  of  Charles 
II.  terminated  all  hostilities  with  Spain  and  Holland,  and  placed  the 
government  of  England  in  the  hands  of  friends.  On  the  3rd  of  April ^ 
1661,  a  new  charter  was  conferred  on  the  Company,  granting  them  the 
whole  trade  with  the  East  Indies  for  ever,  and  declaring  that  no  person 
should  trade  thither  without  their  Hcense.  They  were  empowered  to 
seize  unlicensed  persons,  to  erect  fortifications,  to  raise  troops,  and  to 
make  war  with  non-Christians.  The  king  also  gave  the  Grovernor  and 
Council  of  the  several  settlements  authority  "  to  judge  all  persons 
belonging  to  the  said  Covernor  and  Company  or  that  should  live  under 
them,  in  all  causes,  whether  civil  or  criminal,  according  to  the  laws  of 
the  kingdom,  and  to  execute  judgment  accordingly."  In  effect  the 
charter  for  the  first  time  introduced  British  law  into  India.^ 

Armed  with  these  powers  the  Court  proceeded  to  set  in  order  their 
establishments  in  Madras  and  Bengal.  Trevisa  was  superseded  by 
William  Blake^  who  was  directed  to  call  all  their  servants  "  to  account 
for  all  actions  which  hath  passed  since  their  being  in  the  Bay."  ^  At 
the  same  time  Sir  Edward  Winter  was  appointed  President  at  Fort 
St.  George,  and  the  whole  of  the  Bengal  establishment  was  made 
subordinate  to  his  government.^  The  Court  gave  orders  that  the  fort 
should  be  strengthened,  but  the  new  President  had  been  told  to  dis- 
charge the  Portuguese  soldiers,  to  reduce  the  number  of  out-agencies, 

^  Bruce's  Annals,  I,  556  to  558.  Morley's  Administration  of  Justice  in 
British  India,  p.  5,  edition  of  1858.  Stephen's  Nuncomar  and  Imjpey,  vol.  II, 
p.  29,  edition  of  1885. 

2  Danvers,  op.  cit.,  p.  8. 

"  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  109, 


winter's  bold  and  rigorous  policy,  39 

to  suppress  private  trade,  to  avoid  quarrels  with  the  local  governors,  and 
to  devote  himself  to  the  buying  of  saltpetre  and  taffaties.^ 

It  was  Winter  who  first  saw  that  the  English  trade  in  Bengal 
had  entered  upon  a  new  phase.  A  year's  residence  in  India  convinced 
him  that  this  policy  of  peace  and  retrenchment  was  impossible.  How 
could  he  provide  for  the  investment  if  the  factories  were  withdrawn  ? 
Of  what  avail  was  it  to  complain  to  Indian  princes  of  the  arbitrary  dues 
exacted  by  their  tax-gatherers  or  the  depredations  committed  by  their 
followers  on  goods  passing  to  Madras  ?  He  had  complained  to  one  of 
them ;  and  how  had  he  been  answered  ?  "  "When  the  English  horns 
and  teeth  are  grown,"  said  the  prince,  "  then  I  will  free  your  goods 
from  the  duty."  ^ 

Winter,  therefore,  wrote  to  the  Court,  explaining  that  he  intended 
to  follow  the  policy  of  the  Dutch,  whose  large  capital  and  naval  power 
gave  them  their  trade  and  kept  the  native  powers  in  awe.  He  required 
increased  sums  of  money  in  order  to  furnish  a  double  stock.^  He 
refused  to  discharge  his  Portuguese  soldiers,  and  directed  all  his 
efforts  to  making  retaliation  on  the  vessels  of  the  petty  chiefs  on  the 
Coromandel  Coast.  We  needed  to  convince  them  that  we  were  as 
powerful  at  sea  as  they  with  their  armies  were  on  shore.  The  same 
policy  should  be  pursued  in  Bengal.  Here  it  was  quite  impossible  to 
withdraw  the  out-agencies.  The  plan  of  inducing  weavers  to  come  to 
Hugli  had  failed.  Part  of  the  money  in  the  treasury  must  be  applied 
to  building  and  maintaining  boats  on  the  river  to  bring  saltpetre  from 
Patna  and  silks  and  muslins  from  Cassimbazar.* 

But  this  bold  course  of  action  did  not  commend  itself  to  the  Court 
at  home.  They  did  not  understand  it,  and  consequently  they  became 
very  imeasy  and  began  to  suspect  that  their  spirited  agent  was  engaged 
in  private  trade  for  his  separate  interests.  In  June,  1665,  a  ship 
arrived  at  Fort  St.  George,  bringing  out  Mr.  George  Foxcroft,  and 
his  son  Nathaniel,  and  a  letter  from  the  Court,  informing  Winter  that 
his  measures  had  not  met  with  approval,  and  that  Mr.  George  Foxcroft 
was  appointed  agent  in  his  stead.  He  might,  however,  continue  to 
rank  as  second  in  the  Madras  Council  till  his  departure.^ 

The  change  of  government  seems  to  have  been  unpopular  with  the 
settlement.     They  probably  sympathised  with  Winter  in  his  forward 

'  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  121,  131,  139. 
2  75.^  ij^  147^  159^  IgO. 

^  See  a7ite,  note  on  p.  32. 

*  Brace's  Annals,  II,  147,  159,  160,  161. 

»  lb.,  II,  179,  180. 


40  winter's  rebellion. 

policy  and  looked  coldly  on  tlie  man  who  had  been  sent  out  to  reverse  it. 
Moreover,  Foxoroft  was  something  of  a  Puritan  and  came  near  to  being 
thought  a  heretic  and  a  traitor.  His  son  was  a  dabbler  in  philosophy, 
who  held  strange  views  about  the  relations  between  king  and  people. 
During  the  hot  weeks  of  August,  as  the  servants  of  the  Company  met 
together  at  their  mid-day  dinner  within  the  fort,  violent  bickerings 
arose  on  matters  political.  Amongst  other  things  the  Foxcrofts  main- 
tained that  no  king  had  any  right  to  his  throne  except  might,  and  that 
a  man's  private  interest  came  first,  before  that  of  the  Sovereign.^ 

The  enemies  of  Foxcroft  began  to  plot.  A  little  while  before.  Sir 
Edward  Winter  had  of  his  own  accord  asked  to  be  allowed  to  return  to 
England ;  he  now  resolved  to  stay  and  become  President  once  more. 
On  Thursday,  the  14th  September,  he  accused  Foxcroft  of  treason 
against  the  King  and  produced  the  chaplain.  Simon  Smythes,  as  a  wit- 
ness. The  charge  was  formally  made  before  two  members  of  the 
Council,  Jeremy  Samebrooke  and  William  Dawes,  but  they  refused  to 
entertain  it.  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  affirm  that  the  Company's 
Agent  at  Fort  St.  George  was  not  liable  to  such  charges.  Simon  Smythes 
was  ordered  to  keep  to  his  room  and  was  not  allowed  to  leave  the  fort.^ 

Winter  determined  to  gain  his  end  by  force.  Chuseman,  the  captain 
of  the  garrison,  was  his  friend.  The  agent  was  defenceless.  On  Satur- 
day the  blow  was  struck.^  At  the  time  of  morning  prayer,  just  as 
the  agent  was  going  to  church,  he  learnt  that  the  soldiers  were  in 
arms  against  him.  Drawing  his  rapier,  the  only  weapon  ordinarily 
worn  in  the  fort,  he  hurried  down  the  stairs  which  led  from  his  rooms 
to  the  quadrangle  below,  followed  by  Samebrooke  and  Dawes.  At  the 
foot  of  the  stairs  the  agent  beheld  an  ominous  sight.  There  stood  the 
whole  garrison  fully  armed.  Their  swords  were  drawn ;  their  pistols 
cocked;  at  their  head  was  Captain  Chuseman.  On  seeing  Foxcroft  and 
his  friends  the  cry  arose  "  For  the  King  !  For  the  King  !  Knock  them 
cloivn !  Fire  /"  The  agent  advanced  to  ask  for  an  explanation,  but 
Chuseman  answered  by  discharging  his  pistol  and  rushing  at  him  with 
his  sword.     He  closed  with  the  agent,  and  flung  him  to  the  ground. 

This  was  the  signal  to  the  rest  to  fire.  With  modern  weapons  of 
precision  the  whole  of  Foxcroft's  party  would  have  fallen  riddled 
through  and  through  with  shot  discharged  in  so  confined  a  space. 
But  the  seventeenth  century  pistol,  a  kind  of  miniature  arquebus  with 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  278  to  380. 

'  Ih.,  also  Bruce's  Annals^  II,  180. 

^  The  account  which  follows  will  be  found  in  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  280,281 


winter's  JDSTIPICATION   OF   HIMSELF.  41 

a  barrel  two  feet  long,  only  carried  forty  paces,  and  was  by  no  means 
sure  at  that.  The  result  of  the  volley  was  that  no  one  was  mortally 
wounded  except  Dawes,  who  had  halted  on  the  stairs.  Samebrooke, 
who  rushed  forward  to  help  the  fallen  agent,  escaped  unhurt;  but, 
closing  with  Chuseman,  he  was  set  upon  by  the  soldiers  and  knocked 
down.  Nathaniel  Foxcroft,  a  brisk  man  in  a  broil,  contrived  to  get  his 
pistols  from  his  room  on  the  ground  floor ;  yet  he  was  seized  before  he 
could  do  any  execution. 

In  a  few  minutes  the  affray  was  over.  George  Foxcroft  "iras  clapped 
up  in  a  rubbish  hole,  and  Sir  Edward  "Winter  resumed  the  govern- 
ment of  Fort  St.  George.  On  the  19th  September  he  made  a  solemn 
declaration  that  he  had  accepted  the  office  of  Chief  Director  in  conse- 
quence of  the  exigencies  of  the  Company's  affairs  and  upon  the 
unanimous  request  of  the  Company's  factors,  servants,  and  officers, 
until  it  should  be  ordered  otherwise  either  by  the  plurality  of  the 
Council  or  by  the  Court.^ 

It  remained  for  Winter  to  vindicate  his  conduct,  if  possible,  to  the 
authorities  at  home.  He  at  once  wrote  to  the  Court  giving  them  an 
account  of  the  seditious  and  traitorous  conduct  of  the  Foxcrof  ts,  and 
forwarding  the  attestations  of  his  witnesses.  He  assured  his  masters 
that  he  would  do  his  best  to  preserve  their  rights  and  provide  for 
their  investments.  In  obedience  to  their  orders  he  would  withdraw 
the  out-agencies  on  the  Coromandel  Coast,  but  it  would  ruin  the 
English  prestige,  and  contrast  very  badly  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
Dutch,  who  took  every  opportunity  to  add  to  their  out-agencies. 
Similar  evils  would  follow  in  Bengal,  and  therefore  he  had  left  the 
matter  to  the  discretion  of  Blake  and  his  Council.  The  fort  was 
well  enough  and  he  would  maintain  it,  but  two  or  three  armed 
cruisers  would  produce  more  effect  in  the  minds  of  the  natives  than 
many  forts.  "We  were  now  once  again  at  war  with  the  Dutch,  and  he 
dreaded  their  numerous  ships,  ready  to  seize  on  those  of  the  Company 
bringing  Bengal  produce  to  Madras.^ 

It  would  have  been  well  had  Winter  stopped  here.  But  besides 
justifying  himself  to  the  Court,  he  took  upon  him  to  write  directly 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  the  King,  and  to  the  King's 
officer  in  charge  of  the  royal  fort  at  Bombay.  Foxcroft  too  wrote 
from  his  place  of  captivity  to  Masulipatam,  giving  his  account  of  the 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  277,  278. 

*  Brute's  Annah,  11,  181,  182.  183. 


42  SUPPBESSION   OF   THE   REBELLION. 

matter  and  applying  for  assistance.  At  Surat  Sir  Edward's  profes- 
sions met  with  utter  disbelief,  and  it  was  feared  that  he  would  give  up 
the  fort  either  to  the  Portuguese  Viceroy  of  Goa  or  to  the  Dutch 
Governor  of  Ceylon.^ 

All  this  would  have  aroused  the  suspicions  of  a  less  suspicious  body 
of  men  than  the  Court.  In  their  alarm  they  applied  to  the  King  to 
interpose  his  authority.  Mr.  Clavell  "was  vested  with  eKtraordinary 
powers  by  King  and  Company,  and  directed  to  proceed  at  once  to  Surat. 
Here  he  was  to  consult  with  the  Company's  agent.  If  Sir  Edward 
should  still  be  in  possession  of  Fort  St.  George,  Clavell  was  to  make 
his  way  to  Masulipatam,  and  thence  by  messenger  announce  his  mission 
and  authority,  demand  the  release  of  Foxcroft  and  the  delivery  of  the 
fort  into  his  hands.  A  proclamation  from  the  King,  dated  the  28th 
of  January,  1667,  offered  pardon  to  Winter  and  his  adherents  on 
condition  of  their  returning  to  their  duty.^ 

These  measures  produced  little  effect,  for,  although  the  King  had 
done  his  best  to  support  the  Company,  his  officers  in  India  were  at 
variance  with  the  agent  at  Surat.  Captain  Henry  Gary,  who  was 
Governor  of  Bombay  during  the  latter  half  of  1667,  openly  aided  and 
abetted  Sir  Edward  Winter,  and  proclaimed  Foxcroft  and  his  party- 
rebels  and  traitors  against  the  King.  Thus  encouraged,  Sir  Edward 
Winter  and  his  Council  treated  Clavell's  orders  as  gross  forgeries.^ 

Next  year  the  Court  resolved  on  more  vigorous  measures.  The 
treaty  of  Breda  had  put  an  end  to  the  Dutch  war,  and  the  King  had 
made  over  to  them  the  island  of  Bombay.  They  were  therefore  in  a 
strong  position  to  assert  their  authority  and  extend  their  commerce. 
A  royal  commission  gave  them  full  power  to  reduce  the  rebel  govern- 
ment to  the  obedience  of  the  Company.  Five  ships,  with  five  companies 
composed  of  sailors  and  soldiers,  were  despatched  to  Madras,  and  were 
ordered  to  blockade  it,  if  necessary,  by  land  and  sea.* 

On  the  21st  of  May,  1668,  the  Rainbow  and  the  Loyal  Merchant 
anchored  in  Madras  road.  Two  representatives  from  the  rebels  came 
on  board.  They  were  detained  prisoners.  The  commissioners  in- 
formed Sir  Edward  Winter  by  letter  that  they  had  the  orders  of  the 
King  and  the  Company  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  in  His  Majesty's 
name.    Winter  saw  that  the  end   had  come.     Ho   only  asked  for 


1  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  180,  181. 

2  i6.,  II,  187,188. 

3  lb  ,  II,  217,  218.     Also  Ilcdges'  Diary,  II,  323  to  325. 
*  lb.,  II,  203  to  206. 


ENQUIRY   INTO  THE    REBELLION.  43^ 

personal  safety  and  protection  of  property.  The  commissioners  agreed. 
On  the  22nd  ot  August  they  landed,  took  possession  of  the  fort,  and 
released  Foxcroft  from  his  three-years'  captivity.^ 

The  re-instated  agent  acted  with  great  moderation.  Chuseman 
and  Smythes  were  allowed  to  return  quietly  to  England.  Winter 
was  forbidden  to  remain  within  the  fort,  but  was  otherwise  left  at 
perfect  liberty  to  live  in  Madras,  Masulipatam,  or  elsewhere,  if  he  chose, 
waiting  tho  decision  of  the  Privy  Council,  to  whom  the  whole  case 
had  been  referred.^ 

The  result  of  their  deliberations  was  communicated  to  Madras  in  a 
letter  from  the  Court,  dated  the  7th  December,  1669.  Nathaniel 
Foxcroft  was  ordered  to  return  at  once ;  his  father  was  permitted  to 
remain  at  the  head  of  the  government  of  Fort  St.  Greorge  for  one 
year  more.  Sir  Edward  Winter  was  also  permitted  to  stay  on  for  a 
short  time  to  dispose  of  his  property  and  recover  his  debts.  He  was 
to  be  treated  with  respect  and  to  have  a  passage  given  him  to  England. 
A  commission  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  whole  transaction  and 
take  evidence  on  the  spot.  At  the  head  of  it  was  Sir  William 
Langhorne,  who  was  to  succeed  Foxcroft  in  the  government  of  Madras.  ^ 
Its  investigations,  however,  do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  success- 
ful. After  spending  about  eighteen  months  in  vain  attempts  to 
adjust  the  disputes  between  Winter  and  Foxcroft,  the  whole  case  had 
again  to  be  referred  home.  On  the  26th  October,  Nathaniel  Foxcroft 
died  in  Madras  at  the  age  of  thirty-five.^  Greorge  Foxcroft  embarked 
in  Januaryj  1672,  leaving  Sir  William  Langhorne  agent  at  Fort 
St.  George.  At  the  same  time  Winter  sailed  on  another  vessel  for 
England.     His  offence  had  been  practically  condoned.^ 

Such  is  the  unsatisfactory  conclusion  of  this  unsatisfactory  and 
somewhat  unintelligible  episode.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  rights 
of  the  matter.  It  is  clear  that  the  charter  of  1661  constituted  the 
Madras  Council  a  Court  of  Justice,  having  power  to  judge  the  Company's 
servants  in  all  causes,  whether  civil  or  criminal,  and  it  was  not  proper 
for  Samebrooke  and  Dawes  to  refuse  to  entertain  a  charge  of  treason 
against  Foxcroft  when  duly  made  before  them  by  Winter.  Samebrooke 
was  quite  wrong  if  he  said  that  the  agent  at  Fort  St.  George  was  not 

^  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  245  to  248. 

=  lb.,  II,  245  to  248. 

^  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  281.     Also  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  256  to  258. 

*  See  his  tombstone  in  the  Fort  Church,  jVladras. 

*  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  307. 


44  WINTER   BEFORE   HIS   TIME. 

liable  to  a  charge  of  treason  and  above  the  reach  of  the  English  law, 
On  the  other  hand,  these  improprieties  do  not  excuse  Winter's  violence. 
In  his  declaration  he  seeks  to  justify  it  by  insinuating  that  Foxcroft 
was  the  aggressor.  Foxcroft  wantonly  attacked  the  innocent  soldiers, 
who  were  compelled  to  fire  in  self-defence.     Few  will  believe  this. 

It  does  not  follow,  however,  that  Winter  was  altogether  dishonest 
in  his  professions.  On  the  contrary,  it  must  appear  that  in  his  general 
views  Winter  was  more  far-sighted  than  his  critics,  and  we  shall  see  in 
the  sequel  how  they  were  gradually  led  to  adopt  his  policy  of  retaliation. 
Finally,  whatever  doubts  may  be  felt  as  to  the  details  of  the  case,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  its  real  significance.  It  is  the  first  struggle 
between  the  earlier  policy  of  peace  and  the  new  policy  of  force. 


CHAPTER  II. 


HOW   THE   ENGLISH  TRADE   ADVANCED  IN    BENGAL   IN    SPITE    OF   OPPOSITION. 


While  industrialism  and  militarism  are  thus  fighting  out  tlieir 
battle,  the  history  of  the  Bengal  establishments  to  a  certain  extent 
hangs  fire,  and  waits  upon  the  course  of  events  in  Madras.  Blake,  who 
remained  for  many  years  in  office  at  Hugli,  at  last  requested  leave  to 
return  to  England,  and  in  1668,  when  the  Court  despatched  their  armada 
of  five  ships  to  Madras,  they  sent  out  orders  appointing  Shem  Bridges 
in  the  place  of  Blake.  This  appointment  was  not  for  long.  In  the 
letters  from  the  Court  of  the  7th  December,  1 669,  which  announced  the 
decision  of  the  Privy  Council,  Bridges  was  informed  that  he  might 
come  home  according  to  his  wish,  and  that  Mr.  Henry  Powell  would 
succeed  him.  In  1650  or  1651  Walter  Clavell  became  chief  in  the 
Bay.i 

These  changes  are  not  of  much  interest  or  importance.  It  is  more 
interesting  to  note  the  brightening  prospects  of  the  trade,  whicli 
steadily  increased  owing  partly  to  the  Company's  resolution  to  enlarge 
their  operations  on  the  east  coast,  and  partly  to  the  growing  demand 
for  Bengal  goods.  In  1668,  the  stock  furnished  for  Bengal  was  valued 
at  £34,000;  2  in  1675,  its  value  rose  to  £65,000,  and  the  factors  were 
authorised  to  take  up  £20,000  in  addition  at  interest.^  In  1668  per- 
mission was  granted  to  form  a  new  establishment  in  Dacca,  then  the 
capital  of  Bengal,  celebrated  for  the  fineness  of  its  muslins  and  the  beauty 
of  its  woven  stuffs.^     The  Court  were  never  weary  of  asking  for  saltpetre 

*  Danvers,  op.  cit.,  p.  9.     It  does  not  appear  tliat  Powell  actually  succeeded. 
See  belovr,  p.  381. 

-  Brace's  Annals,  II,  228. 
3  lb.,  U,  p.  361. 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  196. 


46  .  BENGAL    SILK. 

from  Patna,  where  it  could  be  had  so  good  and  cheap  that  the  contract" 
for  it  was  discontinued  on  the  west  coast  in  1668,^  and  at  Masulipatam 
in  1670.2  ju  1674  the  agent  at  Hugli  received  orders  to  keep  the  salt- 
petre-men constantly  employed,  so  as  to  have  a  stock  always  ready  for 
shipment.^ 

The  demand  for  Bengal  silk  would  have  been  equally  urgent  had 
it  not   been    for    defects    in    the  native    manner    of     preparing  it. 
The  Court  objected  to  the    vicious  practice  of    dyeing  it    "in   the 
gum,"  and  as  early  as  1663  asked  that  the  taffetas  should  be  bought 
"in  an  ungummed  state,   as  they  could  receive   this    improvement 
in    England  in  a  superior  manner,    a  successful  experiment  having 
been  tried,  which  made  the    Bengal  silks  pass  in    the    market    as 
Italian."^    In  1671  they  desired  that,  besides  taffetas  and  muslins  for 
home  consumption,  £5,000  should    be  annually  invested  in  silk  for 
Japan.^    Two  years  later,  finding  that  the  taffetas  were  still  defective  in 
colour,  especially  the  shades  of  green  and  black,  they  sent  out  a  number 
of  skilled  artisans,  who  were  to  endeavour  to  improve  the  silk  manufac- 
tures, but  to  keep  their  art  secret  from  the  natives.'^    So  great  were  the 
quantities  of  silk  imported  to  England  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
that  in  1680  the  Turkey  merchants,  who  before  this  had  monopolised 
the  trade,  made  a  formal  complaint  to  the  King.     "  We  export  woollen 
manufactures,"  they  said,  "  and  other  English  wares,  and  import  raw  silk, 
drugs,  cotton,  and  the  like,  which  are  all  manufactured  in  England,  and 
afford  bread  and  employment  to   the   poor.      But  this  East    India 
Company  is  sending  away  precious  metal  out  of  the  kingdom  in  return 
for  a  deceitful  kind  of  raw  silk  which  will  destroy  the  Turkey  trade. 
Besides,  they  have  sent  to  India  throwsters,  weavers,  and  dyers,  and 
have  set  up  a  manufacture  of  silk,  which,  by  instructing  Indians  in  these 
manufactures  and  by  importing  them  so  made,  tends  to  impoverish  the 
working  people  of  England."     In  the  infancy  of  economic  science  the 
East  India  Company  could  only  reply  to  these  objections  by  pointing 
to  the  fact  that,   since  they  had  begun  their  importations,   the  silk 
manufactures   of   England  had   increased   fourfold.      Like   all    other 
commodities,  Indian  silks  varied  in  quality,  some  being  good,  some  bad, 
some  indifferent.     They  had  only  sent  one  or  two  dyers  to  Bengal,  and 


1  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  207. 

2  Ih.,  II,  259.       - 
=*  Ih.,  II,  332. 

"  lb.,  II,  121. 

5  lb.,  II,  297. 

6  Ih.,  II,  314. 


INAUGURATION    OF   THE   PILOT   SERVICE.  47 

this  was  for  the  advantage  of  the  nation  as  well  as  the  Company,  as 
the  plain  black  silks  thus  made  and  imported  were  again  exported.^ 

As  Winter  had  foreseen,  these  extended  operations  necessitated 
additions  to  the  factories  on  the  east  coast.  Under  pressure  of  the 
wars  with  Holland  ,2  the  rivalry  of  the  new  French  Company ,3  and 
the  diflBculties  which  from  time  to  time  arose  with  the  natives,  the 
Company  found  itself  compelled  to  send  recruits,  ordinance,  and  small 
arms  to  strengthen  Fort  St.  George,  and  to  issue  orders  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  and  such  natives  as  could  be  trusted  should 
be  embodied  as  troops.  In  1668  they  determined  to  obtain  an  equality 
with  the  Dutch.  All  idea  of  withdrawing  out-agencies  was  abandoned. 
Sixteen  factors  and  eight  writers  were  at  once  sent  out  to  augment  the 
Madras  establishment.^ 

The  same  year  witnessed  the  inauguration  of  the  Bengal  Pilot 
Service.^  The  Court  had  all  along  desired  that  their  ships  should 
be  taken  to  Hngli,  but  at  first  it  was  considered  too  dangerous. 
In  1662  Captain  Elliott  offered  to  venture  up  the  river  with  his 
vessel,  and  would  have  done  so  had  he  not  been  forbidden  by 
Agent  Trevisa,  to  the  intense  chagrin  of  the  Court.  The  captain  then 
left  a  written  memorandum  at  Hugli  stating  that  the  passage  up  was 
hazardless.  The  Dutch  had  ships  of  600  tons  which  tided  it  up  thither, 
and  it  was  proposed  that  the  English  vessels  should  in  future  go  direct 
to  Hugli,  that  Balasor  should  be  abandoned,  and  "  our  business 
in  the  Bay  brought  into  some  decorum."  ^  The  Court  supported  the 
proposal  by  offering  to  defray  all  expenses  for  pilotage  and  to  give  the 
shipowners  ten  shillings  a  ton  extraordinary  for  all  goods  conveyed 
"within  the  bar  of  Ganges." "  But  these  offers  came  to  nothing.  The 
native  pilots  were  too  expensive,  and  the  owners  refused  to  risk  their 
ships  without  proper  pilots  and  proper  charts  pointing  out  depths  and 
soundings.  Accordingly,  inJjSGT,  thfijCIauil.had,built  a  small  vessel 
called  the  Diligence,  and  directed  that  she  should  be  employed  in  the 
river  and  should  take  soundings,  note  shoals  and  channels,  and  make  a 
chart  of  them.^     In  1668  the   Court  reiterated   and  completed  their 

*  "Watt's   Dictionary   of  Economic     Products    of  India.     Article,    "Silk." 
Vol.  YI,  pt.  Ill,  pp.  184, 185,  edition  of  1893. 

-  In  1665—67  and  in  1672—74. 
^  Founded  in  1666. 

*  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  206. 
5  lb.,  II,  228-29. 

«  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  198. 

7  Ih.,  Ill,  198-99. 

8  Ib.y  III,  199. 


48  IMPliRIAL   LETTERS   PATENT. 

instructions.  They  renewed  their  proffered  bonus;  they  ordered  the 
commanders  of  their  vessels  in  the  Hugli  *'  to  put  all  persons,  from 
the  youngest  to  the  eldest,  upon  taking  depths,  shoals,  setting  of  tides 
and  currents,  distances  and  buoys,  and  making  drafts  of  the  river  or 
what  else  needful  for  the  enabling  them  in  this  affair."  In  order  to 
secure  a  supply  of  young  men  to  be  trained  up  in  the  work,  they 
"entertained  as  apprentices  for  seven  years,  Greorge  Horron,  James 
White,  Thomas  Massen,  James  Ferborne,  John  Floyd,  and  Thomas 
Bateman,  the  first  three  years  at  £6,  the  next  two  years  at  £7,  and  the 
last  two  years  at  £8  per  annum  ;  the  whole  to  be  paid  there  by  you  for 
tlieir  provision  of  clothes."  ^  The  labours  of  these  six  apprentices  bore 
fruit  in  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  the  navigation  and  topography 
of  the  Hugli ;  and  to  Herron  in  particular  is  due  not  only  the  earliest 
detailed  instructions  in  print  for  piloting  ships  up  the  river,  but  probably 
also  the  earliest  chart  of  any  pretension  to  scientific  accuracy .^ 

But  although  the  Court  had  thus  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  retrench- 
ment, they  still  clung  to  their  peace  policy,  and  still  trusted  the  safety 
of  their  factories  in  Bengal  to  the  good- will  of  the  local  governors. 
And  certainly,  if  Imperial  rescripts  could  have  protected  them,  they  were 
abundantly  safe.  In  the  time  of  Shah  Jahan  they  had  received  letters 
patent  from  the  Emperor  himself  in  1638,  together  with  the  oft- 
quoted  grant  of  the  unfortunate  Frince  Shuja'  in  1652,  or  1656. 
Already  Aurangzeb  had  granted  letters  patent  in  1667.^  In  1672 
Shayista  Khan,  who  like  Mir  Jumlah  exacted  an  annual  offering  of 
three  thousand  rupees,  issued  an  order  confirming  all  the  privileges 
of  the  English  Company,  and  warning  all  the  local  officers  in  Bengal 
and  Orissa  to  govern  themselves  according  to  the  Imperial  patents. 
"And  whatsoever  goods  the  said  Company  shall  import  from  Balasor, 
or  any  other  place  near  the  sea-side,  up  to  Hugli,  Cassimbazar,  Patna, 
or  any  other  place  in  these  two  kingdoms,  as  also  what  stdtpetre,  or 
any  other  goods,  they  shall  export  from  Patna,  or  any  other  place, 
to  Balasor,  or  any  other  port  to  the  sea,  that  you  let  them  pass 
custom-free,  without  any  let,  impediment,  or  demands  whatsoever. 
And  wherever  they  have  factories  or  warehouses,  that  you  help  their 
factors  in  getting  in  their  due  debts  from  any  weavers,  merchants, 
and  the  like,  that  really  appear  to  be  indebted  to  them,  without  giving 

»  Sedges'  Diary,  III,  199. 

2  lb.,  Ill,  201, 

3  For  these  grants  see  the  list  of  Government  papers  in  the  Summaries, 
p.  241,  §  54. 


LOCAL   OBSTRUCTIONS   TO   TRADE. 


49 


protection  to  any  such  person  so  indebted  whereby  they  may  anyways 
be  wronged.  And  whatsoever  boats  and  the  like,  whether  their  own 
or  freighted,  let  them  not  be  stopped  on  any  pretence  whatsoever, 
but  Buffered  to  pass  without  molestation.  And  notwithstanding  I  have 
lately,  by  reason  of  a  great  outrage  committed  by  the  Dutch,  abso- 
lutely forbidden  them  any  trade  in  these  kingdoms  aforesaid,  so  that 
governors  and  other  officers  have  taken  occasion  to  stop  and  hinder 
the  English  trade,  which  I  have  not  interdicted,  with  that  of  the 
Dutch,  which  I  have  strictly  forbidden,  I  do  declare  that  the  English 
never  committed  any  offence  of  so  high  a  nature  that  their  trade 
should  be  hindered.  And  therefore  I  resolve  and  order,  as  before 
that  according  to  the  above-mentioned  order,  and  as  their  trade  has 
for  so  many  years  quietly  and  without  impediment  gone  on  in  these 
kingdoms  aforesaid,  that  it  now  also  be  not  hindered,  but  that  what- 
ever their  factors  and  other  servants  shall  buy  or  sell  as  aforesaid  be 
no  ways  letted  or  impeded.  And  that  I  may  hear  no  more  complaints 
from  the  English  in  this  matter  see  that  this  my  order  be  strictly 
observed."  ^ 

In  spite  of  all  these  rescripts,  the  evils  complained  of  by  the 
English  recurred  again  and  again,  and  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done 
by  Shayista  Xhan  to  check  the  vexatious  proceedings  of  the  local 
underlings.  The  country,  however,  and  its  commerce  were  indebted 
to  him  for  one  great  benefit.  At  the  beginning  of  his  government 
he  rooted  out  the  pirate  hordes  which  for  more  than  a  century  had 
infested  the  Bay  of  Bengal.  In  1665  a  numerous  army  and  fleet  were 
assembled  at  Dacca,  and  rigorous  measures  were  resolved  on.  To  the 
Portuguese  desperadoes  at  Chittagong  and  in  the  service  of  the  king  of 
Arakan,  Shayista  Khan  sent  threats.  He  told  them  that  mighty 
forces  had  been  got  together,  and  that  it  was  the  Emperor's  fixed 
determination  to  destroy  the  power  of  Arakan.  They  too  would  be 
spoiled  and  ruined  if  they  continued  in  their  evil  ways.  If  they  were 
wise  they  would  enter  the  service  of  the  Mogul.  These  threats  took 
instant  effect.  The  Portuguese  came  over  in  a  body,  and  were  settled 
near  Dacca.  Chittagong  was  taken  in  1666,  and  the  name  of  the  city 
was  changed  to  Islamabad.  ^ 

'  Stewart's    History  of  Bengal,  edition  of  18i7,  Appendix,   p.  iii. 
-  Ih.,    187  to  189. 


CHAPTER  III. 


1676  TO   1681. 


HOW  STBEYNSHAM  MASTEE  TWICE  VISITED  THE  BAY  AND  INTRODUCED  EEFORMS. 


It  was  not  long  before  the  Court  relapsed  into  its  chronic  state  of 
anxiety  as  to  the  good  order  of  its  factories  on  the  east  side  of  India. 
Under  Sir  William  Langhorne  the  affairs  of  the  Company  were  at  once 
laxly  and  injudiciously  administered.  The  express  orders  of  the  Com- 
pany were  not  seldom  neglected  or  set  aside,  while  the  Agents  and 
Councils  of  the  different  stations  spent  their  time  in  disputing  with  one 
another  or  with  the  government  at  Fort  St.  George.  To  remedy  these 
evils,  the  Court  directed  its  attention  to  the  formation  of  a  more  regular 
system  of  administration.  The  rank  of  their  servants  was  in  future  to 
be  fixed  on  the  principle  of  making  seniority  the  rule  of  succession  to 
offices  of  trust,  and  the  civil  and  military  services  were  connected  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  give  the  chief  authority  to  the  former  and  render 
the  latter  subservient  to  the  preservation  of  the  settlements  and  promo- 
tion of  trade.  "  For  the  advancement  of  our  apprentices, "  said  the  new 
regulations,  "  we  direct  that  after  they  have  served  the  first  five  years 
they  shall  have  £10  per  annum  for  the  last  two  years ;  and  having 
served  those  two  years  to  be  entertained  one  year  longer  as  writers  and 
have  writer's  salary ;  and  having  served  that  year  to  enter  into  the 
degree  of  factors,  which  otherwise  would  have  been  ten  years.  And 
knowing  that  a  distinction  of  titles  is,  in  many  respects,  necessary,  we 
do  order  that  when  the  apprentices  have  served  their  times  they  be 
styled  writers ;  and  when  the  writers  have  SOTved  their  times  they  be 
styled  factors ;  and  the  factors  having  served  their  times  be  stvled 
merchants ;  and  the  merchants  having  served  their   times  to  be  styled 

E  2 


52  STKEYNSHAM    MASTER. 

senior  merchants."  ^  All  civil  servants  were  directed  to  apply  themselves 
to  the  acquisition  of  the  knowledge  of  military  discipline,  so  that  in 
event  of  any  sudden  emergency,  or  of  being  found  better  qualified  for 
military  than  for  civil  duties,  they  might  receive  commissions.  For  the 
purpose  of  introducing  the  new  system  of  administration  at  Hugli 
and  its  dependencies,  and  enforcing  the  subordination  of  these  distant 
stations  to  Fort  St.  George,  a  special  commissioner  was  appointed,  who 
was  to  succeed  Sir  William  Langhorne  when  his  term  of  oflBce  should 
expire.^ 

The  man  selected  for  discharging  these  important  duties  was 
Streynsham  Master,  who  had  already  done  good  service  to  the  Company 
in  Western  India,  and  had  received  a  gold  medal  in  remembrance  of 
the  gallantry  and  skill  with  which  he  had  held  the  factory  at  Surat 
when  it  was  attacked  by  Sivaji  in  1670,  He  was  undoubtedly  a  fit 
person  to  introduce  order  and  decorum  into  the  factories  of  the  day. 
Worthy,  religious,  and  methodical,  he  treated  others  with  kindness  and 
liberality.  He  writes  like  a  gentleman,  and,  notwithstanding  that  he 
came  to  India  before  he  was  sixteen  years  old,  his  papers  show  that  he 
was  decidedly  better  educated  than  the  majority  of  his  contemporaries 
in  the  Company's  service.^  His  instructions  were  to  inspect  all  the 
books  and  accounts  and  reduce  them  to  the  plain  and  clear  method  of 
the  Presidency  of  Surat,  to  find  out  the  best  methods  of  disposing  of 
imports  to  India  and  of  providing  exports  for  England,  especially  raw 
silk  and  taffetas,  to  investigate  the  characters  and  qualifications  of  the 
Company's  servants,  and  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  dissensions  and 
quarrels  amongst  them,  and  to  exhort  to  peaceable  and  quiet  living. 
He  was  also  to  inquire  into  the  business  of  Eaghu  Podar,  "  who  was  beaten 
by  the  house  broker  of  Cassimbazar,  and  died  presently  after."  •*  With 
this  commission  Streynsham  Master  left  England  on  the  8th  of  January, 
1676,  and,  arriving  at  Fort  St.  George  after  a  voyage  of  seven  months, 
left  again  in  the  Eagle  for  the  Bay  on  the  31st  July.  The  original 
manuscript  of  the  diary,  whicb  he  kept  during  the  voyage,  is  preserved 
among  the  Indian  records.  It  gives  a  minute  account  of  his  proceedings, 
and  is  our  most  authentic  record  of  the  condition  of  the  English  in 
Bengal  at  this  time.^ 

>  Bmce's  Annals,  II,  374,  375  and  378. 

3  II.,  II,  375,  378. 

3  Eedges  Diart/,  II,  222  to  230. 

*  lb.,  II,  231-32. 

5  lb.,  II,  232. 


A    VOYAGE    TO   HUGLI    IN    167G.  53 

There  were  then  three  most  important  English  establishments  in  the 
Bay,  Hugli  and  Cassimbazar,  where  they  made  their  principal  sales 
and  investments,  and  Balasor,  where  they  loaded  and  unloaded  the 
'Europe  "  ships.*  After  them  came  the  outlying  factories  at  Patna  and 
Singhiya  -  and  at  Dacca.  At  Eajmahal  there  was  a  small  agency  in 
connection  with  the  Mogul  mint,  to  which  the  English  had  to  send  all 
their  treasure  to  be  coined  into  rupees.^ 

At  Balasor  the  voyager  left  his  ship  which  had  brought  him  all  the 
way  round  the  Cape  from  Europe,  and  went  on  board  a  smaller  sloop. 
The  entrance  to  the  Hugli  was  then,  as  now,  obstructed  by  a  number 
of  sand  banks  called  "  the  Braces."  Sailing  cautiously  over  them,  and 
entering  the  river,  Master  came  to  anchor  off  Saugor  Island.  It  was 
early  morning,  and  boats  came  round  the  voyagers,  offering  fish  for  sale. 
They  were  fresh  and  cheap.  A  single  anna  bought  enough  to  feed  ten 
men.*  Oysters  were  also  abundant.^  This  was  the  eastern  channel ;  on 
the  other  side  was  the  western  channel  by  the  island  of  Hijili,  where  the 
Mogul  had  built  a  small  fort  to  protect  his  salt  works,  a  "  direful  place, " 
destined  in  a  few  years  to  be  the  grave  of  many  a  stout-hearted 
Englishman."^  From  his  sloop  Master  could  see  the  pits  and  places  to 
boil  brine ;  and  swarms  of  bees  flew  humming  over  the  deck.  The  whole 
river- side  was  studded  with  manufactures  of  wax  and  salt,  which  were 
royal  monopolies.  The  deep  channel  running  eastwards  was  "  Eogues 
River,"  the  favourite  haunt  of  the  Aracanese  pirates  before  the  days  of 
Shayista  Khan."  By  the  evening  Master  came  to  that  awkward  corner, 
Hugli  Point.  Below,  the  stream  was  eighteen  or  nineteen  fathoms  deep ; 
above,  only  eight  or  nine.  This  caused  such  a  whirling,  especially  at 
the  first  of  the  flood  and  the  last  of  the  ebb,  that  your  sloop  went 
twisting  round  and  round  with  the  current,  and  sometimes  was  shot  past 
the  channel  of  the  Hugli  into  the  Eupnarayan.     But  coming  near  upon 


'  Hedges  Diary,  II,  236. 

-  Singhiya,  or  Lalganj,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Gandak  river,  about  fifteen 
miles  north  of  Patna,  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  early  records  of  the  Company 
as  Singee  or  Singe.  It  was  not  a  healthy  place,  being  mostly  saltpetre  ground  ; 
but  the  English  kept  an  establishment  there  because  it  was  close  to  the  saltpetre 
and  removed  from  the  interference  of  the  nabob  of  Bihar  and  his  subordi- 
nates. They  had  at  this  time  no  factory  of  their  own  at  Patna  where  they  lived 
and  hired  houses.    The  Chief  of  the  Bihar  establishment  usually  lived  at  Singhiya. 

3  See  Hedges'  Diary,  vol.  I,  passim,  e.g.  pp.  57,  69,  70,  75,  97,  98.  Sic. 

*  Ih.,  1,  68. 

s  lb.,  n,  232. 

8  lb.,  II,  237. 

"  Ih.,  II,  232. 


54  THE    RIVKR   SIDE    PLACES    IN    1676. 

high-water,  Master  made  the  point  without  any  accident.  Then  they 
cast  anchor  again,  for  the  freshes  would  not  allow  them  to  go  any 
higher  that  night.^ 

Next  day  they  found  themselves  opposite  Betor,  in  Garden  Reach, 
where  the  Portuguese  ships  used  to  ride  over  a  hundred  years  ago, 
when  CsBsar  Fredrick  came  that  way.  The  place  was  now  called  Great 
Thana,  and  you  could  see  the  mud  walls  of  the  old  forts  built  here  on  each 
side  of  the  river  to  prevent  piratical  incursions.^  The  people  would  still 
tell  stories  of  how,  ten  or  twelve  years  ago,  before  the  strong  hand  of 
the  viceroy  had  completely  crushed  Arakan,  no  one  dared  to  dwell  lower 
down  the  river  beyond  the  protection  of  the  old  fort,  and  how  the  people 
by  the  bank  used  to  flee  into  the  jungle  from  the  grasp  of  the  spoilers, 
who  carried  them  off  captive  to  sell  them  into  slavery  at  Pipli.^  Op- 
posite, to  the  right,  was  the  village  of  Govindpur,  where  the  Setts  and 
Bysacks  had  cleared  away  the  dense  jungle  and  built  homes  for  their 
families.  Running  off  to  the  south  of  the  village  was  the  "  Old  Ganges," 
and  a  little  further  along  it  stood  the  shrine  of  Kali.  Above  Govind- 
pur was  Calcutta,  but  there  was  little  to  show  its  future  greatness.^ 

Master  could  see  only  the  signs  of  the  commercial  prosperity  of  Hol- 
land. Early  next  day  he  passed  Barnagar,  with  its  Dutch  establishment 
for  killing  and  salting  hogs.  Two  miles  short  of  Hugli  he  came  to  the 
Dutch  garden  at  Chandannagar,  and  a  little  further  was  a  deserted  place 
which  the  French  had  intended  for  their  factory.  The  gate  had  not  yet 
fallen  into  ruin,  but  the  place  was  now  in  possession  of  their  neighbours. 

At  Ohinsurah  he  saw  the  Dutch  factory,  standing  by  itself  like  an 
English  country  seat.  About  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  he  landed 
at  Gholghat,  where  he  was  welcomed  to  the  English  Company's  house.^ 

On  a  Monday  evening  Master  set  forward  again  to  the  Company's 
garden,  two  miles  north  of  the  town.  In  two  days  he  reached  Nadia, 
the  time-honoured  seat  of  Sanskrit  learning.  And  so  he  made  his 
way  up  the  river,  sometimes  meeting  the  state  barge  of  a  rich  Indian 
noble,  and  sometimes  the  cargo  boats  laden  with  the  Company's 
saltpetre  from  Singhiya  and  Patna,  till  at  length  in  five  more  days 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  233. 

2  One  stood  where  the  house  of  the  Snperintendent  of  the  Sibpur  Botanical 
Garden  now  is ;  the  other  was  placed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  riyer  at  Mattija- 
Burj. 

3  "Hedges'  Diary,  II,  237. 

*  The  history  of  these  places  will  be  given  subsequently  in  Book  III, 
chapter  IV. 

*  Hedges  Diary,  II,  283-34. 


MASTER   AT   CASSIMBAZAR.  55 

he  reached  his  destination.^  Cassimbazar  was  the  head-quarters  of  the 
silk  trade  and  was  almost  equal  in  importance  to  Hugli.  It  was 
an  ordinary  Indian  town,  about  two  miles  long,  with  streets  so 
narrow  in  some  places  where  markets  were  kept,  that  there  was  barely 
room  for  a  single  palanquin  to  pass.-  The  houses,  as  everywhere  in 
Bengal,  were  all  made  of  mud  dug  out  of  the  ground,  so  that  every 
house  had  a  holeful  of  water  standing  by  it,  a  good  reason  why 
the  country  should  be  unwholesome.^  The  loose,  fat  soil  was  exceed- 
ingly fertile;  yet  firewood  was  scarce,  and  timber  dear  and  bad. 
All  the  district  round  was  planted  with  mulberry  trees,  the  young 
leaves  being  in  great  request  for  feeding  the  silkworms.^  The  silk 
itself  was  yellow,  like  most  crude  silks,  but  the  people  of  Cassimbazar 
knew  how  to  bleach  it  with  a  lye  made  of  the  ashes  of  the  plantain 
tree,  which  made  it  as  white  as  the  silk  of  Palestine.^ 

Streynsham  Master  reached  Balasor  at  the  end  of  August,  and 
leaving  it  again  on  the  6th  September,  was  in  Hugli  eight  days 
later.  On  the  25th  the  governor  of  Maqsudabad  was  informed 
that  Master  had  arrived  at  Cassimbazar.^  Here  he  remained  for 
upwards  of  six  weeks. 

Three  important  questions  awaited  his  decision.  In  the  first  place  he 
had  to  settle  a  number  of  disputes  between  the  Company's  servants  and 
inquire  into  the  case  of  Eaghu  Podar,  the  Company's  cash-keeper.  This 
man  had  been  put  into  custody  by  order  of  Yincent,  then  chief  of  the 
Cassimbazar  factory,  in  order  to  extract  payment  from  him  of  sums  due 
to  the  Company ;  and  while  Yincent  was  away  in  the  country,  Ananta- 
rama,  the  Company's  broker,  who  had  charge  of  the  prisoner,  had  ordered 
him  to  be  severely  beaten,  and  Eaghu  Podar  had  died  that  same  night. 
This  had  naturally  caused  great  excitement  amongst  the  native 
commimity  and  had  led  to  trouble  with  the  Mogul  government.  The 
matter  had  only  been  hushed  up  by  the  payment  of  thirteen  thousand 
rupees.  Streynsham  Master  held  an  inquiry  into  the  whole  afiair, 
which  lasted  for  upwards  of  a  fortnight,  and  also  investigated  a  number 
of  other  charges  and  counter-charges  brought  by  the  members  of  the 
Council   against    one    another.      An  utter  stranger,   coming   to    the 


1  Hedges  Diary,  II,  234. 

2  lb.,  II,  236. 

3  lb.,  II,  238. 
*  lb.,  II,  236. 

»  Tavernier's  Voyages,  Tol.  II,  p.  261,  Paris  edition  of  1677. 
«  Hedges  Diary,  II,  232  to  234. 


66  ►  master's  settlement. 

factories  of  Bengal  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  he  could  not,  we 
may  be  sure,  succeed  in  ascertaining  the  real  rights  of  the  cases  upon 
which  he  was  called  upon  to  decide.^  All  that  he  could  do  was  to 
try  and  prevent  further  scandals,  here  and  elsewhere,  by  new  modelling 
the  consultations,  assigning  particular  duties  to  each  of  the  Company's 
servants,  and  ordering  regular  records  to  be  made  of  the  whole  of  their 
proceedings  and  transmitted  first  to  Fort  St.  George  and  thence  to 
England,  together  with  translations  of  all  letters  and  grants  from  the 
Indian  government.^ 

In  the  second  place,  Master  took  steps  which  led  to  the  founding  of 
a  new  factory  at  Malda,  a  town  on  the  other  side  of  the  Ganges,  a  day's 
journey  from  Rajmahal.  On  the  14th  October  it  was  resolved  to  invest 
a  sum  of  four  or  five  hundred  rupees  in  various  coarse  stuffs  to  be 
procured  there,  and  a  sixth  centre  of  English  commerce  was  formed 
in  Bengal.^ 

Lastly,  on  the  1st  November,  the  Cassimbazar  Council  "haveing 
taken  into  consideration  and  debate  which  of  the  two  places,  Hugli 
or  Balasor,  might  be  most  proper  and  convenient  for  the  residence 
of  the  Chiefe  and  Councell  in  the  Bay,  did  resolve  and  conclude  that 
Hugli  was  the  most  fitting  place  notwithstanding  the  Europe  ships 
doe  Unloade  and  take  in  their  Indeing  in  Balasor  roade,  Hugli  being 
the  Key  or  Scale  of  Bengala,  where  all  goods  pass  in  and  out  to  and 
from  all  parts,  and  being  near  the  center  of  the  Companys  business  is 
more  commodious  for  receiving  of  advices  from  and  issuing  of  orders  to, 
all  subordinate  fi'actoryes. 

"  Wherefore  it  is  thought  Convenient  that  the  Chiefe  and  Councell 
of  the  Bay  doe  reside  at  Hugli,  and  upon  the  dispatch  of  the  Europe 
ships  the  Chiefe  and  the  Councell,  or  some  of  them  (as  shall  be  thought 
Convenient)  doe  yearly  goe  down  to  Balasor,  soe  well  to  expedite  the 
dispatch  of  the  ships  as  to  make  inspection  into  the  affairs  of  Balasor 
ffactory.  And  the  Councell  did  likewise  Conclude  that  it  was  requisite 
a  like  inspection  should  be  yearly  made  in  the  ffactory  at  Cassambazar 
the  Honble  Companys  principal  concernes  of  sales  and  investments  in 
the  Bay  lyeing  in  those  two  places,  and  the  expence  of  such  visitation 
will  be  very  small,  by  reason  of  Conveniency  of  travelling  in  these 
Countreys  by  land  or  water."  ^     The  day  of  Calcutta  was  not  yet. 

1  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  234-35. 
^  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  403. 
^  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  235. 
*  lb.,  II,  236. 


MATTHIAS   VIKCBST,   CHIEF    LN   THE   BAY.  57 

On  the  8  th  of  November  Streynsham  Master  left  Cassimbazar 
and  on  the  29th  Hugli.  On  the  17th  January,  1677,  he  arrived  at 
Madras.^ 

Within  a  year  of  this  visitation  Clavell,  the  chief  of  the  Bengal 
factories,  died,  and  on  the  7th  September,  1677,  Matthias  Yineent 
reigned  in  his  Etead.^  The  new  agent,  who  has  sdready  been  noticed 
as  concerned  in  the  affair  of  Raghu  Podar,  seems  to  have  never  been 
liked  or  trusted  by  his  honourable  masters.  They  accused  him  of 
homicide,  "  diabolical  arts  with  Bramminees"  exercising  charms,  using 
poison,  and  worse.^  For  of  all  crimes  under  the  sun  which  a  man 
could  commit,  the  two  most  heinous  in  the  Court's  eyes  were  for  a 
private  merchant  to  infringe  their  monopoly  by  coming  to  India  to  trade 
without  their  license  in  their  commodities,  and  for  a  covenanted 
servant  of  theirs  to  encourage,  protect,  and  share  in  such  criminal 
proceedings.  At  this  time  there  was  in  those  parts  a  notable  private 
trader  and  interloper,  Thomas  Pitt,  destined  in  after  years  to  be 
Governor  of  Fort  St.  Greorge,  discoverer  of  the  finest  diamond  in  the 
world,  and  progenitor  of  two  of  England's  greatest  statesmen  ;  but  as 
yet  only  "  a  yoimg  beginner,"  trading  in  his  own  account  between 
Persia  and  Bengal,*  Somewhere  about  the  end  of  1678  or  the  begin- 
ning of  1679,  Pitt  married  Jane  Tnnes,  one  of  whose  aunts  was 
Vincent's  wife.  The  agent*  at  Hugli  looked  upon  himself  as  the 
uncle  of  "the  pirate"  Pitt,  and  always  wrote  to  him  and  treated  him 
as  his  nephew.  He  was  thus  clearly  guilty  of  "  the  treacherous  and 
unpardonable  sin  of  compliance  with  interlopers."  ^ 

"SVe  cannot  say  whether  the  Court  ever  knew  the  whole  of  this 
dreadful  story.  They  were,  however,  always  suspecting  Yineent  of 
such  iniquities,  and  attempted  to  exercise  a  jealous  supervision  over 
the  establishment  in  Bengal  through  the  governor  of  Fort  St.  George.^ 
In  1679,  Streynsham  Master  found  it  again  necessary  to  visit  the  Bay. 
He  went  in  state  as  Governor  of  Madras,  taking  with  him  Mr.  Mohun, 
one  of  the  Madras  Council,  a  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Richard  Elliott,  a  secre- 
tary, two  writers,  an  ensign,  and  thirteen  soldiers,  besides  orderlies  and 
palanquin  boys.     They  set  sail  on  the  1st  of  August,  reached  Balasor 


1  Hedges  Diary,  II,  236  to  238. 

'  Danvers,  op.  cit.,  p.  10. 

'  Hedges   Diary,  II,  284,  290-9 J. 

*  lb..  Ill,  1  to  9. 

»  lb..  Ill,  28. 

«  lb.,  II,  290  to  292. 


58  PROGRESS  OF  THE   ENGLISH   IN   BENGAL. 

on  the  17th  and  Hugli  a  month  later,  and  did  not  return  to  Madras  till 
the  26th  January,  I68O.1 

Streynsham  Master  this  time  exercised  his  authority  more  decisively 
and  vigorously  than  he  had  done  three  years  earlier.  He  did  not 
displace  Vincent,  but  he  did  what  he  could  to  improve  the  discipline 
and  moral  tone  of  the  agencies.  He  had  the  wretched  huts  in  use 
replaced  in  many  cases  by  brick  buildings,  he  drew  up  a  number  of 
disciplinary  regulations,  settled  the  order  of  precedence  and  succession 
among  the  Company's  servants,  and  suggested  that  their  salaries  should 
be  increased.  These  things  did  not  please  the  Court.  They  were  ready 
enough  to  find  fault  with  their  servants,  but  slow  to  do  anything  to 
improve  them;  and  while  they  expected  every  one  to  sacrifice  his 
interests  to  theirs,  they  grudged  to  spend  a  few  pounds  in  return  for  the 
benefit  of  others.^ 

Under  Vincent,  in  spite  of  his  misdoings,  the  Bengal  trade  con- 
tinued to  make  rapid  progress.  In  1675  the  factors,  besides  the  £65,000 
of  stock,  were  authorised  to  take  up  £20,000  at  interest,  and  with  this 
sum  to  buy  principally  silks  and  taffetas  of  a  finer  quality  and  six  hundred 
tons  of  saltpetre,  and  after  that  white  sugar,  cotton-yarn,  turmeric,  and 
bees-wax  to  fill  up  any  spare  tonnage  in  the  ships.^  Two  years  later  the 
sales  of  Dacca  and  Malda  goods  in  England  turned  out  so  profitably,  that 
the  Court  raised  the  stock  to  £100,000.'*  .The  result  was  that  the  invest- 
ment despatched  from  the  east  coast  in  the  next  year  consisted  almost 
entirely  of  exports  from  Bengal,  and  was  on  the  whole  greater  than  "  it 
had  been  in  any  other  period  of  the  Company's  commerce."  ^  Fort  St. 
George  was  ordered  to  store  up  annually  five  hundred  tons  of  saltpetre 
ready  for  despatch.®  In  1680  as  much  as  £150,000  was  appropriated 
to  the  factories  of  the  Bay.  In  this  year  £20,000  was  assigned  to 
Balasor  alone,  which  became  a  purchasing  as  well  as  a  shipping 
centre." 

The  measures  which  the  Court  had  taken  to  improve  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  river  had  at  last  succeeded.  In  1679  Captain  Stafford  made 
the  passage  up  with  the  Falcon^  and  for  the  first  time  Mother  Ganges  bore 


'  Hedges  Diary,  II,  243. 

2  Ih  ,  II,  247. 

3  Bruce's  Annals,  IT,  361. 
*  lb.,  II,  409. 

»  lb.,  II,  430. 
6  lb.,  II,  4-2&. 
■  lb.,  II,  451,  453. 


THE    APOTHEOSIS  OF   RATAN    SAEKAR.  59 

on  her  tide  a  British  sbip.^  A  curious  recollection  of  the  event  still 
survives  in  Calcutta.  The  story  is  told  that,  while  lying  in  Garden 
Eeach,  at  all  times  a  favourite  anchorage,  Stafford  sent  over  to 
G-ovindpur  to  ask  the  Setts  and  Bysacks  for  a  dohhash,-  meaning  an 
interpreter  or  broker.  The  simple  villagers  mistook  the  word  dohhdsh 
for  dhoha,  a  washerman,  and  accordingly  sent  one,  named  Eatan  Sarkar. 
Luckily  the  man  could  understand  a  little  English,  and  was  so  intelli- 
gent, that  his  new  employers  were  quite  satisfied  with  him,  and  thus  the 
quondam  washerman  was  promoted  to  the  dignity  of  being  the  English 
interpreter  in  Bengal. 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  200. 

-  In  Bengali  dohhdsluya  means  interpreter,  and  rf/toJa  a  washerman.  Dobhash 
is  the  common  word  in  Madras  for  broker;  in  Bengal  the  word  used  is  hanyan. 
Hence  the  mistake. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL  IN  THE  DATS  OP  STSEYNSHAM  MASTER.* 


The  visits  of  Streynsham  Master  to  Bengal  afford  a  convenient 
opportunity. for  pausing  in  our  history,  and  attempting  to  form  some 
idea  of  the  condition  of  the  English  in  the  Bay  before  the  foundation  of 
Fort  William,  and  at  the  time  when  their  commercial  operations  all  came 
to  a  head  at  Hugli.  Here,  or  near  here,  had  been  for  centuries  the  chief 
mart  of  Western  Bengal.  From  the  parts  all  about  came  silk,  sugar, 
and  opium,  rice  and  wheat,  oil  and  butter,  coarse  hemp  and  jute ;  and  in 
the  neighbourhood  lived  large  numbers  of  weavers  of  cotton  cloth  and 
tasar  silk  of  various  sorts.  In  the  town  of  Hugli  itself  the  Portuguese 
were  numerous,  but  their  trade  was  inconsiderable.  Eeduced  to  a  low 
and  mean  condition,  their  chief  subsistence  was  to  take  service  as  soldiers 
under  the  local  government.  As  a  centre  for  the  English  trade  the  place 
had  many  defects  which  could  not  be  remedied  by  any  improvements  in 
the  pilotage  of  ships.  It  was  separated  from  the  Bay  by  a  long  and 
dangerous  river,  and  was  therefore  hard  to  defend  from  the  sea  :  it  stood 
on  the  west  bank,  and  was  therefore  easy  to  attack  from  the  land.  And 
the  founders  of  the  Hugli  factory  had  done  their  best  to  add  to  these  faults. 
The  large,  badly-built  Indian  town,  with  its  narrow  lanes,  stretched  for 
about  two  miles  along  the  river-side.  North  of  it  was  Bandel,  the  ill-fated 
colony  of  the  Portuguese;  south  was  the  Dutch  settlement  of  Chinsurah. 


'  See  also  the  contemporary  account  given  below  p.  375  et  seq. 


62  ENGLISH    LIFE    IN   THE    BAY, 

Near  the  middle  of  the  town,  for  the  space  of  about  three  hundred 
yards,  a  small  indentation  occurred  in  the  bank,  forming  a  diminutive 
whirlpool,  whence  the  Bengalis  called  it  Gholghat.  It  was  this  spot, 
hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  closely-packed  houses,  hard  by  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Mogul  governor  which  the  English,  with  short-sighted 
rashness,  chose  as  the  site' of  their  factory.^ 

To  the  eyes  of  one  accustomed  to  the  house  at  Surat,  with  its  ample 
rooms  and  fair  oratory,  its  warehouses  and  cellars,  its  baths  and  ponds 
of  clear  water,  the  establishment  at  Gholghat  seemed  a  poor  place 
of  eastern  residence.  It  afforded  no  accommodation  at  all  to  the 
married  servants  of  the  Company,  who  had  to  live  outside  in  the 
native  town,  neither  had  it  any  proper  quay  with  lodgings  for  the 
captains  and  pilots.  In  1676  Streynsham  Master  gave  instructions 
for  rebuilding  and  enlarging  the  factory.  Besides  improving  and  add- 
ing to  the  main  building,  he  had  that  part  of  the  precinct  which  was 
near  the  river  repaired  and  enclosed,  and  "  hovels"  set  up  for  the  use  of 
the  English  employed  on  the  ships  and  sloops.  It  was  ordered  that 
those  who  were  living  outside  in  houses  of  their  own  ^should  by  degrees 
be  brought  into  the  factory  precinct,  and  allowed  to  build  such 
accommodation  as  they  desired,  if  married.  All  persons  so  living  were 
to  be  under  the  inspection  of  the  purser  marine  and  to  live  under  such 
orders  as  they  might  receive  from  the  Council.^ 

As  elsewhere,  the  governing  body  at  Hugli  consisted  of  four  members, 
the  agent,  who  was  chief  of  the  factories  in  the  Bay,  the  accountant,  the 
storekeeper,  and  the  purser  marine.  Next  in  order  of  succession  was 
the  secretary,  who  attended  all  the  meetings  of  the  Council  and  kept 
a  diary  of  their  consultations,  a  copy  of  which  was  sent  home  every 
year,  together  with  a  general  letter  reviewing  their  proceedings;  the 
chaplain,  when  there  was  one,  ranked  as  third  after  the  accountant; 
the  surgeon  came  between  the  purser  marine  and  the  secretary ;  the 
eighth  in  order  of  precedence  was  the  steward.  After  these  dignities 
came  the  general  body  of  merchants,  factors,  writers,  and  apprentices. 
The  pay  of  the  agent  was  originally  £100  a  year,  but  it  must  have 
been  gradually  raised,  till  in  1682  it  was  £200  a  year  and  £100 
gratuity.  The  chaplain,  too,  was  paid  £100,  the  factors  received  from 
£20  to  £40,  and  the  writers  only  £10  a  year.  Those  rates  of  salary 
were  merely  nominal:  what  the  real  incomes  of  the  various  ranks  were 
it  is  impossible  to  say,  for,  besides  what  they  gained  by  private  trade, 

»  Hedges'  Diary,  If,  238  to  240. 
2  16.,  II,  236  and  237. 


BUSINESS    IN    THE    FACTORY.  63 

they  drew  considerable  sums  from  the  public  funds  as  allowances  for 
various  purposes.  Every  servant  of  the  Company  had  a  right  to  free 
quarters  in  the  factory,  dinner  and  supper  at  the  public  table,  lights  and 
attendants.  The  senior  oflficers,  who  were  married,  and  desired  "  to 
diet  apart,"  were  given  their  diet  money,  servants'  wages,  free  candles* 
and  other  additions.^  To  enforce  his  authority,  the  Chief  had  under 
him  a  force  of  thirty  or  forty  native  orderlies,  to  which  was  added  in 
1682  a  corporal  and  twenty  European  soldiers.- 

The  usual  intermediary  between  the  English  and  the  local 
producers  and  consumers  was  the  Indian  broker,  who  was  sent  out 
into  the  districts  round  the  factory  to  buy  on  the  Company's  behalf  in 
the  cheapest  markets.  He  had  to  give  a  security,  and  was  rewarded 
by  a  brokerage  of  three  per  cent,  on  all  transactions.  Another  way  was 
to  invite  the  merchants  living  in  the  town  by  the  factory  to  send 
samples,  and  buy  through  them.  But  in  whichever  way  the  purchases 
were  made,  passes  were  given  to  the  broker  or  merchant  in  the 
English  Company's  name,  so  that  the  goods  might  be  freely  conveyed 
to  their  destination ;  and  in  the  same  way,  whatever  the  Company 
sold,  whether  for  ready  money  or  on  account,  they  gave  with  it  a 
free  pass,  so  that  the  buyer  might  not  have  to  pay  duty. 

No  one  could  live  outside  the  factory  unless  he  received  permission 
to  do  so.^  "Within,  life  was  regulated  after  the  fashion  of  a  college. 
The  hours  of  work  were  from  nine  or  ten  till  twelve  in  the  morning, 
and  again  in  the  afternoon  till  about  four  if  work  was  pressing. 
Ordinarily  there  was  not  so  much  to  do,  but  during  the  shipping  time 
the  place  was  filled  with  busy  hum  of  men.  At  midday  they  all  dined 
together  in  the  common  hall,  seated  strictly  in  order  of  seniority.  The 
table  was  loaded  with  every  sort  of  meat  and  dish  which  the  country 
could  afford,  prepared  by  Indian,  Portuguese,  English,  and  even  French 
cooks.  There  was  a  plentiful  supply  of  plate.  A  silver  ewer  and  basin 
were  used  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  meal  for  washing  the  hands. 
They  drank  arrack  pimch  and  Shiraz  wine.  European  wine  and  bottled 
beer  were  great  luxuries.  On  Sundays  and  holidays  they  had  game  to 
eat,  and  drank  the  healths  of  King  and  Company  and  of  every  one 
at  table,  down  to  the  youngest  writer.     The  drinking  of  tea  every  day 

1  See  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  pp.  10  and  11,  Hyde's  First  "Bengal  Chaplain, 
pp.  3  and  5,  published  in  the  Indian  Church  Quarterly  Eevieic,  January  1890. 
Compare  also  Orington's  Voyage  to  Surat,  pp.  389  to^391,  edition  of  1698. 

•  Ovington's  Voyage,  pp.  391-92:  Bruce's  Annals,  II,  467-68. 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  237.     Orington's  Voyage,  393. 


64  THEIR    PLEASURES    AND    AMUSEMENTS, 

at  their  ordinary  social  meetings  was  even  then  in  fashion,  and  was 
common  all  over  India."^  The  second  meal  taken  together  in  the  hall 
was  supper.2    At  nine  o'clock  the  factory  gates  were  shut. 

Their  pleasures  and  amusements  were  few  indeed.  Sometimes 
they  entertained,  or  were  entertained  by  their  Dutch  neighbours.^ 
Occasionally  they  might  go  out  into  the  country  around  to  shoot,  or 
hunt  in  company  with  some  local  grandee,^  or  see  such  antiquities  as 
Bengal  possessed.^  But  as  a  rule  their  excursions  were  limited  to  the 
English  garden  two  miles  north  of  the  factory,^  whither  they  would  go, 
morning  and  evening  to  breathe  the  fresh  air  and  to  walk  underneath 
the  shady  trees  and  bathe  in  the  cool  ponds  of  water.^  Their  exercise 
was  shooting  at  the  butts ;  their  refreshment  a  bottle  of  wine  and 
a  cold  collation  of  fruits  and  preserves,  which  they  brought  with 
them,^  The  chief  and  second  had  a  palanquin  each  when  they 
went  abroad,  and  the  rest  of  the  Council  with  the  chaplain  were  allowed 
to  have  large  umbrellas  borne  above  them  in  solemn  state,  but  this 
protection  against  the  sun's  rays  was  rigidly  denied  to  the  rest  of  the 
Company's  servants.^  No  one,  however,  could  stir  without  being 
attended  by  a  number  of  orderlies.^" 

On  high  days  the  governor  went  to  the  garden  in  a  procession 
which,  according  to  native  ideas,  must  have  been  most  magnificent 
and  imposing.^^  First  came  two  men  carrying  swallow-tailed  silk  flags 
displaying  the  broad  red  cross  of  St.  Greorge  fastened  to  a  silver 
partisan  ;  ^^  next  the  musicians  sounding  their  trumpets,  and  the  chief's 
Persian  horses  ^^  of  state  led  before  him  gallantly  equipped  in  rich 
trappings.     The  chief  and   his   wife  reclined  in  palanquins  borne  by 

^  See  Mandelslo's  Voyage,  ia  Wheeler's  Early  Record's  Voyage  of  British 
India,  edition  of  1878,  p.  22. 

2  Ovington's  Voyage,  394  to  398.  At  Surat  it  was  the  custom  for  the  Chief 
and  Council  to  have  supper  together  alone  "for  the  maintenance  of  a  friendly 
correspondence  and  to  discourse  of  the  Company's  business." 

^  Tavernier's  Voyage,  II,  81.     Hedges'  Diary,  I,  56. 

■*  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  66. 

*  n.,  I,  88. 

^  lb.,  I,  34,  35,  II,  234,  and  constantly  in  our  authorities. 

"^  Ovington's  Voyage,  400. 

^  Mandelslo's  Voyage,  as  above,  p.  22. 

^  Hyde,  op.  cit.,  p.  5. 

^^  Ovington's    Voyage,  392. 

"  For  this  procession,  see  Ovington's  Voyage,  399,  400.  Compare  Hedges' 
Diary,  I,  123,  quoted  below,  p.  74. 

12  The  English  flag  was  also  displayed  at  the  factory  and  at  the  garden. 

"  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  237. 


THKIR  DEESS   AND   MANNERS.  65 

four  orderlies,  with  two  others  to  relieve  them,  and  were  escorted  by 
the  whole  body  of  orderlies  in  scarlet  coats  on  foot.  After  the 
chief  came  the  other  members  of  council  in  large  coaches,  ornamented 
with  silver  knobs,  drawn  by  oxen.  The  rest  of  the  factors  followed, 
some  on  horses  and  some  in  carriages.  If  their  wives  were  with  them, 
the  carriages,  in  accordance  with  native  etiquette,  were  closed.  Other- 
wise they  were  open,  so  that  the  people  might  behold  and  admire 
their  fine  clothes. 

Of  course  they  imitated  the  European  changes  of  mode,  but 
at  a  respectful  distance,  for  in  those  times  "the  butterfly  passion" 
took  many  years  to  flit  across  to  India.  In  1658  a  good  cloth  coat  with 
large  silver  lace  was  all  the  fashion,  and  was  considered  to  be  the 
badge  of  an  Englishman.  "Without  it,  or  something  like  it,  a  man  got 
no  esteem  or  regard.^  Perukes,  I  expect,  were  not  generally  adopted 
in  India  till  long  after  their  introduction  into  Europe.  No  doubt 
great  personages,  like  Streynsham  Master  or  His  Reverence  the 
Chaplain,  came  out  wearing  the  ample  wig,^  but  those  who  consulted 
comfort  cut  the  hair  short  and  condescended  "  to  enter  into  the 
Moor's  fashion."  ^  What  the  English  ladies  wore  I  cannot  imagine, 
but  I  dare  say  they  took  care  to  be  less  old-fashioned  than  the  men. 
Unfortunately  there  were  few  of  them,  the  hardships  and  dangers 
of  the  long  voyage  being  very  great,  and  a  large  number  of  the 
Company's  servants  had  to  find  their  wives  in  the  country. 

I  find  it  difficult  to  give  a  fair  and  impartial  account  of  the  Eng- 
lish in  Bengal  at  this  period.  The  pictures  we  have  of  them,  like 
all  pictures  of  societies,  dwell  upon  the  darker  aspects  of  the  scene. 
In  those  days  of  greatest  isolation  the  tendency  to  gravitate  towards 
the  local  ways  of  living  and  acting  was  very  strong.  They  took  their 
meals  when  away  from  the  factory  lying  on  carpets ;  ^  they  wore  the 
Indian  dress ;  they  married  Indian  wives. 

But  besides  these  practices,  which,  if  we  consider  the  circum- 
stances, are  at  least  excusable,  the  English  in  Bengal  developed  other 
characteristics,  which  gained  for  their  establishments  the  reputation 
of  being  the  laxest  and  worst  disciplined  in  India,  just  as  the  Surat 
factory  was  reputed  the  godliest.     It  was  the  general  belief  that  their 


»  Sedges'  Diary,  II,  347. 
^  Hyde,  op.  cit,,  p.  5. 
^  Sedges'  Diary,  III,  194. 
*  Ovington'a  Voyage,  401. 


66  THE   SEAMY  SIDE. 

untimely  deaths  were  due  rather  to  gross  intemperance  than  to  the 
climate.  "It  cannot  be  denied,"  writes  Bemier^  in  1666,  "that  the  air 
is  not  60  healthy  there,  especially  near  the  sea,  and  when  the  English 
and  Hollanders  first  came  to  settle  there  many  of  them  died.  I  have 
seen  in  Balasor  two  very  fine  English  ships,  which,  having  been  obliged 
by  reason  of  the  war  with  the  Hollanders  to  stay  there  above  a  year, 
were  not  able  to  go  to  sea,  because  most  of  their  men  were  lost.  Yet 
since  the  time  that  they  have  taken  care  and  given  orders,  as  well  as  the 
Hollanders,  that  their  seamen  shall  not  drink  so  much  bowl-punch,  nor 
go  BO  often  ashore  to  visit  the  sellers  of  arrack  and  tobacco  and  the 
Indian  women,  and  since  they  have  found  that  a  little  Bordeaux,  Canary, 
or  Shiraz  wine  is  a  marvellous  antidote  against  the  ill  air,  there  is  not  so 
much  sickness  among  theni.  Bowl-punch  is  a  certain  beverage' made  of 
arrack,  that  is  of  strong  water,  black  sugar  with  the  juice  of  lemon, 
water,  and  a  little  muscadine  squeezed  upon  it.  It  is  pleasant  enough 
to  the  taste,  but  the  plague  of  the  body  and  health."  In  spite 
of  all  this  the  habit  of  drinking  did  not  die  out  so  soon.  When 
Master  first  came  to  Bengal  he  found  a  punch -house  within  the 
Balasor  factory ;  and  in  1678  the  youthful  Pitt  writes  :  "  There 
is  a  general  complaint  that  we  drink  a  damnable  deal  of  wine  this 
year."  ^ 

The  English  in  Bengal  were  equally  notorious  for  their  quarrels, 
the  natural  outcome  of  the  prevailing  eagerness  to  make  money  and  the 
spirit  of  espionage  fostered  by  their  masters,  who  were  pleased  that 
their  servants  should  tell  tales  of  one  another.  The  old  viceroy  Shayista 
Khan  called  them  "a  company  of  base,  quarrelling  people  and  foul 
dealers;"  and  our  great  modern  authority  will  not  gainsay  that  the 
nabob  had  good  grounds  for  his  assertion.  The  impression  of  the 
moral  and  social  tone  of  the  Company's  servants  in  the  Bay  which  has 
been  left  on  the  mind  of  Sir  Henry  Yule  by  his  exhaustive  study  of  the 
records  of  the  time  is  "  certainly  a  dismal  one,"  and  he  has  found  it 
*'  hard  to  augur  from  their  prevalent  character  at  this  time  the  ultimate 
emergence  among  the  servants  of  the  Company  of  such  men  as 
Elphinstone,  Munro,  and  Malcolm,  Henry  and  John  Lawrence,  Martyn 
and  Keber,"  or  a  host  of  other  noble  souls  who  lived  their  days  without 
regret  in  India,  studious  alike  of  its  good  and  of  the  good  of  their  own 
nation.^  _ 

1  Amsterdam  edition  of  1724,  vol.  II,  \\  334. 
^  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  &. 
3  lb.,  II,  29,  30. 


THE    BETTER    SIDE.  67 

But  men  do  not  gather  grapes  of  thorns,  or  figs  of  thistles.    Surely, 
knowing  the  brighter  future,  we  may  make  reply  : 

"  You  make  our  faults  too  gross. 
At  times  the  small  black  fly  upon  the  pane 
May  seem  the  black  ox  of  the  distant  plain." 

We  must  not  allow  the  noisy  riot  of  a  few  callow  boys  new  to  the 
country,  or  the  excesses  of  a  ship's  crew  set  loose  after  a  tedious  voyage, 
to  silence  the  quiet  but  eloquent  testimony  of  hundreds  of  lives  spent  in 
serving  the  Company  faithfully,  soberly,  hopefully,  honestly.  There  is 
another  account  to  be  given  of  early  English  life  in  Bengal.  The  native 
inhabitants,  shrewd  judges  of  character,  saw  matters  in  a  very  different 
light  from  the  nabob.  They  saw,  on  the  one  hand,  the  viceroy  of 
Dacca  and  his  ofi&cers  throughout  the  country  oppressing  the  people, 
demanding  bribes  and  presents  upon  a  thousand  petty  pretexts,  mono- 
polising every  useful  article,  down  to  the  very  grass  for  their  cattle  and 
wood  for  their  fire,  harassing  trade,  obliging  the  Hindu  merchants  to 
buy  goods  at  unfairly  enhanced  prices,  urging  them  to  borrow  money 
at  exorbitant  rates  of  interest,  and  requiring  them  to  repay  principal 
and  interest  before  they  become  due.^  They  saw,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  English  careful  to  discharge  all  their  obligations,  anxious  to  defend 
their  servants,  and  to  do  justice.  "  Never,"  says  the  Court  in  1693, 
"  never  any  native  of  India  lost  a  penny  debt  by  this  Company  from  the  i 
time  of  the  first  institution  thereof  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  days  tiU  this 
time;"^  and  the  faithfulness jof  the  Hindu  merchants  to  the  Company's 
interest  was  a  commonplace  with  the  Court.  Where  is  the  evidence  to 
justify  the  belief  in  the  general  corruption  of  this  period  ?  It  is  easy 
to  turn  history  into  melodrama,  and  people  the  stage  with  villains,  in  the 
midst  of  which  some  favourite  hero  shaU  move  as  an  angel  from  another 
world.  But  the  fact  is  that  the  English  at  Hugli  were  for  the  most 
part  not  so  very  different  from  their  successors  of  to-day,  sincere, 
manly,  and  earnest,  happy  in  their  work,  proud  of  their  position,  anxious 
for  the  good  name  of  their  religion  and  their  country,  anxious  to 
leave  the  place  of  their  sojourn  a  little  better  than  they  found  it. 

To  minister  to  such  a  flock  came  in  1678  the  Eev.  John  Evans,  / 
the  first  Bengal  Chaplain.^  Born  of  the  stock  of  an  ancient  family  in  / 
North  Wales,  educated  at  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  he  was,  while  still  the 

»  Helges'  Diary,  II,  238  and  239. 

2  lb..  Ill,  17. 

^  For  the  details  about  Evans  see  Hyde,  op.  cit. 

r  2 


68  JOHN  EVANS,  FIRST  BENGAL  CHAPLAIN. 

curate  of  Thistleworth,  on  the  recommendation  of  Sir  Joseph  Ashe,  elected 
by  the  Court  to  be  their  chaplain  in  the  Bay.  Though  married,  he  was 
still  a  young  man  in  his  twenty-eighth  year,  with  handsome  features 
and  a  fine  stature.  He  was  eager  to  go  forth  to  his  work.  Twenty 
pounds  were  given  him  for  his  outfit,  and  in  December,  1677,  only  a 
month  after  his  formal  appointment,  he  embarked  with  his  wife  at 
Gravesend.  On  the  23rd  of  June  following  he  arrived  at  Hugli, 
and  for  a  year  or  more  was  busied  in  visiting  the  out-agencies  and 
providing  a  chapel  for  the  factory.  His  youth,  his  impetuous  zeal,  and 
his  liberal  opinions  prejudiced  him  in  the  eyes  of  some  of  the  older 
men.  It  is  clear  that  he  sympathised  with  the  interlopers,  and  that,  in 
common  with  the  other  members  of  the  factory,  but  with  more  than 
ordinary  aptitude  and  vigour,  he  accommodated  himself  to  the  necessity 
of  tradiug  to  eke  out  his  salary.  For  all  this  he  incurred  the  censure 
of  the  Court.  Still  we  cannot  doubt  the  good  influence  of  one  who  "  ever 
had  greatly  at  heart  to  fulfil  the  ministry  which  he  had  received  in  the 
Lord."  His  character,  in  fact,  presented  the  rare  combination  of 
gentleness  and  strength.  Even  the  "  Gentiles,"  it  is  said,  revered 
him.  "  He  drew  men  by  his  sweet  words,  moulded  them  by  his  grave 
looks,  led  them  by  the  example  of  his  strict  life." 

In  1679,  when  the  governor  of  Madras  paid  his  second  visit  to 
Bengal,  accompanied  by  his  chaplain,  Elliott,  the  three  men  took  counsel 
together  as  to  the  best  means  of  propagating  in  Bengal  the  godly 
discipline  of  Surat.  On  the  12th  December  a  number  of  regulations 
were  issued  "  for  advancing  the  glory  of  God,  upholding  the  honour  of 
the  English  nation,  and  preventing  of  disorders,"  and  were  ordered 
to  be  observed  by  all  persons  employed  in  the  Company's  service  in 
the  factories  of  the  Bay.  The  voice  of  Streynsham  Master,  the  great 
disciplinarian,  may  be  heard  throughout  plainly  enough.  He  begins 
with  admonition,  he  ends  with  threats  of  condign  punishment.  The 
preamble  declares  that  persons  of  all  professions  ought  to  hallow  God's 
name,  attend  His  services,  and  seek  His  blessing  by  daily  prayers, 
and  warns  every  servant  of  the  Company  "  to  abandon  lying,  swearing, 
cursing,  drunkenness,  uncleanness,  profanation  of  the  Lord's  Day,  and 
all  other  sinful  practices,  and  not  to  be  out  of  the  house  or  from  their 
lodgings  late  at  nights,  or  absent  from,  or  neglect,  morning  or  evening 
prayer,  or  do  any  other  thing  to  the  dishonour  of  Almighty  God, 
the  corruption  of  good  manners,  or  against  the  peace  of  the  Govern- 
ment." Should  any  still  refuse  to  hear  the  voice  of  the  preacher,  he  will 
have  recourse  to  the  judicial  powers  committed  to  him  by  the  Eoyal 


THE   company's  TEN   COMMANDMENTS.  69 

Charter.     If  any  one  is  found  absent  from  the  house  after  nine  o'clock  • 
at  night  he  -will  have  to  pay  ten  rupees  for  the  use  of  the  poor.     Any  I 
one  guilty  of  profane  swearing  must  pay  twelve  pence  for   each  oath.  \ 
Drunkenness  is  to  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  five  shillings  for  each  ofience.    ■ 
One  shilling  is  the  fine   for    neglecting  to    attend  public    prayers  / 
morning  and  evening  on  the  Lord's  day.     If  these  sums  are  not  paid  ^ 
on  demand,  they  will  be  levied  by  distress   and  sale  of  the  ofi'ender's 
goods ;  failing  this  the  offender  will  have  to  sit  in  the  stocks.    Whoever 
is  guilty  of  lying  wiU  pay  twelve  pence  to  the  poor  for  every  such 
offence.     Any  Protestant  staying  in  the  Company's  house  and  absent- 
ing himself  without  lawful   excuse  from  the  public  prayers  morning 
and  evening,  will  also  pay  twelve  pence   to   the   poor  for  every   such 
default,  or  be  confined  a  whole  week  within  the  house.     "  If  any,  by 
those  penalties,  will  not  be  reclaimed  from  their  vices,  or  any  shall  be 
found  guilty  of  adultery,  fornication,  uncleannessj  or  any  such  crimes, 
or  shall  disturb  the  peace  of  the  factory   by  quarrelling  or  fighting, 
and  will  not  be  reclaimed,  then  they  shall  be  sent  to  Fort  St.  Geogre, 
there  to  receive  condign  punishment."     And  "  these  orders  shall  be 
read  publicly  to  the   factory  twice  in  a  year,  that  is,  upon  the  Sunday 
next  after  Christmas  Day  and  upon  the  Sunday  next  after  Midsummer 
Day,  in  the  forenoon,  after  Divine  service,  that  none  may  pretend  igno- 
rance thereof."    Lastly,  '*  one  of  the  factors  or  writers  shall  be  monthly 
appointed  by  the  respective  chiefs  to  note  and  collect  the  forfeiture, 
and  to  pay  the  same  to  the  chief  who  is  every  year  to  send  it  to  the 
chief  at  Hugli,  and  they  are  to  remit  the  whole  collections  every  year 
to  the  agent  at  the  Fort,^  there   to    be   paid  to  the  overseers  of  the 
poor.- 

And  thus  Christian  observance  and  Christian  order  were  introduced 
amongst  these  hitherto  neglected  members  of  the  Church.  Morning 
and  evening  the  English  at  Hugli  joined  again  in  that  princely  liturgy, 
whose  very  words  have  a  strange  charm,  like  the  melody  of  far-off  bells 
to  draw  the  soul  Godwards.  Day  by  day  was  offered  up  the  appointed 
prayer  for  the  Divine  blessing  upon  the  Company  and  their  servants. 
'*  O  Almighty  and  most  merciful  God,  who  art  the  sovereign  protector 


>  The  Fort,  of  course,  means  Port  St.  George,  Madras.  Mr.  Hyde  seemg  to 
take  it  as  meaning  Hugli.     (See  I.  Q.  E.,  vol.  iii,  p.  78,  Gervase  Bellamy,  p.  5.) 

"  These  regulations  occur  in  the  Hugli  Diary  of  J 679,  in  the  India  Office 
Records.  They  are  given  by  Mr.  Hyde.  op.  cit.  They  are  also  given  in  exttnto 
in  a  MS.  account  of  Bengal  in  the  British  Museum,  Add.  MSS.  34, 123. 


70  THE  company's  PRAYER. 

of  all  that  trust  in  Thee,  and  the  author  of  all  spiritual  and  temporal 
blessings,  we.  Thy  unworthy  creatures,  do  most  humhly  implore  Thy 
goodness  for  a  plentiful  effusion  of  Thy  grace  upon  our  employers, 
Thy  servants,  the  Right  Honourable  East  India  Company  of  England. 
Prosper  them  in  all  their  undertakings,  and  make  them  famous  and 
successful  in  all  their  governments,  colonies,  and  commerce,  both  by  sea 
and  land,  so  that  they  may  prove  a  public  blessing,  by  the  increase 
of  honour,  wealth,  and  power  to  our  native  country,  as  well  as  to 
themselves.  Continue  Thy  favour  towards  them,  and  inspire  their 
Generals,  Presidents,  Agents,  and  Councils,  in  these  remote  parts  of  the 
world,  and  all  others  that  are  entrusted  with  any  authority  under  them, 
with  piety  towards  Thee  our  God,  and  with  wisdom,  fidelity,  and 
circumspection  in  their  several  stations,  that  we  may  all  discharge  our 
respective  duties  faithfully  and  live  virtuously,  in  due  obedience  to  our 
superiors,  and  in  love,  peace,  and  charity  towards  one  another.  That 
these  Indian  nations,  among  whom  we  dwell,  seeing  our  sober  and 
righteous  conversation,  may  be  induced  to  have  a  just  esteem  for  our 
most  holy  profession  of  the  Gospel  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  to  whom  be  honour,  praise,  and  glory,  now  and  for  ever. 
Amen."i 

*  Ovington's  Voyage^  408,  409. 


CHAPTER  V. 


1682    ASD    1683. 


HOW   WILLIAM   HEDGES,    FIRST    ENGLISH    GOVERNOR  OF   BENGAL,   WAS    SENT 
TO   DESTROY   THE    INTERLOPERS,    AND    FAILED. 


The  Court  at  home  had  learnt  two  lessons :  first,  that  the  trade  of 
Bengal  was  of  the  greatest  importance ;  secondly,  that  the  regulation  of 
the  factories  in  that  distant  region  was  extremely  difficult.  The  control 
exercised  by  their  agent  at  Madras  was  uncertain  and  unsatisfactory  j 
and,  in  spite  of  his  well-meaning  zeal,  they  were  far  from  contented  with 
Streynsham  Master.  They  complained  of  delay  in  despatching  the 
shipping  and  of  the  bad  quality  of  the  goods  sent.  They  rebuked  him 
for  the  haughty  tone  of  his  letters.  They  were  indignant  at  the 
expenses  which  he  had  incurred  in  his  "  progress  "  in  Bengal  with  his 
"  princely  retinue,"  costing  them  far  more  than  it  was  worth.  Above 
all,  they  were  angry  at  what  they  considered  to  be  a  wanton  disregard 
of  their  orders  in  his  treatment  of  their  favourite  servant.  In  1679 
Job  Chamock,  who  was  then  at  Patna,  was  appointed  by  the  Court  to  be 
chief  of  the  Cassimbazar  factory  and  second  of  the  Council  of  the  Bay ; 
and  in  November,  when  Streynsham  Master  was  on  his  second  visita- 
tion of  the  Bengal  factories,   Chamock  was  ordered  to  send  off  the 


72  MASTER  DEPOSED  :   HEDGES  FIRST   GOVERNOR   OF   BENGAL. 

Company's  saltpetre  cargoes  from  Patna  and  to  come  down  at  once  to 
join  his  new  appointment.  Charnock,  however,  made  various  excuses,  and 
delayed  leaving  Patna.  At  length,  on  the  10th  Decemher,  Streynsham 
Master  wrote  to  Charnock,  censuring  him  for  his  disohedience  and  the 
inconvenience  he  had  caused,  and  transferring  him  from  Cassimbazar  to 
Hugli,  where  he  was  to  be  second.  This  action  of  their  agent,  which 
was  surely  not  so  very  unreasonable,  drew  down  upon  him  the  fulness 
of  the  Court's  displeasure.  They  were  weary,  they  said,  of  long  dis- 
courses concerning  "the  succession,"  which  "made  doctrine  more 
intricate  than  the  text,"  and  ended  with  a  "  use  shamefully  contradicting 
both."  Their  old  servant  had  the  right  of  succession.  He  had  served 
them  faithfully  for  twenty  years,  and  had  never  been  a  "  prowler  for 
himself."  He  had  stayed  on  at  Patna  to  despatch  their  saltpetre  simply 
out  of  a  sense  of  duty  and  care  for  their  service.  Besides,  they  had 
given  clear  orders  that  he  was  to  be  chief  at  Cassimbazar,  and  so  it 
should  be.^  As  for  Master,  his  five-years  term  of  service  expired  in  July, 
1681,  and  he  was  dismissed  their  employment,  and  William  Gifford 
nominated  to  supersede  him  as  Agent  and  Governor  of  St.  George.^  To 
Vincent  also  the  Court  meted  out  the  same  measure,  but  with  more 
justice.  Besides  "  his  odious  infidelity  in  countenancing  interlopers," 
he  shared  with  Master  the  guilt  of  injuring  Charnock  and  retarding 
the  shipping.  He  had  connived  at  the  base  sorting  of  the  goods,  sent 
no  invoices,  kept  back  the  accounts,  neglected  orders.  He  displayed 
gross  partiality  and  favouritism  in  his  management  of  the  factories, 
and  set  an  evil  example  by  his  riotous  and  evil  way  of  living.  He 
sacrificed  the  Company's  interests  to  his  own  private  trade  by  giving 
passes  to  the  natives  and  by  the  ungodly  taking  of  bribes.^  To  prevent 
such  irregularities  from  again  arising  in  the  establishments  of  the  Bay, 
the  Court  determined  that  the  agency  at  Hugli  should  be  distinct  and 
separate  from  Fort  St.  George,  and  that  they  might  act  with  cer- 
tain knowledge,  they  appointed  William  Hedges,  one  of  their  number, 
with  special  powers  to  be  Agent  and  Governor  of  their  affairs  and 
factories  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal.^  The  new  agent's  instructions  are  dated 
the  14th  November,  1681.  They  rehearse  the  various  abuses,  frauds, 
and  malpractices,  prevailing  in  the  Bay,  which  are  the  occasion  of  the 
electing  and  sending  of  William  Hedges,  who  is  to  correct  and  remove 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  47-18. 

»  Ih.,  II,  246. 

«  lb.,  II,  1.3. 

♦  Bruce' s  Annals,  II,  4G6  to  468. 


HEDGES  TO    DESTROY   INTERLOPERS.  73 

them  as  speedily  as  possible.  Vincent  was  to  be  seized  and  sent  home  a 
prisoner.  Yigorous  proceedings  were  directed  against  the  interlopers, 
who  had  now  grown  so  bold  that  with  the  assistance  of  the  Turkey  mer- 
chants ^  they  were  attempting  to  found  a  rival  East  India  Company.^ 

On  the  28th  January,  1682,  the  Defence^  commanded  by  Captain 
William  Heath,  and  the  Resolution,  under  Captain  Francis  Wilshaw 
sailed  out  of  the  Downs  with  a  fair  wind.  On  board  the  Defence^  with 
his  wife  and  family,  was  Governor  Hedges,  the  Company's  chosen 
reformer  of  abuses  and  destroyer  of  interlopers.^  About  the  20th  Feb- 
ruary, "WiUkm  Pitt,  the  arch -interloper,  set  sail  for  Bengal  in  Captain 
Dorrel's  ship,  the  Croicn^  together  with  three  or  four  other  vessels 
chartered  by  him  or  his  principals.^  The  Court  had  tried  to  stop  Pitt  in 
vain,  but  they  made  no  doubt  that  Hedges,  who  had  with  him  a 
corporal  and  twenty  soldiers,  would  be  able  to  arrest  Yincent,  Pitt,  and 
their  partners,  before  they  could  do  any  mischief.  The  Court  were,  in 
fact,  fully  confident  of  the  "  wreck  of  the  interlopers,"  which  they  said 
would  be  "  a  just  judgment  of  God  upon  their  disloyal  and  unjust 
proceedings,"  and  would  "  have  such  an  effect  upon  all  men's  minds  here, 
as  to  convince  the  deluded  world  of  the  vanity  and  folly  of  those 
persons."  ^ 

In  these  expectations  the  Court  were  sadly  disappointed.  The  Crown 
was  a  fast  sailer.  In  less  than  two  months  she  overhauled  and  passed 
the  Defence  and  the  Resolution^  and  on  the  8th  July  arrived  at  Balasor 
eleven  days  before  Hedges.^  Consequently  the  new  governor  found  the 
interlopers  well  prepared  for  him  and  quite  able  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves. Pitt,  on  his  arrival,  had  given  out  that  the  Company  was  on 
the  point  of  expiring,  and  that  a  new  Company  had  been  formed,  of 
which  he  was  the  agent.  Vincent,  the  late  chief  at  Hugli,  at  once 
removed  to  safer  quarters.  On  the  24th  July  he  received  Hedges 
at  the  Dutch  Garden,  guarded  by  thirty-five  Portuguese  firelocks, 
fifty  Rajputs,  and  a  number  of  other  native  soldiers.  On  beino- 
served  with  a  subpoena  out  of  Chancery  and  summoned  to  answer  it, 
he  most  politely  declined,  saying  he  would  answer  in  England.     Pitt 


*  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  9.     For  the  opposition  of  the  Turkey  merchants  to  the 
East  India  Company,  see  ante,  p.  46. 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  15  to  17. 
3  lb.,  I,  15. 

*  Ih.,  III.  9, 10. 
»  lb.,  Ill,  12. 

«  lb.,  Ill,  1  and  10. 


74  THE    INTERLOPERS   ARE   NOT   DESTROYED, 

also  went  about  attended  by  red-coated  Portuguese  and  native  soldiers 
and  trumpeters.  He  sailed  up  to  Hugli  in  three  ships,  landed  with 
great  pomp  and  circumstance,  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Chinsurah. 
Here  he  was  joined  by  Vincent,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  Dutch 
and  the  Bengali  merchants  began  to  build  warehouses  and  start  a  new 
trade.  He  treated  with  the  native  governor  of  Hugli  as  an  agent,  and 
obtained  an  order  from  him,  under  the  title  of  the  New  English  Com- 
pany, giving  him  commercial  privileges  and  liberty  to  build  a  factory.^ 
G-Qvernor  Hedges  did  not  arrest  Pitt.  After  much  tedious  nego- 
tiation with  the  nabob  of  Dacca,  an  order  was  issued  to  the  customs 
ofiBcer,  Balchandra,  and  to  the  governor  of  Hugli,  directing  them  to 
seize  Pitt  and  Dorrell,  but  it  was  never  executed.  The  interlopers 
readily  agreed  to  pay  the  Mogul  his  dues,  and  no  arguments  or 
bribes  availed  against  them.^ 

A  year  later  the  interlopers  and  their  friends  openly  defied  the 
agent.  In  September,  1683,  at  the  very  time  when  Hedges  was 
making  a  last  fruitless  attempt  to  assert  his  authority,  Captain  Alley, 
a  notorious  interloper,  audaciously  came  up  to  Hugli  in  a  barge  rowed 
by  English  mariners  in  coats  with  badges  and  with  four  musicians. 
On  his  arrival  he  went  to  visit  the  governor  "  in  a  splendid  equipage, 
habited  in  scarlet  richly  laced.  Ten  Englishmen  in  blue  caps  and  coats 
edged  with  red,  all  armed  with  blunderbusses,  went  before  his  palan- 
quin, eighty  peons  before  them,  and  four  musicians  playing  on  the 
waits  with  two  flags  before  him  like  an  agent."  ^ 

A  few  weeks  afterwards  on  he  went  with  like  pomp  to  Balchandra. 
"  He  agreed  to  pay  three  and-a-half  per  cent,  custom  on  all  goods  imported 
and  exported  :  upon  which  they  parted  good  friends."  *  The  interloper 
was  also  on  the  best  of  terms  with  the  factors  at  Hugli.  "  Captain 
Alley,  Captain  Smith  and  that  gang,"  says  Hedges,  "are  frequently 
visited,  to  our  shame  and  the  Company's  discredit,  by  every  considerable 
person  in  this  factory,  except  myself.  They  and  our  Captains  caress  one 
another  daily.  Thus  they  send  adventures  home  by  them."  ^  On  the 
13th  November  1G83,  Alley  actually  dined  with  Captain  Lake  on  board 
the  Prudent  Mary,  one  of  the  Company's  ships,  together  with  Honor, 
Clerk,  and  other  interlopers,  "  making  great  mirth  and  jollity  by  firing 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  111,  11. 
3  Ih.,  I,  55,  130.  ' 
3  Ih.,  I,  118,  123. 
'  lb.,  1,  130. 
'  lb.,  1, 130. 


BUT  ARE  FAVOURED  BY  THE  NABOB.  75 

guns  all  the  afternoon."  '  Hedges  indeed  succeeded  in  procuiing  an  order 
from  Shajista  Khan  to  the  governor  of  Hugli,  ordering  him  to  arrest 
the  interloping  captains  and  send  them  to  Dacca,  but  Balchandra  came 
to  their  rescue  promising  to  be  himself  responsible  for  them.  It  was 
represented  to  the  nabob  that  the  "  Old  Company  "  wanted  to  have  a 
monopoly  of  the  trade,  whereas  the  "New  Company"  were  merchants 
as  well  as  the  others  and  were  willing  to  pay  even  five  per  cent, 
custom,  and  that  hence  it  would  be  foolish  to  hinder  their  trade. 
*'  Hereupon  the  old  doting  nabob  replied  that  they  should  trade  freely, 
80  that  now  the  business  being  thus  determined  by  the  nabob,  there  is 
no  possibility  of  rooting  out  or  doing  any  prejudice  to  the  interlopers." 

»  Hedges  Diary,  I,  137-38. 
2  lb.,  I,  131,  136,  142. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


HOW   HEDGES  TBJED   IN  VAIN   TO   PUT   AN    END   TO   THE   EXACTIONS   OF 
THE   NATIVE   EULEES. 


It  was  not  altogetlier  the  fault  of  Hedges  that  he  failed  to  sup- 
press the  interlopers.  On  arriving  in  Bengal  his  attention  was  almost 
immediately  drawn  to  other  matters  of  greater  urgency.  He  had  to 
face  another  difficulty,  which,  though  it  was  the  characteristic  difficulty 
of  the  time  and  of  the  situation,  had  not  been  mentioned  in  his  instruc- 
tions, the  growing  exactions  of  the  native  rulers  and  their  subordinates. 
This  difficulty,  signalised  at  the  beginning  of  the  period  by  Sir  Edward 
Winter,  but  ignored  by  the  Court,  had  not  on  that  account  disappeared. 
On  the  contrary  it  had  become  more  urgent,^ 

It  was,  as  has  been  seen,  one  of  the  congenital  defects  of  the 
system  instituted  by  the  Court  in  1651  that  the  security  of  the  trade 
and  of  its  chief  centre  at  Hugli  depended  entirely  upon  the  good- will 
of  the  natives  of  the  country.  The  Court  supposed  that  they  would 
not  interfere  unnecessarily  or  without  reason.  And  yet  nothing  was 
more  probable.  Although  the  Mogul  had  at  first  granted  the  most 
liberal  terms  to  the  Company,  his  orders  were  often  disregarded  by 
his  subordinates,  and  all  the  privileges  conceded  might  be  revoked  at 
pleasure.  By  the  letters  patent  of  Shah  Shuja',  the  English  in  Bengal 
were  granted  perfect  freedom  of  trade,  and  this  privilege  was  confirmed 

'  For  instance  see  Stewart's  Bengal,  p.  190. 


78  A   NEW   IMPERIAL   RESCRIPT. 

by  an  order  made  by  the  nabob  Shayista  Khan  in  1672  at  the  suit 
of  Walter  Clavell.  But  the  order  was  very  little  observed,  and,  when 
Shayista  Khan  left  Bengal  in  1677,  the  new  nabob  Fedai  Khan  and 
the  King's  officer  Haji  Sufi  Khan  altogether  disregarded  it.  Fortu- 
nately in  the  very  next  year  Fedai  Khan  died  at  Dacca  and  was 
succeeded  by  Prince  Muhammad  A'zam,  from  whom  Vincent  in  1678 
procured  fresh  letters  patent  freeing  their  trade.^  The  Court,  however, 
Were  not  content  with  this.  They  found  it  very  expensive  and  trouble- 
some to  procure  a  fresh  order  for  freedom  of  trade  from  every  succeed- 
ing governor.  They  desired  the  higher  authority  of  a  mandate  from 
the  Emperor.  They  had  therefore  sent  with  Shayista  Khan,  when  he 
left  Beogal,  an  agent  to  solicit  an  imperial  grant  to  settle  the  matter 
for  ever. 

In  1 680  they  had  their  desire.  The  following  rescript  was  issued 
by  Aurangzeb,  and  was  received  at  Hugli  with  much  feasting  and 
rejoicing,  processions  marching  and  guns  ^  firing  on  the  most  lavish 
scale : — "  In  the  name  of  GOD,  Amen.  To  all  present  and  future 
rulers  in  Surat  that  remain  in  hopes  of  the  Emperor's  favour.  Be  it 
known  that  at  this  happy  time  it  is  agreed  of  the  English  nation 
besides  their  usual  custom  of  two  per  cent,  for  their  goods,  more 
one  and  a  half  per  cent,  jhyah^  or  poll-money,  shall  be  taken. 
Wherefore  it  is  commanded  that  in  the  said  place^  from  the  first  day 
of  Shawwal,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  our  reign  of  the  said  people, 
three  and  a  half  per  cent,  of  all  their  goods,  on  account  of  custom  or 
poll-money,  he  taken  for  the  future.  And  at  all  other  places,  upon  this 
account,  let  no  one  molest  them  for  custom,  rdh-ddrl,  pesh-kash, 
farmdish^  and  other  matters  by  the  Emperor's  Court  forbidden,  nor 
make  any  demands  in  these  particulars.  Observe.  Written  on  the 
twenty-third  day   of  the  month  Oaf ar,  in  the  twenty- third  year."  * 

This  document  is  an  historical  example  of  the  difficulties  and 
dangers  which  arise  from  uncertain  punctuation.  Eead  as  above,  with 
a  full  stop  after  "  future,^'  it  would  appear  that  Aurangzeb  demarded 
three  and  a  half  per  cent,  on  account  of  custom  and  poll-tax  only  from 
the  English  at  Surat,  and  that  in  all  other  places  their  trade  was  to 

1  Stewart's  Bengal,  pp.  190-91. 

2  lb.,  pp.  194,  195. 

3  Bah-darl — from  rah-dar,  road-keeper,  means  transit  duty.  Peali-Jcash, 
first  fruits,  came  to  meaa  an  ofiering  or  tribute.  Farmaish,  means  commission  for 
goods. 

*  Stewart's  Bengal,  Appendix,  p.  4. 


A    DEADLOCK   AT    HUGLI.  79 

be  absolutely  free.  This  was  the  English  punctuation,  but  the  Indian 
officials  did  not  "  stand  upon  points."  If  the  full  stop  be  removed,  and 
placed  after  and  at  all  other  ^ilaces,  the  sense  is  altered.  At  Surat 
and  at  all  other  places  a  tax  of  three  and  a  half  per  cent,  is  to  be  levied 
on  the  English.  This  is  how  the  Indian  officials  understood  the 
matter,  and  they  lost  no  time  in  acting  according  to  their  understanding. 
Shayista  Khan,  who  returned  to  Bengal  in  this  very  year,  at  once 
demanded  the  payment  of  the  poll-tax.^ 

When  Hedges  reached  Hugli  in  1682  he  found  that  the  general 
trade  there  was  almost  at  a  standstill.  On  the  9th  October,  "  the 
several  affronts,  insolences,  and  abuses  dayly  put  upon  us  by 
Boolchund,  our  chief  Customer-  (causing  a  general  stop  of  our 
trade),  being  grown  insufferable,  ye  Agent  and  Couneell  for  ye 
Hon'ble  E.  India  Company's  affairs  at  Hugly  resolved  upon  and 
made  use  of  divers  expedients  for  redress  of  their  grievances;  but 
all  means  proving  ineffectual  'twas  agreed  and  concluded  in  con- 
sultation that  the  only  expedient  now  left  was  for  the  Agent  to 
go  himself  in  person  to  the  Nabob  and  Duan  at  Deeca,  as  well  to 
make  some  settled  adjustment  concerning  ye  customs,  as  to  endeavor 
the  preventing  Interlopers  trading  in  these  parts  for  ye  future;  in 
order  to  which  preparations  were  caused  to  be  made.  Mr.  Eichard 
Trenchfield  and  Mr.  "William  Johnson  were  appointed  to  go  along 
with  ye  Agent  to  Dacca.  'Twas  also  thought  convenient  to  go  by 
ye  way  of  Merdadpore,^  a  towne  within  4  or  5  hours  travell  of  Cassum- 
bazar,  to  have  ye  opportunity  to  speak  and  consult  with  Mr.  Chamock, 
and  some  others  of  ye  CounceU  there,  what  course  is  best  to  be  taken 
in  this  exigency."  * 

This  resolution  to  appeal  to  the  nabob  at  Dacca  led  to  a  character- 
istic altercation  between  Hedges  and  Paramecvar  Das,  the  local 
collector  of  customs.  Ostensibly  Paramecvar  Das  permitted  the 
English  to  start  for  Dacca.  Two  barges  and  a  number  of  small 
boats  with  provisions  were  made  ready,  and  the  agent,  escorted  by 
twenty-three  Englishmen  in  soldier's  garb  and  by  fifteen  Rajputs  and 
footmen,  proceeded  on  the  evening  of  the  10th  October  to  the  English 
garden  to  the  north   of  Hugli.     But  Paramecvar   Das  had   secretly 

>  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  100. 

-  Bal  Chandra  Ray,  the  Superintendent  of  Customs  at  Hugli. 

^  Probably  Mirzapur. 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  33. 


80  DISPUTES   WITH  THE   LOCAL   RULERS. 

sent  armed  parties  to  seize  the  Englisli  boats;  and  so  the  quarrel 
began.  The  English  lost  two  boats  and  tried  to  recover  them  by  force. 
The  myrmidons  of  Paramecvar  Das  set  upon  the  English,  who  were 
afraid  to  fire  their  pistols.  Both  sides  negotiated,  argued,  protested. 
Paramecvar  offered  liberty  to  any  slaves  who  should  run  away  from 
the  EDglish.  He  beat  and  imprisoned  as  many  of  the  Company's 
footmen  and  boatmen  as  he  could  catch  ;  or,  if  he  could  not  catch  the 
men  themselves,  he  beat  and  imprisoned  their  relations.  Hedges  went 
on  board  his  sloop  to  go  to  Dacca  by  the  route  tlirough  the  Sundar- 
buns,  and  then  on  second  thoughts  returned  to  his  barge. ^ 

After  five  days  spent  in  disputing,  he  was  reduced  to  the  undignified 
expedient  of  running  away  from  Hugli  by  night.  On  the  1 4th  October, 
"  resolving  now  to  be  abused  no  more  in  this  manner,  I  sent  all  ye  laden 
boats  before,  with  Mr.  Johnson,  to  see  them  make  all  the  haste  that 
might  be,  and  not  to  stop  all  night.  Next  to  them  went  the  Souldiers 
with  ye  other  Budgero.^  I  followed  that,  and  2  stout  fellows,  an 
Englishman  and  a  Spaniard,  in  a  light  boat  came  last  of  all.  About 
2  hours  within  night  a  boat  full  of  armed  men  came  up  very  near  to 
the  Spaniard,  who  speaking  ye  language  demanded  who  they  were, 
and  commanded  them  to  stand ;  but  those  in  the  boat  returning  no 
answer,  nor  regarding  what  he  said,  he  fired  his  Musket  in  the  Water, 
at  which  they  fell  astern.  About  an  hour  after,  when  we  were  got  up 
as  far  as  Trippany,^  the  armed  boat  came  up  with  ye  Spaniard  again, 
who  commanded  them  to  keep  off,  otherwise  he  would  now  shoot 
amongst  them,  though  he  shot  at  random  the  time  before  ;  -so  the  boat 
fell  astern,  and,  perceiving  that  we  resolved  not  to  stay  at  that  place, 
we  saw  them  no  more."  * 

Hedges  followed  what  was  then  the  usual  route  to  Dacca  up  the 
Hugli  and  the  Jellinghi  into   the  broad  stream  of  the  Ganges,  and 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  34  to  37. 

2  A  word  o£  uncertain  derivation  denoting  a  lumbering  keel-less  barge  in  use 
on  tlie  Gangetic  rivers. 

3  Triveni,  three-fold  braid.  The  name  properly  belongs  to  Allahabad,  where 
the  three  holy  rivers,  the  Ganges,  the  unseen  Sarasvati,  and  the  Jamuna,  unite. 
Here  it  denotes  the  village  a  little  way  above  the  town  of  Hugli,  where  the  local 
Sarasvati  and  Jamuna  of  lower  Bengal  unite  with  the  river  Hugli  or  Ganges. 
This  Triveni  has  long  been  a  centre  of  trade  and  a  celebrated  place  of  pilgrimage 
and  of  Sanskrit  learning.  South  of  the  village  is  the  mosque  of  Zafar  Kban; 
north  of  it  is  a  magnificent  flight  of  steps  said  to  have  been  built  by  Mukund 
Deo,  the  great  king  of  Orissa. 

*  Hedges  Diary,  I,  38-39. 


THE   JOURNEY   TO   DACCA.  81 

thence  by  various  cross  cuts  into  the  Burlganga.  In  July  and  August, 
during  the  time  of  the  great  rains,  these  eastern  districts  are  more 
than  half  submerged,  the  familiar  land  marks  disappear,  the  rivers 
become  tempestuous  seas  over  which  the  boatmen  labour,  often  in 
doubt,  sometimes  in  danger.  But  in  October,  when  Hedges  started  for 
Dacca,  the  rivers,  though  much  deeper  than  at  present,  had  shrunk  to 
their  normal  size.  "With  clear  skies  and  cool  breezes  the  voyage  was 
pleasant  enough.  The  barges  in  which  Hedges  and  Johnson  travelled 
were  of  the  sort  commonly  in  us9  on  the  Gangetic  rivers,  lumbering 
and  clumsy  to  look  at,  but  roomy  and  comfortable.  Two-thirds  of 
their  length  aft  was  occupied  by  cabins  with  Venetian  windows  in 
which  the  traveller  could  sit  or  recline  at  ease  and  watch  the  varied 
life  of  the  river,  the  craft  plying  up  and  down  the  stream,  the  fishers 
dragging  their  nets,  the  water-side  folk  bathing,  arguing,  chatting, 
praying.  At  noon  they  landed  and  ate  their  dinner  beneath  the  shade 
of  tamarind  trees,  the  home  of  the  peacock  and  the  spotted  deer. 
Then,  after  resting  a  few  hours,  they  rowed  on.  In  the  evening  came 
supper,  and  all  night  long  they  were  "  tracked  "  or  towed  from  the 
bank,  while  the  boatmen  chanted  in  a  minor  key  weird  songs  invoking 
the  favour  of  the  water-spirits.^ 

On  the  20th  October  Hedges  was  not  far  from  the  junction 
of  the  Jellinghi  with  the  Ganges.  At  Kalkapur  he  was  met  by 
Charnock  and  the  local  Council,  with  whom  he  had  a  short  consulta- 
tion.2 

On  the  25th  October  he  reached  Dacoa.-^  The  English  factory  stood 
in  the  quarter  now  occupied  by  the  English  officials.  It  was  some  way 
from  the  river,  and  what  were  then  the  chief  centres  of  business  and 
power  in  Dacca.  Shayista  Khan  held  his  court  two  miles  away  in  the  Lai 
Bagh,-a  large  red  brick  fort  built  to  command  the  river  which  once  washed 
its  south  face  but  has  since  receded  some  distance  from  it.^  The  only 
old  buildings  now  standing  within  the  enclosure  are  a  ruined  mosque 
and  the  white  marble  tomb  of  Bibi  Peri,  the  daughter  of  Shayista 
Khan,  and  niece  of  the  lady  of  the  Taj.  But  from  the  traces  which 
remain,  we  may  well  believe  that  a  palace  once  faced  the  visitor  as 
he  entered  under  the  great  north  portal.     Hither  came  Agent  Hedges 

'  Hedges   Diary,  I,  39  to  42. 
-  26.,  I.  41. 
3  lb.,  I,  42. 
*  lb.,  I,  43,  44. 


82  FUTILE  NEGOTIATIONS. 

full  of  hope,  to  ask  that  the  interlopers  might  be  expelled  from  the 
country ;  that  the  vexatious  proceedings  of  the  Mogul  underlings  might 
be  stopped ;  that  the  Company's  servants  might  no  longer  be  forced 
to  pay  customs  and  duties,  or  that  at  least  they  might  bo  exempted 
for  seven  months  while  they  laid  their  case  before  the  Emperor,  y  It 
seemed  that  all  difficulties  were  now  nearly  at  an  end.  Hedges  was 
well  acquainted  with  Turkish  and  Arabic,  but  he  had  no  knowledge 
of  the  delays  of  Indian  diplomacy. 

After  a  month  and  a  half  spent  in  negotiation,  Hedges  returned 
to  Hugli  completely  satisfied  with  the  results  of  his  mission.  *'My 
going  to  Decca,"  he  said,  "  has  in  yo  first  place  got  7  months'  time 
for  procuring  a  Phirmaund  ;  2ndly,  taken  off  wholly  ye  Pretence 
of  5  per  cent.  Custome  on  all  Treasure  imported  this  and  ye 
three  preceeding  years,  besides  IJ  per  cent,  of  what  [was]  usually 
paid,  at  ye  mint  for  some  years  past;  3rdly,  procured  ye  general 
stop  to  be  taken  off  all  our  trade,  our  Goods  now  passing  as  freely 
as  ever  they  did  formerly  ;  4thly,  got  a  command  to  turn  Per- 
mesuradass  out  of  his  place,  and  restore  ye  money  forced  from  us ; 
5thly,   and  last,  prevailed  with  ye  Nabob  to  undertake  ye  procuring 

a  Phirmaund  for  us  from  ye  King If  God  gives  me  life  to  get 

this  Phirmaund  into  my  possession  ye  Hon'ble  Company  shall  never 
more  be  troubled  with  Interlopers.  I  bless  God  for  this  great  success 
I  have  had,  beyond  all  men's  expectations,  in  my  voyage  to  Dacca."  ^ 

Such  were  the  bright  hopes  entertained  by  Agent  Hedges.  It 
would  be  cruel  to  dwell  on  the  story  of  his  disillusionment.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  his  voyage  to  Dacca  had  practically  effected  nothing.  The 
quarrel  between  the  English  and  the  native  officials  continued.  Again 
and  again  Balchandra  made  every  profession  of  respect  and  good- 
will, and  then  through  his  subordinate,  Parame^var  Das  stopped 
the  Company's  boats  and  seized  their  goods.^  Nothing  could  be  done 
without  bribes,  and  yet  it  was  in  vain  that  Hedges  offered  large 
sums  of  money  to  be  excused  payment  of  the  custom.  The  Mogul 
government  refused  to  waive  its  claims,  and  in  the  end  Hedges* 
successor  had  to  admit  them.^ 


*  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  62. 

*  For  instance  aee  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  59,  60,  and  63. 
'  Hedges  Diary,  I,  172. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


HEDGES   PALLS,    BUT   THE    IDEA   OF   A   FORTIFIED  SETTLEMENT    PREVAILS. 


Meanwhile  Hedges  returned  to  Hugli,  elated  with  his  supposed 
successes,  and  proceeded  to  reform  the  Bengal  establishments  in  a  way 
which  led  to  the  confusion  of  everything  and  everybody,  including 
himself.  The  Commission  which  made  Hedges  Governor,  associated  six 
others  with  him  in  the  Council  of  the  Bay,  Job  Charnock,  John  Beard, 
John  Eichards,  Francis  Ellis,  Joseph  Dodd,  and  William  Johnson. 
A  wise  and  judicious  Governor  on  coming  out  to  Bengal  would  have 
done  his  best  to  conciliate  the  other  members  of  the  Council,  and  above 
all  to  gain  the  co-operation  of  Job  Charnock,  the  second  in  the  Council, 
who  represented  the  traditions  and  experience  of  the  place.  With  a 
little  tact  Hedges  might  have  made  a  friend  of  Charnock,  for,  as  will  be 
seen,  they  agreed  on  many  important  points.  But  Hedges  did  nothing 
of  the  sort.  Far  from  consulting  with  the  senior  merchants  associated 
with  him  in  the  Council  of  the  Bay,  he  regarded  them  with  distrust,  and 
lent  a  vrilling  ear  to  the  stories  of  informers,  whose  interest  it  was  to 
foment  disputes  between  the  English.  While  at  Dacca  he  had  listened 
to  scandal  about  Job  Chamock's  private  character,^  and  he  returned 
to  Hugli  full  of  suspicions.  He  had  actually  stooped  to  employ 
young  Mr.  Johnson  as  a  kind  of  spy,  and  directed  him  to  mix 
with  the  interlopers  and  find  out  their  associates.     In  this  way  he 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  52. 

G   2 


84  HEDGES  PLAYS  THE   SPY. 

hoped  to  detect  the  Company's  enemies.  What  he  really  did  was  to 
set  all  the  English  in  Bengal  against  himself.  From  the  lowest  to 
the  highest  every  one  cpmplained  of  the  proceedings  of  the  agent,  and 
they  took  care  that  their  complaints  should  reach  the  ears  of  the  Court. 
In  January,  1683,  Hedges  went  to  Balasor  to  despatch  the  Defence  and 
the  Society  to  England.  Each  ship  carried  a  bundle  of  letters  against 
the  agent.  One  of  them,  written  by  Beard,  was  somehow  seen  by 
the  spy  Johnson,  who  "  communicated  "  it  to  his  chief.^  The  letter, 
it  seems,  contained  a  virulent  attack  on  the  Agent  and  his  wife.  "  It  is 
stuffed  up,"  says  Hedges,  "  with  such  notorious  falsities  that  I  stand 
amazed  that  such  a  professor  of  religion  and  honesty  ^  should  be  the 
author  of  it,  having  played  the  hypocrite  and  dissembled  so  handsomely 
with  me,  professing  so  great  kindness,  respect,  and  affection  to  me  that 
I  can  scarce  believe  my  own  eyes  when  I  read  it.  I  see  he  has  written 
against  me  by  the  Williamson  and  Nathaniel  on  the  20th  ultimo.  Let 
the  event  of  it  be  what  it  will,  I  cannot  help  it.  God's  will  be  done. 
I  see  the  Company  are  apt  to  believe  and  credit  every  rascal  upon  his 
own  bare  information.  God  knows  I  have  never  had  the  least  quarrel 
or  difiPerence  with  Mr.  Beard  in  all  my  life.  Nor  has  there  been  any 
conspiring  or  caballing  against  him,  as  he  has  declared.  I  cannot  run 
through  every  particular,  not  having  time  to  give  it  an  answer.  But, 
God  willing,  when  your  son  [i.e.,  William  Johnson]  and  I  return  to 
Hugly  we  will  call  Mr.  Beard  to  a  public  examination,  and  make  no 
question  but  he  will  most  readily  and  willingly  acknowledge  his  fault 
and  make  a  public  recantation.  And  therefore  I  am  of  opinion  His  not 
good  to  deliver  the  letter  till  we  send  home  his  recantation  or  our  pro- 
ceedings upon  it."  ^ 

In  other  words.  Hedges  took  upon  himself  to  detain  a  private  letter 
vmtten  by  the  third  member  of  the  Conucil  to  Sir  Josiah  Child,  the 
Governor  of  the  Company.  The  act  was  foolish,  if  not  dishonest ;  but 
Hedges  was  hard-pressed,  and,  like  many  others  before  him,  justified 
his  action  on  the  ground  of  public  utility. 

The  only  step  which  Hedges  could  now  take  to  put  himself  right 
in  the  eyes  of  his  fellow-men  was  to  carry  out  his  resolution  to  openly 
tax  Beard  with  his  letter,  and  call  upon  him  to  retract  his  accusations. 
But  Hedges  had  not  the  strength  to  adhere  to  his  resolution.  On 
his  return  to  Hugli,  instead  of  attacking  Beard,  he  turned  upon  Ellis. 

'  Hedges  Diary,  II,  18-19,  48-44. 

2  John  Beard,  senior,  was  a  Presbyterian. 

»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  42,  43. 


hedges'  reforming  zeal.  85 

On  the  26th  March,  "  information,"  says  the  diary,  "  was  brought  in 
against  Mr.  Francis  Ellis  by  most  of  the  Merchants  in  Hugly ;  that 
he,  the  said  Ellis,  had  taken  bribes  to  the  value  of  four  thousand 
rupees  or  thereabouts,  to  pass  the  Hon'ble  Company's  goods  in  the 
Shipping,  part  of  which  was  positively  proved  against  him,  and  nine 
hundred  rupees  being  confessed  by  him,  it  was  thereupon  ordered  that 
he  be  dismissed  the  Hon'ble  Company's  Service,  and  that  Mr.  Joseph 
Dodd  forthwith  take  the  charge  of  the  warehouse  upon  him,  and  that 
the  money  which  shall  be  proved  to  be  taken  by  the  said  Ellis  to  pass  the 
Hon'ble  Company's  goods  shall  be  endeavoured  to  be  secured  for  the 
Hon'ble   Company's  use."  ^ 

A  fortnight  after  this  Hedges'  zeal  for  reform  took  him  on  a 
second  visit  to  Cassimbazar.  "William  Johnson  had  informed  Hedges 
that  the  principal  factor  of  the  interlopers  for  procuring  their  raw  silk 
and  taffetas  at  Cassimbazar  was  Mr.  Naylor,  a  dyer  in  the  employ  of 
the  Company,  and  that  it  was  more  than  probable  that  Job  Chamock 
was  a  confederate.  On  the  16th  April  Hedges  "called  a  consultation 
and  accused  Mr.  Naylor  of  trading  with  interlopers,  which  being  proved 
by  three  letters  under  his  own  hand,  he  was  judged  guilty  by  all 
present.  His  person,  his  papers  and  goods  [were]  ordered  to  be 
seized  to  see  whether  we  could  find  further  testimony  out  of  his  own 
books  and  writings." - 

On  the  next  day  Hedges  dealt  out  justice  to  James  Harding.  The 
man  had  come  out  to  ludia  as  as  a  writer  in  1671,  but  had  been 
subsequently  dismissed  from  the  Company's  service.  He  was  now  in 
the  private  service  of  Job  Charnock.  The  members  of  the  factory 
complained  against  him  as  a  person  notoriously  scandalous  in  life  and 
conversation,  and  Hedges  "  ordered  him  not  to  eat  at  the  Company's 
table,  and  reproved  Mr.  Charnock  for  entertaining  so  vicious  a  person." 
To  which  Charnock  said  little  or  nothing.  "  I  was  also  informed,"  says 
Hedges,  "of  one  Ananta  Ram,^  the  same  person  who  slippered  the 
merchant  who  poisoned  himself  in  the  time  of  Mr.  Vincent,  beino-  em- 
ployed by  Mr.  Charnock  in  all  the  Company's  affairs.  "Which  Mr. 
Charnock  positively  denying,  I  brought  the  said  Ananta  Ram  to  confess 
and  affirm  he  had  done  all  the  business  of  concernment  in  the  factory 
ever  since  the  first  month  after  Mr.  Charnock's  coming  to  be  chief."* 


'  Sedqes'  Diary,  I,  72. 

-  Ih.,  1,  77. 

'  For  Anantaram,  see  anie,  page  55. 

*  Hedges  Diary,  I,  78. 


86  HEDGES   QUARRELS   WITH    HIS   COLLEAGUES. 

The  next  persons  to  fall  under  suspicion  with  Hedges  were  Richard 
Barker  and  John  Threder,  the  second  and  third  of  the  Council  of 
Cassimbazar.  A  great  number  of  silk  merchants  and  weavers  com- 
plained that  they  "  took  from  them  four  or  five  tolahs  upon  a  seer 
overweight  on  all  their  silk  brought  into  the  warehouse,  besides  one 
or  two  of  the  best  skeins  of  silk  that  was  weighed  in  every  draught. 
Which  amounting  to  a  very  considerable  sum  of  money,  they  demanded 
satisfaction.  Threder  and  Barker  positively  denying  the  overweight, 
the  merchants  proved  it  by  their  books;  but  the  skein  out  of  every 
draught  was  confessed  and  claimed  as  their  due,  having  always  been 
their  custom."  ^  In  consequence  of  these  suspicions,  Barker  and  Threder 
desired  to  be  removed  from  Cassimbazar  to  some  other  factory.  Their 
request  was  granted,  but  they  remained  at  Cassimbazar .^  In  fact, 
Hedges  seems  to  have  been  afraid  to  take  measures  against  them. 

Much  less  did  he  dare  to  attack  Charnock  and  Beard,  the  second  and 
third  in  the  Council  of  the  Bay.  Page  after  page  of  his  diary  is  filled 
with  secret  complaints  and  innuendoes,  but  he  never  ventures  to  bring 
any  formal  accusation  against  them.  At  the  same  time,  he  wondered 
why  Mr.  Charnock  was  so  cross  with  him,  thwarting  everything  he 
proposed  or  did,  and  he  was  exceedingly  troubled  that  the  Company's 
servants  in  the  several  factories  were  all  in  general  so  unkind  and  dis- 
respectful to  him,  more  than  to  Agent  Master,  who  was  nothing  near  so 
respectful  and  civil  to  them.^ 

In  attempting  to  suspend  another  of  the  Company's  servants  at 
Casimbazar,  Hedges  came  to  an  open  rupture  with  the  Council  of 
the  Bay.  James  Watson  was  a  quarrelsome  man,  who  had  been 
warned  that  he  might  chance  to  be  sent  for  by  the  Agent  and  Council 
at  Hugli  to  answer  for  his  abusive  language.  In  a  moment  of  passion 
he  had  replied  "  that  if  he  were  sent  for  he  questioned  whether  he  should 
come  down  or  not,  for  he  had  no  dependence  on  them,  he  being  placed 
there  by  the  Company  as  much  as  the  Agent  and  Council  in  Hugli  and 
so  [it  was]  not  in  their  power  to.remove  him."  For  this  heinous  crime 
Hedges  wished  that  Watson  should  be  suspended  from  the  Company's 
service  till  such  time  as  answer  should  be  sent  out  from  England.'* 

This  was  more  than  the  other  merchants  could  bear.    The  Council  at 
Cassimbazar  told  the  Agent  that  Ellis,  being  one  of  the  Hugli  Council, 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  1,  83. 

2  11^^  i^  g4.85,  93. 

3  lb.,  I,  102,  107. 

"  lb.,  I,  108  to  115. 


HEDGES  IS  DISMISSED.  87 

could  not  be  dismissed,  but  only  suspended ;  and  that  to  suspend 
Mr.  Watson  was  altogether  opposed  to  the  Company's  orders.  The 
government  of  the  establishment  in  Bengal  belonged  to  the  Council  of 
the  Bay,  "  which  ought  to  be  annually  called,  as  hath  been  the  custom 
of  former  chiefs  till  now  of  late,  which  consists  of  all  chiefs  of  the 
subordinate  factories  or  as  many  of  them  as  can  be  spared,  and  this  used 
to  be  in  the  most  commodious  season,  which  is  just  after  the  departure 
of  the  shipping."^ 

Hedges  had  now  lost  all  control  over  his  subordinates.  Good  order 
and  good  discipline  were  at  an  end.  Throughout  all  the  establish- 
ments in  Bengal  no  one  feared  Hedges,  and  hardly  any  liked  him. 
Ellis,  who  had  been  dismissed  by  the  agent  from  the  Company's 
service,  went  about  openly  bragging  of  his  influence  with  the  Court 
at  home.  "You  shall  see,"  he  said,  "what  a  man  I  shall  be  in 
nine  months'  time.  I  shall  be  above  them  all."^  Another  talked 
mysteriously  of  his  private  instructions  from  the  Company  and 
some  great  men  of  the  Committee,  and  protested  that  he  re- 
garded nothing  that  was  written  him  from  Hugli.^  Above  all,  Job 
Chamock  was  Hedges'  bitter  opponent.  He  boasted  constantly  that  no 
chief  had  ever  been  able  to  contend  against  him,  and  confidently 
declared  at  the  beginning  of  1684  that  the  obnoxious  agent  would  be 
given  his  mittimus  by  that  year's  shipping.*  And  Job  Chamock  was 
right.  On  the  17th  July,  Hedges  was  advised  by  Mr.  How,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Company's  ship  Thomas,  newly  returned  from  Fort  St. 
George,  that  he  was  dismissed  the  Company's  service,  that  Mr.  Beard 
was  made  agent  in  his  place,  and  that  Gifford  was  to  be  President  of 
the  coast  of  Coromandel  and  the  Bay.*  Thus  Bengal  was  again  made 
subordinate  to  Madras. 

On  the  30th  August  President  Gifford  reached  Hugli.  He  was  a 
narrow-minded  man  and  a  fit  instrument  of  the  Court  at  home.  He 
had  abeady  been  used  to  displace  Streynsham  Master  at  Madras  and 
undo  his  work.  He  was  now  sent  to  degrade  poor  Hedges,  He  lost 
no  time  in  setting  about  the  business.  "  About  half  an  hour  after  the 
President's  arrival  in  Hugli  Factory,"  says  Hedges,  "he  called  me, 
Mr.  Beard,  Mr.  Francis  Ellis,  Mr.  Eichard  Trenchfield,  Mr.  Thomas  Ley, 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  I,  111,  124  to  127. 
'  lb.,  1, 107. 
'  lb.,  1, 129. 

*  lb.,  1, 146. 

•  lb.,  I,  152. 


88  BEARD   AGENT,    UNDER   FORT   ST.    GEORGE. 

and  Mr.  Eichard  Gough  into  the  counting  bouse  to  hear  his  commis- 
sion read.  Which  being  done  by  John  Stables,  his  Secretary,  I 
■wished  His  Honour  much  joy  with  the  rest  of  the  Company,  assuring 
them  I  did  readily  and  willingly  submit  to  the  Company's  pleasure. 
To  which  the  President  made  no  other  reply  but,  *  'Twas  very  well.' 
The  Secretary  showed  me  the  seal  to  the  commission,  telling  me  'twas 
the  Company's.   I  replied  *I  made  no  doubt  of  it.' "  ^ 

GifEord  was  not  fit  to  do  anything  except  undo  other  men's  work. 
He  paid  a  visit  to  Cassimbazar  in  October  and,  after  spending  altogether 
about  three  months  in  Bengal,  left  matters  in  a  worse  state  of  confusion 
than  he  found  them.^  Agent  Beard,  under  whose  direction  the  afPairs  of 
the  Bay  now  passed,  was  a  feeble  man,  no  better  able  to  cope  with  the 
growing  difficulties  of  the  time.  It  is  said  that  the  troubles  and 
disputes  between  the  local  officials  and  the  English,  which  reached  an 
acute  stage  in  1685,  brought  on  a  fatal  illness.  On  the  28th  August 
John  Beard  died  at  Hugli,  crushed  beneath  the  load  of  anxiety  and 
responsibility  which  he  had  rashly  taken  upon  him,  but  was  quite 
unable  to  support.^ 


The  story  of  Hedges's  agency  has  been  written  for  us  in  great  detail 
in  the  pages  of  his  diary  from  which  we  gain  a  contemporary  picture 
of  the  establishments  in  the  Bay,  together  with  a  self-painted  portrait 
of  an  honest  but  weak-minded  man.  Though  most  of  his  efforts  failed, 
he  may  fairly  lay  claim  to  one  great  success.  He  may  fairly  claim  to 
have  convinced  the  Court  that  a  fortified  settlement  was  necessary  in 
Bengal. 

Hedges  seems  to  me  typical  in  the  development  of  his  views. 
Like  his  countrymen  he  came  to  Bengal  as  a  simple  merchant 
anxious  to  protect  the  English  trade  beneath  official  treaties  and  agree- 
ments. Experience  soon  showed  that  treaties  and  agreements  were 
of  no  avail  against  the  lawlessness  of  the  local  officials.  Threats  and 
demonstrations  of  force  were  useless.  It  was  not  that  the  Mogul 
government  would  not  protect  the  foreign  merchants  against  oppression 

*  Hedges'  Diary ^  I,  157-58. 

2  25,1,171. 

3  lb.,  II,  103-101 


THE   POLICY    OF    A    FORTIFIED   SETTLEMENT.  89 

and  wrong.  It  could  not.  Whatever  control  it  had,  it  was  gradually 
losing.  Like  Shayista  Khan,  it  was  in  its  old  age.  Hedges  was  thus 
forced  to  the  inevitable  conclusion.  We  must  protect  ourselves ;  we 
must  break  with  the  Indian  government  j  we  must  seize  some  con- 
venient post  and  fortify  it. 

This  idea  entered  Hedges's  mind  a  few  months  after  his  arrival.  He 
explained  it  to  the  Company  at  home  He  repeats  it  more  than  once  in 
his  diary.  Custom,  he  says,  must  not  be  paid.  The  Company's  affairs 
will  never  be  better,  but  always  grow  Torse  and  worse  with  contiaual 
patching.  We  must  resolve  to  quarrel  with  these  people,  and  build  a 
fort  on  the  island  Saugor  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  run  the  hazard 
of  losing  one  year's  trade  in  the  Bay,  in  a  quarter  of  which  time  there 
is  no  fear  of  bringing  these  people  to  our  conditions.^ 

Later  on  it  appears  that  these  opinions  are  shared  by  GiSord  and 
Chamock,  who  discussed  the  whole  question  at  Cassimbazar  in  October, 
1684.  "But,"  according  to  our  diarist,  "Mr.  Beard,  Mr.  Ellis, 
Mr.  Trenchfield,  and  Mr.  Ley  for  their  own  private  interest  and 
regard,  to  carry  on  their  little  trade  in  the  country,  being  persuaded  to 
this  opinion  by  Mr.  Evans,  the  Minister,  declared  themselves  of  a 
contrary  judgment  and  would  not  consent  to  it."- 

At  first  the  Court  were  not  prepared  to  accept  the  idea.  In 
the  despatches  of  the  21st  December,  1683,  in  which  they  ordered  the 
dismissal  of  Hedges,  they  discussed  at  length  the  view  of  "  our  late 
agent  and  some  of  our  captains,  that  there  is  no  way  to  mend  our 
condition  but  by  seizing  and  fortifying  one  of  those  pleasant  islands 
in  the  Ganges  about  the  Braces."  To  this  proposal  they  had  many 
objections.  It  would  be  too  expensive.  It  would  enrage  the  Mogul, 
who  would  be  assisted  by  the  Dutch.  It  would  be  better  to  attack  the 
Mogul  from  Bombay,  or,  if  you  must  begin  a  war  in  Bengal,  then  why 
not  take  Chittagong  ?  Not  that  the  Court  could  encourage  such  a 
project,  though  they  were  not  quite  sure  that  it  would  not  be  proper  to 
seize  Balehandra  and  Paramecvar  Dass,  to  stop  the  Mogul's  salt-vessels, 
and  make  an  armed  demonstration.  But  in  spite  of  all  objections,  the 
idea  gradually  took  hold  of  the  English  mind  at  home  as  in  Bengal ; 
and  year  after  year  the  Court  recurred  to  the  scheme  of  getting  posses- 
sion of  Chittagong.^ 


»  Hedges  Diary,  I,  117,  121,  133,  139. 

2  lb.,  I.  161,  165. 

3  lb.,  II,  22  to  24. 


90  THE  ENGLISH  BREAK  WITH  THE  MOGUL. 

In  the  end  the  Court  resolved  to  break  with  the  Mogul.  They  ob- 
tained from  James  II.  permission  to  retaliate  their  injuries  and  reim- 
burse themselves  for  the  loss  of  their  privileges  by  hostilities  against 
Sbayista  Khan  and  Aurangzeb ;  and  in  1686  commenced  a  vigorous 
attack  upon  both  sides  of  the  Indian  peninsula.  Orders  "were  sent  to 
the  Governor  of  Bombay  to  withdraw  from  Surat  and  the  other  ports 
on  the  west  coast,  and  to  direct  his  cruisers  to  seize  every  Mogul  ship 
and  vessel  that  could  be  met  with.  To  commence  hostilities  in  the  Bay 
of  Bengal,  they  sent  thither  the  largest  force  which  they  had  yet  dis- 
played in  Indian  seas.  The  fleet  was  to  sail  to  Balasor,  and  there  take 
on  board  the  agent  and  the  principal  men  of  the  Council  of  the  Bay. 
An  ultimatum  was  to  be  sent  to  the  nabob  at  Dacca,  and  if,  as  was 
probable,  no  satisfactory  answer  was  received,  the  bulk  of  tlie  force  was 
to  proceed  to  Chittagong.  Here,  "  after  summons,  if  the  Fort, 
Town,  and  Territory  thereunto  belonging  be  not  forthwith  delivered 
to  our  Lieutenant-Colonel  Job  Charnock,  we  would  have  our  forces 
land,  seize  and  take  the  said  Town,  Fort,  and  Territory  by  force  of 
arms."  The  place,  when  captured,  is  to  be  made  "as  the  art  and  inven- 
tion of  man  can  extend  to,"  and  Job  Charnock  was  to  be  "  Governor  of 
our  Fort,  Town,  and  Territory  of  Chyttegam."  ^ 

*  Hedges'  Diaryf  II,  51  to  53. 


BOOK  III. 


HOW  AFTEE  MUCH  FIGHTING  AND  WANDEEING  THE  ENGLISH 
FOCJNU  IN  CALCUTTA  THE  PLACE  FOE  THEIE  FOETIFIED 
TEADE  CENTEE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

OcTOBKB  1686  TO  Febbuaet  1687. 
HOW  THE.  ENGLISH  EANSACKED  HUGLI.   AND  CAME   TO  SUTANUTI. 

We  have  now  reached  the  third  stage  of  the  English  advance  into 
Bengal.  It  is  the  necessary  outcome  of  the  first  two.  The  first 
period  put  forward  the  poHcy  of  entirely  peaceful  industry.  The 
second  exhibited  the  opposition  between  this  policy  and  the  policy  of 
force  and  retaliation.     The  third  period  gives  us  their  reconciliation. 

Already  a  policy  has  been  found  in  which  both  militarism  and 
industrialism  are  combined.  The  Court  in  its  last  despatches  has 
decided  to  establish  a  fortified  station  in  Bengal  to  maintain  its  trade 
there.  The  question  at  issue  is  the  site  of  this  station.  Industri- 
alism would  have  been  content  to  remain  at  Hugli,  militarism  demanded 


92  JOB   CHAENOCK. 

the  violent  seizure  of  Chittagong,  tlie  former  seat  of  piratical  hordes, 
and  now  an  important  Mogul  city.  But  the  English  have  to  find  a 
place  where  both  principles  may  be  satisfied. 

Convinced  that  a  fortified  settlement  is  their  only  adequate  safe- 
guard, they  have  to  fix  on  the  best  site  for  it.  This  they  do,  not  by  any 
immediate  intuition,  nor  by  mere  haphazard  as  fancy  strikes  them,  but, 
after  many  experiments,  many  attempts  to  settle  at  different  points  on 
the  river  Hugli.  The  man  who  conducted  them  through  their  strange 
experiences  safe  to  the  goal,  and  to  whom  consequently  belongs  the 
glory  of  having  laid  the  foundation-stone  of  British  India,  was  Job 
Charnock,  one  of  whom  historians  and  biographers  have  been  slow  to 
take  notice,  but  who,  as  the  father  of  Calcutta,  certainly  deserves  better 
treatment. 

Job  Charnock  came  out  to  India  in  1655  or  1656.^  He  first 
appears  in  the  records  as  Junior  Member  of  the  Council  of  Cassimbazar. 
We  read  in  a  nominal  roll  of  that  factory  entered  in  the  Court  Books 
under  the  date  12th — 13th  January,  1658  :  Job  Gharnock^  Fourth^  Salarij 
20 £.  From  Cassimbazar  he  was  transferred  to  Patna.  His  original 
engagement  was  for  five  years,  and  a  memorial  of  his,  dated  the  23rd 
February,  1664,  shows  that  he  had  intended  to  return  to  England  at  the 
expiration  of  the  covenanted  period,  but  was  willing  to  remain  if 
appointed  chief  of  the  Patna  factory.  The  appointment  was  given  him, 
and  in  it  he  continued  till  1680.^ 

It  was  at  Patna  that  Charnock  learned  to  understand  the  Indian  ways 
of  thought  and  action,  and  to  estimate  the  forces  with  which  he  had 
subsequently  to  contend.  He  married  an  Indian  wife,  adopted  many 
of  the  local  manners  and  customs ;  he  is  even  said  to  have  adopted  some 
of  the  local  superstitions  and  to  have  been  in  the  habit  of  worshipping 
the  Five  Saints  with  the  sacrifice  of  a  cock  after  the  manner  of  the 

^  Nothing  has  yet  been  discovered  regarding  the  birth,  parentage,  and  early 
life  of  Job  Charnock.  Of  his  Indian  wife  we  have  various  gossiping  stories. 
He  is  said  to  have  rescued  her  from  the  funeral  pyre,  and  married  her  before, 
or  about,  1678.  The  Charnock  mausoleum  is  still  standing  in  St.  John's  Church- 
yard. It  was  built  about  1697,  by  Charles  Eyre.  (See  Hyde  in  the  Proceedings 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  March  1893.)  In  it  Charnock  and  his  wife  are 
said  to  have  been  buried,  but  the  inscription  on  the  original  tombstone  only 
mentions  Job.  Lower  down  on  the  same  stone  is  an  inscription  to  the  memory 
of  Mary,  eldest  daughter  of  Charnock,  and  wife  of  Eyre,  who  died  1697.  On 
another  stone  in  the  mausoleum  is  an  inscription  to  Job's  youngest  daughter, 
Catherine,  wife  of  Jonathan  White,  who  died  in  1701,  and,  as  appears  from  White's 
will,  was  buried  in  the  mausoleum.  A  third  daughter  of  Job,  Elizabeth,  survived 
in  Calcutta  till  1753.  She  married  William  Bowridge,  who  died  in  1724.  (See 
Hyde  on  the  Bengal  Chaplaincy  in  the  Indian  Church  Quarterly  Beview  for 
1892.) 

*  Hedges  Diary,  II,  45,  46. 


HIS   BARLY  CAREER.  93 

people  of  Bihar.^  He  had  ample  experience  of  the  exactions  of  the 
local  officials  when  left  to  do  as  they  liked,  uncontrolled  by  their 
superiors.  In  1672,  owing  to  the  supineness  of  a  bookish  Nabob,  one 
Ibrahim  Khan,  the  saltpetre  trade  at  Patna  was  almost  ruined.^  He 
knew  the  futility  of  negotiations  with  the  Court  of  Delhi,  for  he  had 
sent  political  agents  there  to  little  purpose.  As  early  as  1678  he  had 
discovered  that  an  Imperial  grant  would  be  after  all  no  protection 
to  the  English  trade.  Had  Shah  Jahan  been  king,  he  said,  an 
agreement  with  him  would  have  had  great  force.  But  it  was  otherwise 
with  Aurangzeb.  His  orders  were  little  accounted  of  by  the  local 
governors.^  Thus  when  others  were  still  impressed  with  the  seeming 
greatness  of  the  Mogul  Empire,  Charnock  had  already  discerned  its 
weakness. 

The  ability  of  the  man  could  not  be  overlooked  by  his  employers, 
and  they  seem  to  have  greatly  relied  on  him  in  their  dealings  with  the 
Indian  Government.  In  1671  an  order  of  the  Court  increases  his  salary 
to  £40  a  year.  In  1675  they  give  him  an  additional  £20  a  year 
as  a  gratuity.  In  1680,  after  giving  repeated  orders  on  the  subject,  the 
Court  established  Charnock  as  chief  of  the  Cassimbazar  factory  and 
second  in  the  Council  of  the  Bay,  with  the  right  of  succeeding  Vincent 
as  chief  of  the  Bay.  Nevertheless  Charnock  did  not  succeed  Vincent, 
but  was  twice  superseded,  first  by  Hedges  and  then  by  Beard.^ 


1  Hedges  Diary,  11,  90,  91. — The  story  is  told  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who 
says  that  Charnock,  instead  of  converting  his  wife  to  Christianity,  was  conrerted 
by  her  to  Paganism.  "  The  only  part  of  Christianity  that  was  remarkable  in  him 
was  burying  her  decently  ;  and  he  built  a  tomb  over  her,  where  all  his  life  after 
her  death  he  kept  the  anniversary  day  by  sacrificing  a  cock  on  her  tomb,  after  the 
Pagan  manner."  This  story,  told  by  an  enemy  of  the  Company  and  its  serrants, 
should  be  taken  with  many  grains  of  salt.  It  is  rejected  altogether  by  Sir  H. 
Yule,  because  the  sacrifice  of  a  cock  is  not  Hindu.  But  Dr.  Wise  {Journal  of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Volume  LXIII,  Part  III,  No.  1,  1894)  tells  us  that 
the  sacrifice  of  a  cock  is  part  of  the  worship  of  the  Punch  Pir,  or  Five  Saints, 
in  Bihar,  a  cult,  which  though  primarily  confined  to  low-class  Muhammadans, 
is  dso  there  adopted  by  Hindus.  Who  the  Punch  Pir  are  no  one  exactly 
knows,  bet  tbey  are  powerful  protectors  of  their  devotees.  Dr.  Wise  teUs  us  a 
Tery  interesting  story  of  an  Englishman  in  East  Bengal  who  was  known  as  the 
Punch  P'lriyd  QCihib,  "it  being  said  that  his  parents  losing  one  child  after 
another  were  advised  by  a  favourite  servant  to  consecrate  the  nest  to  the  Punch 
Pir,  and  by  so  doing  preserve  him.  They  followed  this  advice,  and  were  grati- 
fied to  find  their  son  grow  up  strong  and  healthy.  Hindus  always  quote  this  as 
an  instance  of  the  benefits  accruing  to  those  who  beUeve  in  the  Punch  Pir." 

^  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  45. 

'  2b.,  n,  46. 

*  lb.,  II,  46  to  49. 


94  THE  BEGINNING   OF  THE   STHII'E. 

While  at  Oassimbazar  Charnock  learnt  a  second  lesson.  He  had 
seen  that  treaties  could  not  protect  the  English  trade;  he  now  saw 
that  a  fortified  station  would.  Charnock,  Hedges,  and  Grifford,  in  spite 
of  many  differences,  agreed  in  this.  The  idea  was  not  the  discovery 
of  an  individual  mind;  it  was  the  common  thought  of  the  English 
in  Bengal.^ 

As  in  Patna,  so  in  Oassimhazar,  Charnock  at  length  came  into 
conflict  with  the  local  government.  Even  before  Hedges  had  left 
Bengal,  it  appears  from  his  diary  that  the  native  merchants  and 
dealers  employed  in  the  business  of  the  Cassimbazar  factory  had 
made  a  large  claim  against  Charnock  and  his  colleagues  there,  which 
the  judge  of  the  place  had  decided  against  the  English  to  the  amount 
of  Es.  43,000.  The  judgment  was  supported  by  Shayista  Khan, 
who,  in  default  of  payment,  formally  summoned  Charnock  to  appear 
before  him  at  Dacca.  Charnock  refused,  and  many  attempts  were 
made,  both  at  Cassimbazar  and  at  Dacca,  to  get  the  decision 
modified.  It  was  little  short  of  open  war  between  Charnock  and  the 
nabob.  All  communications  with  the  Cassimbazar  factory  were 
cut  o£E,  and  at  the  time  of  Agent  Beard's  death  the  place  was  watched 
by  troops  to  prevent  Charnock's  escape.  In  April,  1686,  however,  he 
managed  to  give  his  enemies  the  slip,  and  reached  Hugli,  where  he 
at  once  assumed  the  chief  direction  of  the  English  affairs.  Here 
he  received  the  news  that  the  Court  had  resolved  on  war,  and  had 
despatched  a  great  expeditionary  force  against  the  Mogul.^ 

The  squadron  designed  for  Bengal  had  consisted  of  six  ships,  carry- 
ing as  many  companies  of  soldiers :  but  only  half  that  number  reached 
their  destination.  They  were  the  Beaufort^  with  seventy  guns  and 
three  hundred  seamen,  commanded  by  John  Nicholson ;  the  Nathaniel, 
with  fifty  guns  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  seamen,  commanded  by  John 
Mason ;  and  the  Rochester^  with  sixty-five  guns.  To  each  of  these  men- 
of-war  was  attached  a  frigate  or  light- vessel  built  for  speed,  armed 
with  twelve  guns  and  manned  witli  twenty  seamen.  Besides  these,  the 
Company  already  had  in  the  Ganges  a  number  of  sloops  and  river- 
craft,  and  orders  had  been  given  that  all  the  vessels  available  at 
Madras  should  be  sent  on  to  Bengal.  Nicholson  was  appointed 
Admiral,  and  Mason  Yice- Admiral.^ 


^  See  above  p.  89. 

2  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  63. 

8  lb.,  II,  52. 


THE   ENGLISH    FOBCES   ASSEMBLE.  95 

The  land  forces  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Chamock  were,  like  the 
fleet,  very  miscellaneous.  The  men  ordinarily  employed  at  this  time  to 
defend  the  Company's  factories  and  trade  were  Rajputs  or  other 
natives  of  India,  who  retained  their  own  dress  and  customs,  organis- 
ation, and  officers.  But  the  English  could  not  rely  on  them  in  an 
attack  upon  the  Mogul.  Other  soldiers  were  Native  Christians  or 
Portuguese,  whom  the  English  thought  "  very  sorry  fellows."  They 
dressed  like  Europeans,  and  had  learnt  the  manual  exercise  and  the 
parade  drill  of  European  troops.  Lastly,  there  were  the  English  soldiers 
sent  out  hy  the  Court.  Usually  they  were  very  few  in  number,  and  were 
consequently  united  with  the  Portuguese  in  the  same  company.  But 
on  the  present  occasion  their  numbers  had  been  greatly  increased,  and, 
although  one  of  the  ships  sent  was  lost  and  two  others  were  not  able  to 
make  their  passage,  at  least  three,  if  not  four,  companies  of  English 
soldiers  must  have  in  the  end  reached  Bengal.^  According  to  custom, 
the  Court  sent  out  with  the  troops  Lieutenants,  Ensigns,  and  inferior 
officers.  But  the  commanding  officers  were  to  be  the  Company's 
servants  in  Bengal,  Agent  Chamock  becoming  Colonel,  the  second 
in  the  Bay  Lieutenant-Colonel,  the  third  Major,  and  so  on.^  In  fact 
the  Court  appear  to  have  anticipated  the  views  of  Lord  Wolseley, 
and  to  have  fully  understood  "that  no  one  can  conduct  a  campaign 
or  administer  an  army  successfully  who  is  not  a  thoroughly  good 
man  of  business." 

The  English  troops  reached  Bengal  by  driblets  towards  the  end  of 
the  year  1686.  The  Rochester  and  her  frigate,  having  been  despatched 
earlier  than  the  rest,  were  also  the  first  to  arrive.  They  brought  a 
company  of  a  hundred  and  eight  men,  who  were  sent  up  the  river  in 

1  Sedges'  Diary,  Jl,  54,  58. — These  English  and  Portuguese  companies  were 
presumably  formed  after  the  model  of  the  troops  of  James  II.  Each  company 
numbered  from  one  hundred  and  ten  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  men.  The  uniform 
of  the  soldiers  was  red.  trimmed  with  blue;  their  arms  were  the  sword  and  the 
firelock  gun.  Over  the  left  shoulder  they  wore  the  bandoleer,  a  leather  belt  on 
which  were  suspended  the  bullet  bag,  the  primer  and  a  number  of  little  copper 
cylinders,  each  containing  one  charge.  Some  of  the  men,  or  perhaps  all,  may 
liave  been  furnished  with  the  great  knife  or  bayonet,  which  was  then  coming  into 
use,  and  which  was  attached  to  a  wooden  haft  and  screwed  into  the  muzzle  of 
your  gan,  so  that  you  could  never  fire  when  your  bayonet  was  fixed.  The 
sergeants  carried  a  halberd  ;  the  oflScers  a  half-pike  seven  feet  long.  The  men 
were  ranged  in  four  ranks,  with  an  interval  of  twelve  feet  between  them  in  open 
order.  The  officers  took  post  according  to  seniority  in  front  of  the  line  ;  but 
before  the  charge  was  given  or  received  they  retixed  among  the  men  of  the  first 
rank,  and  the  interval  between  the  ranks  was  reduced  to  three  feet. 

-  lb.,  II,  52. 


96  THE    SKIRMISH    AT   HUGLI. 

small  vessels.  The  Beaufort  and  her  frigate  arrived  later  with  some 
two  hundred  men.  The  total  number  of  the  Company's  soldiers  at 
Hugli — Indian,  Portuguese,  and  English  all  told — amounted  to  less 
than  four  hundred  men.^  They  were  quartered,  some  in  the  town,  and 
some  at  Chandannagar,  three  miles  lower  down  the  river.^ 

These  preparations,  though  not  very  extensive,  were  enough  to  alarm 
the  country.  By  order  of  the  Nabob,  three  thousand  foot  and  three 
hundred  horse  were  concentrated  at  Hugli  to  guard  the  town.  Under 
their  protection,  the  governor,  'Abdu-1  Gani,  became  more  and  more 
threatening.  He  raised  a  battery  of  eleven  guns  to  command  the  English 
shipping  in  the  "  hole  "  or  harbour.  He  refused  all  necessaries  for  trade. 
He  even  forbad  the  English  to  buy  victiials  in  the  market,  and 
prohibited  the  soldiers  from  resorting  thither.  This  last  order  brought 
on  the  skirmish  at   Hugli.^ 

On  the  28th  October  three  English  soldiers,  going  in  the  morning 
as  usual -into  the  market,  were  not  only  refused  victuals,  but  were 
violently  set  upon  by  the  Governor's  guards,  beaten,  cut,  bound,  and 
carried  away  prisoners  to  'Abdu-1  Gani.  The  news  flew  apace  through 
the  town,  and  it  was  reported  that  two  Englishmen  were  lying  desperate- 
ly wounded  in  the  highway.  On  this  Captain  Leslie  was  ordered  to 
sally  out  from  the  factory  with  a  company  of  soldiers  and  bring  back  the 
bodies,  dead  or  alive.  The  attempted  rescue  was  actively  opposed.  The 
enemy  fell  at  once  upon  the  advancing  company  with  horse  and  foot, 
and,  when  forced  to  retire  with  the  loss  of  seven  men,  killed  or  wounded, 
invoked  the  aid  of  the  fiery  element  itself  to  destroy  the  foreigners,  or 
at  least  bar  their  further  progress.  In  a  short  time  all  the  thatched 
hovels  which  surrounded  the  English  quarters  were  in  a  blaze,  and 
the  factory  was  encircled  with  a  broad  band  of  flame.  At  the  same 
time  the  newly  raised  battery  opened  fire  on  the  ships  in  the  "  hole."  * 

Matters  now  began  to  look  serious.  The  English  troops  quartered 
at  Chandannagar  were  immediately  ordered  up  to  Hugli.  Mean- 
while a  detachment  under  Captain  Richardson  was  sent  out  to 
attack  the  battery,  but  unable  to  face  the  hot  fire  of  the  enemy,  they 
were  compelled  to  fall  back  with  loss.  Luckily  by  this  time  the  re- 
inforcements from  Chandannagar  had  arrived,  and  Captain  Arbuthnot, 
advancing  at  the  head  of  a  fresh  body  of  troops,  assaulted  the  battery, 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  54,  58. 
2  lb.,  If,  55. 
=*  Ih.,  II,  54. 
*  lb.,  II,  54. 


OFTHE  ^ 

SKIRMISH  AT  HUGL 


Sc^Ue^:      ]  Mile,  =  6  Irxah^s 


NEGOTIATIONS    FOR    PEACE.  97 

took  it,  aud  spiked  and  dismounted  all  the  guns.  So  fierce  was  his 
onset,  that  he  carried  the  battle  on  beyond  the  governor's  house, 
burning  and  driving  all  before  him.  The  governor  himself,  it  is  said, 
fled  in  disguise  by  water,  leaving  Hugli  panic-stricken.  To  com- 
plete the  enemy's  discomfiture,  the  river-craft  were  ordered  to  open 
fire  on  the  town,  but  the  wind  and  tide  being  contrary,  caused  delay. 
Towards  evening,  however,  the  ketches  and  sloops  came  abreast  of  the 
place,  took  a  ship  of  the  Mogul's,  "  and  kept  firing  and  battering  most 
part  of  that  night  and  next  day,  and  making  frequent  sallies  on  shore, 
burning  and  plundering  all  they  met  with."  ^ 

The  skirmish  was  over,  and  the  advantage  remained  decidedly 
with  the  English.  Captain  Arbuthnot  was  the  hero  of  the  fight,  and 
it  is  pleasant  to  find  that  the  gallant  soldier  received  from  the  Court  a 
gold  chain  and  medal  in  recognition  of  his  services.^  The  English 
loss  was  trifling.  One  man  had  been  killed  and  a  good  many 
wounded  in  the  first  attempt  on  the  battery,  and  one  of  the  men  first 
attacked  in  the  market  died  within  three  days.  The  old  factory, 
with  some  of  the  Company's  saltpetre  and  a  good  deal  of  private 
property,  had  been  consumed  in  the  conflagration.  The  enemy  on  their 
side  lost  about  sixty  men  killed,  including  three  men  of  note, 
and  a  great  number  wounded.  Four  or  five  hundred  of  their  houses 
had  been  burnt  down,  together  with  a  great  number  of  barges, 
lighters,  and  boats.^ 

Under  these  circumstances  the  governor  of  Hugli,  through  the  in- 
tervention of  the  Dutch,  entered  into  negotiations  for  peace.  Hq  was 
alarmed  at  the  vigour  and  success  of  the  English  and  wished  to  gain  time. 
He  therefore  demanded  a  cessation  of  arms.  To  Chamock  the  proposal 
was  most  opportune.  For  the  past  six  months  he  had  been  preparing 
to  quit  Hugli,  but  owing  to  the  diflBculty  of  bringing  away  the 
Company's  saltpetre,  besides  all  the  Company's  servants  and  large 
stores  of  goods  of  all  kinds,  had  not  yet  been  able  to  carry  out 
his  intentions.  He  had  been  more  than  once  disappointed  in  his 
efforts  to  secure  ships  for  the  cargo.  Some  of  the  local  vessels  were 
lost ;  others  proved  to  be  wonn-eaten.  Of  the  ships  sent  out  from 
England,  the  Beaufort  was  the  next  to  arrive  after  the  Rochester ;  but 
she  was  so  leaky,  that  Admiral  Nicholson  had  to  take  her  into  the 
Hijili  river  to  be  careened.     Of  the  rest  of  the  squadron  Chamock  had 


*  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  55. 
»  lb.,  II,  295. 
'  Ih.,  II,  55. 


98  THE    ENGLISH   STILL   AT   HUGLI. 

received  no  tidings.  The  English  therefore  agreed  to  the  cessation  of 
arms  proposed  by  the  governor,  on  condition  that  he  would  allow  them 
to  supply  themselves  with  victuals,  servants,  and  labourers  as  usual,  and 
for  the  present,  while  the  saltpetre  was  being  packed,  they  strove  to  be 
peaceable.  This  did  not,  however,  prevent  them  from  seizing  a  ship 
of  the  nabob's  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  sending  Nicholson  down 
with  orders  to  seize  three  more  in  the  Balasor  road.  Nor  did  it 
prevent  them  from  entering  into  negotiations  with  a  local  magnate, 
the  owner  of  the  country  adjoining  the  island  of  Hijili  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Hugli,  who  was  in  open  war  with  the  Muhammadan  govern- 
ment, and  who  offered  to  provide  them  with  men,  provisions,  and  all 
things  necessary  to  establish  a  fort  and  factories  in  his  territory. 
Hither  they  intended  to  retire  as  soon  as  the  saltpetre  was  shipped, 
after  first  making  an  armed  demonstration  and  seizing  some  of  the 
chief  citizens  of  Hugli  for  the  ransom  of  the  Company's  servants  left 
in  the  outstations  in  Bengal.^ 

So  the  English  proposed,  but  the  nabob  had  very  different  pur- 
poses. Whatever  Charnock  might  think,  Shayista  Kian  was  not  a 
man  to  be  trifled  with.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  skirmish  at  Hugli, 
he  sent  to  Patua  to  seize  on  all  the  Company's  property  there  and 
imprison  their  servants.  At  Dacca  he  would  have  also  imprisoned. 
Watts,  but  that  Baramal,  a  friendly  Hindu,  interposed.  Large 
detachments  of  horse  were  ordered  to  Hugli.  The  nabob  was  re- 
solved to  crush  the  English  and  force  them  to  submit  to  his  wishes. 
Meanwhile  the  Dutch,  who  had  been  at  variance  with  the  local 
government,  were  reinstated  at  Baranagar.^ 

For  nearly  two  months  after  the  "eruption"  did  the  English 
remain  at  Hugli,  packing  saltpetre,  negotiating  with  the  governor, 
and  hoping  to  procure  an  Imperial  rescript  or  at  least  an  order  from 
the  nabob  redressing  their  grievances.  It  was  not  till  the  20th 
December  that  they  withdrew  from  the  place,  bringing  off  all  the 
Company's  concerns  and  their  own.  Their  coming  off  was  peace- 
able, and  in  their  opinion  "  no  less  honorable,  having  continued  the 
cessation  of  arms  on  both  sides  hitherto,  for  conveniency  of  get- 
ting off  the  Eight  Hon'ble  Company's  estate,  and  not  without  hope 
of  some  accommodation  of  the  differences."  ^ 


>  Hedges  Diary,  II,  56  to  68. 

2  lb.,  II,  65  to  68. 

3  Ih  ,  II,  59,  60. 


THE    EKGLISH   WITHDRAW    TO   SUilNUri.  .99 

And,  now,  what  was  Chamock  going  to  do  after  leaving  Hugli  ? 
Would  he  follow  the  plan  of  action  laid  down  for  hhn  by  the  Cuurt? 
Would  he  assemble  his  armament  at  Balasor,  arrest  all  the  Mogul's 
vessels,  and  then  proceed  to  Chittagong  to  take  it  by  storm  ?  Or  would 
he  carry  out  his  professed  intentions  ?  Would  he  stop  at  Hijili  and 
join  forces  with  the  local  magnate  there  ?  He  did  neither.  On  his  way 
down  the  river  he  halted  at  Sutanutl,  a  village  which  has  since  grown 
into  the  northern  quarter  of  Calcutta,  and  there  spent  the  Christmas 
of  1686.  He  still  hoped  for  peace  ;  he  still  negotiated.  By  the  end 
of  December,  Watts,  accompanied  by  Baramal  arrived  at  Sutanuti 
from  Dacca.  Baramal  had  powers  to  accommodate,  and  through  him 
Charnock  sent  up  his  demands  to  Shayista  Khan.  He  asked  that  the 
English  should  have  a  sufficient  quantity  of  ground  to  build  a  fort  on, 
that  they  might  there  have  a  mint,  and  be  henceforth  allowed  to 
trade  custom-free.  He  asked  that  the  nabob  should  rebuild  the  factory 
at  Malda,  which  had  been  destroyed,  restore  all  the  money  which  he 
had  taken,  and  help  the  English  to  recover  their  debts.  The  nabob 
in  reply  appointed  as  his  commissioners  Baramal  and  two  others,  and 
allowed  them  to  treat  for  peace.  In  three  days  they  agreed  upon 
twelve  articles  formulating  the  English  demands.  On  the  11th 
January  the  articles  were  signed  and  sealed,  and  transmitted  to  the 
nabob  for  confirmation.  Charnock  also  required  that  they  should  be 
ratified  by  Aurangzeb  himself,  and  on  the  28th  January  he  was 
actually  told  that  the  nabob  approved  of  the  articles  and  had  sent  them 
to  the  King  for  confirmation. 

It  is  difficult  to  know  whether  the  old  agent  had  so  forgotten  his 
political  experiences  at  Patna  as  to  seriously  believe  in  all  these  fair 
speeches.  If  he  did,  he  greatly  overestimated  the  strength  of  his  posi- 
tion. Shayista  Khan  was  not  in  the  least  frightened  by  the  skirmish 
at  Hugli.  He  merely  wished  to  gain  time.  After  waiting  more  than 
three  weeks,  he  returned  the  articles  unsigned,  threatened  the  English 
for  daring  to  make  such  demands  and  the  commissioners  for  listening  to 
them,  and  issued  orders  to  the  subordinate  governors  throughout  the 
province  to  levy  all  the  forces  they  could  get  together  and  drive  the 
English  out    of  Bengal  never  to  return. 

On  all  sides  the  country  was  in  arms.  The  time  for  negotiation  was 
past.  Nothing  remained  but  to  fight.  On  the  9th  February  the 
English  burnt  down  the  King's  salt-houses.  On  the  11th  they 
assaulted  and  took  the  forts  at  Thana,  or  Garden  Keach,  *'  with  the  loss 
only   of  one  man's  leg  and  some  wounded."     The  forts  were  considered 

H  2 


100  THE   GROWTH   OF   LEGEND.    - 

too  far  up  the  country  to  be  tenable  ;  and  so,  while  Charnock  was 
demolishing  them,  Captain  Nicholson  was  sent  down  the  river  with 
half  the  fleet  and  forces  to  take  possession  of  the  island  of  Uijili.^ 


When  historical  personages  or  historical  events  strike  the  popular 
imagination,  it  is  never  content  to  hand  down  to  posterity  the  bare  truth 
about  them.  It  magnifies  every  detail  and  adds  wonders  of  its  own 
creation.  The  person  becomes  a  national  hero ;  the  event  a  national 
calamity,  supernatural  powers  being  introduced  to  aid  in  its  progress. 
That  Priam,  Agamemnon,  and  the  swift-footed  Achillas  were  real  men, 
who  lived  in  some  dim  prehistoric  age,  is  highly  probable.  That  in 
this  age  a  war  took  place  in  Asia  Minor,  and  that  one  of  the  incidents  of 
the  war  was  the  siege  of  some  strong  town  in  the  Troad,  built  either  at 
Hissarlik  or  on  the  Bali  Dagh  above  Bunarbashi,  is  certain.  But  the 
siege  became  legend,  and  the  legend  poetry,  and  now  all  the  labours  of 
an  Euhemerus  and  a  Thucydides,  of  a  Curtius  and  a  Schliemann,  will 
never  recover  the  substratum  of  truth  underlying  the  glorious  fiction  of 
Homer.  For  us  Achilles  will  ever  be  the  son  of  a  divine  mother,  the 
hero  mighty  for  good  or  evil ;  Agamemnon  will  ever  be  the  stately  ruler, 
swaying  aU  the  hosts  of  the  Greeks  with  a  God-given  sceptre ;  Priam 
the  old  kind  father,  whose  length  of  days  and  abundance  of  children 
were  turned  from  blessings  into  curses.  For  us  there  can  be  no  other 
Troy  than  the  familiar  windy  city,  with  broad  streets  and  beetling  acro- 
polis, whose  walls  were  built  by  Apollo  and  Poseidon.  So,  too,  the  per- 
sonality and  career  of  the  great  Emperor  Charles  have  passed  into  the 
regions  of  legend  and  romance,  although  fortunately  in  his  case 
written  records  remain  which  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  actual  history. 
We  know  from  Eginhard  that  the  Emperor  conducted  a  victorious 
expedition  into  Spain.  We  know  that  on  his  return  the  difficulties 
which  he  experienced  in  recrossing  the  Pyrenees  led  him  to  unduly 
prolong  his  line  of  march.  We  know  that  on  the  15th  August  778, 
when  the  rear  guard  was  entangled  in  the  valley  of  Roncesvalles,  too 
far  from  the  van  to  be  succoured  in  time,  the  mountaineers  rushing  from 
their  ambushes  fell  upon  the  Franks,  who  were  all  put  to  the  sword, 


»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  60  to  65. 


LEGENDS  ABOUT  CHABNOCK.  101 

including  Hruodlandus,  the  Prefect  of  the  Britannic  march.  Such  are 
the  hare  facts.  But  the  death  of  Roland,  it  would  seem,  moved  the 
chords  of  popular  sympathy,  and  it  straightway  became  transmuted  by 
the  alchemy  of  fancy  into  the  most  celebiated  romance  of  the  middle 
ages.  The  love  of  Eoland  for  Oliver's  sister,  the  fighting  with  the 
giant  Ferracute,  the  treachery  of  Ganelon,  the  wonderful  sword  and 
horn,  the  last  prayer  of  the  hero,  his  deatii,  and  Charles's  vengeance, 
these  are  added  touches  which  have  given  such  life  and  power  to  the 
original  story,  that,  like  the  mystic  sounds,  which  reached  Charlemagne 
Across  the  Pyrenees  at  a  distance  of  thirty  leagues  from  the  valley  of 
Roncesvalles,  the  song  of  Roland  has  gone  forth  into  all  lands,  and 
"  makes  itself  heard  across  nine  centuries  in  the  refined  ears  of  our  own 
times." 

The  career  of  Job  Chamock  and  the  ransack  of  Hugli  seem  to  have 
exercised  a  similar  fascination  over  the  minds  of  the  Indian  people  to 
whom  the  story  first  came,  for  we  find  that  they  very  soon  began  to 
embellish  the  facts  with  fabulous  additions.  According  to  the  legend, 
when  Chanak  was  chief  of  the  English,  a  flood  arose  and  destroyed  their 
house  at  Hugli.  Then  they  cut  down  trees  and  began  to  build  them  a 
new  house  two  and  three  storeys  high.  But  the  Moslem  nobles  and 
great  ones  came  to  the  governor  and  said :  ''  These  strange  dogs  of 
Englishmen  are  making  their  dwelling  so  high  that  they  may  spy  into 
our  homes  and  look  upon  our  wives  and  daughters.  Such  a  dishonour 
must  not  be  permitted."  So  the  governor  sent  and  forbad  all  the 
masons  and  carpenters  to  carry  on  the  work.  "Wherefore  Chanak  made 
ready  to  fight.  For  the  Moguls  came  together  in  great  multitudes, 
and  Chanak  had  only  a  few  men  aiid  one  ship.  But  with  a  burning- 
glass  he  caught  the  sun's  fires  and  burnt  the  river  face  of  the  city  as 
far  as  Chandanuagar.  Then  the  governor  took  two  great  iron  chains. 
Each  chain  had  many  links,  and  each  link  weighed  twenty-two  pounds. 
These  chains  he  stretched  across  the  Hugli.  But  Chanak  cut  the  chain 
with  his  sword  and  went  on  his  way  to  the  Deccan.  Having  thus 
defeated  the  malice  of  his  foes  he  went  to  the  court  of  King  Aurangzeb, 
who  was  at  this  time  fighting  against  the  Kings  of  the  Deccan. 
Chanak  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  King,  and  stood  before 
him  with  folded  arms.  Then  one  came  and  whispered  to  the  Kino- 
that  the  provisions  of  the  Mogul  army  were  all  gone  ;  and  the  Km^'s 
countenance  fell  and  his  thoughts  troubled  him.  ^sow  Chanak  per- 
ceived that  the  King  was  troubled,  and  knew  that  it  was  because  he 
had  no  food  left.     He  therefore  ordered  his  servants  to  carry  in  secret 


102  THE    "  CHANAKIAD  "    WHIOH    SHOULD    HAVE    BEEN. 

all  sorts  of  meat  and  drink  to  the  King's  army.  This  act  of  generosity 
won  the  heart  of  the  King,  and  he  said  to  Chanak  :  "  Ask  what  you 
will,  and  I  will  give  it  you."  But  Chanak  said  :  "  First  bid  me 
defeat  your  enemies,  and  then  I  will  take  somewhat  of  you."  So 
Chanak,  having  obtained  orders  from  the  King,  marched  against  the 
enemy  and  put  his  armies  to  flight.  Then  he  came  again  and  stood 
before  the  King  and  asked  that  the  English  might  be  given  the  village 
of  Calcutta.  And  the  King  consented,  and  departed  to  Delhi,  but 
Chanak  returned  and  founded  Fort  William  in  Bengal.^ 

Such  are  some  of  the  traditions  which  at  a  very  early  date  gathered 
round  the  events  of  1686  and  the  following  years.  In  them  the  reader 
may  easily  discern  hints  and  adumbrations  of  the  Chanakiad  which 
should  have  been.  Had  there  been  no  English  conquest  of  Bengal, 
had  there  been  no  consequent  introduction  of  western  culture  and 
western  refinements  of  criticism,  the  Company's  old  agent  would  by 
tliis  time  have  been  transformed  into  a  warrior-hero  as  bold  as  the 
wielder  of  Durandal,  as  terrible  in  wrath  as  the  avenger  of  Patroclus. 
The  ransack  of  Hugli  might  have  become  an  epic  poem  which  critics 
and  savants  might  have  analysed  and  quarrelled  over,  some  maintaining 
that  it  arose  from  the  corruption  of  a  Sanskrit  root,  and  others  that  it 
was  a  solar  myth  symbolising  the  struggle  between  light  and  dark- 
ness which  takes  place  at  the  dawning  of  the  day. 

»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  97  to  99. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Fbbbttabt,  1687,  to  Novbmbbb,  1688. 

HOW    THE    ENGLISH    ATTEMPTED   TO   OCCUPY    FIRST  HIJILI    AND   THEN 
rLUBARIA,    BUT  AGAIN   KETUENED   TO   SUTANUTL 


An  Indian  river  in  its  old  age  is  a  thing  full  of  caprice.  It 
approaches  its  end  rich  with  spoils  gathered  during  a  long  and  prosper- 
ous life,  but  uncertain  where  to  leave  them.  Tom  in  a  hundred 
different  directions,  it  reaches  the  sea  through  an  ever-varying  number 
of  ever-varying  distributaries.  Now  the  stream  eats  away  its  right 
bank,  now  its  left.  It  oscillates  in  wide  sweeping  circles,  depositing 
silt  on  either  side,  and  again  breaks  through  the  curves  thus  formed  and 
takes  a  more  direct  course.  Sometimes  it  spills  over  its  banks  and 
completely  abandons  its  old  channel.  From  these  vagaries  of  an  Indian 
river  the  Ganges  is  by  no  means  exempt,  and  its  great  western 
distributary  shares  in  them,  though  in  a  lesser  degree.  A  tidal  river, 
the  Hugli  has  not  during  the  last  three  or  four  hundred  years  much 
changed  its  course,  but  the  alterations  which  have  taken  place  in  its 
confluents  and  in  its  banks  have  been  so  many  and  so  considerable,  that 
an  enquirer  into  its  topography  in  the  days  of  Job  Charnock  will 
often  find  the  greatest  difficulty  in  tracing  out  many  localities  which 
were  at  that  time  well  known  and  conspicuous.  In  such  a  case  our 
only  resource  is  to  begin  with  the  present  which  we  know,  and  thence 
work  back  to  the  unknown  past. 


104  THE    HUGLl    BET.OW  CALCUTTA. 

The  course  of  the  Hugli  below  Calcutta  may  be  divided  into  four 
sections.  From  Fort  William  to  Ulubaria  the  stream  runs  for  some 
twenty  miles  in  a  south-westerly  direction.  For  the  next  twenty  miles 
it  continues  almost  due  south.  Then  at  Hugli  Point  begins  a 
wide  semi-ciroular  sweep  of  about  twenty-five  miles,  in  which  is 
situated  Diamond  Harbour.  In  the  last  section  the  river  enters  the 
sea,  flowing  south  with  the  island  of  Sagar  as  its  left  bank.  On  its 
right  side  it  receives  during  the  whole  of  this  course  four  confluents,  the 
Damodar.  the  Rupnarayan,  the  Haldi,  and  the  Rasulpur  river.  Of  these, 
the  largest  and  the  most  important  is  the  Eupnarayan,  which  joins  the 
main  stream  at  Hugli  Point.  Here  occurs  the  most  critical  turn  in  the 
whole  navigation  of  the  river,  for  here  lies  the  James  and  Mary  sand, 
which  for  the  past  two  centuries  has  been  the  dread  of  all  ships  making 
their  way  to  Calcutta.  In  the  seventeenth  century  the  Hugli  was 
considered  to  begin  at  this  point,  and  although  we  do  not  hear  of  the 
fatal  sand,  yet  we  find  that  the  place  was  noted  for  its  dangerous  eddies 
and  currents.  Lower  down  at  the  junction  of  the  Easulpur  river  with 
the  Hugli,  just  opposite  the  centre  of  the  modern  island  of  Sagar,  is 
situated  the  old  fort  of  Hijili  in  the  district  of  Qasba  Hijili;  seven 
and-a-half  miles  above  this  on  the  great  river  is  the  town  of  Khejiri. 
The  Cowcolly  light-house  stands  about  half-way  between  the  two 
places,  and  to  the  north  of  Khejiri  a  slender  water-course,  known  as  the 
Kunjapur  Khal,  runs  back  from  the  Hugli  to  the  Rasulpur  river,  thus 
forming  the  base  of  an  inverted  triangle  of  which  the  apex  is  Hijili. 

At  the  present  day  Qasba  Hijili  is  rather  an  out-of-the-way  corner 
of  the  world.  To  get  to  it  by  land  you  must  leave  the  grand  trunk 
road,  which  runs  through  Midnapore  to  Orissa,  and  strike  off  to  the 
south-west  by  the  way  from  Belda  to  Kanthi,  a  distance  of  some  thirty- 
five  miles.  From  Kanthi  the  more  ancient  and  more  direct  route  runs 
over  the  sand  hills  to  Dariapur  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rasulpur  river, 
whence  you  may  cross  straight  over  to  the  old  town  of  Hijili.  But 
the  post  road  passes  in  a  north-easterly  direction  to  Rasulpur,  where 
the  river  is  crossed  by  a  ferry,  and  from  thence  continues  in  a 
direction  almost  parallel  to  the  Kunjapur  Khal,  but  a  mile  and-a-half 
to  the  south  of  it,  till  it  reaches  Khejiri,  while  a  more  circuitous  path 
diverging  to  the  right  from  the  ferry,  leads  to  the  same  place  past 
the  old  town  of  Hijili,  Pachuriya,  and  the  Cowcolly  light-house. 

Nij  Qasba  Hijili,  all  that  now  remains  of  the  old  town,  is  a  some- 
what large  collection  of  hovels  standing  at  the  junction  of  the  two 
rivers.     Five  hundred  yards  to  the  west  on  the  Rasulpur  river  is  a 


THE   ISLAND  OF   HIJILI.  105 

landing  place  "witli  a  bazar.  Between  this  and  the  village  rises  the  ■white 
tower  of  a  mosque,  conspicuous  for  miles  away ;  and  by  the  mosque 
stands  the  shrine  of  Masuad  'Ali  Shah,  the  first  Musulman  ruler  of 
the  place,  whose  memory  is  still  held  in  veneration  by  Hindus  and 
Mahomedans  alike.  Masnad  'Ali  held  rule  in  the  first  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century ;  but  when  his  warrior  brother,  the  Mighty  Wrestler, 
was  dead,  and  he  heard  that  the  Mogul  was  sending  an  army  to  attack 
him,  the  holy  man  buried  himself  alive,  and  left  his  son  Bahadur 
Khan  to  make  peace  with  the  emperor,  and  hold  his  land  as  a 
feudatory  of  the  Court  of  Delhi.  ^ 

Further  down  to  the  south,  almost  completely  covered  by  the  watef 
of  the  river,  lie  the  ruined  walls  of  the  old  fort.  Behind  for  some 
distance  up  in  the  apex  of  the  triangle  of  land  included  between  the 
Hugli  and  the  Easulpur  river  rise  a  number  of  small  sand-hills  thickly 
covered  with  prickly  bamboos  and  the  ever-green  Indian  oak,  from 
which  HijLli  is  said  to  take  its  name.  All  roimd  beside  the  rivers  and 
away  towards  Elhejiri  and  the  Kunjapur  Khal  the  land  lies  low,  a  great 
dyke  encircling  it  like  the  wall  of  a  Eoman  camp,  preventing  the 
influx  of  the  adjacent  salt  waters  and  allowing  it  to  be  cultivated.  Two 
hundred  years  ago  the  land  unprotected  by  any  embankment  was  for- 
the  most  part  swamp.  So  fatally  malarious  was  the  spot  that  the 
difference  between  going  to  Hijili  and  returning  thence  passed  into 
a  Hindustani  proverb. 

It  was,  however,  a  place  of  the  greatest  importance,  an  accessible 
frontier,  a  land  rich  in  grain,  the  seat  of  the  salt  manufacture,  the 
private  domain  of  the  Mogul  who  had  the  monopoly  of  the  precious 
mineral  extracted  from  these  low-lying  swamps  by  the  easy  process  of 
filtration  and  by  boiling  the  brine.  The  Kunjapur  Khal  was  then  a 
deep,  broad  stream,  which  completely  cut  off  both  Khejiri  and  Hijili 
from  the  main  land,  and  these  again  were  divided  into  two  distinct 
islands  by  the  river  CowcoUy,  of  which  the  channel  has  now  completely 
vanished.  Both  places  were  considered  *'  exceeding  pleasant  and  fruit- 
ful, having  great  store  of  wild  hogs,  deer,  wild  buffaloes,  and  tigers.'* 
It  was  an  amusing  and  interesting  trip  in  those  days  to  take  a  boat  at 
the  town  of  Khejiri  and  row  all  round  the  two  islands  into  the  Eusul- 
pur  river,  and  so  back  to  the  Hugli,  noting  the  busy  scenes  which 
met  you  on  your  way.^ 


»  Hunter's  Statistical  Account  of  Bengal,  edition  of  1876,  liL  1&9,  200 
'  Hedges'  Diari/t  I,  68,  172,  176. 


106  THE    ENGLISH   OCCUPY  HIJILI, 

Such  was  the  "  pleasant  island  in  the  Ganges "  to  which  the 
English  in  1687  were  persuaded  to  entrust  all  their  fortunes.  On 
the  approach  of  Nicholson,  Malik  Qasim,  the  Mogul  commandant, 
deserted  the  place  and  surrendered  all  its  forts  and  batteries,  all 
its  guns  and  ammunition,  without  striking  a  blow.  The  island 
was  full  of  inhabitants  and  well  stocked  with  cattle.  By  the  27th 
February,  Charnock  had  established  himself  in  the  town  and  collected 
the  bulk  of  his  forces  round  him.  They  consisted  of  four  hundred 
and  twenty  soldiers,  the  Beaufort  with  her  frigate,  and  nearly  all 
the  Company's  sloops,  except  one,  which  had  been  left  at  Hugli  Point, 
to  guard  the  passage  of  the  river,  and  another  which  remained  at 
Balasor  with  the  Rochester  and  the  Nathaniel.  But  the  English  knew 
that  what  had  been  so  easily  won  might  also  be  as  easily  lost,  unless 
they  took  steps  to  secure  their  position.  Sloops  were  therefore  placed 
all  round  the  island  wherever  it  was  thought  likely  that  a  landing 
might  be  effected,  and  the  long-boats  and  pinnaces  were  ordered  to 
keep  cruising  all  night  to  prevent  the  people  from  crossing  over  to 
the  mainland  with  their  cattle.  The  so-called  fort  at  Hijili  was  a 
small  house  surrounded  by  a  thin  wall  with  two  or  three  armed  points. 
It  stood  in  the  midst  of  a  grove  of  trees,  and  was  hemmed  in  on  all 
sides  by  a  thick  town  of  mud  houses.  The  landing  to  the  west 
on  the  Rasulpur  river  was  at  least  five  hundred  yards  distant, 
and  had  to  be  defended  by  a  separate  battery.  The  English  began 
to  look  back  with  regret  to  their  old  factory  at  the  Gholghat  in 
Hugli,  and  to  think  that  they  might  have  made  a  much  better  fight 
there.i 

The  first  blow  was  struck  by  the  ships  at  Balasor.  The  port  is 
situated  on  the  Bura-balung,  a  sinuous  river  doubling  back  upon  itself 
in  numerous  loops,  with  an  awkward  bar  a  little  more  than  two 
miles  from  its  mouth.  Some  way  up  the  stream  occurs  a  projecting 
promontory,  which  frequently  appears  in  the  records  of  Chamock's 
time  under  the  name  of  the  Point  of  Sand.  The  point  commands  the 
river  for  miles,  and  was  armed  by  the  Mogul  rulers  with  a  fort  and 
batteries.  West  of  it  stood  the  old  town  of  Balasor ;  beyond  this, 
still  further  up  the  stream,  was  the  rapidly  growing  uew  town 
where  the  Europeans  had  established  their  factories.  The  hostile 
measures  of  Charnock  had  alarmed  the  whole  country  round.  New 
Balasor   was  alive  with   horses- soldiers   and   foot-soldiers,  and  every 


*  Hedges'  Diary,  J  I,  65. 


AND   SACK   BALASOR.  107 

Mogul's  house  was  turned  into  an  improvised  fortification.  The  ships 
were  drawn  up  in  dry  docks  of  mud  under  the  protection  of  the 
Point  of  Sand.  The  batteries  were  armed  to  the  teeth  with  guns  taken 
out  of  the  vessels.  But  these  preparations  were  of  no  avail  to  stay  the 
attack  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  British  soldiers  and  sailors.  In 
a  single  night  the  fort  was  taken  with  small  loss.  On  the  following 
day,  the  river  being  clear  of  hostile  ships,  the  English  easily  marched 
up  to  the  new  town,  and  after  a  short  struggle  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  whole  place,  burning  and  destroying  all  before  them.  F<ir  two 
days  new  Balasor  was  given  over  to  the  spoilers.  They  broke  into  the 
king's  custom  hoase ;  they  plundered  the  private  merchants ;  and, 
returning  to  the  old  town,  burnt  all  the  shipping  as  it  lay  in  the  docks. 
Two  vessels  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  one  belonging  to  the 
Prince,  and  the  other  to  the  nabob,  with  four  elephants  on  her,  were 
seized  and  made  prizes.  Satisfied  that  enough  had  been  done  to 
vindicate  their  honour  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  Balasor,  the  English 
determined  to  leave,  but  they  were  not  allowed  to  get  off  scot  free. 
While  waiting  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  for  a  favourable  wind, 
a  long  boat  with  a  crew  of  seventeen  men,  was  surprised  two  miles  up 
the  country,  and  all  the  men  taken  except  one.  The  heads  of  three 
of  the  prisoners  were  cut  off  and  stuck  up  at  Hugli.  Meanwhile  the 
Eochesttr,  the  Naihaniel  and  the  Samuel  sailed  to  join  Chamock,  and 
in  their  stead  the  sloop  Good  Hope  was  sent  down  to  keep  watch  in 
the  Bay.i 

Chamock  had  commenced  his  operations  with  vigour.  He  had 
ransacked  Hugli,  attacked  the  Thana  forts,  destroyed  Balasor,  seized 
Hijili.  To  him  these  things  seemed  ample  demonstrations  of  power, 
and  he,  no  doubt,  expected  matters  to  come  to  a  crisis  at  once.  But  to 
the  rulers  of  India  they  seemed  very  minor  incidents.  Aurangzeb  was 
at  this  time  intent  upon  the  taking  of  Haidarabad.  He  did  not  hear 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  English  till  the  beginning  of  March,  and  then 
contented  himself  with  calling  for  the  map  and  ascertaining  where 
such  obscure  places  as  Hugli  and  Balasor  were  situated.-  Shayista 
Khan  was  almost  equally  unconcerned.  He  had  ordered  adequate 
forces  of  horse  and  foot  to  advance  against  Hijili,  and  he  had  no  doubt 
that  they  would  reach  the  place  in  due  course  and  drive  the  rash 
invaders  into  the  sea.     At  the   same  time,  it  was  satisfactory  to  reflect 

>  Htdges'  Diary,  11,  65,  66. 
-  lb.,  II,  63.  64 


108 


THE   MOGULS  INVEST    HIJILT. 


that  they  had  chosen  to  coop  themselves  up  in  the  most  pestilential 
swamp  in  all  lower  Bengal,  so  that  they  might  almost  be  safely 
left  to  stew  in  their  own  juice. 

March  and  April  must  have  been  trying  months  for  the  English 
at  Hijili.  Day  by  day  the  tropical  heat  grew  fiercer  ;  day  by  day  their 
forces  dwindled  away,  while  the  numbers  of  their  enemies  increased 
and  multiplied.  By  the  beginning  of  May  the  supplies  of  provisions 
had  run  very  short.  Nothing  was  to  be  had  in  the  island,  but  beef 
and  a  little  fish,  a  diet  scarcely  suited  to  the  season  of  the  year.  Both 
ashore  and  on  board  the  ships,  great  numbers  died  daily,  the  number 
of  soldiers  sick  being  never  less  than  a  hundred  and  eighty.  The  in- 
habitants, who  had  at  first  been  friendly,  and  with  whose  assistance 
alone  the  necessary  fortifications  could  be  completed,  either  through  fear 
or  for  want  of  rice,  had  begun  to  leave  the  island.  The  local  magnate, 
who  had  offered  to  co-operate  with  Charnock,  refused  to  give  any  help. 
The  island  was  closely  beset  by  the  Mogul  troops.  On  the  other  side  of 
the  Easulpur  river,  opposite  Hijili,  Malik  Q,asim  had  raised  a  battery 
which  commanded  the  river,  the  landing  place,  and  even  the  fort. 

The  English  were  thus  forced  to  resume  the  offensive.  In  one 
sally  on  to  the  mainland  they  carried  off  fifteen  thousand  maunds  of 
rice ;  in  another  they  took  the  battery,  split  the  great  guns,  and  brought 
away  the  small  ones,  with  a  large  quantity  of  powder  and  ammunition. 
But  the  respite  thus  gained  was  short.  The  enemy  soon  returned  in 
increased  numbers,  erected  a  larger  and  more  powerful  battery  than 
before,  beat  the  ships  from  their  anchorage,  and  even  flung  shot  into 
the  fort  of  Hijili. 

By  the  middle  of  May,  'Abdu-s  Samad,  tlie  nabob's  general,  arrived 
at  Hijili.  His  forces  were  considerable,  amounting  to  twelve  thousand 
men,  and  he  was  entrusted  with  ample  powers  to  deal  with  the  English 
as  he  thought  best.  He  resolved  on  decisive  measures.  More  batteries 
along  the  river  wherever  it  was  narrowest,  and  a  furious  cannonade 
opened  upon  the  shipping.  Every  shot  told.  The  English  forces  were 
completely  disorganized.  On  the  28th  May,  in  the  afternoon,  a  detaeb- 
ment  of  seven  hundred  Mogul  cavalry  and  two  hundred  gunners,  filled 
with  enthusiasm  and  bbang,  crossed  the  Rasulpur  river  at  the  ferry  three 
miles  above  the  town,  and  surprised  jan  unfinished  battery  of  four  field 
pieces.  The  men  in  charge  hastened  at  once  to  give  notice  of  the  attack, 
but  so  vehement  was  the  onset  of  the  enemy  that  'Abdu-s  Samad's  horse- 
men arrived  as  soon  as  the  news,  seized  the  town,  and  set  it  on  fire. 
One  of  the  English  officers  was  cut  to  pieces  as  he  lay  sick  in  his  house, 


THE   ENGLISH    ARE    HARD    PRESSED.  109 

and  his  wife  and  child  were  carried  off  prisoners.  The  stables  which 
contained  the  English  horses  and  the  four  elephants  lately  taken  in 
the  nabob's  ship,  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy.  Already  they  had 
lodged  themselves  within  the  trenches,  but  the  English,  hurrjing 
together  after  a  desperate  fight  which  lasted  all  the  evening,  succeeded 
in  saving  the  fort. 

Chamock's  position  now  seemed  altogether  desperate.  Two  hun- 
dred of  his  men  he  had  buried.  Scarcely  one  hundred  soldiers,  weak 
with  repeated  attacks  of  fever  and  ague,  remained  to  hold  the  fort. 
Out  of  forty  officers  only  one  lieutenant  and  four  sergeants  were  alive 
and  able  to  do  duty.  The  Beaufort  had  sprung  another  great  leak, 
and  Nicholson  had  been  compelled  to  empty  her  of  her  guns,  ammuni- 
tion, provisions,  and  goods,  and  order  her  away  to  careen.  None  of  the 
ships  were  more  than  half  manned  ;  and  it  was  evident  that  unless  the 
fort  could  be  held,  and  the  passage  to  the  landing  place  kept  open,  all 
would  be  lost. 

Fortunately  for  the  English,  there  stood  half-way  between  the  fort 
and  the  river  a  masonry  building  which  Chamock  had  converted  into 
a  battery  by  placing  on  it  two  guns  and  a  guard,  while  the  landing 
stage  itself  was  similarly  protected.  As  long  as  these  posts  could  be 
maintained,  Chamock's  connection  with  his  base  was  safe.  The  next 
day  most  of  the  small  craft  that  had  hitherto  kept  guard  round  the 
island  were  brought  into  the  broad  river,  the  most  valuable  of  the 
Company's  goods  placed  on  ship-board,  and  more  provisions  and  troops 
conveyed  iuto  the  fort.  With  these  men  Chamock  drove  the  enemy 
out  of  his  lines,  and  for  four  days  maintained  his  position  against 
overwhelming  odds.  The  courage  of  the  Mogul  wEirriors  "went  out 
with  their  bang ;"  and  though  a  great  many  more  were  landed 
in  the  island,  and  the  English  were  besieged  three  quarters  round, 
yet  the  fort  aud  the  two  batteries  which  secured  the  passage  to  the 
shipping  were  still  untaken,  when,  on  the  first  of  June,  a  most 
welcome  relief  arrived  in  the  shape  of  seventy  men  fresh  from  Europe 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Denham. 

The  tide  of  war  had  turned  ;  the  timely  reinforcement  saved  Char^ 
nock.  The  new  troops  were  full  of  life  and  spirit.  The  day  after  their 
arrival  Denham  sallied  out  of  the  fort,  beat  the  enemy  from  their  guns, 
burnt  their  houses,  and  returned  having  lost  only  one  man.  A  bright 
idea  occurred  to  Charnock.  Seeing  what  a  strong  effect  the  arrival 
of  the  reinforcements  had  produced  upon  the  minds  of  the  enemy,  ha 
determined  to  repeat  it.     Accordingly,  he  quietly  dropped  his  sailors  by 


110  IHE    ENGLISH    DEPART   WITH    THE   HONOURS   OF  WAR. 

one  or  two  at  a  time  out  of  the  fort,  and  sent  them  down  to  the  landing 
place,  whence  the  whole  body  was  ostentatiously  marched  up  again  in 
all  the  panoply  of  war,  flags  flying,  drums  beating,  trumpets  sounding, 
and  the  men  huzzaing  loudly  as  they  had  done  on  the  first  day  of  their 
arrival.  *<  In  war."  as  the  great  Napoleon  used  to  say,  "  the  moral  is  to 
the  physical  force  as  three  parts  to  one."  The  effect  of  Charnock's 
device  was  instantaneous.  The  enemy,  supposing  that  the  English  were 
somehow  supplied  with  a  constant  succession  of  recruits,  began  to 
despair  of  shaking  their  position.  On  the  4th  June,  in  the  morning, 
they  held  out  a  flag  of  truce,  and  Oharnock  was  informed  that  'Abdu-s 
Samad  wished  to  treat  for  peace. 

A  cessation  of  arms  was  agreed  upon  ;  and  Oharnock,  having  duly 
received  a  hostage  from  the  enemy,  sent  over  Richard  Trenchfield, 
who  seems  to  have  been  on  more  friendly  terms  with  the  Indian  officials 
than  the  other  servants  of  the  Oompany,  to  open  the  negotiations. 
On  the  6th  June  Macrith  and  JoUaud  were  united  with  Trenchfield 
in  a  commission  which  was  entrusted  with  full  powers  to  conclude 
peace,  two  more  hostages  were  taken  from  the  enemy,  and  the  three 
men  were  sent  over  to  'Abdu-s  Samad.  They  were  instructed  to  insist 
as  much  as  possible  on  the  ratification  of  the  twelve  articles  drawn  up 
at  Sutanuti  and  on  the  surrender  of  those  who  infringed  the  Com- 
pany's monopoly,  but  in  any  case  to  conclude  a  peace  as  best  they 
could.  In  three  days  the  terms  were  settled  and  ratified.  On  the 
10th  June  the  Mogul  commander  entered  the  fort,  and  the  next  day 
the  English,  taking  with  them  all  their  ammunition  and  artillery, 
marched  out  of  the  place  which  they  had  so  gallantly  held  for  more 
than  three  months,  with  drums  beating  and  colours  flying.^ 

On  leaving  Hijili,  Oharnock  went  up  the  river  to  Ulubaria, 
where  he  remained  for  the  next  three  months.  'Abdu-s  Samad  had 
promised  to  give  him  passes  to  allow  the  English  to  go  further  up  the 
river  above  the  Thana  forts,  but  the  passes  never  came.  Neither  were 
'Abdu-s  Samad's  other  promises  any  better  observed.  He  had  agreed 
to  procure  from  the  nabob  the  confirmation  of  the  Sutanuti  articles, 
but  the  nabob  did  nothing  of  the  sort.  On  the  2nd  July  and  again 
on  the  16th  August  orders  were  signed  and  despatched  from  Dacca,  in 
which,  after  dwelling  upon  the  mischief  which  had  been  doue,  and 
declaring  that  the  Mogul  would  never  pardon  such  offences  should  ho 
hear  of   them,   his   Highness  was  understood  to  accord   his   gracious 


Hedges'  Diary,  II,  30  to  69, 


AND   RETTJEN   TO    SUTiNUTi.  Ill 

permission  to  the  English  to  secure  themselves  at  Ulubaria  and  re- 
main in  their  factories  at  Hugli,  carrying  on  their  trade  with  the 
merchants.  But  as  regarded  their  demands  for  compensation,  for 
exemption  from  taxation,  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  mint, 
Shayista  Khan  oould  say  nothing  definite.  He  had  referred  every- 
thing to  the  King,  his  master.  Chamock  perceived  "  that  the  war  was 
not  yet  at  an  end  or  like  to  be  suddenly."  The  first  order  he  had 
indignantly  returned  to  Dacca ;  but  on  receiving  the  second  order  at 
the  beginning  of  September,  he  determined  to  accept  it  so  far  as  to  go 
up  to  Sutanuti  with  all  his  ships,  "  as  well  for  a  recruit  of  provisions 
as  for  the  spinning  out  of  this  monsoon,  with  a  firm  resolution  not  to 
settle  no  trade  till  he  [^i.e.  the  nabob]  confirms  these  last  articles 
and  gives  us  some  security  against  any  demands  of  damages  that  arise 
against  us  hereafter."  ^ 

»  Sedges'  Diary,  U,  69  to  70.  • 


CHAPTER  III. 

NoTBMBEB  16S&— August  1690. 

NOW  THE  EXGLISH  AFTER  WAN'DERIXG  OVER  THE  BAT  OF  BENGAL,  AND 
SOJOUBXIXG  AT  ILLDRAS,  RETURNED  OXCE  AGAIN  TO  SUTAXUri, 


In  spite  of  their  professed  regard  for  their  old  servant,  Chamoek's 
honourable  masters  at  home  were  not  slow  to  criticise  his  late  military 
and  political  exploits.  The  letters  from  the  Court  to  Bengal  at  this 
time  are  a  curious  mixture  of  cupidity,  patriotism^  bravado,  piety,  and 
acrimonious  abuse.  "We  know,"  say  they,  "your  interest  leads  you 
to  return  as  soon  as  you  can  to  your  trades  and  getting  of  money,  and 
so,  it  may  be,  our  interest  prompts  us;  but  when  the  honour  of  our 
King  and  country  is  at  stake,  we  scorn  more  petty  considerations,  and 
so  should  you."^  ""When  we  perused,"  say  they  in  another  letter, 
"  your  Hugli  diary,  commencing  September  1685,  and  concluding 
November  1686,  wherein  we  observe  the  manifold,  insupportable,  and 
heinous  abuses  offered  to  you  by  the  natives  of  Bengal,  to  the  robbing 
of  us  of  almost  half  our  stock,  it  provokes  us  as  well  to  indignation 
as  to  admiration,  at  your  insensible  patience  that  you  should  let  them 
pass  with  so  easy  a  correction  after  you  had  them  at  your  mercy  in 
Hugli,  and  much  more,  that  you  should  be  yourselves,  and  suppose 
us  to  be,   such  weak  and  imthinking  men  as  to  venture  our   estates 


•  Redgeg  Diary,  II,  78. 


114  TMB    COURT    CRITICISES. 

again  into-  the  hands  of  such  false  and  rapacious  villains,  without  a 
strong  fort  at  hand  to  revenge  the  injuries  they  may  hereafter  do  us ; 
which  we  are  so  far  from  intending,  that  we  are  peremptorily  resolved 
never  to  send  any  of  our  estate  again  into  Bengal  until  we  know  you 
are  well  settled  and  fortified  in  some  strong  place  of  our  own,  with  an 
English  garrison,  and  it  is  for  that  purpose  principally  that  we  have 
been  and  are  at  so  vast  a  charge  in  sending  out  so  many  strong  ships 
last  year,  and  so  many  soldiers  as  we  have  sent  this  last  and  this  present 
year;  though  we  are  not  without  great  fear  that  your  backwardness  and 
hankering  after  your  profitable  easy  old  habitations,  as  the  Israelites 
did  after  the  onions  and  garlick  of  Egypt,  may  deprive  us  of  the  fruit 
of  all  our  cost."  ^  In  a  third  letter  they  write : — "  It  is  of  vanity  to 
fancy  that  your  prudence  or  subtlety  procured  at  last  those  good  terms 
you  obtained  of  Abdul  Samad,  when  you  and  your  forces  were  by  your 
errors  aforesaid  reduced  to  that  low  condition  you  vs^ere  in  upon  the 
island  of  Hijili.  It  was  not  your  wit  or  contrivance,  but  God 
Almighty's  good  providence,  which  hath  always  graciously  superin- 
tended the  afiairs  of  this  Company,  particularly  by  the  success  he  was 
pleased  to  give  our  general  on  the  Surat  side.  This  fatal  disappoint- 
ment of  the  whole  trade  of  India  caused  insurrections,  and  an  universal 
lamentation  and  cry,  not  only  of  the  natives,  but  of  the  other  nations 
aforesaid,  Peace  with  the  English^  or  ice  must  all  starve  ;  and  this  caused 
the  Mogul  only  of  his  known  humane,  benign  disposition  and  love 
to  mankind  to  send  Cossids  and  Dogohuckys^  in  haste  to  Bengal  and 
all  places  to  make  up  the  breach,  and  one  of  his  great  Princes  to  Surat 
in  such  manner,  and  with  such  express  instructions,  that  the  English 
should  remain  contented."  ^ 

The  Com't  did  not  stop  at  criticism.  They  went  on  to  draw  out  a 
definite  plan  of  campaign,  and  to  supersede  Charnock  in  favour  of  a 
new  and  untried  commander.  The  most  consummate  general  of  modern 
times  has  told  us  that  "  it  is  not  permitted  at  the  distance  of  three 
hundred  leagues,  and  without  even  an  account  of  the  condition  of  the 
army,  to  direct  what  should  be  done  ;"  yet  a  committee  of  English 
traders  in  London  at  a  distance  of  fifteen  thousand  miles  from  Bengal 
felt  quite  competent  to  direct  military  operations  against  a  mighty 
empire.  These  sapient  tacticians  had  somehow  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  all  would  be  weU  in  the  Bay  if  they  could  seize  upon  Ohittagong. 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  74. 

2  i.e.,  couriers  and  posts.     Qdsid  is  a  courier,  and  dak-chuttki,  a  post. 

«  Sedges'  Diary,  II,  74. 


CHARKOCK    18   SUPERSEDED    BY    HEATH. 


115 


They  did  not  very  well  know  where  Chittagong  was,  and  appear  to  have 
thought  it  would  be  found  some  way  up  the  Ganges,^  but  they  were  sure 
it  was  the  right  place  for  the  English  settlement  in  Bengal.  They  also 
believed  that  they  had  found  the  right  man  to  take  it,  Captain  William 
Heath,  of  the  Defence,  a  hot-headed  skipper,  by  no  means  deficient 
in  the  art  of  navigating  and  managing  a  ship,  but  with  pride  and 
obstinacy  enough  to  spoil  any  abilities  and  ruin  any  enterprise.  He 
had,  however,  so  impressed  the  Court  with  his  swaggering  and  boasting, 
that  without  more  ado  they  placed  him  in  command  of  a  fleet  of  ten  or 
eleven  ships,^  and  sent  him  ofi  to  the  Bay  at  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1688  to  take  over  the  management  of  all  their  afEairs  in  those  parts 
and  put  them  in  possession  of  the  post  they  coveted.^ 

What  is  the  meaning  of  these  new  orders?  It  is  the  earlier  policy 
of  violence  criticising  the  new  policy  of  a  fortified  settlement.  Ideas 
at  this  time  were  necessarily  slow  in  travelling  outwards  to  India  and 
homewards  to  England.  The  Court  which  was  the  last  to  abandon  its 
confidence  in  the  native  rulers  was  also  the  last  to  imderstand  that  a 
policy  of  simple  retaliation  was  not  the  best  method  of  defending  the 
English  trade  in  Bengal. 

*  Hedges'  Diary,   II,  78. 

*  See  the  fragment  of  a  diary  which  is  found  in  the  Egerton  Collection, 
No.  283,  entitled  "  Voyage  from  Bengal  to  Madras,  1688  until  1690,"  and  -which 
has  been  printed  by  Mr.  Long  in  1871  as  an  "  Historical  I^otice  concerning 
Calcutta  in  the  Days  of  Job  Ghamock." 

When  Captain    Heath  left  Sutanuti  on  the  8th  November  1688,  he  was  in 
command  of  the  following  fleet  [see  page  4  of  the  Notice}  : — 

^(1)  ^hx^  Resolution,  C&'^iaxa.  William  Sharp,  Commander,  Captain  Heath 
being  thereon ; 

(2)  Ship  Williamson,  Captain  Stephen  Ashby,  Commander ; 

(3)  „      Diamond,  Captain  George  Herron,  Commander ; 

(4)  ,,      Recovery,  Captain  John  Hampton,  Commander  ; 

(5)  „      Success,  Captain  Thomas  Walthrop,  Commander  ; 

(6)  Ketch  Samuel,  Edward  Tench,  Master ; 

(7)  „       Thomas,  John  Gorbold,  Master  ; 

(8)  Sloop  Beaufort,  Edward  Hussey,  Master; 

(9)  Ship  Resistance,  John  Blunt,  Master ; 

(10)  „     Cumneer  Merchant,  Anthony  Pennislon,  Master; 

(11)  „     Retriever,  George  Paulin,  Master ; 
Some  way  down  the  river  they  fell  in  with — 

(12)  Ship  James,  Captain  Abraham  Roberts,  Commander,   and   (13)   Ship 

Madapollam. 
In  Balasor  road  they  found  waiting  for  them — 

(14)  Ship    Defence,  and  (15)  Ship  Princess  of  Denmark. 
While  in  the  road  they  took  two  French  ships,  the  Energie  and    the    Lorette 
and  on  the  26th  November  were  joined  by  the  ship  Frances  from  Madras  * 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  76,  77. 


116  THE    ADVANTAGES   OF    SETTLING    AT   CALCtJTTA. 

To  Chamock  these  designs  against  Ohittagong  must  have  seemed 
madness.     He    knew  Ohittagong,  and  knew   where  it   was.     He  had 
grave  doubts  whether  it  could  be  taken  at  all  by  the  English,  and 
still   graver  doubts  whether  it  could  be  retained  ;    and  he  was  sure 
that  even  if  it  could  be  taken  and  retained  it  was  too  distant  from  the 
northern  and  western  parts  of  Bengal  to  be  a  fit  centre  of  the  English 
trade  there.     For  this  purpose  some  spot  on  the  Hugli  was  needed,  and 
the  question  to  be  settled  was,  which  spot.     Charnock,  as  I  have  said, 
was  not  a  genius  to  divine  by  intuition  what  should  be  done,  but  he  was 
a  shrewd,  clever  man,  who  quickly  profited  by  experience.     He  had 
tried  three  places   on   the  right  side    of  the  river,  Hugli,  Ulubaria, 
Hijili.     The  first  two  were  completely  exposed  to  the  attack  of  an  enemy 
advancing  from  the  west,  and  it  was  therefore  impossible  for  the  English 
to  remain  at  either  of  them  if  the  Mogul   Government   attacked   in 
sufl&oient  force.     Hijili',  being  an  island,  seemed  suitable  enough  at  first 
sight,  but  it  was  not  really  more  defensible,  for  the  river,  which  cut  it 
off  from  the  mainland,  was  so  narrow  that  it  could  be  easily  swept  by  the 
enemy's  guns.     It   was  besides  a  malarious  swamp.     The  fourth  place 
which  Charnock  had  tried  was  SQtanutl,  a  position  as  secure  for  a  naval 
power  as  the  others  were  insecure.     It  could  only  be  approached  on  one 
side.     To  attack  it  the  Mogul  troops  must  cross  the  river  higher  up  and 
inarch  down  upon  it  from  the  north.     But  if  the  river  were  crossed  while 
the  English  ships  still  dominated  it,  the  attacking  force  was  exposed  to 
swift  and  certain  destruction.     The  English  sending  their  troops  up  the 
stream  could  land  and  assail  the  enemy  on  his  march  to  Calcutta,   cut 
him  off  from  his  base,  force  him  to  form  front   parallel   to   his   lifie   of 
communication,  and  so  place  him  in  the  most  dangerous  predicament  in 
which  an  army   can  find  itself.     It  is   not  pretended  that   Charnock 
grasped    all   these   military   advantages  when  he   came   to   Sutanuti, 
neither  is  it  pretended  that    they  were  the  only   advantages  which  the 
place  had  to  offer ;  but  it  is  surely  not  too  much  to  believe  that  when 
Charnock  returned  to  Sutanuti  a  second  time,  it  was  because  he  had 
found  out  that  it  was  strategically  safe,  and  that  for  this  reason  among 
others  he  fully  intended  to  stay  there. 

At  any  rate  there  he  stayed  for  more  than  twelve  months,  during 
which  time  the  Company's  civil  servants  and  soldiers  were  compelled 
to  live  in  huts  till  proper  brick  houses  could  be  erected.  The  operations 
at  Surat  which  were  the  cause  of  so  much  pious  thankfulness  at  the 
India  House  must  have  excited  very  different  feelings  in  the  breast 
of  Charnock,  for  the  nabob  learning  that  the  war  on  the  Malabar  Coast 


CHAKNOCK   DECIDES   TO    REMAIN   AT   SUTINUTI.  117 

had  broken  out  afresh,  felt  himself  no  longer  bound  by  the  terms  he  had 
recently  made  with  the  English,  and  at  once  set  about  annoying  them  in 
every  possible  way.  He  ordered  them  to  return  to  Hugli,  prohibited 
them  from  building  in  brick  or  stone  at  SutanutI,  demanded  large  sums 
as  compensation  for  the  war,  and  finally  gave  his  soldiers  fuU  permission 
to  plunder  the  English  trade  and  property.  Chamock,  determined  at 
all  costs  to  remain  at  yutanuti,  had  recourse  to  negotiation.  Eyre  and 
Braddyll,  two  members  of  the  Council,  were  despatched  to  Dacca  to 
request  permission  to  remain  at  Sutanuti  and  to  be  allowed  to  purchase 
from  the  native  owners  sufficient  groimd  for  a  factory.  At  Hugli,  they 
were  to  urge,  the  English  had  no  convenient  anchorage  for  their  large 
ships,  and  were  so  closely  entangled  with  the  native  town  that  disputes 
were  sure  to  arise.  By  settling  at  Calcutta  these  difficulties  would  be 
for  the  future  avoided.^ 

But  while  Charnock  was  thus  straining  every  nerve  to  establish 
himself  at  Calcutta,  Captain  Heath  was  hastening  on  his  way  from 
England  to  supersede  the  old  Agent,  and  unsettle  everything  which 
had  been  done  for  the  last  fifty  years.  The  instructions  sent  with  him 
to  Madras  were  admittedly  drawn  up  in  the  dark.  The  Court  confessed 
that  it  had  no  certain  knowledge  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Bengal,  and 
could  not  guess  whether  Chamock  had  made  peace  or  not.  If  he  had 
made  peace  and  had  settled  and  fortified  himself  in  any  place  which 
would  at  all  answer  the  purpose,  Heath  was  to  wait  at  Madras  and 
await  further  orders.  In  any  other  case  Heath  was  to  sail  at  once 
against  Chittagong  and  take  it,  and  thence  send  for  Chamock  and  his 
companions.^ 

These  were  wild  instructions.  The  proceedings  of  the  wrong-headed 
swash-buckler  intrusted  with  their  execution  were  wilder  still.  Ajriving 
at  Calcutta  on  the  20th  September,  he  immediately  called  a  council  of 
WEir,  and  communicated  the  Court's  orders  to  the  assembled  merchants 
and  captains.  The  matter  of  discussion  was  serious  and  the  debate  pro- 
tracted, each  member  recording  his  opinion  separately  in  writing.^ 

We  do  not  know  what  their  arguments  were,  but  we  can  guess  at 
some  of  them.  Heath,  it  seems,  began  by  quoting  his  orders  which  he 
considered  left  them  no  alternative  but  to  pack  up  and  be  off  to 
Chittagong.     But  instructions  drawn  up  for  the  conduct  of  a  distant 

*  Stewart's  Bengal,  p.  2i1L.     Hedges  Diary,  II,  73.     Long's  Notice,  19  to  21. 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  77-78. 
»  lb.,  II,  79,  81. 


H8  ARGUMENTS   FOR   REMAINING. 

pampaign  must  always  leave  some  measure  of  latitude  to  the  com- 
mander. Absurd  as  were  as  the  oi'ders  of  Court,  they  were  not  so  absurd 
as  to  leave  no  alternative.  The  authorities  at  home,  trusting  in  the  fidelity 
and  discretion  of  their  old  Agent,  had  sanctioned  the  settlement  at 
Calcutta.  The  letter  which  went  with  Heath  expressly  says: — "If  the 
place  Mr.  Charnock  may  have  already  settled  and  fortified  upon  will  in 
any  measure  answer  our  known  purpose,  in  such  case,  since  we  can't  now 
help  it,  we  would  have  you  proceed  to  strengthen  that  place  already 
settled  and  to  forbear  proceeding  against  Chittagong  until  you  receive 
further  orders  from  us."  ^  In  another  letter  written  three  weeks  later 
.the  Court  pronounces  still  more  decidedly  in  favour  of  remaining  at 
Calcutta : — "  We  have  no  manner  of  doubt,"  they  say,  "  of  the  oon- 
.tinuance  of  our  peace  in  all  the  Mogul's  dominions,  and  therefore  we 
think  the  sooner  our  Agent  Charnock  resettles  the  factories  at  Cassim- 
bazar  and  Malda,  from  whence  we  used  to  have  our  best  returns,  the 
better  it  will  be  for  the  Company;  and  since  he  likes  Sutanuti  so  well, 
we  are  content  he  should  build  a  factory  there,  but  with  as  much  fruga- 
lity as  may  be,  and  we  hope  he  will  so  continue  that  business  as  to  the 
duties  of  the  town  being  to  be  the  Company's  by  the  Bengal  articles."  ^ 
It  may,  however,  be  urged  that  the  settlement  was  not  fortified.  Cer- 
tainly there  were  no  brick  bastions  or  walls  to  defend  it.  Yet  nature 
had  planted  morasses  on  its  eastern  and  southern  sides,  and  had  placed 
between  it  and  its  enemies  a  broad  river  on  which  the  English  ships 
could  come  and  go  as  they  liked.  But  Captain  Heath,  though  no 
stranger  to  the  locality,  had  never  studied  it  as  a  general.  We  cannot 
therefore  be  surprised  that  he  failed  to  understand  its  strategic  advan- 
tages.    Clive  saw  them  at  a  glance,  but  Clive  was  a  genius. 

The  other  arguments  which  may  have  been  used  in  favour  of 
staying  at  Calcutta  are  of  a  more  obvious  nature.  Heath  had  been  told 
to  consult  with  the  Agent  and  Council,  and  the  majority  were  in  favour 
of  peace.  They  had  had  enough  of  fighting  for  the  present.  They  were 
contented  to  stay  at  Sntanuti, -where  they  had  found  many  advantages 
and  had  already  begun  to  establish  a  certain  amount  of  trade.  Shayista 
Khan,  the  great  enemy  of  the  English,  had  left  Bengal,  and  in  his 
stead  Bahadur  Khan  was  acting  as  nabob.  They  were  not  without 
hopes  that  the  new  vice-nabob  would  after  all  give  way  and  grant 
their  demands,  especially  now  that  they  had  received  such  large 
reinforcements    from   Europe.      These    arguments    Heath   had   little 

*  Hedges'  Dim^y,  II,  77. 
» lb.,  II,  75. 


HEATH   INSISTS    ON    LEAVING    SUTANUTI.  119 

difficulty  in  overruling.  Hs  informed  the  Council  that  he  had  the  sole 
management  of  the  Company's  affairs,  and  that  he  saw  no  prospect 
of  their  ever  coming  to  an  agreement  with  the  Indian  government. 
He  gave  them  till  the  10th  of  November  to  make  what  investment  they 
could  and  wind  up  their  affairs.  By  that  time  his  vessels  would 
be  repaired,  fitted,  provisioned,  and  ready  for  sea,  and  he  would 
then  proceed  with  the  whole  of  the  establishment  to  Chittagong. 
Quick  work  this  for  men  habituated  to  Indian  methods  of  procrastina- 
tion and  delay;  but  Captain  Heath  was  rapid  in  everything,  even 
in  changing  his  mind.  In  less  than  three  weeks  the  impetuous 
seaman  had  gone  off  on  quite  another  tack.  He  understood  that 
Bahadur  Khan,  the  new  ruler  at  Dacca,  was  intending  to  send  an 
expedition  against  the  King  of  Arakan,  and  hastily  wrote  off  to  offer 
his  help,  provided  that  the  nabob  should  confirm  all  the  old  privileges 
of  the  English  in  Bengal  and  immediately  send  an  order,  under  his 
hand  and  seal,  for  building  a  fortified  place  which  might  secure  the 
Company's  servants  and  their  trade  from  the  villainies  of  every  petty 
governor.  '•  Otherwise,"  said  he,  "  we  design  in  a  few  days  to  depart 
this  country  peaceably,  our  positive  orders  being  to  stay  no  longer  here 
to  trade  in  fenceless  factories."  ^ 

An  offer  made  in  such  insulting  terms  would  have  been  regarded 
by  Baliadur  Khan  rather  as  an  ultimatum  than  as  a  friendly  overture, 
and  perhaps  it  was  so  meant.  But  the  two  English  plenipotentiaries  at 
Dacca,  with  the  help  of  their  native  friends,  took  care  to  make  their 
requests  in  a  much  more  respectful  manner,  and  were  so  successful  that 
at  the  beginning  of  November  they  were  in  immediate  expectation  of  a 
favourable  order  from  his  Highness,  who  had  in  fact  despatched  Malik 
Barkhwurdar  to  Hugli  to  arrange  matters.^  But  Captain  Heath  had  by 
this  time  veered  round  to  his  former  opinion.  He  was  not  going  to  stay 
for  Malik  Barkhwurdar,  who  was  an  inveterate  enemy  of  the  English 
and  the  chief  contriver  of  the  sham  articles  signed  at  Sutanuti. 
Although  the  time  he  had  originally  fixed  had  not  yet  expired,  he  bade 
the  Company's  servants  pack  and  be  gone,  and  on  the  8th  November 
the  English,  taking  with  them  all  their  belongings,  once  more  started 
on  their  wanderings  in  search  of  a  secure  centre  for  their  trade. 
Eyre  and  Braddyll  and  the  rest  of  the  factors  in  different  parts  of  the 
country  were  abandoned  to  their  fate.     Malik  Barkhwurdar,  astonished 

*  Hedges'  Diary,   II,  79,  81.     Also  Long's  Nolice,  2. 

*  Long's  Notice,  3. 


120  THE  ATTACK  ON  BALASOK. 

beyond  measure  at  this  sudden  departure,  sent  repeated  messages  after 
the  retreating  ships,  but  without  any  result.^ 

Charnock  and  Heath  arrived  in  Balasor  road  on  the  16th  November. 
Besides  the  Defence  and  the  Princess  of  Denmark,  which  had  been  sent 
out  from  Europe,  they  had  some  thirteen  or  fourteen  smaller  vessels, 
and  shortly  after  their  arrival  had  the  good  fortune  to  capture  two 
French  frigates,  the  Energie  and  the  Lorette?  The  number  of  soldiers 
amounted  to  about  three  hundred,  of  whom  more  than  half  were  Portu- 
guese. The  Mogul  governor  of  Balasor  was  living,  with  his  retinue  in 
tents  pitched  on  the  Point  of  Sand  where  the  fortifications  had  been 
greatly  strengthened.  He  was  daily  expecting  news  and  instructions 
from  Dacca,  and  in  the  meantime  refused  to  allow  the  English  at 
Balasor  to  leave  the  place  or  to  send  off  any  of  their  goods,  and 
prohibited  the  English  in  the  ships  from  buying  provisions  ashore.^ 

At  this  Juncture   Captain  Heath,  who  began  to  find  difficulty  in 
procuring  food  for  so  large  a  number  of  persons  as  were  now  under 
his  care,  returned  to  his  pacific  mood.     Instead  of  immediately  landing 
his  forces  and  marching  wide  of  the  fortifications  on  the  Point  of  Sand 
so  as  to  surprise  the  town  of  new  Balasor,  and,  if  possible,  bring  off  the 
English  with  their  goods,  he  hung  about  in   the  Bay  and  kept  sending 
envoys  ashore  to   the  Mogul   governor  to  ask   if  any  news  had  arrived 
from  Dacca,  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the   Company's  servants  and 
property,  and  finally  to  warn  the  governor  that  the  sole  blame  would 
lie  on  him  if  he  took  no  heed  and  refused  to  prevent  a  breach  of  the 
eace.^     On  the  28th   November,  finding  that  his  negotiations  were 
proceeding  too  slowly,  he  placed  the  bulk  of  his  troops  on  small  sloops 
and  ascended  the  Bura-balung.     The  next  day  between  eight  and  nine 
in  the  morning  Charnock  and  those  with  him  in  the  ships  could  hear 
the  rattle   of ,  the  EnglisJi  musketry  answered  by  the   booming  of  the 
enemy's  pieces  of  ordnance.     In  less  than  three  hours  the  great  guns 
were  silenced,  and   flames  and  smoke  were  seen  rising  up   inland. 
Boats    bringing    back     news '  of    the     fight     soon    followed.     The 
English  had  landed  under  the  cover  of  some  clumps   of  cocoa-palms, 
dispersed  a  body    of    horse   and    foot,    and    with    a  rush    carried 
the     great    battery    which    guarded    the    river    and    the    Point     of 


»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  79,  81. 

^  Long's  Notice,  13. 

3  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  80,  82. 

*  lb.    Also  Long's  Notice,  10  to  16. 


FROM  BALASOB  TO  CHITTAGONG.  121 

Sand  on  which  they  had  hoisted  the  king's  flag.  All  the  artillery 
and  stores  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  they  were  already  ship- 
ping off  the  ammunition.  The  victors  were  restin  g  on  the  Point,  and 
intended  to  march  up  to  new  Balasor  that  night.  Their  loss  was 
only  one  killed  and  six  wounded.^ 

In  the  attack  on  the  town  which  took  place  next  day  the  soldiers, 
according  to  the  peace  party,  committed  great  excesses.  They  made 
no  difference  between  friends  and  foes,  Christians  and  non- Christians, 
men  and  women,  but  ill-treated  all  alike.  They  failed,  moreover,  to 
rescue  their  countrymen,  for  the  Governor  on  hearing  of  their  approach 
burnt  the  English  factory,  and  carried  off  the  factors  up  the  country .^ 
On  the  4th  December  Heath  again  returned  to  the  ships  and  to  the 
policy  of  negotiation.  On  the  very  day  that  the  soldiers  were  attacking 
Balasor  letters  had  arrived  from  Eyre  and  Braddyll  at  Dacca,  holding 
out  hopes  that  Bahadur  Khan  would  even  now  grant  the  requests  of  the 
English  if  Charnock  would  write  and  confirm  the  offers  made  in 
October.  For  a  second  time  Heath  called  a  coimcil  of  war.  It  met 
in  the  great  cabin  of  the  Defence.  The  letters  received  from  Dacca 
were  read  and  discussed,  and  to  all  appearances  the  Captain  was  willing 
to  make  his  peace  with  the  nabob.  Agent  Charnock  was  allowed  to 
write  and  confirm  the  offers,  and  envoys  once  more  parsed  to  and  fro 
between  the  shipping  and  the  town.  But  in  reality  Captain  Heath, 
80  far  from  intending  peace,  had  returned  to  the  design  of  taking 
Chittagong.  On  the  23rd  December,  having  already  sent  two  vessels 
to  the  King  of  Arakan  and  two  more  to  explore  the  mouths  of  the 
Chittagong  river,  he  sailed  away  from  Balasor,  leaving  one  of  his 
English  envoys  behind  him.^ 

Arriving  at  Chittagong  about  the  18th  January,  he  sent  parties 
of  men  with  a  flag  of  truce  in  a  piunace  up  the  river  to  the 
town  to  find  out  its  strength,  and  to  intimate  to  the  Governor 
that  the  EngHsh  had  come  according  to  agreement  to  help  the 
Mogul  against  the  King  of  Arakan.^  On  the  21st  January  Heath 
called  his  third  council  of  war,  and  asked  them  whether  they  would 
advise  him  to  attack  the  town.  The  absurdity  of  the  whole  project 
was  now  manifest.  A  city  like  Chittagong  defended  by  some  ten 
thousand  men  was  not  to  be  "  taken  by  the  collar,"  nor  could  it  have 


'  Long's  Notice,  16,  17. 

2  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  82. 

3  lb.,  II,  80  and  83. 
*  lb.,  II,  80  and  83. 


122  FROM   CHITTAGONG    TO    MADRAS. 

been  kept  if  taken.  The  oouncil,  therefore,  advised  Heath  to  adhere 
to  his  offer  of  help  to  the  Mogul,  and  to  wait  for  a  definite 
answer.^  But  waiting  was  intolerable  to  the  lively  sea-captain.  He 
declared  that  "  there  was  nothing  but  lies  wrote  on  both  sides," 
that  it  was  never  his  intention  to  transport  the  nabob's  soldiers  to 
Arakan,  and  that  he  did  not  intend  to  stay  for  an  answer.  After  this 
outburst  of  passion  Heath,  as  was  his  wont,  permitted  communications 
to  be  opened  with  the  governor  of  Chittagong,  which  continued  till 
nearly  the  end  of  the  month,  when  he  suddenly  weighed  anchor  and 
sailed  away  to  offer  his  services  to  the  King  of  Arakan.^  But  the 
King,  instead  of  rushing  to  meet  the  English  with  open  arms,  received 
their  overtures  and  presents  very  coldly.  This  last  rebuff  completely 
disgusted  Captain  Heath  with  the  whole  expedition,  and,  after  making 
a  futile  attempt  to  stir  up  a  rebellion  against  the  King,  he  determined 
to  return  to  Madras,  as  usual  abandoning  an  unfortunate  English 
envoy  who  had  been  sent  off  on  one  of  his  strange  errands.^  "  So,"  says 
our  captain,  "  when  [we]  found  that  [we]  could  not  persuade  those 
foolish  people  from  the  present  ruin  and  destruction  which  is  just 
upon  them,  we  watered  our  ships  and  refreshed  our  men,  which  were 
much  distempered  with  the  scurvy.  So  on  the  seventeenth  February 
[we]  sailed  directly  for  this  place.  Fort  St.  George,  giving  orders  for 
every  ship  to  make  the  best  of  her  way,  that  no  more  time  might  be 
lost,  and  that  perchance,  if  any  Moor's  ship  were  in  those  seas  we 
might  by  being  scattered  meet  with  them."* 

The  story  of  how  Captain  Heath  with  the  whole  of  the  Company's 
establishment  in  Bengal  for  six  whole  months  went  "  tripping  from  port 
to  port,''  is  so  extraordinary  that  we  could  hardly  credit  it  were  it  not 
recorded  in  three  different  original  documents,  one  of  them  drawn  up 
by  the  captain  himself.  But  the  results  of  his  foolish  proceedings,  con- 
j  oined  with  the  defiant  attitude  of  the  settlements  at  Madras  and  Bombay, 
are  almost  equally  surprising.  At  first  Aurangzeb  had  been  greatly 
incensed  at  the  audacity  of  the  English,  and  in  an  outburst  of  anger 
had  ordered  his  servants  to  extirpate  these  infidels  from  his  dominions 
and  to  seize  or  destroy  all  their  goods.  But  his  anger,  it  is  said,  cooled 
on  reflection.  The  commerce  carried  on  by  the  Company  enriched  his 
treasuries,  and  he  could  not  well  afford   to   lose   it.     Yet  he  could  not 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  85. 

2  2h^^  II,  8a-84,  .34. 

3  lb.,  II,  80,  81,  84. 

♦  lb.,  II,  81. 


THE   MOGUL   OFFERS  TERMS.  123 

help  thinking  from  the  violent  and  unusnal  conduct  of  Captain  Heath 
that  he  had  somehow  driven  the  English  to  desperation,  and  that 
they  intended  to  altogether  abandon  Bengal.  Besides,  their  power, 
though  insignificant  by  land,  was  formidable  by  sea.  Their  ships 
might  interrupt  the  trade  with  Arabia,  and  hinder  the  faithful  in 
their  yearly  pilgrimages  to  the  house  of  God  at  Mecca.  He  forced 
himself,  therefore,  to  swallow  his  resentment  and  retrace  his  steps.^ 
"You  must  understand,"  he  wrote  to  the  nabob  of  Bengal,  "that 
it  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  the  English  to  repent  them  of  their 
irregular  past  proceedings,  and  their  not  being  in  their  former  great- 
ness, have  by  their  attorneys,  petitioned  for  their  lives,  and  a  pardon 
for  their  faults,  which,  out  of  my  extraordinary  favour  towards  them, 
have  accordingly  granted.  Therefore  upon  receipt  here  of  my  order 
you  must  not  create  them  any  further  trouble,  but  let  them  trade  in 
your  government  as  formerly,  and  this  order  I  expect  you  see  strictly 
observed."  ^ 

Had  Shayista  Khan  been  still  in  power  when  this  order  came 
from  the  emperor,  it  is  possible  that  some  means  would  have  been  found 
for  evading  it.  But,  as  has  been  said,  he  had  resigned  his  oflBce,  and, 
after  a  decent  interval,  during  which  Bahadur  Khan,  "  armed  with  a 
little  brief  authority,"  had  done  his  best  to  please  the  Mogul  by  seizin o- 
the  English  property  and  imprisoning  the  English  factors,  Ibrahim 
Khan,  the  old  bookworm,  who  had  before  given  rise  to  so  much  trouble 
at  Patna,  had  come  to  be  ruler  of  Bengal.  The  new  nabob  was  a  man  of 
peace.  Without  military  abilities,  he  desired  to  administer  justice  with 
strict  impartiality  and  to  encourage  agriculture  and  commerce.  The 
policy  of  the  emperor  was  quite  in  accordance  with  his  natural  dis- 
position. He  at  once  set  at  liberty  the  Company's  agents  who  were 
confined  at  Dacca,  and  wrote  letters  to  Charnock  at  Madras  inviting 
him  to  return  to  Bengal.  At  first  Charnock  hesitated.  He  had  not 
forgotten  his  experiences  at  Patna.  He  knew  that  even  if  the  nabob 
himself  was  sincere,  there  was  still  a  host  of  subordinates  ready  to 
harass  the  English  as  in  the  old  days  before  the  war.  He  demanded  a 
specific  warrant  clearly  stating  terms  on  which  trade  would  be  resumed. 
The  nabob  applied  to  the  emperor,  but  at  the  same  time  pointed  out 
to  Charnock  that  the  granting  of  such  a  warrant  must  take  many 
months,  and  pressed  him  to  come  without  further  delay.'     The  English 

*  Stewart's  Bengal,  203-206. 
'  lb.,  Appendix,  d.  iy. 
»  lb.,  204-205. 


124  FROM    MADRAS   TO   SUTiNUTI. 

resolved  to  trust  these  promises  of  friendship  and  protection.  In 
August,  Charnock,  with  his  Council  and  factors,  escorted  by  thirty 
soldiers,  arrived  in  the  Bay,  and  sent  forward  Stanley  and  Mackrith  to 

/occupy  Hugli.  On  Sunday,  the  24th,  at  noon,  the  wanderers  found 
themselves  once  more  at  Sutanuti.  Ibrahim  Khan,  whom  the  English 
now  styled  "  the  most  famously  just  and  good  nabob,"  was  true  to  his 
word.  The  restored  merchants  were  received  with  respect  by  the 
commander  of  the  Thana  fort  and  the  governor  of  Hugli.  ^  On  the 
10th  February  1691,  an  Imperial  order  was  issued  under  the  seal  of 

1  Hedges'  Biary,  II,  86-87. 

Tlie  account  of  tlie  third  occupation  of  Sutanuti  and  the  foundation  of 
Calcutta  is  given  in  the  "  Diary  and  Consultation  Booh  for  affairs  of  the  Rt. 
Hon'ble  English  East  India  Company,  kept  by  the  Rt.  Worshipful  the  Agent  and 
Council,  beginning  \Qth  July  1690."  From  it  we  learn  that  the  Bengal  Council 
returned  from  Madras  on  the  Princess.  At  Balasor  they  left  the  Princess  and 
went  on  board  the  ketch  Madapollam.     The  Diary  records  :— 

"August  24#A— [Sunday]  This  day  at  Sankraul  ordered  Captain  Brooke 
to  come  up  with  his  vessel  to  Chutanuttee,  where  we  arrived  about  noon  ;  but 
found  the  place  in  a  deplorable  condition,  nothing  being  left  for  our  present 
accommodation  and  the  rain  falling  day  and  night.  We  are  forced  to  betake 
ourselves  to  boats,  which,  considering  the  season  of  the  year,  is  unhealthy ; 
Mellick  Burcoordar  and  the  country  people  at  our  leaving  this  place  (in  October 
1688)  burning  and  carrying  away  what  they  could.  On  our  arrival  here  the 
Governor  of  Tana  sent    his  servant  with  a  compliment." 

"  Thursday,  the  2%th  August — At  a  consultation — 

Present: 

The  Et.  Worshipful  Agent  Charnock. 
Mr.  Francis  Ellis. 
Mr.  Jere  [miah]  Peachie. 
"  Resolved  that  a  letter  be  sent  to  Mr.  Stanley,   &c.,  to  come  from   Hugli 
and  bring  with  them  what  Englishmen  are  there,  that  the  war  with  the  French 
may  be  proclaimed,  and  also  that  commissions  be  given  to  all   command  [ers]  of 
ships  in  order  to  the  prosecution  of  the  same. 

"  In  consideration  that  all  the  former  buildings  here  are  destroyed,  it  is  re- 
solved that  such  places  bo  built  as  necessity  requires  and  as  cheap  as  possible, 
viz. — 

"  (1)  A  warehouse. 
•«  (2)  A  dining-room. 

"  '3;  The  Secretary's  office  to  be  repaired. 
•*  (4)  A  room  to  sort  cloth  in. 
*'  (5)  A  cook-room  with  its  conveniences. 
"  (6)  An  apartment  for  the  Company's  servants. 

"(7)  The  Agent's  and  Mr.  Peachie's  house  to  be  repaired,  which  were  past 
standing,  and  a  house  to  be  built  for   Mr.  Ellis,  the  latter  being 
totally  demolished. 
"  (8)  The  guard-house. 
♦'  These  to  be  done  with  mudd  walls  and  thatched  till  we  can  get  ground 
whereon  to  build  a  factory. 


ARMENIANS  IN   BENGAL.  125 

Asad  Khan,  allowing  the  English  to  "  contentedly  continue  their  trade  " 
in  Bengal  on  payment  of  Rs.  3,000  yearly  in  lieu  of  all  dues.^  A  large 
numher  of  Armenians  and  Portuguese  soon  gathered  round  the 
English,  who  assigned  each  nation  its  quarter  in  the  growing  town 
and  a  piece  of  land  to  build  a  church  on.^ 

"  Resolved  that  2,0C0  maunds  of  wheat  and  200  maunds  horse  grain  be  bought 
at  Malda,  that  being  the  cheapest  place,  and  here  to  be  provided  6,000  maunds 
rice  and  200  maunds  butter  and  200  maunda  ojle  (and  200  maunds  ojle)  [«c]  to 
be  sent  to  Fort  George. 

^  Stewart's  Bengal,  Appendix,  p.  vi. 

"  Kelations  were  established  between  the  English  and  the  Armenians  in  1688 
through  Khojah  Phanoos  Khalanthar,  a  native  of  Julfa  in  Ispahan,  who  entered 
into  negotiaHons  with  the  Company  on  behalf  of  the  Armenian  merchants  in 
Bengal  and  elsewhere.  The  Court  made  a  treaty  and  issued  the  following 
orders  :— 

"  Whenever  forty  or  more  of  the  Armenian  nation  shall  become  inhabitants 
of  any  garrison  cities  or  towns  belonging  to  the  Company  in  the  East  Indies,  the 
said  Armenians  shall  not  only  enjoy  the  free  use  and  exercise  of  their  religion, 
but  there  shall  also  be  allotted  to  them  a  parcel  of  gronnd  to  erect  a  church 
thereon  for  worship  and  service  of  God  in  their  own  way.  And  that  we  also  will, 
at  our  own  charge,  cause  a  convenient  church  to  be  built  of  timber,  which  after- 
wards the  said  Armenians  may  alter  and  build  with  stone  or  other  solid  materials 
to  their  own  good  liking.  And  the  said  Governor  and  Company  wiU  also  allow 
fifty  pounds  per  annum,  during  the  space  of  seven  years,  for  the  maintenance  of 
such  priest  or  minister  as  they  shall  choose  to  oflBciate  therein.  Given  under  the 
Company's  large  seal,  June  22nd,  1688." 

Armenians  were,  moreover,  at  liberty  to  sail  at  all  times  in  any  of  the 
Company's  ships  for  the  Southern  sea,  China,  and  Manilla,  paying  the  same  fares 
and  duties  as  the  English, 

As  a  mark  of  their  esteem  for  Khojah  Phanoos  Khalanthar,  the  Court  of 
Directors  conferred  on  him  an  important  personal  privilege,  whereby  they 
granted  him  the  monopoly  of  the  "Amethyst ''  trade  in  India,  and  after  him  to 
his  children  and  descendants,  on  which  he  had  to  paj  only  10  per  cent.  doty. 

It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Pitt  to  Khojah  Sarhad  that  Sarhad  was  the 
nephew  of  Khalanthar.  Pitt  met  them  several  times  at  Mr.  Ongley's  at  the  time, 
I  suppose,  of  the  negotiations  with  the  Court,  i.e.,  in  1688.     (See  below  p.  369  ) 


CALCUTTA 

before 
TH  E  ENGLISH 


yCHITPUR 


Scale  3in.=  4  Miles. 

*  Site  of  Old    Fort  William. 
**Site  of  tlie  presentFortWilliain, 


HAURANGI 


^JANNAGAR 


LI  GHAT 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CALCDTTA    BEFOBE    THE    ENGLISH. 

The  foregoing  pages  "will  have  been  written  in  vain  if  thej  have  not 
convinced  the  reader  that  the  site  of  Calcutta  was  chosen  by  Charnock, 
not  out  of  a  mere  whim,  but  after  careful  consideration.  The  experience 
of  more  than  half  a  century  had  convinced  the  English  that  their  trade 
in  Bengal  would  never  prosper  without  a  fortified  settlement  as  its 
centre.  In  1686  they  set  about  the  discovering  of  a  spot  suitable  for 
such  a  fortification.  After  repeated  trials  Charnock  came  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  required  spot  was  Sutanuti,  and  here  out  of  deference  to 
his  views  and  in  spite  of  much  adverse  criticism,  the  foundation-stone  of 
the  British  Empire  in  India  was  at  last  laid.  And  Charnock  chose  not 
only  deliberately,  but  also  wisely.  Calcutta  was  the  fit  place  for  the 
English  purposes  from  two  distinct  points  of  view.  Not  only  was  it 
strategically  safe,  but  it  was  also  an  excellent  commercial  centre.  The 
military  advantages  have  been  sufficiently  dwelt  upon ;  what  were  the 
other  advantages,  will  appear  from  the  history  of  the  place  previous 
to  the  arrival  of  the  English. 

The  capital  of  British  India  did  not,  as  some  seem  to  think,  spring 
up,  like  Jonah's  gourd,  in  a  single  night.  Calcutta,  or  at  any  rate  that 
portion  of  the  Hugli  where  Calcutta  now  stands,  has  a  history,  and  the 
city  is  the  growth  of  many  centuries.  At  first  the  place  was  merely  a 
group  of  villages  to  all  appearance,  not  distinguishable  in  any  way  from 
hundreds  of  other  riverside  places.     There  was,  however,  this  difference, 


128  THB   EARLIEST    HISTORY    OF    CALCUTTA. 

that  at  the  point  where  these  villages  stood  in  the  16th  century,  the 
stream  became  much  shallower  and  less  accessible  to  sea-going  vessels. 
As  long  as  the  local  trade  was  carried  on  in  small  boats,  this  was  of  little 
importance,  and  Satgaon,  on  the  Sarasvati,  near  the  modern  Hugli, 
was  the  great  centre  of  commerce.  But  when  the  Portuguese  began 
to  frequent  the  river,  about  1530,  this  difference  made  itself  felt. 
The  foreigners  did  not  care  to  risk  their  galliasses  in  the  shallow  waters, 
but  sent  their  goods  on  to  Satgaon  in  small  boats.  Meanwhile  their  ships 
lay  at  anchor  in  Garden  Reach,  and  an  important  market  sprang  up  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river  at  Betor,  close  to  Sibpur.  This  foreign  market 
attracted  native  traders  and  merchants  to  the  spot,  and  in  particular, 
four  families  of  Bysacks  and  one  of  Setts,  leaving  the  then  rapidly 
declining  city  of  Satgaon,  came  and  founded  the  settlement  of 
Govindpur  on  the  site  of  the  present  Fort  William,  and  established  the 
Sutanuti  market,  on  the  north  side  of  Calcutta,  where  they  did  business 
with  the  Portuguese.  Soon  after  this  the  Portuguese  themselves  going 
higher  up  the  river  abandoned  Betor,  and  the  whole  of  the  trade  was 
thus  transferred  to  the  east  side  of  the  river,  from  Betor  to  Sutanutl. 
Thus  -the  settling  of  the  chief  Bengal  factory  at  Calcutta  by  the 
English  was  only  the  third  stage  in  the  early  growth  of  the  city,  the 
two  previous  stages  being  the  establishment  of  a  commercial  centre  at 
Betor  by  the  Portuguese,  and  the  transference  of  this  trade  from  Betor 
to  Sutanutl,  the  market  of  the  Setts  and  the  Bysacks.  It  is  the  history 
of  these  first  two  stages  that  we  have  now  to  consider. 

Like  other  cities  Calcutta  has  its  legend.  Long,  long  ago,  in  the 
"  age  of  truth,"  Daksha,  one  of  the  Hindu  patriarchs,  made  a  sacrifice  to 
obtain  a  son,  but  he  omitted  to  invite  the  god  Civa  to  come  to  it. 
Now  Sati,  the  daughter  of  Daksha,  was  married  to  Civa,  and  she  was 
indignant  that  so  great  an  insult  should  be  offered  to  her  divine  husband, 
and  deeply  grieved  that  such  a  slight  should  have  been  passed  upon  him 
through  her  kindred.  In  vain  did  she  expostulate  with  her  father. 
"  Why,"  she  asked,  "  is  my  husband  not  invited  ?  why  are  no  offerings 
to  be  made  to  him  ?"  "  Thy  husband,"  was  the  reply,  "  wears  a  neck- 
lace of  skulls ;  how  can  he  be  invited  to  a  sacrifice  ?"  Then,  in  grief 
and  indignation,  and  shrieking  out — "This  father  of  mine  is  a  villain; 
what  profit  have  I  then  in  this  carcase  sprung  from  him  ?  "  she  put  an 
end  to  her  life;^  and  Civa,  "  drunk  with  loss,"  transfixed  her  dead  body 
on  the  point  of  his  trident  and  rushed  hither  and  thither  like  a  madman 

^  According  to  some  authorities  she  burnt  herself ;  others  say  that  she  ended 
her  life  by  means  of  Yoga. 


THE   LEGBNDS   OF    KXLIGHXT.  129 

through  the  realms  of  creation.  The  whole  world  was  threatened  with 
destruction  ;  hut  Vishnu,  the  preserver,  carae  to  the  rescue.  He  flung 
his  discus  at  the  body  of  SatI,  and  broke  it  into  pieces,  which  fell 
scattered  over  the  earth.  Every  place  where  any  of  these  pieces,  or 
any  of  the  ornaments  of  Satl  fell,  became  a  sanctuary,  a  sacred  spot 
full  of  the  divine  spirit  of  Sati.  The  names  of  these  spots  are  pre- 
served in  the  garlands  of  sanctuaries.  Some  of  them  are  well- 
known  places  of  pilgrimage ;  others  are  obscure  and  forgotten ;  but 
to-day  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all  is  Calcutta,  or  rather  Kalighat, 
the  spot  which  received  the  toes  of  the  right  foot  of  Sati,  that  is  of 
KaH.i 

Such  then  appears  to  be  the  mythical  origin  of  Calcutta,  but,  histor- 
ically, the  English  capital  of  India  has  grown  up  out  of  the  union  of 
a  cluster  of  riverside  places.  The  three  hitherto  recognised  members  of 
this  cluster  are  Calcutta,  Sutanuti,  and  Govindpur ;  but,  besides  these, 
we  must  reckon  among  the  elementary  constituents  of  the  city, 
Cliitpur  and  Salkhia,  the  sanctuary  of  Kalighat,  and  as  the  original 
focus  of  the  trade.  Betor,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  close 
to  the  modem  Sibpur.  As  regards  two  of  these  places,  Siatanuti 
aud  Govindpur,  we  are  able  to  confidently  say  when  and  how  they 
arose;  as  regards  four  of  the  others  we  may  affirm  with  equal 
confidence  that  their  origin  is  completely  lost,  for  tlie  villages  of 
Salkhia,  Chitpur,  Calcutta,  and  Betor  are  all  mentioned  by  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  century  Bengali  poets,  and  the  pargand  of 
"Kalkata"  is  found  in  earliest  survey  of  the  country;  as  regards 
the  origin  of  Kaligliat,  we  can  state  nothing  definitely,  but  we  have  a 
tradition  which  may  as  well  be  given  here,  for  what  it  is  worth. 
According  to  this,  the  founder  of  Kalighat  was  an  ascetic,  named 
Jangal  Gir,  who  lived  somewhere  about  the  loth  century.  In  those 
days  the  fashionable  quarter  of  Calcutta,  now  known  as  Chowriagee, 
was  covered  with  forest  and  tropical  vegetation,  and  Jangal  Grir  was 
living  there  as  a  hermit  of  the  woods.  One  evening  he  was  performing 
his  devotions  by  the  bank  of  the  Adi-Ganga,  which  was  then  a  great 
stream  flowing  south  of  Calcutta,  when  suddenly  a  bright  light 
shone   round   about  him,^   and   that   same  night,  when  he  had  gone 

*  Babu  G.  D.  Bysack's  Kalighat  and  Calcutta,  m  the  Calcutta  Review, 
April  1891,  p.  306.  Kalighat  and  Calcutta  are,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  totally 
different  places.  The  names  even  are  not  connected,  "  Calcutta"  being  probably 
derived  from  some  aboriginal  language. 

"^  This  is  the  tradition  aocording  to  Babu  Surjakumar  Chatterji.  Babu  Gom 
Das  Bjsack  gives  a  different  account. 


130  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CHIND  SADAGAR. 

to  sleep,  the  goddess  Kali  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and  told  him 
that  the  spot  was  one  of  those  holy  places  which  had  once  received  a 
portion  of  her  severed  body.  The  next  day  he  dug  up  the  ground,  and 
proved  the  truth  of  his  vision,  The  sacred  emblems  thus  miraculously 
found  were  set  up  for  worship  in  a  small  wooden  house  on  the  bank  of 
the  Adi-Ganga,  but  for  a  long  while  the  sanctuary  of  Kalighat  was 
unknown  and  unfrequented.^ 

A  poem  in  praise   of  the   Serpent-goddess  written  by  an  obscure 
Bengali  author  named  Bipradas  in  the  year  1495  A.D.,  when   Husain 
Shah  was  the  reigning  sultan   of  Bengal,  gives   us  our  first  authentic 
picture  of  Calcutta,  Betor,  and  Kalighat.^     The  hero  of  the  story,  Chand 
Sadagar,  a  hater  of  the  Serpent-goddess,  goes  on  a  voyage  from  Bhagal- 
pur  to  the  sea,  and  so  gives  occasion  to  the  poet  to  describe  the  banks  of 
the  river  as  he  knew  them  in  his  day.     Chand  Sadagar's  small  fleet  of 
seven  ships  after  passing  Eajghat  and  Indraghat,  Nadiya  and  Ambua, 
comes   at   last  to  Triveni,   the   famous   junction   of  the   Ganges,  the 
Sarasvati,  and  the  Jamuna.     Here  Chand  the  merchant  landed  on  the 
bank  to   see  the  great  city  of  Saptagram.    "  This  is  the  home  of  the 
seven  saints.     Here  all  the  gods  reside.     Here  is  the  abode  of  all  bliss, 
and  no  sorrow  or  misery  enters.     The  saints  and  blessed  ones  have  no 
troubled  thoughts,   but  undisturbed  perform  their  austerities  and  tell 
their  beads  without  intermission.     Here  are  found  the  Ganga  and  the 
Jamuna,  and  the  wide  flowing  Sarasvati,  and  Uma  Mahe9vari  pre- 
sides over  all.     Overjoyed  at  the  sight  of  the  Ganges  at  Triveni,  Prince 
Chand  stayed  his  boat  Madupara  by  the  bank.     Glad  at  heart,  the  king 
performed  the  ceremonies   befitting  a   place  of   pilgrimage,  and  with 
devotion  worshipped  the  god  Mahecvari.     Then,  having   finished  his 
devotions,  the  king  with  joyful  heart  repaired  to  the  city  and  compassed 
it  round  about.     After  staying  there  two  days  the  king  returned  to  his 
fleet.    The  boat  reached  Kumarhat.    Hugli  was  passed  on  the  right,  and 
on  the  left  Bhatpara.     Boro  stood  on  west  bank,  and  on  the  east  Kan- 
kinara.     Rapidly  they  passed  Mulajor  and  Gaiirulia  on  the  east,  while 
Paikpara  and  Bhadrecvar  remained  on  the  west;  Champdani  was  passed 
on  the  right  and  Ichapur  on  the  left.     Often  and  often  the  king  cried, 
Mow  on  !  Rote  on  !  and  cherrily  did  they  row,  with  Bankibazar  on  their 
left.     Having  passed  Champdani,  the  king  came  into  the  place  where 

»  G.  D.  Bysack,  op,  cit ,  pp.  311  to  313. 

'  See  on  article  on  Bipradas  by  Pandit  H.  P.  (^ftstri  in  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1892,  p.  1893. 


THE   TESTIMONY   OF    BIPEADiS.  181 

two  streams  met.  In  order  due  they  paid  their  worship  to  the  holy 
place  of  Nimai  by  the  water  side,  where  they  found  the  Nlm  tree  with 
the  China  roses  blooming  on  it.  Away  they  went  to  the  flood  country, 
leaving  behind  them  Chanak.  Thence  they  rowed  past  Eamnan,  Akna, 
andMaheca.  Having  prostrated  himself  at  K.hardaha,  the  abode  of 
the  blest,  the  king  proceeded.  Again  and  again  he  cried  out,  Roio 
on  !  Mow  on  !  Rishira  was  passed  on  the  right  and  Sukehar  on  the  left. 
With  delight  the  king  sped  by  Konnagar.  Kotrang  was  passed  on 
the  right  and  Kamarhati  on  the  left ;  Ariadaha  was  on  the  east  and 
Ghusuri  on  the  west.  At  Chitpur  the  king  worshipped  the  goddess 
Sarvamangala.  Day  and  night  the  boat  sped  on ;  they  never  neglected 
their  duty.  Rowing  by  the  eastern  bank  the  great  and  heroic  Chand 
passed  by  Calcutta  and  arrived  at  Betor.  The  pious  Chand  Datta 
worshipped  Betai  Chauui,  the  presiding  deity  of  Betor.  In  the  boat 
the  king's  servants  sang  a  song  of  delight.  Various  dainties  they 
cooked  and  ate,  and  quickly  passed  Dhalanda.  King  Chand  having 
worshipped  Kalika  at  Kalighat,  passed  by  Churaghat  and  Jayadhali. 
Passing  by  Dhanasthan  with  great  curiosity  they  reached  Baruipur.*' 
Here  was  a  great  whirlpool  sacred  to  Kali,  and  here  the  serpent -god- 
dess put  the  Prince  to  great  difficulty,  raising  a  storm  and  sending  an 
army  of  serpents.  But  overcoming  all  difficulties  he  entered  the 
Hunia,  reached  Chhatrabhog,  and  so  passing  through  Hatiagar  made 
his  way  to  the  sea. 

Such  is  the  story  of  Bipradas,  a  Bengali  Brahmin,  who  was  doubt- 
less well  acquainted  with  the  localities  of  which  he  here  writes ;  for  the 
description  contains  indisputable  marks  of  veracity,  and,  even  if  the 
author  were  unknown,  would  deserve  acceptance  on  its  own  internal 
merits.  It  presents  us  with  a  picture  which  is  in  itself  probable,  and 
which  agrees  with  what  is  to  be  learned  from  other  sources.  The  time 
described  is  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Satgaon,  not  Hugli,  is 
the  great  port ;  lower  down  the  river,  Betor,  on  the  right  bank,  is  a 
large  market  town,  where  the  voyagers  stop  to  buy  provisions  and  to 
worship  the  goddess  Chandi.  Chitpur  and  Calcutta  are  neighbouring 
villages  which  were  passed  just  before  reaching  Betor.  Govindp-ir  and 
Sutanuti  do  not  exist.  Kalighat  is  a  small  sanctuary  claiming  just  a 
bare  notice. 

With  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  we  leave  the  dim 
twilight  of  legend  and  poem  and  reach  the  broad  daylight  of  ascer- 
tained fact.  The  real  history  of  Calcutta  begins  with  the  coming  of 
the  Europeans.      On  the    22nd    November,    1497,    Yasco  da  G-ama 

K  2 


132  THE   TESTIMONY   OF   THE    PORTUGUESE. 

doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  the  Indian  Ocean  was  opened  to 
Western  trade.  In  1510,  Albuquerque  took  Goa.  By  the  year 
1530  the  Portuguese  began  to  frequent  Bengal,  and  for  the  next 
century  they  remained  the  sole  and  undisputed  masters  of  its 
foreign  trade.  It  is  under  their  commercial  supremacy  that  the  place 
which  we  now  know  by  the  name  of  Calcutta  first  began  to  have 
any  importance,  and  it  is  to  them  that  we  are  chiefly  indebted 
for  our  first  reliable  information  about  the  Hugli  and  its  markets. 
The  accounts  of  the  river  given  us  by  contemporary  native  poets  cannot 
be  relied  on  unless  they  are  support(  d  by  writers  such  as  De  Barros  or 
Caesar  Frederick;  but  by  comparing  the  various  native  and  foreign 
statements,  we  may  gain  a  large  measure  of  historical  certainty.^ 

When  the  Portuguese  first  came  to  Bengal,  the  two  great  centres 
of  trade  were  Chittagoug  in  the  east,  and  in  the  west  Saptagram,  or 
Satgaon.2     The  former,  on  account  of  the  convenience  of  its  harbour  for 
shipping  of  every  kind,  was  distinguished  as  the  Great  Haven,  or  Porto 
Grande,  and  under  favourable   circumstances  it  might    have  retained 
its  mercantile  importance;  but  in  an  evil  hour  it  became,  as  we  shall 
see,  the  rendezvous  of  Feringi  outlaws  and  pirates.     The  latter,  which 
has  now  dwindled  down  to  an  insignificant  group  of  huts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  modern  town    of  Hugli,  bad  been  for  centuries    a 
great  and  celebrated  commercial  emporium,  and  was  known  as  the  Little 
Haven,  or  Porto  Piqueno.     Hither  came  merchants,  bringing  wares  to 
sell,  from  every  part  of  Northern  India.     The  bazars  were  filled  with 
the  busy  hum  of  men,  the  river  was  crowded  with  boats.     Hard  by  was 
Triveni,  the  resort  of  thousands  of  pilgrims  eager  to  bathe  in  the  all- 
cleansing  stream,  for  at  this  sacred  spot,  the  Ganges,  the  Jamuna,  and 
the  Sarasvati    mingled  their  waters.'     Between  Satgaon  and    the  sea, 
the  main  stream  of  the  Ganges  flowed  along  much  the  same  course  as 
does  the    Hugli  of    to-day ;  but   it    had   a    good    many    important 
tributaries  which  have  since  either   greatly  diminished,  or   altogether 
disappeared.     The  Jamuna  was  -a  considerable  river,  branching  ofE  to 
the  east  at  Triveni,  and  so  was  the  Sarasvati,   which,  flowing  on  the 
west  of  the  Ganges,  rejoined  it  lower  down.     Further  on,  at  Ulubaria, 
was  the  threefold  mouth  of  the  Damodar.     And  to  the  south  of  this 
again,     the    Eupnarayan  entered    the    Ganges,    or    Hugli,    between 

^  I  have  already  dealt  with  the  topography  of  the  Hugli  in  an  article  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  LXI,  Part  I,  pp.  109  to  117. 
2  Van  Linschoten,  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  1885,  Vol.  I,  p.  95. 
»  This  is  told  us  by  all  the  early  travellers  and  the  early  Bengali  poets. 


TRADE  AT   BETOR. 


133 


Pichhalda  and  Hijili,  or,  as  the  Portuguese  called  it,  *' Angeli.'*  On 
the  left  side  of  the  Hugli,  opposite  the  Haven  of  Angels,  was  the 
Eogues'  River  coming  from  Arakan,  the  lurking-place  of  the  pirate 
devils,  who  hid  themselves  in  the  deep  channels  watching  their  oppor- 
tunity to  plunder  the  unwary  voyager.  Higher  up,  on  the  eastern 
side,  another  large  tributary  formed  the  northern  boundary  of  the 
island  and  district  of  Pacuculi,  and  twenty  miles  higher  still  was  the 
Adi-Ganga,  then  a  large  river  leading  south-eastwards  to  the  sea, 
but  now  a  poor  shrunken  nulla,  which  owes  its  continued  existence  to 
the  enterprise  of  Colonel  Tolly.  It  is  by  this  stream  that  Bipradas 
conducts  Chand  to  the  sea,  not,  as  some  might  suppose,  because  it  was 
then  the  main  channel,  but  rather  because  being  shallow  it  was 
safer  for  small  boats.^ 

So  far  the  river  was  easily  navigable  by  sea-going  ships,  but  beyond 
this  it  was  considered  too  shallow  for  any  but  country  boats.     Here 
then  in  Garden  Reach  was  the  great  anchoring  place  of  the  Portuguese  ; 
and  at  Betor,  on  the  western  bank,  near  Sibpur,  every  year,  when  the 
ships  arrived  from   Goa,  innumerable  thatched    houses  were  erected, 
markets  were  opened,  and  all  sorts  of  provisions  and  stores  brought  to 
the  waterside.     Aji  immense  number  of  galliasses  lay  at  anchor  in  the 
deep  water  waiting,  while  the  small  budgerows  made  their  way  up  the 
river  past  Baranagar,  Dakshinecvar,  and  Agrapara,  to  the  Porto  Piqueno 
at  Satgaon,  and  returned  filled  with  silks  and  muslin,  lac,   sugar,  and 
rice.     During  these  mouths  the  banks  on  both  sides  of  the  river  were 
alive  with  people,  and  a  brisk  trade  was  carried  on.     But  no  sooner  was 
the  last  boat  come  back  from  Satgaon,  and  her   cargo  safely  shipped 
aboard  the  galliasses,  than  they  set  fire  to  the  temporary  houses  and 
improvised  markets  of  bamboo  and  straw,  and  the  place  vanished  almost 
as  suddenly  as  Aladdin's  palace  when  carried  off  by  the  Jinnee.     Away 
sailed  the  Portuguese  back  to  Goa,  leaving  apparently  no  traces  of  their 
coming  except  burnt  straw  and  ruined  huts.^     And  yet  a  careful  observer 
might  have  noticed  more  important  results,   for  here  we  can  see  being 
formed  the  nucleus  of  the  future  city  of  Calcutta.     Attracted  towards 
Betor  by  the  magnetism  uf  the  Portuguese  trade,  the  various  forces  and 
influences  which  combined  to  produce  the  capital  of  India  are  seen 
assembling   themselves    together  gradually,   quietly,  surely.     Chitpur 
and  Salkhia  are  filling  with  people  :   markets    and  landing- stairs     are 

'  See  my  article  on  the  Hugli  and  the  map  of   PeBarros. 
*  Gaesar  Frederick  in  Haklujt,  edition  of  1698,  I,  230. 


134 


THE    CHITTAGOXO    PIRATES. 


built  at  Kuchinau  and  Calcutta.  Eeligious  enthusiasm  conspires 
with  commercial  ardour.  Betor  is  a  sanctuary  of  the  goddess  Chandi ; 
and  just  across  the  river,  on  the  banks  of  the  Adi-Ganga,  there  are 
preserved  in  a  small  wooden  shrine  the  petrified  toes  of  the  great  Kali, 
which  fell  from  heaven  in  the  far-off  age  of  truth,  and  which  have  been 
discovered  at  this  spot  by  a  holy  recluse  of  the  woods. 

To  complete  the  picture  of  the  river  at  this  time,  one  more  circum- 
stance remains  to  be  mentioned.     The  coming  of  the  Portuguese  had 
its  dark  side.     During  the  16th  century  Chittagong  was  a  place  of 
retreat  for  fugitives  and  outlaws  from  Goa  and  its  dependencies.     Some 
of  them  became  adventurers,  and  hired  themselves  out  as  soldiers  to  the 
native  powers ;  but  the  majority  were  neither  more  or  less  than  pirates. 
"  These  people,"  says  Bernier,^  "  were  Christians  only  in  name.     The 
lives    led  by  them   in  Arakan  were  most  detestable,   massacring   or 
poisoning  one  another  without  compunction  or  remorse.     They  scoured 
the  neighbouring  seas  in   light  gallies,   called   galliasses,  entered  the 
numerous  arms  and  canals  of  the  Ganges,  ravaged  the  islands  of  Lower 
Bengal,  and  often  penetrating  forty  or  fifty  leagues  up  the  country, 
surprised  and  carried  away  the  entire  population  of  villages  on  market 
days,  and  at  times  when  the  inhabitants  were  assembled  for  the  celebra- 
tion of  a  marriage,  or  some  other  festival.     The  marauders  made  slaves 
of  their  unhappy  captives  and  burnt  whatever  could  not  be  removed. 
It  is  owing  to  these  repeated  depredations  that  we  see  so  many  fine 
islands  in  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  formerly  thickly  peopled,   now 
entirely  deserted  by  human  beings,  and  become  the  desolate  receptacles 
of  tigers  and  other  wild  beasts." 

During  the  16th  century  we  reach  the  second  period  in  the  history 
of  the  growth  of  Calcutta.  Two  events  happened  which  greatly 
affected  the  fortunes  of  the  river  and  its  markets,  the  one  being  due 
to  the  enlightened  policy  of  Akbar,  the  other  to  the  blind  working 
of  nature.  The  existence  of  any  great  city  standing  by  the  waterside, 
"  where  Ganges  rolls  its  widest  wave,"  must  always  be  precarious. 
For  centuries  perhaps  it  flourishes  in  continued  wealth  and  import- 
ance. Then  the  river  by  some  freak  of  nature  changes  its  course, 
and  the  place  is  soon  abandoned  to  the  jackals.  Such  has  been  the  fate 
of  Gaur  and  many  another  once  famed  city.  Such  was  the  fate  of 
Satgaon.  From  the  beginning  of  the  century  its  river  had  been  grad- 
ually silting  up.     In  the  year  1540  its  harbour  was  becoming  difficult 


Aaasterdam  edition  of  1724,  1723,  Vol.  I,  pp  233,  234. 


BUIN    or    SiTGiON    AXD    FOUNDATION    OF    GOVINDPUE.  135 

of  access  for  ships.  In  1565  it  was  still  "  a  reasonable  fair  city " 
abounding  with  all  things.^  But  its  commercial  importance  was  visibly 
doomed.  Its  merchant  princes,  who  had  been  wont  to  boast  that  they 
sat  at  home  and  grew  rich  while  all  the  world  came  to  them  to  trade,  were 
one  after  another  forced  to  take  ship  and  seek  elsewhere  for  their 
livelihood.  The  great  majority  removed  only  a  short  distance  and 
settled  down  at  Hugli.  Others,  more  adventurous,  made  their  way 
further  down  the  river  determined  to  profit  by  the  growing  trade  of 
Betor,  Amongst  these  were  four  families  of  Bysacks  and  one  of 
Setts,  who  colonised  the  east  bank  of  the  Hugli,  just  above  its  junction 
with  the  Adi-G-anga,  and  founded  the  village  of  Govindpur.  They 
cleared  the  jungle,  excavated  tanks,  and  built  houses  for  themselves, 
and  a  shrine  for  their  tutelary  deity,  Govindji,  in  whose  honour  they 
had  named  their  settlement ;  and  in  a  short  space  of  time  they  opened, 
on  the  north  side  of  Calcutta,  a  place  for  the  sale  of  oloth  which  was 
soon  to  become  celebrated  as  Satanuti  Hat,  the  Cotton  Bale  Market.* 
The  descendants  of  these  five  pilgrim  fathers  have  carefully  preserved 
the  genealogies  of  their  families.  They  now  reckon  some  fifteen  or 
seventeen  generations  from  the  founders,  so.  that  their  migration  must 
have  occurred  towards  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.^ 

In  thus  establishing  themselves  at  Govindpur  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Setts  and  Bysacks  were  attracted  by  the  foreign  trade  at  Betor, 
and  we  are  told  that  the  first  settlers  did  business  with  the  Portuguese.* 
Great  then  must  have  been  their  dismay,  when,  not  long  after  they 
had  settled  down,  they  found  that  the  Portuguese  themselves  were 
going  higher  up  the  river,  having  been  invited  by  the  liberality 
of  the  emperor  Akbar  to  form  a  permanent  settlement  at  Hugli. 
The  emperor,  it  is  said,  had  heard  strange  stories  about  these  "Western 
strangers  who  came  year  after  year  to  Bengal,  and  was  anxious  to  see 
one  of  their  number.  Accordingly,  Captain  Tavarez  was  sent  up  to 
the  court  at  Agra,  and  was  there  received  by  Akbar  with  great  favour. 
Permission  was  given  him  to  select  any  spot  he  liked  near  Hugli,  and 

»  Caesar  Frederick,  in  Hakluyt,  I,  230. 

*  The  name  of  this  place  is  not  properly  spelt  "  Chatanati."  It  is  properly 
spelt  "Sutanuti"  and  means  Cotton-bale.  "  Sutanuti"  is  pronounced  by  Bengalis 
"  Shutanuti,"  and  this  is  transliterated  in  the  old  records  Chutanuttee,  just  as 
"Shah"  is  transliterated  "  Cha"  and  "  Shayista"  "Cha-Est."  The  "  ch"  was 
of  course  meant  to  be  pronounced  soft  as  in  Romance  languages,  the  transliteration 
being  in  fact  borrowed  from  the  Portuguese. 

3  G.  D.  Bysack,  op.  cit.,  pp.  814,  315. 

*  lb. 


136  THE    PORTUGUESE   AT   HUGLI.  ' 

there  erect  a  permanent  town,  so  that  the  Portuguese  might  settle 
there,  and  no  longer  come  from  year  to  year  to  live  for  a  few  months 
in  temporary  bamboo  sheds.  Full  liberty  was  granted  to  build 
churches,  and  preach  the  gospel ;  but,  in  return  for  this,  the  emperor 
demanded  that  the  Portuguese  should  put  a  stop  to  the  outrages  and 
barbarities  committed  by  their  piratical  countrymen.^  In  pursuance 
of  this  arrangement  the  Portuguese  established  themselves  at  Hugli; 
and  here  Fitch^  found  them  permanently  settled,  when  he  came  to 
Bengal  in  1586.  But  the  country  was  full  of  thieves,  and  so  Fitch 
was  compelled  to  go  through  the  wilderness,  and  gives  us  no  account 
of  the  river  from  Hugli  to  the  sea.  In  1599  the  Portuguese  ventured 
for  the  first  time  to  build  a  fort  and  a  church  at  Hugli,  and  effected 
new  settlements  in  Dacca,  Pipli,  and  other  places. 

The  character,  however,  of  the  foreign  traders  must  have  seriously 
hampered  the  whole  commerce  of  the  place,  for  the  Portuguese  were  at 
the  best  dangerous  people  to  deal  with,  and  there  was  not  so  much 
difference  between  the  merchants  of  Hugli  and  the  pirates  of  Chittagong. 
"The  Portuguese  in  Bengal,"  says  Yan  Liuschoten,^  writing  in  1595, 
"live  like  wild  men  and  untamed  horses.  Every  man  doth  there  what  he 
will,  and  every  man  is  lord  and  master.  They  pay  no  regard  to  justice, 
and  in  this  way  certain  Portuguese  dwell  among  them,  some  here,  some 
there,  and  are  for  the  most  part  such  as  dare  not  stay  in  India  [i.e.y 
Groa]  for  some  wickedness  by  them  committed.  Nevertheless  there  i§ 
great  trafiic  used  in  those  parts  by  divers  ships  and  merchants." 

But  the  days  of  the  Portuguese,  both  for  evil  and  for  good,  were 
rapidly  drawing  to  a  close.  The  merchants  at  Hugli  had  engaged  to 
keep  the  gulf  of  Bengal  clear  of  pirates,  but  they  shamefully  neglected 
their  engagement.  At  length  Shah  Jahan  determined  to  make  a  terrible 
example  of  these  infidel  thieves,  who  provoked  him  beyond  measure  by 
the  encouragement  they  gave  to  violence  and  robbery,  and  by  their 
refusal  to  release  the  numerous  slaves  in  their  service,  though  they  were 
all  of  them  his  subjects.  "  He  first  exacted,  by  threats  or  persuasion, 
large  suras  of  money  from  the  Portuguese,  and  when  they  refused  to 
comply  with  his  ultimate  demands,  he  besieged  and  took  possession  of 
their  town,  and  commanded  that  the  whole  population  should  be 
transferred  as  slaves  to  Agra,"* 

'  Hugh  Murray's  Discoveries  and  Travels  in  Asia,  II,  98,  99,  editiou  of  1820, 

!  In  Hakluyt.  edition  of  1598,  I,  257. 

'  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  1885,  I,  95. 

*  Bernier,  I,  2.S6. 


IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  137 

The  fall  of  Hugli  took  place  in  1632.  Seven  years  previously  the 
Dutch  had  made  their  way  to  Bengal,  and  they  at  once  stepped  into 
the  place  of  the  fallen  Portuguese  and  established  themselves  at  Pipli 
and  Chinsurah.  As  we  have  seen,  the  English,  reaching  the  Bay  a 
year  later,  did  not  at  first  venture  to  dispute  with  the  Dutch  or  even 
the  Portuguese.^  They  contented  themselves  with  Hariharapur  and 
Balasor.  It  was  not  till  the  days  of  the  great  Protector  Oliver  that 
they  ventured  up  the  river  to  Hugli. 

Meanwhile  the  fortunes  of  Calcutta  were  slowly  hut  steadily  rising. 
In  the  AiQ-i-Akhari  the  place  is  noticed  as  a  district  in  the  government 
of  Satgaon,  which,  together  with  the  districts  of  Barbakpur  and  Bakuya, 
paid  into  the  imperial  exchequer  the  annual  sum  of  Rs.  23,405. 
Somewhere  about  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  forts  were  built  at 
Betor  and  on  the  opposite  bank  to  protect  the  upper  part  of  the  river  from 
pirates  and  sea-rovers.-  The  strategic  importance  of  the  place  was  thus 
greatly  increased,  but  its  trade  had  now  passed  to  the  other  side  of  the 
river  and  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Setts  and  Bysacks.  In  the  seventeenth 
century  Betor  disappeared  from  history ;  its  name  changed  into  the 
village  of  great  Thana,  its  foreign  market  was  transferred  to  SutauutL' 
Here  the  Setts  and  Bysacks  gradually  built  up  a  European  connection, 
particularly  with  the  English,  to  whom  they  seem  to  have  been  especially 
friendly.  "Whether  the  Bengali  merchants  ever  invited  the  English 
to  come  and  settle  near  them,  we  cannot  say  ;  but  the  advantages  of 
doing  so  must  have  been  manifest,  and  it  is  clear  that  Garden  Reach 
was  always  a  favourite  anchorage  for  the  Company's  ships.  It  is 
therefore  not  surprising  that  Charnock,  when  forced  to  leave  Hugli, 
should  have  turned  almost  instinctively  to  Sutanuti  as  the  place  for 
the  destined  fortified  settlement  of  the  English. 

'  The  Portuguese  were  soon  restored  to  favour.  (See  above  page  18).  The 
Emperor  presented  them  with  an  assignment  of  land  at  Bandel,  above  Hugli. 
The  J  never,  however,  regained  their  old  power. 

'  Sedges'  Diary,  II,  237. 

^  In  the  Armenian  Churchyard,  Calcutta,  there  is  a  tombstone  dated  the  11  th 
July  1639.  This  has  been  taken  as  showing  that  the  Armenians  were  established 
in  Calcutta  as  early  as  1630.  The  inference,  however,  does  not  seem  valid. 
1.  The  instance  is  isolated,  No  other  tombstones  in  the  churchyard  are  dated 
earlier  than  the  eighteenth  century.  It  is  suggested  that  there  may  be  other 
equally  early  tombstones  beneath  the  floor  of  the  church,  but  I  do  Jiot  see  any 
reason  to  suppose  this.  2.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  sbona  is  in  siiu. 
It  may  well  have  been  brought  to  Calcutta  from  elsewhere.  An  inscribed  stone 
has  recently  been  found  in  St.  John's  Churchyard  which  must  somehow  have 
come  there  from  China.  3.  Even  if  the  stone  is  in  situ,  it  does  not  prove  the 
existence  of  an  Armenian  colony.  In  India  a  person  must  be  buried  where  he 
dies.  If  an  Armenian  voyager  died  in  a  ship  near  Calcutta,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary  to  bury  the  body  there.     (See  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  233.) 


BOOK  IV. 

HOW  THE  ENGLISH  SETTLED  AT  CALCUTTA  AND  BUILT 
FORT    WILLIAM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THB    ENGLISH   ESTABLISH   THEMSELVES  AT  SUTANUTr,   AND   BEGIN 
TO  BUILD  THEIR  FORT. 

1690  TO  1693. 

The  foundation  of  Calcutta  marks  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
period  in  the  history  of  the  English  in  Bengal,  the  period  in  which 
their  trade  is  established  on  a  fixed  basis  and  their  poKcy  of  armed  in- 
dustrialism definitely  formulated.  We  shaU  here  be  concerned  with 
the  first  twenty  years  of    this  settling  down. 

Now  that  the  right  commercial  policy  bad  been  adopted  and  the 
right  commercial  centre  found,  though  the  old  difficulties  recurred,  they 
rather  helped  than  hindered  the  English  purposes.  They  quarrelled 
among  themselves  as  of  old,  with  the  result  that  their  numbers  were 
doubled.  The  rebellion  of  (^ubha  Singha  was  the  occasion  of  the 
foundation    of   Fort  William.      Their   disputes   with   Aurangzeb   and 


140 


DEATH    OF   JOB    CHARNOCK. 


Mursliid  Uuli  only  served  to  convince  them  of  tlie  strength  of  their 
position  on  the  Hugli. 

In  spite  of  the  favour  shown  them  by  the  nabob  Ibrahim,  the 
situation  of  the  English  at  Calcutta  was  at  first  miserable  in  the 
extreme.  As  the  result  of  the  policy  pursued  by  William  III.,  they 
found  themselves  immediately  involved  in  an  attack  upon  the  com- 
mercial interests  of  the  French,^  and  on  September  5th,  1690,  they 
were  compelled  to  proclaim  at  SutanutI  a  war,  of  which  they  could 
only  remain  passive  spectators,  while  rival  fleets  carried  on  a  desul- 
tory struggle  in  Indian  waters.  Far  from  being  fit  to  take  part  in 
offensive  operations,  they  had  hardly  any  means  of  defence,  or  even 
subsistence.  The  buildings  which  they  had  occupied  two  years  pre- 
viously had  been  plundered  and  burnt.  Only  three  ruined  mud  huts 
remained.  The  rain  fell  incessantly  day  and  night,  forcing  them 
to  take  refuge  in  sloops  and  country  boats,  and  there  wait  till  the 
commonest  necessaries  of  life  could  be  sent  them  from  Hugli.  Nor 
did  their  position  improve  for  many  months.  So  late  as  May  1691, 
we  are  told  that  "they  could  dispose  of  little,  nor  have  they  safe 
godowns  to  secure  them  from  damage,  and  the  truth  is  they  live 
in  a  wild  unsettled  condition  at  Chuttinuttee,  neither  fortifyed  houses 
nor  goedowns,  only  tents,  hutts  and  boats,  with  the  strange  charge  of 
near  100  soldiers,  guardship,  &c."  ^ 

The  many  hardships  he  had  undergone  during  his  long  sojourn  in 
India  now  seem  to  have  taken  effect  upon  Job  Oharnock.  His  health 
gave  way,  habits  of  indolence  crept  over  him,  his  spirit  failed  him,  his 
temper  grew  moody  and  savage,  the  reins  of  government  slipped  from 
his  relaxing  fingers.  On  the  10th  January  1693  he  died,  leaving  the 
management  of  the  struggling  settlement  to  Francis  Ellis,  the  man  who 
ten  years  before  had  been  dismissed  from  the  service  by  Agent  Hedges 
for  corrupt  dealings,  but  who  had  been  reinstated  by  President  GyfEord.^ 

Under  him  things  went  from  bad  to  worse,  the  difiiculties  of  the 
English  being  greatly  increased  by  the  action  of  Aurangzeb.  The  late 
war  had  shown  that  a  naval  power  could  best  wound  the  Indian 
Empire  by  attacking  the  ships  sailing  between  the  West  Coast  and 
Arabia,  and  in  consequence  of  this  knowledge  adventurers  had  estab- 
lished themselves  in  the  Eed  Sea  for  the  purpose  of  plundering  the 
Mogul  vessels.     These  pirates,  for  such   they  were,   had   nothing  to 


^  The    French    had   settled   at   Chandannagar  in   1688    under  an  edict  of 
Aurangzeb . 

-^  Hedges'  B'lary,  II,  87,  88. 
3 11^^  II,  92,  93. 


SIK  JOHN    GOLDSBOBOUGH    AT    SUTANUTl. 


Ul 


do  with  tlie  English  Company,  who  looked  upon  them  as  a  new  species 
of  interlopers,  but  Aurangzeb  in  his  anger  held  all  Europeans  alike 
responsible  for  the  outrages  thus  committed,  and  was  provoked  to 
guspend  their  privileges.  Fortunately  for  Calcutta  the  English  there 
suffered  less  than  might  have  been  expected,  owing  to  the  friendly 
disposition  of  the  local  authorities.  Still  their  operations  were 
retarded,  and  their  trade  could  only  be  carried  on  secretly.^ 

On  the  12th  August,  Sir  John  Goldsborough,  Commissary-General 
and   Chief  Governor  of  the  Company's  settlements,  arrived  at  Sutanuti 
intent  upon  reforming  its   growing    abuses.     The  worthy  Captain   has 
left  us  an  unfavourable  estimate  of  Charnock's  character  and  a  melan- 
choly picture  of  the  state  of  the  things  prevailing  in    1693.     Chamock 
had  contracted  for  an  investment  far  in  excess  of  what  he  could  possibly 
pay  for.     He  had  marked  out   no   place  for  the   factory,   but  allowed 
every  one  to  enclose  lands,  dig  tanks,  and  build  houses  where  and  how 
they  pleased.     "  He  was  poisoned  with  the  expectation  of  a   new  Com- 
pany ;  which  3Jj.  Braddyl  upon  some  occasioii  had  the  confidence  to  tell 
him ;  in  a  little  time  he  would  not  be  his  '  worship,'  but  *  Mr.  Chamock, ' 
and  then  he    would   require   satisfaction   of    him.    This  affront  Mr. 
Chamock  swallowed  very  patiently,  as  fearing  it  would  be  so,  and  the 
law  courts  at  Madras  scared  him  exceedingly,  so  that  he  was  afraid  to 
think  of  medling  with  anybody."     Yet  at  the  same  time  we  are  told 
that  "he  loved  everybody  should   be   at  difference,   and   supported   a 
Serjeant  that  set  them  to  duelling."     The  whole  settlement  was  in  the 
hands  of  Hill,  the  Secretary  and  Captain  of  the  soldiers,  a  dissolute 
fellow  who  had  opened  a  house  for  the  entertainment  of  strangers  of  all 
sorts,  and  "  was  allowed  to  keep  a  punch  house  and  billiard  table  gratis 
while  others  paid  for  it."  ^ 

Such  is  the  unfavourable  account  which  Goldsborough  gives  of  the 
father  of  Calcutta,  and  later  critics  have  been  content  to  echo  it.  Char- 
nock's talent  and  services,  we  are  told,  were  greatly  overrated.  The  man 
was  honest,  no  doubt,  but  withal  indolent  and  indecisive,  timid  and  obse- 
quious, with  a  low  trick  of  casting  the  blame  of  his  own  failure  upon  the 
shoulders  of  others.  "We  must,  however,  remember  that  Goldsborough's 
adverse  opinion,  though  given  in  all  honesty,  was  founded  upon  the 
reports  of  detractors  and  the  bad  impression  produced  by  the  few  last 
years  of  Chamock's  weakness.     The  charges  of  indolence,  irresolution, 


'  Stewart's   Bengal,  p.  206. 
'  Redges  Diary,  II,  92,  93. 


142  JOB  charnock's  character. 

and   disorderliness   will    not   lie   against   Charnook's   earlier  life.     He 
was  no  doubt  sometimes  disposed  to  take  life  easily  and  to  side  with  his 
friends  in  their  private  quarrels,  but  not  more  so  than  his  contemporaries. 
On  the  contrary,  at  the  crisis  of  his   life,   when  Hedges  was  dismissed 
from  the  agency,  we  see  Charnock  taking  the  right  side,  and  prefer- 
ring vigorous  action  and  self-sacrifice.     When   others   wished  to  tem- 
porise  and  thought   of  their  selfish  interests,   he  was  for  breaking 
with  the  native  powers,  and  thus  deliberately  gave  his  adhesion  to  the 
policy  of  the  man  who  was  his  private  enemy.     But,  it  is   said,  he  was 
pusillanimous  in  the  war  which  followed.     On  this  point  let  the  actual 
story  of  the  struggle  decide.     The  man  who,  without  waiting  for  all 
his  forces  to   assemble,  attacked  the  Mogul  troops  at  Hugli,   seized 
Sutanuti,  held  out  in  the  face  of  tremendous  odds  at  Hijili,  and  in 
the  end  succeeded  in  outwitting  his  opponents,  would  seem  to  deserve 
blame  rather  for  rashness  than  for  cowardice.     But  he  did  not  seize 
Chittagong.     Charnock   was  not  a  military  genius;    and   even  if   he 
had  been,  it  is  doubtful  whether  Chittagong  could   have   been  taken 
with  the  forces  at  his  disposal.     In  fact,  Charnock  had  the  wisdom  to  see 
that  a  settlement  on  the  banks  of  the  Hugli  would  be  more  suitable  to 
the  requirements  of  the  English  trade.     Accordingly,  after  trying  HijiH 
and  finding  it  too  unhealthy,  he  fixed  upon  Sutanuti  as  the  best  place 
available.     In  what  way  he  would  have  used  the  forces  which  reached 
Bengal  in  1688  for  the  purposes  of  fortifying  and  securing  his  position 
we   cannot  tell.     He    was  superseded     by   Captain   Heath,   and  the 
opportunity    never  returned.      The   building   of    Fort   "William   was 
reserved  for  other  hands.     But  the  fact  remains  that  Charnock,  and 
Charnock  alone,  founded  Calcutta.      Many  of  his  contemporaries  failed 
to  see  the  need  of  such  a  measure  ;  others  saw  it,  but  the  Court  would 
not  trust  them,   or   give  them    the   necessary    means.     In  Charnock 
the  Court  reposed  an  almost   unwavering  confidence.     He   wished   to 
make  a  fortified  settlement  at  Sutanuti,  and  in  the  end  the  settlement 
was  made.     In  short,  Charnoct  possessed  the   one  rare  but  absolutely 
needful  virtue  of  disinterested  honesty, — a  virtue  which  must  have  been 
at  this  time  difficult  to   retain  ;   a  virtue   which  must  have  raised  up 
against  him  scores  of  secret  enemies ;  a  virtue  which  makes  us  slow  to 
believe  evil  of  one  who,  in  spite  of  all  petty  detraction,   will  always 
occupy  a  place  amongst  those  who  have  the  sovereign  honour  of  being 
founders  of  states  and  commonwealths.     Coarse  and  wilful  he  may 
well  have  been,  for  he  seems  to  have  been  imperfectly  educated  ;  and  he 
passed  an  unprecedented  length  of  years   in   Indian   service.     But  for 
my  part  I  prefer  to  forget  the  minor  blemishes,  and  to  remember  only 


SIR   JOHN    GOLDSBOROUGh's    REFORMS.  143 

his  resolute  determination,  his  clear  sighted  wisdom,  his  honest  self- 
devotion,  and  so  leave  him  to  sleep  on  in  the  heart  of  the  city  which 
he  founded,  looking  for  a  blessed  resurrection  and  the  coming  of  Him 
by  Whom  alone  he  ought  to  be  judged. 

The  worthy  Commissary- General,  Sir  John  Goldsborough,  lost 
no  time  in  setting  about  his  work  of  reform.  He  fouud  that 
Ellis,  who  had  been  appointed  to  succeed  Charnock,  was  a  man 
of  little  character  or  ability,  his  weakness  being  so  well-known 
that  he  had  lost  the  respect  of  Europeans  and  Natives  alike.  The 
only  one  of  the  Company's  servants  in  Bengal  who  appeared  to  be 
at  all  fit  to  be  chief  of  the  settlement  was  Charles  Eyre,  of  whom  there 
was  little  to  complain,  except  that  he  was  much  addicted  to  the  country 
habits  and  customs.  He  was  accordingly  summoned  to  SQtanuti 
to  replace  the  incompetent  EUis.^  As  for  Captain  Hill,  the  Commis- 
sary-General  dismissed  him  summarily  from  all  but  the  Company's 
service,  and  ordered  him  to  Madras.^  The  military  establishment  was  cut 
down  to  two  sergeants,  two  corporals,  a  drummer  and  twenty  men, 
and  the  paymaster  was  told  that  the  soldiers  were  to  have  only  Es.  4 
each  a  month,  which,  considering  the  plentif  ulness  and  cheapness  of 
food,  was  great  wages.  By  this  and  other  similar  reforms  Golds- 
borough  effected  a  retrenchment  of  nearly  Rs.  4,000  a  year  in  the 
expenses  of  the  settlement.^  He  also  did  what  he  could  to  provide 
proper  buildings  for  the  Company's  business.  He  ordered  a  piece  of 
ground  to  be  inclosed  with  a  mud  wall  whereen  to  build  a  factory  as 
soon  as  the  native  government  should  allow  of  it,  and  he  intended  to 
add  four  upper  rooms  to  the  house  which  had  been  bought  for  the 
Company,  so  that  the  accountants  and  secretaries  might  be  brought 
within  a  brick  house  with  their  books  and  papers  which  were  then  lyino- 
scattered  about  in  thatched  houses  Kable  to  catch  fire  every  day.* 
Neither  was  Goldsborough  pleased  with  the  religious  condition  of 
the  place.  He  found  that  the  merchants  and  factors  were  marrying 
black  wives  who  were  Eoman  Catholics,  and  in  his  opinion  their  husbands 
were  too  much  under  the  influence  of  the  Augustinian  Friars.  Without 
more  ado,  he  turned  the  Roman  priests  out  of  Stitanuti,  and  pulled 
down  their  Mass  house.^     But  iu  the  midst  of  these  plans  and  hopes  the 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  93. 
'  Ih.,  II,  92. 
'  Ih.,  II,  92,  93. 

*  lb.,  II,  94. 

*  Hjde's   Bengal  Chaplainry  in  the  reigns  of  William  and  Mary  and  Anne, 
Indian  Church  Quarterly,  Vol.  V. 


144  AGENCY  OF  CHARLES  EYRE. 

worthy  man  was  overtaken  by  a  fatal  sickness,  and  before  November  was 
ended  the  disorders  of  Sutanuti  had  ceased  to  trouble  him.^ 

It  is  significant  of  the  distrust  with  which  Goldsborough  regarded 
Ellis  and  the  merchants  at  Sutanuti  that  he  took  the  precaution 
of  keeping  the  intended  change  of  government  a  profound  secret. 
It  was  not  till  two  months  after  his  death,  when  the  ships  had 
received  their  despatches  and  Eyre  had  reached  Calcutta,  that  the  orders 
which  had  been  left  in  the  hands  of  Captain  Robert  Dorrill,  were  made 
public  and  put  into  execution.  ''On  the  25th  January  1694,  all  the 
Rt.  Hon'ble  Company's  servants  were  summoned  to  appear  to  hear  the 
said  orders  read,  which  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  charge  of  the 
Agency  taken  from  Mr.  Francis  Ellis  and  delivered  to  Mr.  Charles 
Eyre,  and  likewise  the  Rt.  Hon'ble  Company's  papers,  as  bills  of 
debt,  obligations,  cash-book,  &c.,  were  demanded  of  said  Mr.  Francis 
Ellis,  which  he  promised  to  deliver  up  as  soon  as  possible,  his  weakness 
at  present  not  permitting  him  to  proceed  therein  any  further  than  the 
delivery  up  of  the  Rt.  Hon'ble  Company's  cash,  which  amounts  to 
Rupees  22,748-3-8.-"2  rpj^g  subsequent  conduct  of  the  agent  chosen 
and  appointed  in  this  unusual  manner,  justified  the  expectations  formed 
of  him.  He  did  his  best  to  maintain  and  promote  the  good  order 
which  had  been  restored  by  the  Commissary,  and  under  his  management 
the  situation  of  affairs  in  Bengal  began  to  improve.  He  respected 
the  memory  of  the  Father  of  Calcutta,  whose  daughter  Mary  he 
married,  and  over  whose  remains  he  raised  the  massive  octagonal 
mausoleum,  which  still  stands  in  St.  John's  Churchyard.^ 

During  the  year  1694  we  get  our  last  views  of  Tom  Pitt,  the 
notorious  interloper,  just  before  he  turns  into  the  Governor  of  Madras, 
and  of  Chaplain  Evans,  the  merchandising  parson,  destined  eventually 
to  become  Bishop  of  Bangor.  Evans  had  gone  to  Madras  with 
Charnock  in  March  1689,  and  while  there  had  been  dismissed  for  his 
inegular  commercial  dealings.  In  June  1693  he  had  managed  to 
escape  from  the  place  on  the  Armenian  Ship  >S^.  Marlif  and  reaching 
Sutanuti  while  Ellis  was  in  power,  had  been  allowed  by  that  incompe- 
tent officer  to  go  on  to  Hugli>  Pitt,  now  member  of  parliament  for  Old 
Sarum,  had  reached  Bengal  on  the  Seymour  in  the  October  of  1693, 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  96. 
2  Ji,  11,94,  125. 

^  Hyde  on  the   ChamocTc  Mausoleum,  Proceedings  of  the  Anatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  March  1893,  pp.  79  to  81. 

*  Hyde's  First  Bengal  Chaplain. 


PIRATE   PITT   AXD   THE    MERCHANDISING    PARSON    EVANS.  145 

and  Sir  John  Groldsborough  had  done  his  best  to  frustrate  the  "  pyrott," 
and  Lad  directed  Captain  Dorrill  *  to  arrest  him  and  stop  his  trade. 
But  it  was  all  in  vain.  A  little  judicious  bribery  by  the  interloping 
Captain  proved  more  eflBcacious  than  the  most  convincing  arguments 
addressed  by  the  Company's  Commissary-General  to  the  Nabob  of  Dacca. 
In  spite  of  Goldsborough  and  his  successor  Eyre,  the  people  of  the 
country  countenanced  and  encouraged  the  interlopers  who  had  establish- 
ed themselves  at  Hugli  and  enjoyed  every  facility  for  buying  and 
selling.2  In  February  1694,  Parson  Evans  sailed  from  Sutanuti  for 
England  on  Dorrill's  ship  the  Charles  II.  ^  The  other  interlopers  con- 
tinued their  trading  undisturbed.  As  a  last  resort  Eyre  had  recourse 
to  violence,  hoping  that  by  a  display  of  force  he  might  arouse  the 
attention  of  the  nabob  and  induce  him  to  move  against  Pitt. 
For  this  purpose  he  sent  up  his  sergeant  and  twenty  men  to  Hugli  with 
orders  to  arrest,  not  the  interlopers,  but  a  certain  Messenger  who  had 
unlawfully  taken  possession  of  a  house  adjoining  the  interlopers  and 
against  whom  a  warrant  had  been  received  from  Madras.  The  man 
and  his  gocds  were  seized  and  a  certain  amount  of  bickering  and 
fighting  followed,  but  no  substantial  result  was  obtained.  In  the  end 
Pitt  gained  the  day ;  for  the  Court  having  received  a  new  Charter 
from  Wniiam  III.  had  at  this  time  resolved  to  come  to  terms  with  the 
interlopers,  and  wrote  out  to  its  agents  to  that  effect.  Wherefore  at 
the  beginning  of  1695  Mr.  Pitt  left  Bengal,  returned  to  the  Parliament 
and  the  India  House  in  London,  and  though  unrepentant  was  pardoned 
for  the  sin  of  interloping.* 

The  only  other  event  worthy  of  record  during  the  first  year  of 
Eyre's  rule  is  a  memorable  catastrophe  on  the  river,  the  loss  of  the 
Royal  James  and  Mary  on  the  fatal  shoal  which  still  bears  the  name. 
She  had  arrived  from  Sumatra  in  August  with  a  cargo  of  behars,  pepper, 
and  redwood  candy,  which  she  took  in  at  Madras ;  but  coming  up  the 
river,  on  the  24th  September,  she  struck  upon  the  weU-known  sand, 
turned  over  immediately,  broke  her  back,  and  was  lost  with  four  or  five 
of  her  men.     As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  accident  was  received,  the 

»  It  is  probable,  but  not  absolutely  certain,  that  this  Captain  liobert  Dorrill, 
the  confidant  and  righthand  man  of  Sir  John  Goldsborough,  is  the  same  as 
Dorrell,  the  interloping  Captain  of  the  Croirn,  on  which  Pitt  took  his  cargo  in  1682. 
As  Yule  points  out,  the  division  between  Company's  servants  and  interlopers  was 
not  so  very  great,  and  their  hostility  to  each  other  was  official  and  perfunctory. 

»  Sedges'  Dlarv.  Ill,  18  to  22, 

'  Hydes'  First  Bengal  Chaplain. 

*  Sedges'  Diiry,  III,  22  to  24,  31,  32. 


146  THE   YEAR    1695. 

master  of  attendance,  Captain  Hampton,  was  ordered  to  go  to  the 
assistance  of  her  crew  with  the  Mary  Buoyer,  the  "  Europe  "  ship's  long 
boats  and  seamen.  Several  boats  from  the  shore,  and  as  many  lascars 
as  could  be  spared  from  the  different  ships,  were  also  sent  off. 
But  after  many  days'  labour  they  found  that  they  could  do  no  more 
than  save  the  guns  and  rigging  and  a  small  portion  of  her  cargo. 
The  ship  herself  was  a  total  wreck,  and  was  sold  as  she  lay  with  the 
long  boat  for  1,500  rupees.^ 

The  year  1695  is  even  less  eventful  than  its  predecessor. 
The  diary  of  the  year,  which  is  extant,  contains  little  else  than  accounts. 
Still  even  from  these  meagre  resources  a  certain  amount  of  infor- 
mation may  be  gleaned  giving  local  colour  to  our  picture  of  this 
time.  The  Council  meets  on  Thursdays.  It  consists  of  four  members, 
Charles  Eyre,  John  Beard,  Roger  Braddyll,  and  Edward  Cornell. 
The  Secretary,  who  is  not  a  member  of  the  Council,  is  Jonathan  White. 
The  usual  entries  regularly  occur.  Money  is  invested,  soldiers  are  sent 
every  now  and  then  up  the  river  to  rescue  some  unfortunate  boat 
which  has  been  stopped  on  its  way  to  Calcutta,  ships  come  and  go, 
and  the  accounts  of  the  settlement  are  duly  brought  in  month  by 
month.  From  tbem  we  learn  that  Samuel  Shaw  was  allowed  to  keep 
a  public  house  on  payment  of  twenty  rupees  a  month,  and  that  Mrs. 
Domingo  Ash  was  licensed  to  distil  arrack.  The  revenues  of  Calcutta 
amount  to  some  seventy  or  eighty  rupees  a  month,  being  derived  partly 
from  the  rent  of  shops,  partly  from  fines  and  fees,  and  partly  from 
duties  levied  on  hemp,  grain,  salt,  and  other  petty  wares.  The  chief 
expenses  connected  with  the  town  are  for  servants,  most  of  whom  are 
employed  as  police,  and  whose  wages  come  to  nearly  seventy  rupees  a 
month.  In  November  we  have  given  us  a  list  of  all  the  Company's 
servants  in  Bengal.  Besides  the  Council  and  the  Doctor,  Francis 
Simson,  tbe  establishment  consists  of  six  senior  merchants,  three  mer- 
cbants,  seven  factors,  and  f our.  writers.^ 

Meanwhile  the  Court  at  home  had  been  revolving  great  schemes  for 
their  new  settlement.  They  directed  that  the  revenues  of  the  place 
should  be  carefully  developed  and  the  Madras  plan  gradually  introduced. 
Interlopers  were  to  be  obstructed  and  driven  away,  but  without 
violence.  A  thousand  tons  of  saltpetre  was  always  to  be  kept  in  store, 
and    a    large  quantity  of   Bengal  silk.     For  the  better  regulation 


>  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  133. 

♦  Chutanuttee  Diary,  1694-5.     India  Office  Records. 


THK    REBELLION    OF   CUBHA    SIXGHA.  147 

of  the  settlement  a  oourt  of  judicature  was  to  be  established  to  take 
cognisance  of  disputes  between  the  Company's  servants.^  Eyre  was 
obliged  to  point  out  to  the  Court  that  these  schemes  were  a  little  too 
large  for  the  present.  In  obedience  to  their  wishes  the  factories  had 
been  withdrawn  from  Dacca  and  Malda ;  the  first  thing  to  do  was  to 
re-establish  them.  It  was  premature  to  talk  of  establishing  a 
court  of  judicature  at  Sutanuti,  seeing  that  the  tenure  of  the 
English  there  was  still  precarious  and  the  revenues  only  amounted  to 
a  hundred  and  sixty  rupees  a  month.  Nothing  could  be  done  without 
an  imperial  rescript  defining  the  Company's  right  to  a  seat  of  trade, 
and  with  this  purpose  he  had  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  lease  of  two  or 
three  towns  adjoining  Sutanuti  at  the  rent  of  two  or  three  thousand 
rupees  a  year.- 

In  the  year  1696  events  happened  in  Bengal  which  gave  the  English 
the  very  opportunity  for  which  they  had  so  long  waited.  A  Hindu 
landowner  in  the  district  of  Burdwan,  named  Cubha  Singha,  being 
dissatisfied  with  the  government,  broke  out  into  rebellion  and  invited 
Hahim  Khan,  an  Afghan  chief,  to  march  from  Orissa  and  join  him  in 
his  attempt.  The  two  malcontents,  having  united  their  forces,  advanced 
to  Burdwan,  slew  the  raja  Krishna  Ram  in  battle,  and  seized  his  family 
and  property.  His  son  Jagat  Eai  alone  escaped  to  Dacca,  where  he 
laid  his  complaints  before  the  nabob.  But  his  Highness  was  engaged 
with  his  books,  and  his  Highness's  commanders,  intent  upon  mak- 
ing money,  considered  the  matter  of  little  importance.  While  they 
hesitated  and  delayed,  the  rebel  force  rapidly  increased  in  numbers, 
marched  upon  Hugli,  and  took  it.  Still  his  Highness  remained  in- 
active. He  could  only  repeat  that  civil  war  was  a  dreadful  evil,  and 
that  the  rebels,  if  let  alone,  would  soon  disperse.  What  was  the  use, 
then,  of  fighting?  Why  should  he  wantonly  destroy  the  lives  of 
God's  creatures  ?  Why  could  he  not  be  left  to  read  his  Gulistdn  in 
peace  ?  Such  being  the  sentiments  of  the  nabob,  the  three  European 
settlements  in  Bengal  perceived  that  they  must  shift  for  themselves, 
raised  bodies  of  native  troops  without  delay,  and  wrote  to  Dacca  asking 
for  permission  to  fortify  their  factories.  The  nabob  in  reply  ordered 
them  in  general  terms  to  defend  themselves,  and  thus  tacitly  permitted 
the  construction  of  the  forts  at  Chinsura,  Chandannagar,  and  Calcutta. 

But  the  rebels  were  not  suffered  to  have  it  all  their  own  way. 
Seeing  the  whole  country  round  him  given  up  to  plunder  and  heading 

^  Brace's  Annals,  III,  144. 

'  lb„  III,  171  to  173.  In  reality  the  revenue  was  not  hondred  rupees  a  month. 

L  2 


148  PROGRESS    AND    SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REBELLION. 

daily  the  cries  of  the  unhappy  inhabitants  who  implored  his  protection, 
the  Governor  of  the  Dutch  factory  at  Chinsurah  fitted  out  two  ships  of 
war^  anchored  them  opposite  Hugli,  and  filing  broadsides  upon  the 
marauders  drove  them  out  of  the  place.  Then  a  blow  was  struck  by 
the  hand  of  a  woman,  the  young  daughter  of  the  murdered  Krishna 
Earn,  whom  Cubha  Singha  had  carried  ofE  captive  to  Burdwan.  Here 
was  enacted  once  again  the  old,  old  story  of  man's  brutality  and 
woman's  constancy.  Cubha  Siogha,  after  flattering  and  entreating  in 
vain,  at  last  had  recourse  to  violence.  But  the  girl,  driven  to  extremi- 
ties, plucking  from  her  dress  a  sharp  knife,  stabbed  the  wretch  to  death 
through  his  body  and  then  plunged  the  point  in  her  Own  heart. 
At  Maqsudabad  another  heroic  spirit  showed  itself  in  the  person  of 
Ni'amut  Khan,  a  gallant  officer  in  the  Imperial  service,  who  held  a  royal 
grant  of  lands,  and  who  resolutely  refused  to  espouse  the  cause  of  his 
master's  enemies.  Incensed  at  the  opposition,  Rahim  Khan,  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  Afghan  horse,  turned  to  destroy  the  faithful  subject. 
As  the  rebels  drew  near  the  estate  of  Ni'amut,  his  nephew,  well  mounted 
and  armed,  advanced  and  challenged  any  of  the  Afghans  to  a  single 
combat ;  but  the  whole  body  fell  upon  him  and  cut  him  to  pieces.  Then 
Ni'amut  Khan,  though  dressed  only  in  a  thin  vest  of  muslin,  seized  his 
sword,  mounted  his  horse,  and  rushed  forth  to  meet  the  foe.  Singling 
out  the  rebel  chief,  he  spurred  up  to  him  and  struck  him  full  on  the 
head,  but  the  blade  fell  shivered  by  the  impenetrable  helmet.  With 
all  the  force  of  disappointed  rage  he  flung  the  sword  hilt  at  the 
Afghan  and  felled  him  from  his  horse ;  then  dismounting  he  seized  his 
enemv's  dagger  and  tried  to  pierce  his  throat.  Once  more  he  failed. 
The  chain  armour  stopped  the  point,  and  before  he  could  stab  again  he 
was  surrounded  and  slain.  ^ 

Such  isolated  acts  of  daring  could  do  but  little  to  check  the  flowing 
tide  of  anarchy  and  rebellion.  MaqsiJdabad  fell,  and  so  too  did 
Bajmahal  and  Malda.  Cassimbazar  yielded  up  itself  without  a 
struggle;  the  Thana  fort  was  closely  beset.  By  March  1697  the 
Afghan  held  the  whole  of  the  land  west  of  the  Ganges.^ 

When  the  emperor  learnt  of  these  events  through  the  ordinary 
public  news-letter,  his  surprise  and  indignation  were  unbounded.  He 
instantly  recalled  Ibrahim  Khan  and  appointed  his  grandson,  'Azimu- 
sh-Shan,  in  his  stead.  In  the  meantime  he  ordered  the  nabob's  son 
Zabardast   Khan   to   take  the   field   and   extirpate    the   rebels.     The 

1  Stewart's  Bengal,  pp.  207  to  209. 
"  lb.,  p.  210. 


FOUNDATION   OF   FORT  WILLIAM.  149 

young  general,  who  had   beheld   with  impatience  the  apathy   of  his 

father,  was  nothing  loth.^  During  the  month  of  April  he  quickly  got 
together  his  forces  at  Dacca  and  advanced  to  meet  Eahim  Khan  on  the 
river  Bhagwangola.  His  cavalry,  sent  on  in  advance,  speedily  recover- 
ed Rajmahal  and  Malda.  In  May,  the  whole  army  being  come  up  with 
the  rebels,  he  attacked  them  by  land  and  by  river,  cannonaded  them» 
routed  them,  and  plundered  their  camp.  Then,  joined  on  all  sides  by 
the  inhabitants,  who  had  shaken  08.  their  fear  of  the  enemy,  he  pursued 
the  Afghans  to  Burdwan,  and  was  hunting  them  from  place  to  place, 
when  he  received  an  order  from  'Azimu-sh-Shan  commanding  him 
to  stay  further  movements  till  tlie  prince  himself  should  arrive. 
Understanding  the  jealousy  which  prompted  this  order,  Zabardast 
Khan,  after  paying  his  respects  to  the  grandson  of  the  emperor,  with- 
drew from  Bengal  with  his  father.  The  prince,  left  to  himself,  after 
wasting  much  time  in  foolish  negotiation,  and  so  losing  an  envoy 
and  his  escort  through  treachery,  had  the  glory  of  seeing  an  Arab 
ofi&cer  throw  Eahim  Khan  from  his  horse  and  cut  oflp  his  head.  All 
that  was  left  for  'Azimu-sh-Sban  to  do  was  to  distribute  honours  to 
his  lieutenants  and  alms  to  the  poor,  and  thank  Grod  he  was  rid  of 
a  knave.2 

The  part  played  by  the  English  at  Calcutta  in  these  events  was 
subordinate,  but  not  unimportant.  On  the  23rd  December  1696, 
finding  that  the  rebels,  who  occupied  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river, 
were  growing  "  abusive,"  they  ordered  the  Diamond  to  ride  at  anchor  off 
Sutanuti  Point  and  keep  them  from  crossing  the  stream.  They  also 
had  lent  the  Thomas  to  the  governor  of  the  Thana  fort  to  lie  off  it  as  a 
guardship.  On  receiving  full  instructions  from  Madras,  they  set  to 
work  to  build  walls  and  bastions  round  their  factory,  and  in  January 
1697,  reported  that  they  were  employed  in  fortifying  themselves,  but 
wanted  proper  guns  for  the  points,  and  desired  the  people  at  Madras  to 
send  at  least  ten  guns  for  present  use.  At  the  beginning  of  April,  a 
neighbouring  rajah  secretly  deposited  the  sum  of  forty-eight  thousand 
rupees  with  the  agent  for  safe  custody,  and  a  week  or  two  afterwards 
the  late  governor  of  Hugli  honoured  Calcutta  with  a  visit.  In  May, 
learning  that  the  rebels  were  all  dispersed,  they  got  rid  of  the  band  of 
fifty  native  gunners  which  they  had  raised,  but  continued  building 
their  fort,  and  substituted  a  structure  of  brick  and  mud  for  the  old 
thatched   house  which    used    to   contain  the   Company's    stores    and 

'  Stewart's  Bengal,  p.  210. 

2  Ih.,  pp.  211,  213,  214,  215,  216,  217. 


150  GRANT   OF   THE   THREE    VILLAGES. 

provisions.  In  June  they  sent  Khojah  Sarhad,  an  influential 
Armenian  mercliant,  with  a  present  to  the  camp  of  Zabardast  Khan  to 
apply  for  help  against  interlopers,  and  to  ask  that  the  property  of  the 
English  at  Rajmahal  and  Malda,  which  had  been  recovered  from  the 
rebels,  should  be  restored  to  its  original  owners.^ 

These  negotiations  produced  very  little  result.  Zabardast  Khan 
refused  to  restore  any  of  the  goods,  and  the  English  had  to  turn  to 
'Azimu-sh-Shan.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  Khojah  Sarhad,^ 
together  with  Mr.  Stanley  and  Mr.  Walsh,  appeared  in  the  camp  of  the 
Prince  at  Burdwan  for  the  purpose  of  advocating  the  English  claims. 
Here  they  met  with  better  success.  'Azimu-sh-Shan  was  lazy  and 
covetous.  He  was  ready  to  concede  anything  for  a  sufficient  bribe. 
Accordingly,  in  July  1698,  for  the  sum  of  sixteen  thousand  rupees,  the 
English  procured  letters  patent  from  the  Prince  allowing  them  to  pur- 
chase from  the  existing  holders  the  right  of  renting  the  three  villages 
of  Calcutta,  Sutanati,  and  G-ovindpur.  The  grant,  after  some  delay  in 
order  that  it  might  be  countersigned  by  the  Treasurer,  was  carried  into 
execution,  and  the  security  of  Calcutta,  which  began  with  the  permission 
to -build  a  fort,  was  now  completely  assured,  to  the  great  satisfaction  and 
credit  of  Eyre,  under  whose  auspices  these  advantages  had  been  gained. 
Nearly  two  years  later  the  Prince  also  renewed  the  permission  which 
the  English  had  to  trade  free  of  custom,  but  at  that  time  Eyre  was  no 
longer  agent.  His  five  years  of  rule  came  to  an  end  on  the  1st  Febru- 
ary 1 699,  when  he  delivered  over  charge  to  John  Beard  and  departed 
for  England.^ 

'  Ghutanuttee  Diary  for  1696-7-     India  Office  Records. 

2  lb.,  1H96-7. 

^  Stewart's  Bengal,  p.  215. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE    EIVAL    COMPANIES, 


1698    TO    1700. 

The  Court  had  hardly  succeeded  in  overcoming  its  various  diffi- 
culties in  India  and  in  placing  the  trade  in  Bengal  upon  a  sure  footing, 
when  it  found  itself  called  upon  to  encounter  a  new  danger  in  the 
shape  of  a  rival  company.  For  years  had  they  contended  with  all 
their  might  and  by  every  means  in  their  power  against  interlopers. 
Before  the  revolution  they  had  invoked  the  authority  of  the  Crown ; 
after  the  accession  of  William  III.  they  applied  to  Parliament  to 
authorise  their  rights  and  privileges  by  a  special  Act.  But  for  various 
reasons  Parliament  demurred  to  their  requests.  Its  attention  was 
occupied  with  the  war  against  France.  It  wanted  to  raise  money  by  a 
Land  Bank.  The  Court,  therefore,  understanding  that  the  Government 
were  in  urgent  need  of  money  offered  to  advance  seven  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds,  at  four  per  cent,  interest  for  the  public  service,  provided 
that  their  Charter  should  be  confirmed  by  Act  of  Parliament,  and 
the  Indian  trade  legally  settled  on  them.  In  opposition  to  them,  a 
number  of  private  merchants  applied  to  Parliament  against  the  old 
Company's  monopoly,  and,  on  condition  that  they  should  have  the 
exclusive  trade  to  India  vested  in  them  without  being  obliged  to  trade 


152 


THE    RIVAL    COMPANIES. 


on  a  Joint  Stock,  proposed  to  advance  the  nation  no  less  than  two 
millions,  at  eight  per  cent,  interest.  The  larger  offer  carried  the  day. 
In  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  old  Company  an  Act  was  passed  by 
the  Legiblature  in  the  year  1698,  "  for  raising  a  sum  not  exceeding  two 
millions,  upon  a  fund,  for  payment  of  annuities  after  the  rate  of  eight 
pounds  per  cent.,  and  for  settling  the  trade  to  the  East  Indies."  ^ 
On  the  3rd  September  the  King,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
Act,  incorporated  the  subscribers  to  these  two  millions  by  a  Eoyal 
Charter  uuder  the  name  of  the  General  Society  trading  to  the  East 
Indies.^  Two  days  afterwards  it  became  necessary  to  incorporate  the 
majority  of  the  subscribers  by  another  charter  to  be  one  exclusive  com- 
pany trading  on  a  Joint  Stock  under  the  name  of  the  English  Com- 
pamj  trading  to  the  East  Indies.^  The  old  Company  were  now  obliged 
to  assume  a  less  popular  title,  and  henceforth  were  to  be  known  as  the 
London  Compamj.  They  were  to  be  allowed  to  trade  to  India  till  the 
29th  September  1701,  but  no  longer.*  But,  though  the  voice  of  au- 
thority had  thus  complacently  decided  the  speedy  extinction  of  the 
London  Company,  the  commercial  spirit  of  the  elder  association,  far 
from"  being  depressed,  was  actually  refreshed  and  invigorated.^  The 
puny  bantling  of  the  Parliament  was  only  kept  alive  with  the  greatest 
diflBculty.  Before  the  year  had  closed  the  English  Company  had 
quite  lost  confidence  in  their  own  speculation,  and  in  March  1699  they 
actually  proposed  a  coalition,  which,  however,  was  rejected  as  inad- 
missible by  the  London  Company.^  Disappointed  in  this  project,  as  a 
last  resort,  they  obtained  permission  from  the  King  to  send  Sir  William 
Norris  as  his  ambassador  to  the  Great  Mogul,  with  the  object,  it  would 
seem,  of  securing  for  themselves  the  favour  of  the  Indian  Government, 
or  at  any  rate  doing  what  they  could  to  ruin  their  rivals.'^ 

The  old  Company  was  accustomed  to  deal  with  Indian  princes 
through  commercial  agents.  Only  once  in  the  early  days  of  its  history 
had  it  made  use  of  the  services  of  a  royal  ambassador.  In  the  time  of 
James  I.,  Sir  Thomas  Eoe  had  spent  many  weary  years  at  the  Court 
of  Jahangir  trying  to  promote  and  safeguard  his  country's  interests, 
and  had  returned  disgusted  at  the  smallness  of  the  results  achieved. 

^  "Bruce  s  Annals,  III,  252  to  256. 

2  Ih.,  Ill,  257. 

3  lb.,  Ill,  258. 

*  lb.  Ill,  258. 

*  lb..  Ill,  266. 

*  lb..  Ill,  260. 
?  /fc.,  111,261. 


KORRIS   AT  THE   MOGUL   COUBT.  153 

"  I  had  words  enough,"  he  remarked,  "  but  such  delays  in  effect  that 
I  am  weary  of  flatteries  as  of  ill-usage."  ^  The  English  Company, 
however,  was  determined  to  avoid  what  it  considered  to  he  the  error 
of  the  other,  and  to  deal  with  Aurungzeb,  not  through  paltry  native 
attorneys,  but  through  the  dignified  medium  of  an  envoy  duly  accre- 
dited by  William  III. 

But  the  experiences  of  Norris  were  no  better  than  those  of  Sir 
Thomas  Roe:  rather  worse.  Arriving  on  the  east  coast  of  India  at 
the  end  of  1 699,^  he  spent  a  whole  year  fruitlessly  in  trying  to  make 
his  way  into  the  interior.^  In  December  1700,  he  reached  Surat 
from  Masulipatam,  and  by  means  of  large  bribes,  managed  to  secure 
a  public  entry  in  state.*  At  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,  on  the 
26th  January,  he  set  out  on  his  journey  to  the  Mogul's  camp  with  a 
retinue  of  sixty  Europeans  and  three  hundred  natives.  On  the  way 
he  passed  through  Burhanpur,  where  the  Imperial  vizier  was  staying, 
and  desired  to  pay  him  a  visit.  But  as  the  ambassador's  dignity 
would  not  allow  him  to  go  without  his  drums  and  trumpets,  and  the 
vizier's  dignity  would  not  allow  of  his  reception  with  these  ceremonies, 
the  meeting  never  took  place.^  In  April  he  reached  the  court,  and 
went  to  his  audience  with  Aurungzeb  in  a  procession  such  as  his  soul 
loved.  First  came  the  presents  duly  guarded,  big  carts  with  brass  artil- 
lery, small  carts  %sith  broadcloth,  glassware  and  horses.  These  were 
followed  by  a  varied  display  of  ambassadorial  pomp,  the  Union  Jack, 
red  flags,  white  flags,  and  blue  flags,  crests  and  coats  of  arms,  state  horses 
and  state  palanquins,  music,  trumpets,  and  kettle-drums,  servants, 
soldiers  and  officers.  Immediately  in  front  of  his  Excellency's  em- 
broidered palanquin  rode  his  Excellency's  master  of  the  horse,  carrying 
the  sword  of  state  pointed  up.  On  each  side  were  two  pages,  and 
behind  came  his  Excellency's  two  secretaries  and  his  Excellency's  trea- 
surer, wearing  a  golden  key.^  The  court  of  Aurungzeb  were  very  glad, 
indeed,  to  hear  of  the  rival  company  and  to  welcome  such  a  rare  bird  as 
a  royal  ambassador ;  and  having  in  their  usual  way  granted  him  all 
his  requests  and  fed  him  fat  with  vain  hopes,  they  proceeded  to 
pluck  his  feathers.     Just  as  the  Emperor  had  given  orders  to  make  out 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  III,  1/3. 

'  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  321. 

'  lb.,  ni,  345,  346,  374,  396  to  401. 

*  Ih.,  UI,  374,  375. 

»  Ih.,  ni,  404  to  406. 

»  Ih.,  Ill,  462  to  464. 


164  LITTLETON   ARRIVES  IN   THE   BAT. 

the  necessary  grants  and  patents,  diflSculties  arose  as  to  matters  of 
detail.  Officers  sprang  up  who  raised  objections  at  every  turn  and 
expected  to  be  bribed.  His  Excellency  now  awoke  to  the  fact  that  the 
king,  lords,  and  commons  of  England  were  held  very  cheap  in  India ; 
that  the  favours  of  the  Moguls  like  those  of  parliament,  would  go  to  the 
men  who  ofiPered  most;  and  that  as  there  were  two  companies  the  bid- 
ding was  expected  to  be  good.^  Out  of  funds  and  out  of  temper  the 
ambassador  left  the  Court  to  return  to  Surat,  but  was  some  months  placed 
by  the  vizier  under  arrest.  It  was  not  till  the  middle  of  1702  that  he 
could  set  sail  for  his  native  land,  which,  however,  he  was  never  to  see 
again.  The  unfortunate  man  was  seized  with  dysentery  while  on  the 
voyage,  and  died  at  St.  Helena.^ 

About  the  same  time  as  Sir  William  Norris  was  started  on  his 
bootless  errand  to  the  Mogul,  Sir  Edward  Littleton  was  sent  out  to  be 
the  New  Company's  president  and  agent  in  the  Bay.  The  members 
nominated  for  his  Council  were  Richard  Trenchfield,  Eobert  Hedges, 
and  Greorge  Gay.  Of  this  party  three  at  least  were  discharged  servants 
of  the  old  Company.  Littleton  himself  had  first  come  to  India  as  a 
factor  in  1671  and  had  been  dismissed  for  unfaithfulness  by  an  order 
of  the  Court  dated  25th  January  1682.'  And  now  rehabilitated, 
knighted,  and  armed  by  the  King  with  consular  powers,  he  arrived  in 
July,  1699,  at  Balasor,  from  whence  on  the  29th  he  despatched  to 
Agent  Beard,  and  the  Council  at  Calcutta,  a  letter  in  which  threats 
and  flattery  are  most  curiously  combined. 

"  The  Generall  herewith  to  your  Self  and  those  in  Councill  Employ 
or  Commission  with  you  is  not  in  the  least  from  any  disrespect  to  your 
Self,  for  whom  I  have  no  mean  esteem,  nor  to  any  of  the  rest  who 
are  known  to  mee  only  by  name  or  employ,  but  intirely  to  represent 
unto  you  the  true  state  of  the  case,  being  it  may  be  supposed  you 
have  not  had  any  full  account  thereof  from  your  employers  except  by 
the  Antelope^  this  affair  of  the  Consulship  being  transacted,  as  I  take 
it  chiefly  after  the  departure  of  your  Ships,  and  to  prevent  any 
unhappy  occurrence  which  might  otherwise  perhaps  succeed,  nor  is 
there  any  design  in  the  least,  therein  to  embarrasse  or  obstruct  the 
currency  of  your  affaires,  as  in  practice  you  will  find,  nor  create  any 
difference  between  us,  but  rather  a  firmer  and  stricter  Friendship  and 
correspondence,  and  will  certainly  prove  so  if  no  failure  on  your  part 

^  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  4G4  to  468. 

2  Ih  ,  III,  469  to  473. 

'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  206  . 


Littleton's  letter  to  beard.  155 

whicli  I  will  not  suspect.  I  must  confess  an  absolute  ignorance  of  your 
Employers'  orders  or  designes,  but  as  a  reall  firiend  I  do  take  upon  mee 
to  advise  you  that  -whereas  upon  the  arrivall  of  Ships  particular  there 
hath  been  frequently  applications  made  to  the  Government  against 
them,  and  odious  calumnies  cast  upon  them,  ■which  probably  may  have 
caus'd  recriminations,  and  have  all  tended  not  only  the  National 
prejudice,  but  even  to  [that  of]  Christianity  itself.  Wee  are  now 
oome  on  Parliamentary  Sanction,  the  greatest  Authority  our  Nation 
affords,  so  may  not  expect  any  Such  usage,  however  think  it  not  amiss 
that  you  are  warned  thereof  for  the  resentment  of  our  Employers  for 
Such  Actions  may  be  Such  as  may  cause  theend  to  prove  bitter,  and 
possibly  fatall  to  the  Actors,  nor  can  you  think  but  wee  shall  be  as 
vegorous  on  our  part  as  you  Shall  be  Yehement  on  yours  nor  will  our 
hands  wax  weaker  but  Stronger  Dayly. 

The  affaires  of  the  Durbar  with  respect  to  the  English  Interest 
will  center  in  the  Consull,  so  to  be  forebome  by  all  others,  also  all 
Passes  for  Ships,  so  that  you  will  do  well  to  let  Such  know  thereof 
least  they  bring  them  Selves  under  some  disappointment. 

You  must  needs  know  that  at  our  first  coming  wee  are  to  seek  for 
needful  things,  especially  SmaU  vessels  and  Pilots.  I  am  not  for 
withdrawing  any  Mens  Servants  against  their  Masters  consent,  but  yet 
rather  our  own  Countrymen  doe  reap  the  benefit  then  aUens.  So  that 
if  you  think  not  fit  to  Spare  any  your  Self  yet  it  may  not  be  imprudent 
not  to  hinder  any  others,  but  should  be  willing  thereto.  Know  not 
how  to  Speak  so  plain  in  this  matter  as  otherwise  I  might,  being-  a 
stranger  to  your  circumstances  and  directions,  but  am  well  assured 
nothing  will  be  done  of  service  to  our  Employers  by  any  persons,  but 
will  Surely  meet  with  very  gratefull  acceptance  and  remuneration. 

I  ad  not  more.  Let  not  what  is  offered  with  the  Right  hand  be 
received  with  the  left."  ^ 

Had  Sir  Edward  contented  himself  with  claiming  a  right  to  carry 
on  trade  in  Bengal  and  to  open  up  negotiations  with  the  Indian 
Government,  he  would  not  in  aU  probability  have  met  with  any  serious 
oppositicu  from  the  Calcutta  Council,  and  might  have  even  been 
allowed  to  use  the  pilots  and  other  necessaries  which  he  required. 
But  he  had  ordered  them  to  suspend  all  applications  to  the  Moo-ul  and 
forbear  issuing   passes  for  their   goods.     And   this   from  a  parvenu 


'  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  206,  207.     With  reference  to  the  concluding  sentence, 
I  may  note  that  in  India  it  is  insulting  to  offer  or  take  with  the  left  hand. 


156  LITTLETON   FEELS   AGGRIEVED. 

without  status  or  power  to  an  agent  of  long  experience  who  had  a 
defined  position  in  the  eyes  of  the  natives,  and  whose  authority  to 
exempt  his  Com  pany's  goods  from  all  duties  had  been  established  by 
a  special  imperial  decree  !  Beard  might  well  have  been  angry,  but  he 
replied  temperately,  firmly,  loyally.  He  had  his  duty  to  his  own 
masters.  He  should  defend  their  rights  and  character,  and  maintain 
their  privileges  which  had  been  granted  them  by  the  English  King 
and  the  Great  Mogul,  and  which  even  the  omnipotent  Parliament  had 
allowed  to  continue  till  1701.  The  Calcutta  Council  had  a  better 
position,  and  it  was  more  proper  for  them  to  manage  their  master's 
affairs  than  to  address  a  stranger  who  would  have  to  pay  for  his 
footing  before  he  could  do  anything.  Beard,  therefore,  refused  to 
recognise  the  authority  of  the  Consul  to  represent  or  control  the 
proceedings  of  the  London  Company,  and  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his 
requisitions.^  Sir  Edward  Littleton  being  thus  left  to  his  own  devices 
at  Hugli,  could  do  nothing  but  write  an  angry  letter  of  complaint 
to  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury.  The  old  company  would  take  no  notice 
of  His  Grracious  Majesty's  character  and  would  own  no  authority  but 
what  came  from  their  masters.  "  Upon  my  coming  up  to  this  place 
I  passed  by  their  chief e  factory,  and  having  His  Majesty's  flagg 
at  the  top  of  our  mast  they  were  soe  far  from  taking  notice  thereof 
in  the  least  that  tho'  it's  usual  for  them  to  spread  their  colours 
on  the  least  vessels  passing  by,  Yett  now  in  meere  affront  to  the 
Consular  dignity  they  not  only  forebore  to  spread  any  colours 
themselves,  but  prevented  all  shipps  of  English  there,  of  which  there 
were  diverse,  from  taking  any  notice  of  the  king's  flagg  always  usual 
heretofore,  and  they  having  at  that  time  a  servant  of  the  new  Company 
in  their  factory,  on  his  complaint  1  sent  two  of  my  company  to  demand 
his  liberty,  which  was  not  only  refused,  but  on  the  20th  September, 
being  three  days  after,  fixes  a  pestilent  paper  upon  the  gate  of  the 
factory  of  very  trayterous  import,^  a  true  copy  whereof  goes  herewith 
by  which  your  Highness  will  perceive  what  sort  of  subjects  the 
English  in  the  old  Companies  service  are,  and  his  Majesty  will  also 
see  how  much  his  authority  is  here  villified  by  those  to  whom  on  many 
accounts  he  had  been  exceeding  gracious,  even  to  admiration."  ^ 


1  ;g-edges   Diary,  II,  208.     Also  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  323,  324. 

2  It  enjoined  all  the  English  under  the  protection  of    the  Calcutta  Council 
to  refuse  obedience  to  any  order  of  Littleton. 

3  Sedges'  Diary,  II,  207,  208.    Also  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  349. 


SIR   CHARLES   BYKE's   SECOND    GOVERNMENT.  157 

The  weariness  with  which  we  follow  the  miserahle  details  of  the 
squabbles  between  the  agents  of  the  old  and  new  Companies  is  at  this 
time  relieved  by  a  comic  incident  in  the  history  of  Calcutta,  When 
Mr.  Charles  Eyre  returned  home  in  1699,  the  Court  seems  to  have  been 
much  impressed  with  the  value  of  his  services  and  with  the  impoii:ance 
of  the  rights  secured  by  the  Prince's  grant.  The  worthy  agent  was 
made  a  knight,  and  long  consultations  were  held  between  him  and  his 
honourable  masters  as  to  what  system  of  administration  should  be 
devised  to  suit  the  improved  state  of  their  possessions.  The  result  of 
these  deliberations  was  announced  with  great  solemnity  in  a  letter 
dated  20th  December  1699.  Beard  and  the  Council  at  Calcutta  were 
informed  that  Sir  Charles  Eyre  had  now  recovered  a  good  state  of 
health,  and  "  out  of  a  just  but  unusual  gratitude "  had  offered  his 
services  again  in  the  Bay.  Bengal  was,  therefore,  constituted  a  separate 
Presidency,  and  Sir  Charles  Ejre  its  first  President.  Besides  him 
there  were  to  be  four  members  of  Council;  namely,  John  Beard, 
second,  and  accountant;  Nathaniel  Halsey,  third,  and  warehouse- 
keeper;  Jonathan  White,  fourth,  and  purser  marine;  Ealph  Sheldon, 
fifth,  and  receiver  of  revenues.  The  President  was  empowered  to  fill 
up  vacancies,  subject  to  the  approbation  of  the  Court,  promotion  being 
by  seniority  ;  and  no  servant  was  to  be  dismissed  except  by  an  order 
of  the  Court.  Taxes  were  to  be  imposed  and  levied  at  Fort  William 
according  to  the  Madras  system.  Eyre  was  also  instructed  to  enlarge 
and  complete  the  fortifications  begun  in  1 696,  or,  if  he  thought  good, 
be  might  construct  a  new  fort  in  the  shape  of  a  pentagon.  If  that 
were  not  possible,  then  the  present  factory  was  to  be  made  strong, 
particularly  in  its  timbers.  At  the  angles  additional  buildings  like 
warehouses  were  to  be  erected  to  serve  as  bastions ;  the  windows  might 
be  used  as  loop-holes.  In  compliment  to  his  Majesty  the  fort  was  to 
be  called  Fort  William.  With  enhanced  dignity  Sir  Charles  Eyre 
arrived  in  Bengal  and  resumed  oflBce  on  the  26th  May  1700.  What 
steps  he  took  to  carry  out  his  commission  it  is  impossible  to  say 
owing  to  a  curious  hiatus  in  the  records.  But  it  seems  that  he  took 
little  interest  in  brick  fortresses,  whether  four-cornered  or  five-cornered, 
and  cared  only  for  the  three-cornered  fortress  of  a  lady's  heart.  He 
was  "  seized  with  a  strange  distemper,"  and  on  the  7th  January  1701 
started  for  Old  England,  where,  we  are  told,  he  "arrived  well,  after  a 
troubled  stormy  voyage,  to  his  fair  mistress  to  whom  he  was  more 
welcome  than  to  the  company,  who  at  first  hotly  resented  his  disap- 
pointing them    of  his   service,  but   it  soon  cooled  to  kindness,  having 


158  Littleton's  embarrassment. 

little  to  say  to  him.     Soon   after  which   he  married,  and   much   trans- 
ported in  the  sweet  embraces  of  his  mistress."  ^ 

Meanwhile  Littleton's  position  at  Hugli  was  becoming  extremely 
embarrassed.  His  authority  was  scouted  by  the  majority  of  the 
English  in  Bengal.  Two  of  his  council  as  well  as  a  number  of  young 
men  in  the  New  Company's  service  had  fallen  victims  to  the  climate. 
The  greater  portion  of  his  military  guard  had  died  or  deserted.  He 
had  no  pilots  acquainted  with  the  soundings  of  the  Ganges.  It  was  not 
till  the  20th  January  1700,  after  paying  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
to  the  Indian  Government,  that  he  was  permitted  to  trade,  and  even 
then  the  grant  was  only  for  a  time  and  had  to  be  renewed  at  a  ruinous 
cost.  In  vain  did  he  write  to  Norris,  urging  him  to  conclude  his  nego- 
tiations with  the  Mogul  and  procure  an  Imperial  rescript  without  delay. 
The  Embassy,  as  has  been  seen,  was  abortive,  and  no  rescript  ever 
came.2 

The  English  Company  had  had  its  day.  The  fortunes  of  the  elder 
Company  had  been  all  this  while  steadily  improving  at  home  and  abroad. 
It  had  been  continued  as  a  corporation  by  act  of  parliament  ^  in  1700  ; 
and  two  years  later  the  differences  between  it  and  the  new  creation 
were  settled  by  an  amicable  agreement  which  led  to  the  eventual  union 
of  the  two.* 

1  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  134  to  136.     Also  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  300  to  303. 

2  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  349,  399,  415  to  418. 
^  lb.,  Ill,  294.  422  to  426. 

*  nth  April  1702. 


CHAPTER  III. 


HOW  THE   ENGLISH   WOUND  UP  THE  SEPARATE  AFFAIRS   OF  THE 
RIVAL   COMPANIES. 

1701  TO  1703.     • 

The  man  who  played  the  chief  part  in  the  history  of  Calcutta 
during  the  first  three  or  four  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  was 
"  our  good  and  faithful  servant "  John  Beard.  Nominated  writer  on 
the  5th  October  1681,  he  accompanied  his  father  to  India  on  board  the 
Defence  with  Governor  Hedges.^  He  shared  the  perils  of  the  struggle 
between  the  English  and  the  Mogul,  and  was  one  of  the  Bengal  Council 
at  the  time  of  their  expulsion  ^  and  sojoum  at  Madras.  After  the 
foundation  of  Calcutta  he  sat  as  second  on  the  Council,  of  which 
Charles  Eyre  was  the  Chief.     It  seems  to  have  been  about  this  time 

*  He  arrired  in  India,  17th  July  1682. 

^  On  the  26th  November,  1688,  he  volunteered  to  serve  under  Heath  in 
the  attack  on  Balasor  (Long's  Notice,  p.  14). 


160  GOVERNOR   BEARD. 

he  married  his  wife  Mary,^  hy  whom  he  had  two  children,  Charles  and 
Elizabeth.  When  Eyre  went  home  for  the  first  time  in  1699, 
Beard  succeeded  to  the  Agency  in  Bengal ;  but  he  had  not  held  office 
for  fourteen  months,  when,  as  has  been  already  said,  he  was  superseded 
by  Eyre.  Many  men  would  have  refused  to  descend  to  the  second 
place  after  having  filled  the  highest  ;  but  Beard  on  this  occasion 
showed  his  common-sense  and  self-control  by  resolving  to  serve  on  under 
Eyre.  Accordingly,  when  seven  months  later  that  home-sick  lover 
hurried  off  to  England  on  the  plea  of  ill-health.  Beard  again  ruled  in 
Calcutta,  this  time  with  the  enlarged  powers  of  an  independent  President. 
During  his  first  government  Beard  had  had  to  deal  with  troubles 
caused  by  Sir  Edward  Littleton  and  his  lofty  pretensions,  which  he  had 
resisted  with  spirit  and  propriety ;  he  now  had  to  meet  a  series  of 
attacks  on  the  English  by  the  native  powers.^  For  many  years  past 
Aurangzeb  had  been  greatly  annoyed  by  the  depredations  of  pirates 
who  harassed  the  trade  of  the  eastern  seas  and  the  pilgrims  on  their 
way  from  Surat  to  Mecca.  He  had  often  suspected  that  the  English 
were  really  responsible  for  these  outrages  ;  and  when  he  found  the  old 
and  the  new  Companies  accusing  each  other  of  piracy,  his  suspicions 
seemed  to  be  confirmed.  At  any  rate,  he  determined  to  teach  them  a 
lesson.  At  the  end  of  the  year  1701,  a  proclamation  was  issued 
ordering  the  arrest  of  all  Europeans  in  India.  "Inasmuch  as  the 
English  and  other  Europeans,"  it  ran,  "  notwithstanding  that  they 
have  entered  into  a  contract  to  defend  our  subjects  from  piracies,  have 
seized  and  plundered  Musalman  ships,  therefore  we  have  written  to 
all  governors  and  dlicdns  that  all  manner  of  trade  be  interdicted 
with  those  nations  throughout  our  dominions,  and  that  you  seize  on 
all  their  effects,  wherever  they  can  be  found,  and  take  them  carefully 
in  your  possession,  sending  an  inventory  thereof  to  ua.  And  it  is 
likewise  further  ordered  that  you  confine  their  persons,  but  not  to  close 
imprisonment."  ^   In  consequence  of  these  orders,  Daud  Khan  blockaded 

*  The  maiden  name  of  Mrs.  Beard  is  uncertain.  Beard  is  called  the  brother 
of  John  Pitt,  Consul  at  Masulipatam.  It  appears  from  the  register  of  marriages 
and  burials  at  Madras  tbat  John  Pitt  married  twice-^on  the  5th  August  1686 
Elizabeth  Northey,  who  was  buried  on  the  7th  February  1689 ;  nnd  on  August 
16th  Sarah  Wavell.  A  copy  of  the  will  of  Sarah  Pitt  is  io  the  British  Museum 
(Egerton  MSS,,  1971),  from  which  it  seems  clear  that  she  was  not  in  any  way  » 
connected  with  John  Beard.  But  perhaps  Elizabeth  Northcy  was.  Tlie  Madras 
register  records  the  burial  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Ivory  on  the  2nd  December  170?. 
The  Pitt  correspondence  shows  that  this  Elizabeth  Ivory  was  probably  Beard's 
mother-in-law.     She  may  have  married  more  than  ones. 

2  Hedges  Diary,  II,  104,  105. 

»  Wheeler's  Madras  in  the  Olden  Time.     Edition  of  1882,  p.  210. 


beard's  vigorous  policy.  16l 

Madras  from  February  to  May  1702.  In  Bengal,  the  servants  of  the  old 
Company  at  Palna,  Rajmahal,  and  Cassimbazar  were,  in  February  1702, 
seized  with  all  their  effects.  On  the  30th  March  the  execution  of  the 
order  was  extended  to  aU  European  factories.  To  the  new  Company 
the  blow  was  severe.  They  had  neither  anticipated  it  nor  prepared  to 
meet  it.  At  one  stroke  they  lost  no  less  than  Ra.  62,000,  and  instant 
ruin  stare  I  them  in  the  face.  But  the  injury  done  to  the  old  Company 
was  not  great.  The  bulk  of  their  wealth  was  safe  in  Calcutta,  land  the 
native  government  soon  grew  tired  of  keeping  in  confinement  a  few 
English  merchants  from  whom  nothing  could  be  extorted.^ 

Beard  displayed  firmness  and  good  sense  all  through  these  troubles. 
He  knew  how  to  concihate  and  also  how  to  resist.  In  1700,  when 
the  governor  of  Hugli  had  threatened  to  send  a  judge  to  Calcutta 
to  administer  justice  amongst  the  natives  living  under  the  protection 
of  the  English  flag,  Beard  by  a  bribe  had  induced  'Azima-sh-Shan 
to  forbid  it.-  In  1702  the  Mogul  officer  ordered  the  Company's 
goods  at  Calcutta  to  be  seized.  But  Beard  had  now  made  additions 
to  Fort  William  strong  enough  to  ward  oflt  any  attack  made  by  a 
Bengali  power,  and  he  determined  that  if  he  was  to  spend  money 
he  would  rather  spend  it  in  powder  and  shot  than  "to  be  always 
giving  to  every  little  rascal"  who  thought  he  could  do  some  injury 
to  the  English.  He  mounted  additional  guns,  drafted  men  from  the 
ships  to  work  them,  and  so  raised  the  number  of  the  garrison  to  a 
hundred  and  twenty  men.^  This  show  of  resistance  daunted  the 
governor,  and  in  June  the  Prince  again  interfered  in  favour  of  the 
English.  Beard  had,  however,  to  repeat  his  lesson  later  on  in  the 
same  year.  A  present  of  five  thousand  rupees  given  to  the  governor 
to  allow  the  transit  of  the  Company's  goods  incited  him  to  make 
further  exorbitant  demands.  Beard  stopped  all  the  Mogul's  ships 
going  to  Surat  and  Persia  for  nine  days,  and  the  governor,  fearing 
to  offend  the  Emperor,  gave  way.  The  treasurer  was  treated  with  the 
same  spirit.  This  official  offered  to  sell  his  favours  for  twenty 
thousand  rupees,  an  offer  which  Beard  peremptorily  rejected.* 

This  was  the  last  opportimity  given  to  Beard  to  show  his 
mettle.  The  year  1703  was  mainly  occupied  in  making  arrangements 
for  duly  carrying  out  the  union  of  the  two  Companies.     A  member  of 

1  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  1C5.     Bruce's  Annals,  III,  506. 

^  Stewart's  Bengal,  218. 

3  Hedges  Diary,  II,  106,  107. 

*  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  444,  445,  508,  507. 


162  BEARD   IS   SUPERSEDED. 

Council  and  two  factors  of  eacli  Company  made  inventories  of  their 
respective  dead  stocks,  and  balanced  up  the  accounts.  To  prevent  any 
dispute  occurring  at  the  commencement  of  the  united  trade,  the  office 
of  President  was  to  he  temporarily  abolished.  Beard  and  Littleton  were 
to  be  placed  on  a  dignified  shelf,  and  directed  to  wind  up  their  masters' 
separate  afiairs,  while  the  business  of  the  united  trade  was  to  be  carried 
on  by  a  Council  of  the  four  senior  servants  of  each  Company.^ 

In  the  year  1704  these  arrangements  were  completed.  The  servants 
of  the  English  Company,  with  their  effects,  were  all  placed  in  security 
within  the  walls  of  Fort  WHliam,  and  Calcutta  rejoiced  in  the 
government  of  no  less  than  three  Councils.  In  the  first  place  there 
was  the  Council  for  the  management  of  the  separate  affairs  of  the  old 
London  Company,  at  the  head  of  which  was  John  Beard.  Then  there 
was  the  Council  for  the  separate  affairs  of  the  new  English  Company, 
which  left  Hugli  for  Calcuttta  in  May,  and  at  the  head  of  which 
was  Sir  Edward  Littleton.  And  lastly  there  was  the  JiJstablishment 
Council  for  the  management  of  all  the  United  Company's  affairs  in 
Bengal.  This  last  body  was  constituted  as  follows : — Mr.  Eobert 
Hedges  and  Mr.  Ealph  Sheldon,  cash  keepers;  Mr.  Winder,  store 
keeper,  Mr.  Russel,  export  warehouse  keeper  ;  Mr.  Nightingale, 
import  warehouse  keeper,  Mr.  Eedshaw,  charges  general  keeper, 
or  bakhshi;  Mr.  Bowcher,  zamindar,  to  collect  the  rents  and  keep 
the  three  native  towns  in  order;  and  Mr.  Battle,  secretary.  It 
•was  presided  over  in  alternate  weeks  by  Hedges  and  Sheldon, 
and  on  account  of  its  incessant  quarrels  and  disputes  soon  became 
the  laughing-stock  of  all  India.^  The  "  rotation  government," 
as  it  was  called,  came  into  power  on  the  Ist  of  February.  "At  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning,"  says  the  consultation  book  of  the  new 
Council,  "  being  the  time  appointed  by  President  Beard  to  deliver 
possession  of  the  garrison  and  dead  stock,  etc.,  to  us,  we  waited  on  him 
accordingly,  and  being  met  in  the  old  Company's  consultation  room, 
all  the  Company's  servants  and  the  free  inhabitants  of  Calcutta  being 
present.  President  Beard  wished  us  joy  of  our  new  trust.  But  his  long 
indisposition  having  weakened  and  disabled  him  from  speaking,  he 
desired  Mr.  Sheldon  to  make  a  public  declaration  that  in  pursuance  of 
the  order  from  the  Court  of  Committee,  and  in  conformity  to  the  Deed 
of  Union  and  Uuinquepartite  Indenture,  he  does  now  resign  the  fort  and 


'  Hedges  Diarp,  II,  105,  106,  208,  209. 
'  Summaries,  §§  13,  46. 


beard'b  last  illness  and  death.  163 

all  the  dead  stocks,  together  with  all  the  lands  and  privileges,  to  us,  the 
established  Council  for  the  management  of  all  the  United  Company's 
affairs  in  Bengal."  President  Beard  then  received  the  keys  of  the 
fort  from  the  Ensign,  the  chief  of  the  guard,  and  gave  them  to  the  new 
Council,  by  whom  they  were  given  back  again  to  the  Ensign  to  keep. 
After  the  ceremony  all  the  English  in  Calcutta  were  entertained  at  the 
expense  of  the  Council.  Then  all  the  members  of  the  Council  except 
two  proceeded  to  Hugli  to  take  possession  of  the  dead  stock  there.^ 

The  old  Company's  President  and  servants  were  forced  to  remove 
from  the  fort,  and  establish  themselves  in  hired  houses  in  the  town.^ 
Their  Council  day  was  altered  to  Tuesday  so  as  not  to  clash  with  the 
meetings  of  the  United  Trade  Council,  which  was  now  the  head  Council 
in  Calcutta.^  Poor  old  President  Beard  did  not  long  survive  the 
indignity  of  being  thus  a  second  time  superseded  in  the  government 
of  the  town  for  which  he  had  done  so  much.  His  bodily  infirmities 
steadily  increased.  At  the  end  of  the  year  he  determined  to  go  on  a 
voyage  to  Madras  for  the  benefit  of  his  health.*  Here  he  stayed 
during  the  first  six  months  of  1705  without  finding  any  alleviation. 
He  was  also  troubled  about  money  matters.  "  He  has  been  telling  me," 
writes  Pitt,  "  of  the  unkindness  of  the  eld  Company  in  refusing  their 
bills-  of -exchange,  and  has  requested  my  writing  in  his  behalf."  ^  Death, 
however,  soon  came  to  end  his  troubles.  On  the  7th  July,  as  the 
Madras  records  tell  us,  "  John  Beard,  Esq.,  President  for  the  old 
Company's  affairs  at  Bengal,  from  whence  he  came  sick,  and  has  ever 
since  continued  so,  did  this  afternoon  depart  this  life  at  St.  Thomas' 
Mount."  On  the  evening  of  the  loth  his  body  was  buried  at  Fort 
St.  George  by  the  Chaplain,  James  Wendey.  "  Grovemor  Pitt  and  the 
Council,  with  all  the  inhabitants  and  a  company  of  soldiers,  accompanied 
the  corpse  to  the  burying  place,  when  the  soldiers  fired  three  volleys, 
and  afterwards  forty  great  guns  were  discharged."  ^ 

It  is  sad  to  think  that  one  who  had  long  served  his  masters  with  so 
much  ability  and  loyalty  should  have  been  thus  cast  aiside  by  them 
when  no  longer  of  any  use,  and  left  to  die  amidst  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ments. But  the  end  of  his  rival  was  far  more  sad,  because  dishonour- 
able.     From  the  very  first  Littleton  seems   to  have  neglected   the 

*  Summaries,  §  47. 
«  lb.,  §§  19,  35. 

3  Ih.,  §  14. 

*  lb.,  §§  41,  133. 

*  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  106. 

*  See  Madras  Consultation  Books  and  the  Borial  Eegister  at  Madras. 

M    2 


164  THE    LAST   DAYS   OF    SIR    E.    LITTLETON. 

Company's  business,  and  before  long  he  stooped  to  dishonesty.  He  kept 
back  the  accounts  of  his  transactions  in  order  to  conceal  their  nature, 
and  invested  a  considerable  amount  of  the  Company's  capital  in  specu- 
lations of  his  own  by  means  of  advances  made  nominally  to  natives 
who  were  really  his  own  creatures  and  agents.  His  unfaithful  manager 
ment  aroused  the  suspicions  of  his  colleagues,  amongst  whom  was 
Eobert  Hedges,  formerly  in  the  employ  of  the  old  Company  in  the 
time  of  his  uncle,  Sir  William,  but  now  serving  the  new  Company  as 
second  in  the  council  at  Hugli.  In  April  1702,  Hedges,  with  the 
help  of  Winder,  the  third  in  the  Council,  made  efforts  to  restore  order 
and  put  an  end  to  the  growing  defalcations.^  But  in  the  end  Littleton 
wore  out  the  patience  both  of  his  Council  and  of  his  employers,  from 
whom  his  proceedings  could  not  be  kept  secret.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1704,  the  Court  \vrote  secretly  to  Hedges  and  the  rest  of  the 
Council,  directing  tbem  to  "use  all  fair  means  imaginable  to  induce 
Sir  Edward  Littleton  to  come  to  a  just  accommodation  of  their  affairs 
transacted  by  him."  They  were  not  for  putting  any  real  hardship  on 
him  or  having  any  public  difference  with  him,  but  they  aimed  at  a  just 
and  true  account  of  their  own.  If,  however,  Sir  Edward  should  kick  at 
these  measures  and  obstruct  their  proceedings,  they  were  to  produce  the 
enclosed  letter  marked  "  A,"  by  which  Littleton's  commissjon  was 
revoked  and  annulled,  and  his  authority  taken  from  him.^  These 
instructions  reached  Hedges  and  his  colleagues  in  the  middle  of  1704 
when  they  had  removed  to  Calcutta,  and  as  members  of  the  Council 
of  eight  were  engaged  in  the  business  of  the  united  trade.  Their 
interest  in  the  afiairs  of  the  defunct  English  Company  was  on  the 
wane,  and  Hedges  in  particular  was  unwilling  to  deprive  its  chief  of 
the  empty  name  of  President,  for  he  knew  if  he  did  so  he  would  be 
pushed  into  Littleton's  place  and  would  lose  his  seat  in  the  United 
Council  over  which  he  now  presided  on  alternate  weeks.  Thoy  therefore 
gladly  caught  at  the  repeated  cautions  given  in  the  letter  to  act  gently 
and  avoid  a  scandal,  and  at  the  fact  that  Sir  Edward  had  no  visible 
effects  to  discharge  his  liabilities,  and  resolved  on  these  grounds  to 
suspend  action  and  await  further  orders.^  Next  year  all  pretext  of 
delay  was  taken  from  them.  Peremptory  orders  were  given  to 
produce  letter  "  A,"  Littleton  was  stripped  of  his  powers,  and  the 
consequence  was  that  Hedges  lost  his  seat  on  the  United  Council  and 

1  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  217. 

2  lb.,  II,  213. 
8  Jb.,  II,  216. 


Littleton's  death.  165 

had  to  content  himself  with  the  otium  cum  dignitate  of  President  of 
the  Council  for  the  separate  affairs  of  the  English  Company.^  The 
disgraced  man,  soured  in  his  mind,  isolated  and  hopelessly  involved  in 
his  circumstances,  was  left  to  drag  out  a  miserable  existence  in  Calcatta, 
writing  scurrilous  letters,  and  heaping  up  ribald  abuse  upon  those  whom 
he  regarded  as  the  authors  of  his  ruin.  He  died  suddenly  on  24th 
October  1707,  after  five  days  illness,  of  fever,  without  having  done  any- 
thing to  arrange  his  affairs.  In  the  famous  award  of  Lord  Godolphin 
the  name  of  the  unhappy  Sir  Edward  Littleton  "  was  dishonourably 
enshrined,  as  his  debt  of  Es.  80,437-8  due  to  the  Company  he  served 
was  adjudged  to  remain  to  the  English  Company  on  their  Additional 
Stock,  and  not  to  be  added  to  their  United  Stock  as  a  debt  in  the  East 
Indies."  2 

^  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  215. 

°  lb.,  II,  218  to  222 ;  and  Summaries,  §§  219,  222,  279. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  EAELT   DAYS  OF  THE   ROTATION  GOVERNMENT  AND   ITS  EFFORTS  TO  COME 
TO   TERMS   WITH   THE    LOCAL    RULERS. 

1704    TO    1707. 

The  clearest  account  of  situation  and  prospects  of  the  Rotation 
Government  on  assuming  office  is  to  be  found  in  tlie  letters  despatched 
by  Beard  to  his  masters  in  the  year  1702.  In  these  a  strong  contrast 
is  drawn  between  the  position  of  the  old  Company  and  that  of  the  new. 
The  one  had  received  Imperial  patents  exempting  it  from  all  imports, 
and  allowing  it  to  issue  passes  for  the  free  transport  of  its  goods.  The 
other  had  no  such  privileges,  but  was  under  a  security  bond  to  pay 
customs,  and  already  owed  three  years'  payment.  In  which  position 
would  the  United  Company  stand  ?  No  doubt  it  would  claim  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  the  London  merchants ;  but  would  these 
privileges  be  conceded  ?  Might  not  the  Mogul  choose  to  regard  it  as 
the  successor  of  the  recent  establishment  and  hold  it  responsible  for  the 
English  Company's  debts  ?  Or,  at  any  rate,  might  he  not  very  well 
Tiemand  that  it  should  take  out  fresh  patents  at  the  cost  of  further 
donations  to  the  Imperial  exchequer  and  the  local  officers  ?  The  position 
of  the  English  had  been  seriously  imperDled  by  the  rivalry  of  tho 
two  Companies,  and  Beard  was  sure  that  the  opportunity  new  afiorded 


168  THE  MOGUL  GOVERNMENT  OF  BENGAL. 

to  the  Mogul  Government  to  squeeze  more  money  out  of  them  was  far 
too  good  to  be  missed.  He  foresaw  years  of  tedious  negotiation,  and  he 
advised  his  masters  to  put  little  faith  in  Eastern  diplomacy.  If  they 
wished  to  gain  any  substantial  advantages,  they  must  have  recourse  to 
stronger  measures.  Bitter  experience  had  stamped  this  lesson  on  his 
mind ;  that  in  dealing  with  an  Indian  government  *'  force  and  a  strong 
fortification  were  better  than  an  ambassador."  ^ 

In  February  1703  Governor  Pitt  wrote  from  Madras  to  the  Court 
at  home  in  much  the  same  strain  about  the  Mogul  officials :— "  You  will 
see  they  have  a  great  mind  to  quarrel  with  us  again,  and  it  is  most 
certain  that  the  Moors  will  never  let  your  trade  run  on  quietly,  as 
formerly,  till  they  are  well  beaten.  Besides,  your  having  suffered  your 
servants  to  be  treated  after  that  most  ignominious  manner  at  Surat  for 
many  years  past  has  encouraged  them  to  attempt  the  like  in  all  your 
settlements,  and  I  hear  in  Bengal  that  they  chaichuck  Englishmen  in 
their  public  darhars^  which  formerly  they  never  presumed  to  do,  and  the 
junkaneers  all  over  the  country  are  very  insolent ;  only  those  within  our 
reach  I  keep  in  pretty  good  order  by  now  and  then  giving  them  a 
pretty  good  banging."  ^ 

These  views  were  to  a  great  extent  justified  by  the  events  of  the  next 
few  years.  During  the  whole  of  its  term  of  office  the  Rotation  Govern- 
ment were  harassed  with  arbitrary  attempts  to  impede  their  trade. 
Sometimes  their  petre  boats  were  stopped  by  a  petty  landholder  or  an 
impudent  customs  officer.  At  another  time  their  goods  and  servants 
were  seized  by  an  extortionate  governor.  Constant  efforts  were  made  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  Mogul,  efforts  which  were  as  constantly  frustrated, 
owing  to  the  mistakes  of  the  English  agents,  the  rivalry  of  other 
European  nations,  and  the  changes  which  were  constantly  taking  place 
in  the  opinions  and  personnel  of  the  native  rulers. 

The  government  of  Bengal  at  this  period  recalls  the  methods  of  the 
Boman  emperors.  Just  as  Augustus  took  care  to  assign  to  each 
province  a  procurator  of  the  imperial  revenue  to  be  a  check  on  the  legate 
who  was  entrusted  with  the  administration,  so  in  the  rich  provinces  of 
Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa,  the  jealousy  of  Aurangzeb  had  placed  side 
by  side  with  the  imperial  governor  an  imperial  treasurer,  Murshid 
Q,uli  E-han.  While  the  indolent  Prince  'AzImu-sh-Shan  was  turning  his 
attention  more  and  more  away  from  his  government  to  the  future  of  the 


1  Bruce's  Annals,  III,  507  to  509. 

2  Hedges'  Diary,  II T,  80. 


THE   EOTATION   GOVERNMENT  'IN   CALCUTTA.  169 

Mogul  succession,  his  more  active  colleague,  who  was  originally  entrusted 
with  nothing  but  the  collection  of  the  revenue,  was  gradually  gathering 
into  his  own  hands  all  the  powers  of  the  state. 

It  was  to  Murshid  Quli  Khan  that  the  Eotation  Government 
addressed  themselves  with  a  view  to  securing  letters  patent,  or  at 
least  an  order  extending  to  them  the  immunity  from  imposts  pre- 
viously enjoyed  by  the  old  Company.  Such  an  order,  though  not  at 
this  time  absolutely  indispensable  to  the  English  in  Bengal,  was 
certainly  very  desirable.  Fort  WUliam  was,  as  a  military  work, 
useless,  and  its  garrison  of  one  or  two  hundred  men  was  chiefly 
employed  in  protecting  the  Company's  boats  on  their  way  down  from 
Patna,  and  in  forcing  a  passage  for  them  when  their  progress  was 
stopped.  It  is  true  that,  as  long  as  they  held  command  of  the  sea, 
the  position  of  Calcutta  was  secure,  that  they  could  always  threaten 
a  refractory  Indian  government  with  the  seizure  of  its  ships,  and 
that  both  the  Mogul  and  its  officers  were  well  aware  of  the  advan- 
tages which  the  empire  derived  from  foreign  trade.  Still  in  the 
disputes  which  constantly  occurred  with  obstructors,  it  was  as  well 
to  be  able  to  appeal  not  merely  to  force  or  to  interest,  but  also  to  law. 

In  1703  the  English  merchants  had,  as  usual,  been  much  annoyed 
by  the  interruption  and  disturbance  which  they  experienced  at  the  hands 
of  petty  officers  and  local  land-holders.  They  had  also  failed  to  con- 
vince Murshid  Quli  Khan  that  the  London  Company  by  any  other 
name  might  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  before.  The  Bengali  ao-ents 
whom  they  employed  to  represent  them  at  the  local  courts  had  only 
spent  money  to  no  purpose,  and  in  the  end  had  all  been  withdrawn. 
Their  employers  had  been  compelled  to  make  to  the  imperial  treasury 
two  separate  contributions  of  three  thousand  rupees.  Without  payment 
of  a  large  sum  of  money  the  Indian  Government  refused  to  recognise 
the  fusion  of  the  two  companies  or  to  admit  the  lawfulness  of  the 
succession.  When  the  Rotation  Government  assumed  office  on  the  1st 
February  1704,  it  was  stiU  unrecognised  and  unrepresented — the  bastard 
offspring  of  an  illegitimate  union.  The  Council  were  therefore  not 
unnaturally  "  apprehensive  of  troubles  with  the  government,"  and  for 
more  than  a  month  did  not  venture  to  issue  passes  for  the  free  transit  of 
merchandise  in  their  own  name.^ 

On  the  13th  March,  however,  they  agreed  to  use  their  own  seal, 
a  very  practical  assertion  of  the  rights  they  claimed  to  have  inherited 

'  Summaries,  §  48,  59. 


170  FUTILE    NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   MURSHID    QULT. 

from  their  predecessors.^  At  the  same  time,  in  consequence  of  orders 
received  from  the  prince  at  Rajmahal,  they  determined  to  renew  their 
negotiations.2  On  the  27th  March  an  agent  named  Ram  Chandra  was 
sent  to  the  governor  of  Hugli,^  and  on  the  14th  Jime,  Eajaram,  an  old 
diplomatic  hand,  was  appointed  their  representative  to  go  southwards 
through  Midnapore  to  Balasor  and  meet  the  treasurer  on  his  way- 
back  from  Orissa.  In  their  instructions  to  Rajaram  the  Council 
were  careful  to  define  their  position.  "  Tell  Murshid  Quli,"  they  said, 
"that  the  Companies  have  amalgamated,  and  that  we  expect  that  a 
new  head  will  shortly  be  appointed.  We  are  now  one  Company  with 
one  factory,  and  we  shall  therefore,  according  to  agreement,  make  but 
a  single  annual  payment  of  Rs.  3,000.  As  for  the  Rs.  15,000  which 
he  demands  for  the  release  of  our  trade,  we  refuse  to  pay  it  at  all. 
Our  trade  should  never  have  been  hindered."  "* 

Then  followed  the  higgling  and  hukstering  which  regularly  charac- 
terises Indian  negotiations,  both  great  and  small.  The  governor  of 
Hugli  requested  that  an  Englishman  might  be  deputed  to  visit  him, 
and  that  presents  should  be  made  to  himself  and  the  officers  of  his 
Court.  The  Calcutta  Council  complied  with  his  requests,  and  was  in 
consequence  asked  to  give  more.^  On  the  other  hand,  the  treasurer  who 
had  received  no  less  than  Rs.  30,000  from  the  Dutch,  scorned  to  take 
a  paltry  present  of  goods  from  the  English,  demanded  hard  cash, 
and  was  not  to  be  satisfied  with  Rs.  15,000  or  even  Rs.  20,000.^  At 
the  beginning  of  1707  he  consented  for  the  sum  of  Rs.  25,000  to  give 
an  order  to  the  English  for  free  trade.  By  the  end  of  January,  Bugden 
and  Feake,  under  an  escort  of  Mogul  troops,  left  Calcutta  for  Cassimbazar, 
taking  with  them  everything  necessary  to  renew  the  trade  there,  and 
also  money  enough  to  pay  for  the  order.''  But  before  the  necessary 
arrangements  could  be  completed,  when  the  party  had  been  only  a  few 
weeks  in  Cassimbazar,  tidings  reached  Bengal  which  completely  altered 
the  situation,  and  they  were  ofdered  to  come  down  at  once  to  Calcutta, 
bringing  all  the  Company's  effects  with  them,  including  the  rupees 
provided  for  Mushid  Uuli  Ehan.^ 


^  Summaries,  §  62. 

2  lb.,  §  65. 

3  Ih.,  §  70. 
"  lb.,  §  95. 

*  lb.,  §  93,  117,  119, 126. 

"  Ib„  §  125. 

7  lb.,  §§  189,  192. 

«  lb.  §  197,  199. 


DEATH   OF    AURANGZEB.  171 

In  his  camp,  beneath  the  walls  of  the  city  of  Ahmadnagar,  from 
whence  in  1684  he  had  gone  forth  at  the  head  of  a  mighty  host,  bent  on 
the  conquest  of  the  South,  Aurangzeb  had,  for  some  time  past,  lain  dying. 
For  many  days  he  continued  to  give  public  audience  and  administered 
justice,  but  death  was  clearly  stamped  upon  bis  face.  The  aged 
Emperor  had  fought  his  last  battle,  and  yet  the  mountain  rats  were  at 
large  and  the  South  was  imsubdued.  He  had  failed.  He  was  dying. 
He  knew  it,  and  knew  that  he  must  die  alone.  His  eldest  living  son, 
Shah  'Alam,  was  far  away  in  Cabul.  He  now  resolutely  ordered  the 
two  remaining  sons  to  depart.  Kam  Bakhsb,  the  younger  and  best 
beloved,  was  sent  to  Bijapur ;  A'zam  was  dismissed  to  Malva.^  Then  all 
the  horror  of  remorse  and  despair  settled  upon  that  lonely  soul.  It 
might  have  seemed  that  the  integrity  of  his  fifty  years  of  rule  had 
atoned,  and  more  than  atoned,  for  the  means  by  which  he  had  gained  his 
throne.  But  Aurangzeb  was  a  puritan  whose  stern  sense  of  justice  could 
allow  no  such  plea.  Even  his  best  acts  now  seemed  to  hiTn  of  no  value ; 
what  then  was  he  to  think  of  his  worst  ?  His  gloomy  creed  left  him 
no  hope.  At  times  utter  despair  broke  down  the  barrier  of  his 
stoic  self-control,  and  he  poured  forth  in  letters  to  his  sons  the  whole 
anguish  of  his  heart.  "  Many  were  around  me  when  I  was  bom,  but 
now  I  am  going  alone.  What  am  I,  or  why  came  I  into  the  world  ? 
I  cannot  teU.  I  bewail  the  moments  which  I  have  spent  forgetfiil  of 
God's  worship.  I  have  not  done  well  by  the  eoimtry  or  its  people. 
My  years  have  gone  by  profitless.  God  has  been  in  my  heart,  yet  my 
darkened  eyes  have  not  seen  His  glorious  light.  The  army  is  confound- 
ed and  without  heart  or  help,  even  as  I  am,  apart  from  God,  with  no 
rest  for  the  heart.  Nothing  brought  I  into  this  world,  but  I  carry 
away  with  me  the  burthen  of  my  sins.  Though  my  trust  is  in  the 
mercy  and  goodness  of  God,  yet  I  fear  to  think  of  what  I  have  done. 
Without  hope  in  myself,  how  can  I  hope  in  others  ?   Come  what  may,  I 

have  launched  my  barque  upon  the  waters Farewell!  Farewell! 

Farewell!  "2 

On  the  4th  March  1707,  after  saying  the  morning  prayer  and 
repeating  the  creed,  Aurangzeb  was  suddenly  called  to  his  rest.  "  Oh ! 
that  my  death  may  he  on  a  Friday,"  he  had  often  exclaimed ;  and  his 
wish  was  granted.^     His  simple  burial  was  also  in  accordance  with  his 


J  Khafi  Khan    ia   Elliot's  EAstory  of  India,   edition  of   1877,   Vol.   VU, 
pp.  384  to  386. 

2  Scott's  Dekkan,  Vol.  II,  Pt  IV,  p.  8,  edition  of  1794. 

3  Iradat  Khan  in  Scott's  Dekkan,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  IV,  p.  10. 


172  THE   RACE  FOB   EMPIRE. 

express  command:  "Carry  this  creature  of  dust  to  the  nearest  spot. 
There  commit  him  to  the  earth  with  no  useless  coflSn."  ^ 

Prince  A'zam  was  only  forty  miles  distant  from  the  court  when  he 
received  the  news  of  his  father's  death,  and  hastened  back  without  a 
moment's  delay.  He  at  once  laid  claim  to  the  empire.  Most  men  had 
thought  him  "  fit  to  rule,  had  he  not  ruled. "  But  like  Galba  he  forfeited 
all  esteem  and  all  sympathy  before  he  was  fairly  seated  on  the  throne. 
He  slighted  the  nobles,  he  harassed  the  soldiers  with  foolish  orders, 
he  disgusted  all  alike  by  his  parsimony.  With  overweening  confidence 
in  himself,  he  put  no  trust  in  any  other  human  being,  not  even  in  his 
own  son.  Prince  Bedar  Bakht.  "  In  short,"  says  the  historian,  "I  cannot 
enumerate  all  the  ill  omens  to  the  fortune  of  A'zam  Shah  which  proved 
that  the  will  of  Providence  had  decreed  that  the  kingdom  should  be 
given  to  his  brother.  He  who  prideth  himself  is  lost.  When  the  will 
of  God  hath  decreed  an  event,  all  things  work  together  to  bring  it 
to  pass."  ^ 

Very  different  was  the  conduct  of  Shah  'A lam  at  this  trying 
juncture.  Eelying  on  the  help  of  his  two  sons,  Mu'izu-d-Din  and  'Azlmu- 
eh-Shan,  and  above  all  on  the  help  of  his  able  lieutenant  Mun'im  Khan, 
he  made  a  bold  push  for  the  throne.  On  the  10th  March,  two  days 
after  he  had  received  the  news  of  his  father's  death,  he  set  out  for 
Peshaur,  and  by  April  he  was  at  Lahore.  Here  he  paused  for  a  short 
while  to  organise  his  party,  and  then  pressing  onwards  in  time  to 
secure  Delhi  and  Agra,  joined  'Azimu-eh-Shan,  who  had  come  up  with 
twenty  thousand  horse  from  Bengal.^ 

The  contest  for  the  empire  of  India  was  now  practically  decided. 
The  race  had  been  won  by  the  elder  brother.  Shah  'Alam  had  shown 
himself  superior  to  A'zam  in  prudence,  in  ability,  and  in  resources ;  he 
was  now  to  show  himself  superior  in  generosity.  He  offered  to  divide 
the  empire  with  the  defeated  competitor,  but  A'zam  disdained  a  compro- 
mise. His  answer  was  a  line  from  Sa'di :  "  Though  ten  dervishes  can 
sleep  under  the  same  blanket,  one  country  cannot  hold  two  kings."  He 
had  already  passed  Gualior,  where  he  had  left  Asad  Khan  in  charge  of 
the  ladies  of  his  court.  He  crossed  the  Chambal,  and  marched  upon  Agra. 
The  direction  of  the  main  body  of  his  army  was  retained  in  his  own  hands, 
but  Prince  Bedar  Bakht  was  allowed  to  command  the  right  of  the 
advanced  guard,  while  Zti-l-fikar  Khan  led  the  left.^ 


^  See  also  Stanley  Lane-Poole's  Aurangzib,  p.  204. 

2  Iradat  Khan  in  Scott's  BeJcJcan,  pp.  11, 12. 

3  K-hafi  Khan  in  Elliot's  IBstory,  VII,  .S92,  393. 
*  lb.,  896,  897. 


THE   BATTLB   OF   jiJU.  173 

On  the  moming  of  the  lOth  June  1707,  the  two  armies  were  only 
a  few  miles  distant  from  each  other.  Ignorant  of  the  nearness  of  his 
brother,  Shah  'xllam  had  ordered  an  advance  of  his  whole  army  son'^- 
wards,  and  had  sent  on  his  own  tents  under  a  small  escort  commanded 
by  Rustam  'Ali  Khan.  With  stiU  greater  negligence  the  ill- paid,  ill- 
disciplined  troops  of  A'zam  were  toiling  over  the  hot  plains  toward 
Agra.  The  van,  imder  Prince  Bedar  Bakht,  was  some  miles  in  advance 
of  the  main  body,  and  Zu-1-fikar  Khan,  inclining  far  to  the  left,  was 
almost  out  of  sight,  when  he  suddenly  came  upon  Eustam  'AlJ:,KhSn. 
The  escort  was  routed  and  fled,  leaving  their  commander  with  the  tents 
and  the  artillery  in  the  hands  of  Zu-l-fikar.  Both  sides  were  now 
aware  of  their  proximity,  and  prepared  for  the  battle  of  Jajti.^ 

It  was  close  upon  the  summer  solstice.  The  Indian  sun  put  forth 
the  full  measure  of  his  strength.  Sky  and  earth  were  burning  hot.^ 
Whirling  sands  enveloped  the  combatants,  who  could  keep  themselves 
from  fainting  only  by  opening  their  armour  and  pouring  skins  of 
water  over  their  naked  bodies.^  On  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the 
enemy  A'zam  started,  as  if  stung  by  a  scorpion.  His  eyes  rolled,  his 
face  was  distorted  with  passion  as  he  pulled  up  the  sleeves  of  bis  dress 
and  called  frantically  for  his  war  elephant.  It  was  brought  to  him. 
Standing  erect  upon  his  moving  throne,  and  twirling  a  short,  crooked 
Btafi  round  his  head,  the  madman  hurried  forward  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  and  thrust  himself  into  the  gap  between  the  two  wings  of  the 
advanced  guard.^  Before  him  was  nothing  but  vast  clouds  of  dust  • 
but  soon  the  clouds  opened,  and  under  cover  of  a  heavy  cannonade 
two  columns  of  attack  were  pushed  forward  till  they  were  about  three 
hundred  yards  off.  At  this  short  distance  they  poured  a  most 
destructive  fire  into  the  tightly  compressed  masses  of  A'zam's  troops 
who  found  themselves  unable  to  deploy  or  make  any  effective  resistance 
The  winds  in  their  courses  fought  against  the  southern  army,  bio  wing- 
strongly  in  their  faces,  so  that  while  their  arrows  and  rockets  feU  short 
every  shot  fired  by  Shah  'Alam's  troops  took  effect.^  The  Eajput 
chieftains  fell;  their  followers  began  to  disperse;  and  Zu-I-fikar 
Khan,  who  cared  very  little  about  the  success  of  A"zam,  declared  that 
it  was  time  to  retire  from  the  contest.     This  advice  only  made  his 


>  Iradat  Khan  in  Scott's  Dekkan,  II,  Pt.  IV,  p.  31. 

=*  lb.,  30. 

'  Ih.,  36. 

*  Ih.,  34,  35. 

'  lb.,  36,  37.     Also  Khafi  Khan  in  Elliot's  Ristfyry,  YII,  p.  393^ 


174  DEATH   OF    PRINCE   a'zAM. 

master  more  furious:  "Go  with  your  bravery,"  he  shrieked;  "save 
your  life  wherever  you  can.  I  cannot  leave  this  field.  For  princes 
it  is  either  throne  or  tomb."  ^ 

Zu-1-fikar  accordingly  withdrew  towards  Gualior,  and  left  the  ill- 
fated  prince  with  two  or  three  hundred  men  to  fight  to  the  last. 
One  by  one  they  were  shot  or  cut  down,  the  gallant  young  Bedar 
Bakht  and  his  brother,  the  Sufawi  Khan,  and  all  the  great  officers  of 
the  household.  A  whirl  of  sand  blew  in  the  face  of  A'zam,  and  from 
it  issued  Mun'im  Khan  with  a  picked  band  of  men.  "It  is  God," 
cried  the  wretched  prince,  "not  men  that  are  against  me."  His 
elephant,  pierced  with  wounds  and  deserted  by  its  drivers,  became 
unmanageable ;  he  stood  up  to  direct  it,  when  an  arrow  struck  him 
in  the  forehead,  and  he  fell  back  dead.  Seeing  this,  the  prisoner 
Rustam  'All  climbed  up  the  elephant,  cut  off  the  dead  man's  head, 
and  hastened  to  lay  it  at  the  feet  of  the  conqueror.  Shah  'Alam 
turned  with  horror  from  the  ruffian  and  burst  into  tears.^ 

But  the  fight  for  the  empire,  of  India  was  not  quite  over,  Kam 
Bakhsh  still  remained  to  be  dealt  with.  Though  at  Calcutta  people 
seem  to  have  thought  seriously  of  this  young  man,  it  was  not  supposed 
at  Delhi  that  he  would  be  able  to  offer  any  real  opposition.^  He  had 
already  been  weighed  in  the  balances  and  found  wanting.  Sent  by 
Aurangzeb  to  govern  Bijapur,  he  had  in  a  short  time  made  himself 
infamous  by  his  treacherous  and  bloodthirsty  proceedings.  The  chief 
men  of  the  south  left  him  and  returned  to  their  lands,  while  his  army 
dwindled  away.* 

In  1708  Shah  'Alam  arrived  at  Aurangabad.  He  was  unwilling 
to  proceed  to  extremities,  and  before  advancing  to  Haidarabad,  where 
Kam  Bakhsh  was  encamped,  he  wrote  offering  terms:  "Our  father 
assigned  you  the  government  of  Bijapur:  we  give  you  in  addition  Hai- 
darabad, and  will  esteem  you  dearer  than  our  children.  Spare  the  blood 
of  the  true  believers,  and  let  there  be  peace."  ^  Kindness,  however, 
only  provoked  the  foolish  fellow  to  greater  insolence  and  extravagance. 
As  Shah  'Alam  drew  near  to  Haidarabad,  all  Kam  Baksh's  troops 
deserted  except  a  few  thousand  of  the  sorriest  troops  and  a  small  corps 
of  artillery.    Yet  he   must  needs  sally  forth  from  the  city  to  give 


»  Khafi  Khan  in  Elliot's  History,  VII,  398,  399. 

2  Iradat  Khan  in  Scott's  Dehkan,  pp.  38,  39. 

3  lb.,  53. 

*  lb.,  50,  51. 
«  lb.,U. 


DEATH    OF    KAM   BAKHSH.  175 

battle.  l?he  lying  prophets  who  surrounded  him  had  said,  "  Go  up 
and  prosper  !  "  and  he  preferred  their  smooth  sayings  to  the  warnings 
of  those  who  could  already  see  his  forces  scattered  upon  the  hilk  as 
sheep  without  a  shepherd.^  In  spite  of  the  reluctance  of  Shah  'Alam, 
another  fractricidal  battle  was  fought.  Kam  Bakhsh  with  his  two 
sons  was  seized  and  carried  to  the  oratory  close  to  the  imperial  tent.  He 
was  desperately  wounded.  In  the  evening  his  brother  came*  and  sat 
beside  him,  covered  him  with  his  own  mantle,  and  offered  to  feed  hiTn 
with  his  own  hands.  "It  was  never  my  wish,"  he  said,  "to  see  you 
thus."  "Neither  was  it  muie,"  replied  the  other,  "that  one  of  the 
race  of  Timur  should  be  a  cowardly  captive."  He  died  refusing  to 
be  comforted,  refusing  even  to  allow  the  European  surgeons  in 
attendance  to  dress  his  wounds.^ 

'  Iradat  Khan  in  Scott's  DeTcTcan,  p.  55. 

2  j^_^  56^  57.     ^iso  Khafi  EJian  in  Elliot's  Eiatory,  VII,  406,  407. 


CHAPTER  V. 


HOW  THE  ROTATION  GOVERNMENT  COMPLETED  THE  BUILDING  OF  FORT  WILLIAM, 
BUT   FAILED   TO  COME   TO   TERMS   WITH   THE   LOCAL    RULERS. 

1707   TO    1710. 

A  CONTEMPORARY  view  of  these  important  events  is  given  in  the 
Calcutta  consultation  books,  which  chronicle  the  various  steps  in  struggle 
as  information  was  received  about  them,  and  which  show  very  clearly 
their  effect  on  the  fortunes  of  the  EngHsh  in  Bengal.  When  on  the 
3rd  April  1707  news  was  first  received  that  the  Mogul  was  dead, 
great  was  the  consternation  of  the  Council.  '  They  had  but  too  good 
reason  to  fear  that  their  growing  trade  would  be  swept  away  by  the 
coming  flood  of  civil  war  and  anarchy.  Immediate  steps  were  taken 
to  secure  a  store  of  provisious  at  Fort  William.  Orders  were  sent  to 
the  English  agents  in  the  district  near  Calcutta  to  return  to  head- 
quarters, bringing  the  Company's  effects  there,  if  possible.  Sixty  addi- 
tional black  soldiers  were  taken  into  the  Company's  service  and  posted 
round  the  settlement.^  From  the  agent  at  Patna  tidings  soon  came 
of  the  movements  of  A'zam  Shah  and  of  the  counter-efforts  of  'Azimu-sh 
Shan  to  support  the   cause   of  his  father,   Shah  'Alam.      The  Sultan 


'  Summaries,  §  197. 


178  NEWS  OF   BATTLE. 

they  said,  had  seized  on  the  Imperial  treasures,  had  threatened  to 
levy  a  tax  on  all  the  merchants,  and  had  demanded  a  lac  of  rupees 
as  a  contribution  towards  raising  forces  to  fight  against  A'zam.i 

With  this  demand  the  English  neither  could  nor  would  comply. 
On  the  contrary,  after  their  first  panic  was  over,  they  began  to  see  that 
the  death  of  Aurangzeb  might  turn  out  very  much  to  their  advantage. 
While  the  attention  of  the  Indian  rulers  was  concentrated  on  the  fight 
for  the  succession,  Fort  William  might  be  considerably  strengthened, 
and  two  new  bastions  were  accordingly  built  by  the  riverside  without 
delay.2  It  happened,  therefore,  that  at  the  time  when  the  Council 
heard  of  'Azimu-sh  Shan's  requisition  they  had  laid  aside  their  fears 
and  were  rather  in  a  confident  mood.  A  threatening  message  was 
despatched  to  Patna.  "  If  any  of  our  people  there  are  plundered, "  said 
the  Council,  "  we  will  take  satisfaction  at  Hugli,  or  anywhere  we  find 
it  convenient  so  to  do."^ 

On  the  11th  July  a  letter  arrived  from  Patna  with  the  news  that 
Shah  'Alam  had  obtained  an  entire  victory,  and  that  A'zam  and  his  ' 
two  sons  had  fallen  in  battle.  The  Council,  however,  seem  always  to 
have  been  unwilling  to  believe  in  the  new  emperor's  prospects.  The 
story  of  the  great  victory  at  Jaju  was  dismissed  as  "being  only 
merchants'  advices  from  Agra,''  and  little  credit  was  given  to  it.^ 

In  November  they  learnt  from  a  native  agent  that  Murshid  Quli 
Elhan  was  not  only  to  continue  Treasurer,  but  was  also  to  be  'Azimu-sh- 
Shan's  deputy  in  the  government  of  Bengal,  and  that  he  had  expressed 
a  desire  to  see  the  English  merchants  settled  at  Cassimbazar  and  to 
come  to  terms  with  them  about  the  granting  of  an  order  for  free  trade.^ 
The  Council,  however,  were  not  at  all  anxious  to  renew  their  former 
negotiations.  The  country  was  still  in  a  very  unsettled  state.^  In  the 
south,  Kam  Bakhsh  was  in  possession  of  many  strongholds  and  said  to 
be  making  all  the  preparations  he  could  for  war.  It  was  considered  very 
doubtful  whether  he  or  Shah  'AJam  would  eventually  secure  the  Imperial 
throne.^  In  Bengal,  too,  disorder  was  rife.  The  safeguarding  of  the 
Company's  saltpetre  boats,  always  an  anxiety  to  the  Council,  had  now 
become  so  difficult  that  they  were  on  the  point  of  giving  up  the  Patna 

^  Summaries,  §  198. 
^  2b.,  §202.' 
'2b.,  §203. 
■•7*..  S2I0. 
*  lb..  §221. 
"ii..  §226. 
'  lb.,  §  235. 


THE  BNGLIBH  AND  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  HUGH.         179 

factory  altogether.*  But  towards  the  middle  of  1708  the  conduct  of  a 
newly-appointed  governor  of  Hugli  brought  matters  to  a  crisis. 
This  officer,  who  had  at  6rst  seemed  friendly,  suddenly  changed  his 
attitude.  He  wished,  no  doubt,  to  secure  his  share  in  the  money  which 
the  English  were  expected  to  present  to  the  new  emperor  and  the  new 
government,  and  he  therefore  tried  to  force  them  to  carry  on  their 
negotiations  through  him.  The  Council  were  sufficiently  alive  to  the 
importance  of  keeping  on  good  terms  with  the  Hugli  governor,  and 
did  all  they  could  to  gratify  him  by  sending  him  presents  and  polite 
messages,  but  they  wished  to  keep  the  negotiations  with  the  Supreme 
Government  in  their  own  hands.2  In  July  the  "hotheaded  phousdar'' 
began  to  resort  to  violence.  He  prohibited  the  local  merchants  from 
dealing  with  the  English,  abused  the  English  representative,  imprisoned 
the  English  servants.  An  attack  on  Fort  William  seemed  imminent. 
Only  two  private  ships  were  then  lying  in  the  HugK,  and  the  garrison 
amounted  to  about  a  hundred  and  eighty  men.  But  the  Council  were 
wanting  in  courage.  They  ordered  ships  and  men,  such  as  there  were, 
to  be  in  readiness,  and  on  the  10th  July  "  summoned  all  the  European 
and  Christian  inhabitants  and  the  masters  of  ships,  acquainting  them  we 
expect  some  trouble  from  the  governor  of  Hugli.  "We  ordered  that 
they  forbear  to  go  to  Hugli  for  some  time,  and  that  they  should  be  in 
readiness  under  arms  on  summons  to  prevent  any  insolence  he  may 
design  us,  or  in  case  there  should  be  occasion  to  act  an}i.hing  against 
him,  that  they  be  ready  thereto.  They  all  showed  a  readiness  and 
declared  they  would  be  ready  on  all  summons."  The  Council  also 
ordered  the  Portuguese  Christians  to  be  trained  for  arms  by  the  factory 
ensign  and  to  appear  under  arms  once  a  week  to  exercise.^  In  the  end 
the  courage  of  the  defenders  of  Calcutta  was  not  put  to  the  test.  Two 
days  after  these  warlike  preparations  had  been  made  the  Council  received 
a  letter  from  the  Prince's  Qasidar  Mir  Muhammad  Dafar.  "  I  have 
been,"  he  said,  "  to  the  governor  of  Hugli,  and  I  told  him  that  it  was 
not  well  to  interfere  with  the  English  and  stop  their  trade,  and  that 
if  he  persisted  in  it,  he  wouli  repent.  The  governor  answered  me 
that  the  English  trade  had  been  stopped  by  order  of  the  Treasurer,  and 
that  as  for  imprisoning  their  servants  and  agents  it  was  not  done  by 
his  orders  nor  witli  his  knowledge."  Mir  Muhammad  therefore 
advised   his   English    friends    to    wait    a  few   days,  by  which   time 


'  Summaries,  §  226. 

-"  Jb.,  §§  225,  231,  239,  240. 

2  lb.,  §  24S. 

N   2 


180 


THE   ENGLISH   TRY   TO   COME   TO   TERMS, 


he  hoped  to  make  everything  right,  and  the  Council  gladly  accepted 
his  mediation.^ 

The  defiant  attitude  of  the  governor  of  Hugli  had  the  effect  of 
making  the  English  Council  a  little  more  anxious  to  come  to  terms 
with  the  new  government  of  Bengal.  A  fort  no  doubt  is  better  than 
an  ambassador,  but  an  ambassador  is  not  altogether  to  be  despised. 
A  good  deal  of  trouble,  it  was  clear,  would  be  saved  if  they  could 
procure  a  grant  from  the  emperor  Shah  'Alam,  or  even  an  order  from 
Murshid  Uuli  Khan.  At  the  end  of  April  1708  they  sent  an  agent  to 
Rajmahal  to  renew  the  negotiations  for  securing  free  trade  to  the 
English  in  Bengal.  The  Government  of  Fort  St.  George  had  already 
requested  the  new  emperor  to  confirm  the  privilege  granted  to  the 
English  by  his  father  Aurangzeb,  but  no  grant  had  yet  been  issued 
by  him  for  the  whole  of  the  Company's  factories,  and  there  was  con- 
sequently some  fear  that  the  Prince  and  the  Treasurer  would  withhold 
their  orders.  Nevertheless  the  Council  put  a  bold  face  on  the  matter, 
and  stoutly  declared  that  they  were  daily  expecting  the  imperial  letters- 
patent  which  they  would  send  for  the  Prince  and  the  Treasurer  to  see 
just  as  they  had  sent  with  their  agent  copies  of  former  grants  to  the 
Company.^ 

The  usual  higgling  and  blustering  followed. 
"  Fifteen   thousand  rupees,"   said  the  Council,  "  for  your  order ; 
otherwise  we  retaliate."  ^ 

"  Impossible,"  said  the  Prince  and  the  Treasurer. 
"  We  have  sent  up  another  fifteen  thousand  rupees  and  three  looking- 
glasses,  one  for  His  Highness  and  two  for  your  Excellency."  ^ 

"The  Dutch  have  given  us  thirty-five  thousand  rupees  for  their 
privileges,  and  we  think  that  you  should  do  the  same."  ^ 

"  Thirty-five  thousand  rupees  will  ruin  us,"  cried  the  Council ;  "  in- 
deed, we  cannot  possibly  give  more  than  twenty  thousand."  ^ 

A  month  later  they  received  a  letter  from  their  agent  at  Eajmahab 
Civacharan,  stating  that  he  had  paid  the  Treasurer  and  the  Prince  thirty- 
six  thousand  rupees  for  their  order,  and  had  drawn  a  bill-of-exchange 
on  the  Company  for  that  amount.  The  Council  were  not  unnaturally 
indignant   at  these  unauthorised   proceedings,    and   even  thought   of 

*  Summaries,  §  247. 
'  lb.,  §§  239,  240. 

:<  Ji.,  §244. 
"  Ih.,  §  249. 

*  lb.,  §  254. 
"ii.,  §286. 


BUT  WlTHOrr  SUCCESS.  181 

revising  to  honour  the  bill.  After  a  long  consultation  they  decided 
on  sending  one  of  their  most  trustworthy  native  servants,  Fazil 
Muhammad,  to  Rajmahal  with  orders  to  send  Civacharan  under  a  guard 
to  Calcutta  to  answer  for  his  conduct.^  On  the  22ndj  October  Fazil 
Muhammad  returned  from  Eajmahal  bringing  still  more  unpalatable 
news.  The  Prince  and  the  Treasurer,  he  said,  although  they  had  promised 
to  give  the  new  order  for  freedom  of  trade  for  thiity-six  thousand 
rupees,  now  absolutely  refused  to  do  so  for  less  than  fifty  thousand 
rupees  as  a  present  to  themselves  and  a  hundred  thousand  rupees  to  be 
paid  into  the  emperor's  treasury  at  Surat.^ 

In  this  extremity  the  Council  could  only  turn  to  the  governor  of 
Hugli  for  help.  He  had  lately  given  up  his  hostile  attitude,  and  for 
the  sum  of  three  thousand  rupees  had  promised  to  formally  satisfy 
all  the  privileges  hitherto  enjoyed  by  the  English  at  Hugli.'  The 
Council  therefore  agreed  to  write  to  him  and  tell  him  that  they  would 
accept  his  offer  to  act  as  negotiator  between  them  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  Bengal."*  At  first  the  governor  of  Hugli  represented  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  obtain  any  grant  at  the  rate  offered,  but  on  the 
Council's  threatening  to  seize  all  the  Mogul  shipping  in  the  Hugli  and 
order  all  Enghsh  subjects  to  withdraw  from  Bengal,  he  changed  his 
tone,  and  professed  that  for  thirty-five  thousand  rupees  he  would 
procure  the  English  letters  patent  from  the  Prince  and  an  order  from 
the  Treasurer.^  This  promise  was,  however,  purely  of  a  diplomatic 
character.  As  the  sequel  showed,  the  Hugli  governor  did  nothing  and 
could  do  nothing  for  the  English.  In  December  1708  Mr.  Cawthorpe, 
the  English  agent  *t  Rajmahal,  was  mthlessly  seized  by  the  Prince 
who  refused  to  set  free  his  prisoner  or  to  let  the  Company's  boats  pass 
till  be  had  received  a  bill-of-exchange  for  fourteen  thousand  rupees.^ 

Once,  again,  the  shadow  of  the  greater  struggle  for  empire  falls 
across  the  scene  giving  pause  to  local  wranglers  and  for  the  time  hushin» 
the  rising  bickerment.  On  the  24th  December  1708  the  Council 
received  a  letter  from  Madras,  saying  "  that  Shah  ' Alam  was  advanced 
near  Golconda  and  like  to  get  the  better." "  On  Wednesday,  the  16th 
February  1709,  they  learned  from  several  sources  that  there  had  been 


^  Summaries,  §  258. 
-  lb.,  §  263. 
3  lb.,  §  260. 

*  lb.,  §  263. 

*  Jb.,  §  272. 

"  lb„  §§  280,  287. 
'  lb.,  §  284. 


182  THE    COMING    OF    SHER    BULLAND    KhIN. 

"  an  engagement  between  the  King  Shah  'Alam  and  his  brother  Kam 
Bakhsh  near  Golconda,  wherein  the  King  had  an  entire  victory  and 
slew  his  brother  and  one  or  more  of  his  sons,  and  vanquished  his  party, 
so  that  now  'tis  believed  the  kingdom  will  soon  be  at  quiet  and  the 
G-overnment  more  orderly."  From  Madras,  too,  came  a  letter  confirming 
the  death  of  Kam  Bakhsh,  and  informing  them  that  negotiations  were 
in  progress  to  secure  an  Imperial  grant.^  On  the  31st  March  1709  the 
Council,  considering  that  the  victory  of  Shah  'Alam  opened  up  a  fair 
prospect  of  peaceable  times,  agreed  that  the  garrison  should  be  reduced 
to  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  men,^  At  the  end  of  April  they  took 
vigorous  steps  to  chastise  the  watchmen  at  Kidderpur,  who  had  "  of  late 
been  very  troublesome  in  stopping  the  Company's  boats  with  goods." 
Thirty  soldiers  and  twenty  black  gun- men  were  got  to  fetch  them  up  for 
punishment,  end  the  six  men  who  actually  offered  a  resistance  with 
swords  were  tied  to  a  post,  given  twenty- one  stripes  with  a  split  rattan, 
and  then  remanded  for  further  punishment.^ 

The  confidence  felt  by  the  Council  in  the  coming  peaceable  times 
and  their  summary  treatment  of  the  impudent  watchmen  are  to  be 
attributed  not  merely  to  the  victory  of  Shah  'Alara,  but  also  to  the  fact 
that  in  consequence  of  that  victory  'Azimu-sh-Shan  and  Murshid  Q,uli 
Khan  had  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  left  Bengal  and  gone  to  the 
Imperial  Court.  In  their  stead  Sher  BuUand  Khan  was  sent  to  be  chief 
manager  of  the  provinces  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa.  In  June 
Mr.  John  Eyre  and  Mr.  Battle  were  deputed  to  meet  the  new  ruler, 
who  at  first  seemed  particularly  well  disposed  to  the  English  and  gave 
them  permission  to  go  on  with  their  business  as  usual  till  they  could 
produce  a  formal  order.*  In  a  very  short  time,  however,  they  heard 
from  Mr.  Battle  that  Sher  Bulland  Khan  had  stopped  all  the  boats  at 
Eajmahal.^  A  present  of  goods  worth  two  thousand  rupees  was  reward-, 
ed  with  more  fair  speeches,  but  notwithstanding  all  his  promises  Sher 
Bulland  refused  to  make  the  smallest  real  concession.  "  He  positively 
demands  forty-five  thousand  rupees,  on  the  receipt  of  which  he  will 
give  us  his  order  for  free  trade,  and  when  the  present  diwan  is  con- 
firmed or  a  new  one  sent  he  will  procure  a  writ  from  him,  without 
which  he  is  resolved  to  admit  of  no  more   delays  from   us,  but  will   stop 


^  Summaries,  §  294. 

2  75.,  §  304. 

3  lb.,  §  S09 

*  lb.,  §§  322,  326. 
»  lb.,  §  330. 


SHER    BULLANP    KHAN  S    FAVOURS. 


183 


all  our  business,  having   call  d  all   the   merchants  at   Muqsadahad  to 
give  in  an  account  of  what  goods  they  have  provided  for  us  in  order  to 
their  paying  custom.     The  governor  further  adds  that  the  Prince   last 
year  forced  from  our  Patna  boats  seventeen  thousand  rupees,  and  if   we 
comply  not  that  we  shall  see  what  he  can  do.     On  these  advices   we 
meet  early  this  morning  to  consult  what  to   do  in  these  unsettled  times, 
and   cannot  find  any  remedy  ;  for  once  the  new  King  is  come  to  the 
throne  we  have  had  no  order  from  him  to  trade  as  usual,  which  is  the 
advantage  the  government  takes  hold  of.     Therefore  it  is  resolved  we 
write  immediately  to  Mr.  Pattle,  ordering  him  to  make  an  end  of  it  the 
best  way  he  can,  for  it  is  certain  if  we  comply  not  the  governor  vnll 
again  stop  our  Patna  fleet,  which,  as  the  year  before,  will  not   be  let 
loose  till  a  large  sum  is  extorted  as  also  custom  to  be  paid  on  our  goods 
which  we  have  bespoke  of  the  Cassimbazar  merchants,  which  will  be  of 
very  ill  consequence,"  *     So  Mr.   Pattle  paid  Sber  Bulland  Khan  the 
forty-five  thousand  rupees  and  obtained  in  return  the  governor's  order 
of  the  freedom  of   the   English   trade  in  Bengal,  Bihar,    and  Orissa,  as 
also  the   governor's  particular  orders  to  Hugli,  Rajmahal,   Dacca,  and 
Muqsudabad,   acquainting  them  that   he  had    given  the   English    a 
general   order.^     And   Wall  Beg,   the    superintendent   of   the  King's 
treasury,  who  had  been  most  useful  to  Mr.  Pattle  in  helping  to  get   the 
order,  was  graciously  pleased  to  visit  Calcutta   at  the  end  of  September, 
wbere  he  was  "  received  very  civilly,"  and  had  a  present  of  one  thousand 
rupees  value  made  him.' 

MeanwUe  Governor  Pitt  at  Madras  had  entered  into  important 
negotiations  with  the  Mogul  court,  which  were  destined  to  occupy  the 
attention  of  the  English  in  India  for  the  next  eight  years,  and  of  which 
the  first  steps  taken  are  significant  in  many  ways.  They  show  among 
other  things  how  hard  it  is  to  tolerate  a  neighbour  and  how  easy  it  is 
to  love  any  one  sufficiently  remote.  The  Calcutta  Council,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  felt  no  enthusiasm  whatever  for  the  cause  of  Shah  'Alam  ; 
the  English  in  the  far  south  were  anxious  to  support  him.  It  is  also 
interesting  to  note  the  value  of  personal  influence,  Thomas  Pitt,  Esq., 
President  of  the  Company's  affairs  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel,  being 
able  to  form  lasting  friendship  with  many  of  the  Indian  officials  such 
as  were  quite  impossible  to  the  headless  government  of  Fort  William  in 
Bengal.     Of  the  well-wishers  thus  secured,  the  most  important  was  tlie 

*  Summaries,  §  336. 
'  lb.,  §  337. 
» lb.,  §  338. 


184  ZAINU-D-DIN   KHAN. 

Lord  High  Steward  of  the  King's  household,  ZaInu-d-Dm  Khan,  whose 
name  is  persistently  corrupted  by  the  records  into  Zoodee  Khan.  It 
was  in  July  1708,  when  Shah  'Alam  was  anticipating  a  coDflict  with 
Kam  Bakhsh,and  was  therefore  anxious  to  conciliate  as  many  supporters 
as  possible,  that  Zainu-d-Din  Khan  despatched  a  letter  to  the  Governor 
of  Fort  St.  George,  "professing  great  kindness  and  tendering  his 
service  in  any  affair."  The  letter  was  received  with,  due  solemnity, 
presents  were  made  to  "Zoodee  Khan's  Lady,"  who  happened  to  be 
residing  at  St.  Thome,  and  letters  were  sent  in  answer  to  the  Mogul's 
Court,  requesting  the  confirmation  of  the  privileges  granted  by 
Anrangzeb.  More  correspondence  followed,  and  the  feelings  between 
the  English  and  the  High  Steward  grew  very  friendly.^  Diu-ing  the 
first  half  of  the  year  1709,  Pitt  was  busy  preparing  a  sumptuous 
present  for  the  King,  which  he  intended  to  send  to  him  at  Golconda, 
and  a  part  of  which  was  actually  despatched  by  sea  to  Masulipatam. 
But  after  the  defeat  of  Kam  Bakhsh,the  King  withdrew  to  Aurangabad, 
and  thence  to  Delhi,  and  in  September  Pitt  was  deprived  of  his  office. 
Consequently  the  whole  scheme  dropped  for  the  time.^ 

Pitt  had  urged  upon  the  Calcutta  Council  the  expediency  of 
joining  in  embassy,  but  in  vain.^  Their  attention  was  entirely 
taken  up  with  their  affairs  at  Bajmahal  and  Muqsiidabad,  and  they 
had  no  leisure  to  think  of  sending  to  such  distant  places  as  Aurangabad 
and  Delhi.  In  November  Sher  BuUand  Khan,  for  whose  order  they 
had  recently  paid  so  much,  was  removed  from  the  government  of 
Bengal,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  higher  authority  the  official  who  was 
acting  in  Murshid  Quli's  place  as  treasurer  took  upon  himself  to  stop  all 
the  Company's  goods  and  boats,  requiring  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand 
rupees  before  he  would  let  them  pass.  The  Council  refused  to  comply 
with  this  "unreasonable  demand,"  and  resolved  on  strong  measures.  The 
treasurer  to  gain  time  abandoned  his  aggressive  attitude  and  promised 
everything.*  The  dispute  would  have  no  doubt  run  the  usual  course 
had  not  the  treasurer  been  fortrunately  killed  in  dispute  with  some 
regiments  of  horse  about  arrears  of  pay.^  After  this  the  English  seem  to 
have  been  left  in  peace  for  the  rest  of  the  year  1710.    Murshid  Quli  Khan 


»  Wheeler's  Madras,  pp.  273,  274,  275,  277. 
2  Wheeler's  Madras,  pp.  2S4,  285. 
^  Summaries,  §  836. 
*  lb.,  §§  352,  359. 
^  lb.,  §  362. 


ZA.lNU-D-DiN   KHAN*S   LETTER.  185 

returned  to  Bengal,  but  he  did  nothing  to  molest  them.^     On  the  other 
hand,  Zainu-d-Din  Khan  was  in  April  appointed  by  the  emperor  himself 
to  be  governor  of  Hugli  and  admiral  of  all  the  seaports  on  the  coast  of 
Coroman  lei.     His  letter  on  this  occasion  to  the  Governor  of  Madras  shows 
very  clearly  his  kindly  relations  toward*  Pitt  and  the  English.     "  As  there 
is  a  great  friendship  between  us, "  he  said,  "  and  you  have  often  informed 
me  that  it  was  yoiu*  opinion  that  if  all  the  seaports  under  the  King's 
dominions  were  under  the  admiral  as  a  company,  he  might  settle  the 
sea  affairs,  destroy  the  pirates,  enrich  the  seaports,  and  encourage  the  sea 
merchants  to  come  and  depart,  which  will  increase  their  profit ;  and  you 
desired  me  to  use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  obtain  this,  which  I  have 
done ;  and  on  account  of  our  friendship  have  undertaken  this  great  busi- 
ness myself,  and  if  it  happens  otherwise,  the  discredit  will  be  the  same  to 
us  both.     For  I  have  no  other  hopes  than  the  safety  of  all  subjects, 
the    security  of    merchants  going   or   coming  by   sea,  extirpation   of 
pirates,  and  the  enrichment  of  the  King's  sea-ports.    So  your  Honour 
must  use  your  endeavours  in  this  matter  likewise,  and  advise  all  of  our 
native  agents  and  merchants  everywhere  to  trade  freely  without  sus- 
picion of  any  danger,  and  augment  their  trade.     I  want  your  advice,  if 
you  think  it  proper  to  send  some  of  the  King's  ships  to  bring  elephants 
from  the  other  coast.     The  King  has  ordered  me  to  build  a  fort  at  Balasor 
and  enrich  your  factory.     After  I  arrive  at  Hugli  I  will  observe  how 
affairs  are  managed  and  advise  your  Honoiir.     And  now  I  must  desire 
you  to  think  of  means  how  things  may  best  be  carried  on  for  the  King's 
advantage  and  your  company's,  that  so  all  persons  may  live  happy  and 
serve  their  Maker.     For  I  have  neglected  other  business  and  undertaken 
this  on  your  account,  in  hopes  to  get  a  great  name  by  it ;  and  within  five, 
six,  or  twelve  months'  time,  if  it  is  your  request  that  I  should  take  in 
the  other  seaports,  as  also  Siirat,  I  can  procure  it,  and  we  must  endea- 
vour to  promote  both  our  fames.     For  if  we  agree  we  can  conquer  the 
whole  world,  and  clear  the  seas  of  all  dangers  for  the  merchants.     As  to 
the  present,  I  have  wrote  you  lately  to  send  it  to  Bengal,  according  to 
the  King's  orders,  which  be  sure  you  do.     For  it  is  very  necessary  that 
you  send  a  present,  and  when  I  come  to  Hugli  I  will  advise  you  of  all 
other    matters  ;   and    you  should  send   an  agent  with  me,   or    write 
your  people    at  Calcutta    to  send    one.     For    I    shall  want  hin  on 
several  occasions,     I  heartily   wish   you  all  health   and  prospeiity. "  ^ 
Zainu-d-Din    Elan  reached   Hugli  in  May.'     Janarddana  Set,  the 

'  Summaries,  §  375. 

2  Wheeler's  Madras,  289. 

'  Summaries,  §  381. 


186  ARRIVAL   OP   GOVERNOR   WELTDEN. 

Company's  broker  who  had  gone  up  to  meet  him,  returned  and  told  the 
Council  that  he  had  been  received  with  marked  kindness  and  that  the 
admiral  would  like  to  come  on  a  visit  to  Calcutta,  but  understood 
that  it  was  customary  for  them  to  pay  the  first  visit.  The  Council 
accordingly  sent  Mr.  Chitty  and  Mr.  Blount  to  Hugli  to  "  visit  and 
discourse"  with  the  new  governor.^ 

The  days  of  the  Rotation  Government  were  now  rapidly  drawing 
to  a  close.  On  the  I8th  July  a  letter  was  received  from  the  Hon'ble 
Antony  Weltden,  Esq.,  announcing  that  he  had  been  sent  out  by 
the  Company  to  be  Grovernor  and  President  of  the  Council,  and  had  just 
arrived  at  Balasor.  Samuel  Blount  of  the  Council  was  at  once  sent 
down  the  river  with  a  letter  of  congratulation  and  various  conveniences 
for  the  President  and  his  family,  and  many  other  besides  hastened,  of 
their  own  accord,  to  meet  their  new  Chief.  On  the  evening  of  the  20th 
July  Weltden  reached  Calcutta.  He  was  "met  at  his  landing  by  most 
of  the  Europeans  in  the  town  and  the  natives  in  such  crowds  that  it 
was  difficult  to  pass  to  the  fort  where  he  was  conducted  by  the  wor- 
shipful John  Russell  and  Abraham  Adams,  Esquires,  and  the  Council. 
The  packet  was  opened  and  the  commission  read,  after  which  the 
usual  ceremony  given  on  »uch  occasions  by  firing  guns  and  the  keys 
of  the  fort  delivered. "  ^  In  September  Zainu-d-Din  Khiin  came  to 
Calcutta  to  return  the  visits  paid  to  him,  and  was  received  "  with  all 
the  respect  and  civility  due  to  him  on  this  occasion"  and  with  a  suitable 
present.^  At  the  end  of  October  he  was  able  to  inform  the  Council  that 
he  had  received  a  favourable  letter  from  Farrukhsiyar,  who  represented 
his  father  'Azimu-  sh-Shiln  at  Raj  mahal,  together  with  a  dress  of  honour 
for  the  President  to  bo  delivered  at  Hugli.  On  Wednesday  the  1st  No- 
vember 1710  the  President,  accompanied  by  Hedges,  Chitty,  Blount,  and 
several  others,  went  up  to  Hugli.  There  the  President  received  the  dress 
of  honour  and  a  letter,  with  a  fine  horse,  and  returned  to  Calcutta  on 
Friday.  The  following  Monday  the  Prince's  letter  was  read  in  Council, 
audit  was  agreed  to  send  him  a  present  in  return,  as  he  was  the  son  of  the 
favourite  son  of  the  emperor,  and  might,  therefore,  help  them  to  procm-e 
an  imperial  grant .^ 

Of  the  external  relations  of  the  Rotation  Government  little  more 
remains  to  be  said.     England  was  during  the  whole  of  this  period  at 


^  Summaries,  §  383, 
•'  lb.,  §  391. 

'  i6.,  §4)1. 


THE    QUARBELS   OF   THB   EOTATION    GOVERNMENT.  187 

war  with  France  and  in  alliance  with  Holland,  but  of  this  the  only 
indications  are  one  or  two  acts  of  civility  to  the  Dutch  Governor  of 
Chinsurah,  and  occasional  fears  as  to  the  movements  of  French  ships 
recorded  in  the  consultation  hooks. 

On  the  other  hand,  far  too  much*  space  seems  to  he  given  up  to 
disputes  about  the  constitution  of  the  Council  itself.  Long  and  heated 
discussions  took  place  about  the  rules  of  succession.  The  managers  at 
home  had  ordered  that  the  Old  Company's  servants  were  to  have  the 
first,  third,  fifth,  and  seventh  places,  and  that  the  New  Company's 
servants  should  have  the  second,  fotu'th,  sixth,  and  eighth.  If  this  rule 
were  ligidly  carried  out  when  the  first  place  fell  vacant,  it  would  be  filled 
not  by  the  second  in  the  Council,  but  by  the  third  ;  and.  this  method  of 
promotion  being  followed  all  along  the  line,  the  new  member  of  Council 
would  at  once  take  seventh  place,  and  not  the  eighth.  Tet  the  managers 
appear  to  have  ordered  that  the  next  who  succeeded  was  to  be  the  eighth 
of  the  Council  These  contradictory  rules  furnished  a  long  succession  of 
hard  cases  and  bitter  disputes,  which  were  only  terminated  by  once  again 
reading  the  letters  on  the  subject  from  London  and  resolving,  in  spite 
of  the  protests  of  the  New  Company's  servants,  that  the  Old  Company's 
places  are  the  first,  third,  fifth  and  seventh  in  the  Council.^ 

Another  fruitful  root  of  bitterness  was  the  question  whether  either 
Hedges  or  Sheldon,  on  becoming  President  of  the  Council  for  the  separate 
affairs  of  his  o-wn  company,  could  retain  his  seat  on  the  United  Council. 
At  the  end  of  1704,  two  whole  months  were  spent  in  disputing  upon  the 
point,   and   numerous  letters  were  sent   home  from  both  parties,   each 
accusing  the   other   of   disloyalty  and    disobedience.     It  was    in  the 
end  decided  that  neither  Hedges  nor  Sheldon  need  resign,  but  this 
decision  was  not  observed.     When  on  the  death  of  Beard  at  Madras 
in  1705,  Ralph  Sheldon  was  appointed  President  of  the  Council  for  the 
Old   Company,  he  was   compelled  to   give  up  his  place  in  the  United 
Trade  Council,  and  the  same  fate  befel  Robert  Hedges,  who  much  against 
his  win  superseded  Littleton  on  the  Ist  November  1705.     In  September 
the  whole  question  was  re-opened  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  England. 
The  Governors  of  the   Old   Company   stated  that  they  did  not  wish  a 
separate   President  for  their  affairs   now   that  Mr.    Beard  was  dead. 
Consequently,   Ealph    Sheldon    was    displaced,   and  being  no  longer 
President  of  the  Old  Company's  affairs  wished  to  take  his  seat  again  as  a 
Chairman  of  the  United  Trade  Council.    On  the  24th  September  he  sent 

•  Summaries,  §§  177,  212. 


188  RALPH   SHELDON. 

a  letter  to  the  Council  asking  to  be  reinstated.  On  this  a  stormy  dis- 
cussion ensued,  half  the  Council  being  for  it  and  half  against.  In  the 
end,  finding  they  could  come  to  no  decision,  they  determined  "  to  cast  lots 
as  our  masters  have  bidden  us  in  times  of  disagreement."  The  lots  fell 
for  Sheldon,  who  was  accordingly  re-elected.  But  the  matter  did  not 
end  here.  Having  taken  back  one  of  their  former  Chairmen,  the  Council 
felt  that  they  could  not  do  less  than  offer  to  take  back  the  other,  and 
sent  a  letter  to  Hedges  to  that  effect.  Hedges,  however,  wrote  back 
arguing  that  Sheldon  should  not  have  been  re-elected,  and  refusing  to 
be  re-elected  himself  unless  the  Council  would  admit  that  they  had  no 
right  in  the  first  place  to  force  him  to  resign.  Many  letters  passed  on 
both  sides.  In  his  last,  Hedges  declared  that  he  was  justly  turned  out 
on  becoming  President  of  the  New  Company,  and  that  he  could  not  see 
how  the  recent  orders  from  home  justified  the  action  of  the  Council. 
He,  therefore,  refused  to  be  re-elected,  and  added  that  he  was  returning 
home  to  England  and  would  lay  an  account  of  the  whole  affair  before 
the  Managers  in  London.^  Sheldon,  however,  continued  to  sit  as  a 
Chairman  of  the  Council  till  the  beginning  of  1709,  when  illness  com- 
pelled him  to  ask  permission  to  take  a  voyage  on  the  Mary 
smack,  in  the  hopes  that  the  sea  air  might  restore  his  failing  health.^ 
But  the  voyage  was  never  taken,  or,  if  taken,  proved  of  no  avail.  Ralph 
sheldon  died  in  Hugli  at  the  end  of  April,^  and  was  buried  in  the  old 
Calcutta  graveyard,  where  his  tombstone  with  the  following  inscription 
is  still  to  be  seen : — 

RuDOLPHUs  Sheldon 
Armiger  et 
lUustris  Sheldoni- 
ani  stematis  hand  in- 
digna  Proles, 
Mortalitatis  suae 
exuvias  in  spe  bea- 
tsB  resurrectionis 
sub  hoc  tumulo  de- 
pcsuit  Aprilis  26, 
1709, 
Aetat.  3.7. 


'  Summaries,  §  178. 

2  lb.,  §  295. 

3  lb.,  §  310. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


CALCUTTA  UMDE&  THE  EOTATION  GOVERNMENT  :    ITS  POPULATION  AND 
ADMINISTEATION. 


When  the  English  first  came  to  Calcutta  their  position  was  pre- 
carious and  ill-defined.  The  land  in  the  neighbourhood  being  to  a  large 
extent  wild  and  uncultivated,  there  was  little  or  nothing  to  prevent  any 
body  of  men  that  chose  from  seizing  a  piece  of  unoccupied  ground  and 
squatting  on  it.  In  this  way  the  Setts  and  Bysacks  had,  more  than  a 
hundred  years  before,  founded  Govindpur,  and  the  English,  coming 
to  Calcutta  with  the  good- will  and,  probably,  at  the  suggestion  of  these 
very  Setts  and  Bysacks,  had  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  take  as 
much  waste  land  as  they  needed,  clear  it,  and  build  houses  and  offices. 
They  trusted  that  the  natural  strength  of  the  position  would  protect 
them,  and  that  the  acquiescence  of  the  government  would  leave  them 
undisturbed  in  their  new  home. 

The  first  settlement  at  Sutanuti  seems  to  have  consisted  of  mud  and 
straw  hovels  with  a  few  masonry  buildings.  Its  chief  defence  was 
the  flotilla  of  boats  lying  in  the  river.  The  renewed  settlement 
established  by  Chamock  in  1690  was  of  the  same  nature;  but  as  time 


190  LEGAL    STATUS   OF   THE    ENGLISH    AT   CALCUTTA. 

went  on  the  uumber  of  masonry  buildings  inci'eased,  and  in  1696  the 
beginning  of  a  fort  was  made.  The  English  also  attempted  to 
raise  some  sort  of  revenue  from  the  land  upon  which  they  had  squatted. 
In  1694  such  partial  duties  as  the  agent  at  Calcutta  could  then  raise 
are  reckoned  as  amounting  to  only  one  hundred  and  sixty  rupees  a 
month,^  and  from  the  records  which  remain  it  would  appear  to  have 
been  even  less.  For  instance,  in  the  account  of  the  revenue  for  August 
1695,  the  total  receipts  from  shop-rents,  fines,  fees,  and  duties  are  set 
down  as  Bs.  75-0-6.  The  expenses  are  equally  trifling.  Besides 
Bs.  69-12  for  servants'  wages,  the  items  of  expenditure  are  one  rupee 
for  paper,  ten  annas  for  a  whip,  four  annas  for  "  rice  for  ye  thieves," 
and  one  auna  for  "  making  a  jamp."  ^ 

The  letters  patent  granted  by  Prince  'Azimu-sh-Shan  in  1698 
changed  all  this.  The  English  Company  gained  a  definite  status  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Indian  Governors.  It  became  the  Collector  ^  of  the 
three  towns,  Sutanuti,  Calcutta,  and  Govindpur.  As  such  it  was 
empowered  to  levy  internal  duties  and  customs  on  articles  of  trade 
passing  through  its  districts  and  impose  petty  taxes  and  cesses  on  the 
cultivators;  as  such  it  managed  the  lands  and  exercised  Jurisdiction  over 
the  inhabitants.  The  exact  relations  of  a  Collector  to  the  supreme 
government  are  a  matter  of  dispute.  Ordinarily,  we  are  told,  the 
Collector  realized  the  public  revenue  arising  from  the  land  under  him, 
and,  after  deducting  a  commission  of  tea  per  cent,  and  various  other 
small  charges,  transmitted  the  sum  to  the  Imperial  treasury.  In  the 
case  of  the  Company  this  sum  was  fixed.  In  short,  the  Council  at 
Calcutta  paid  the  Mogul  an  annual  rent  of  twelve  hundred  rupees, 
more  or  less,  and  was  free  to  tax  and  govern  the  place  almost  as  it 
pleased.* 

In  consequence  of  this  change  in  the  position  of  the  Company,  a 
new  member  was  added  to  the  Council  to  represent  it  in  its  new 
capacity.  Henceforth  a  speci-al  officer,  known  as  the  Collector,  was 
appointed  to  gather  in  the  revenue  of  the  three  towns  and  to  keep  them 
in  order.  In  1700  Ealpb  Sheldon  became  the  first  Collector  of 
Calcutta,^  and  from  him  through  many  an  inheritor  whose  name  is  now 
part  of  the  history  of  British  India,  the  line  of  the  Calcutta  Collectors 

^  Brace's  Annals,  III,  172. 

2  See  the  Chutanuttee  Diary  for  the  year.    India  Office  Eecords. 

^  Zamlndur. 

*  The  exact  legal  position  of  the  Company  is  very  perplexing.  See  Stephen's 
Nuncomar  and  Impey,  II,  p.  26.  Also  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  edition  of  1727> 
II,  p.  13. 

*  See  above,  p.  167. 


THB  CALCUTTA  OOLLECTORATE.  191 

nms  in  unbroken  succession  down  to  the  present  day.  On  the  let 
February  1704,  Benjamin  Bowcher,  the  second  of  the  Calcutta 
Collectors,  took  oyer  charge  of  the  office,^  which  he  filled  till  his  death 
on  the  24th  September  1705.  On  the  8th  October  John  Cole  succeeded 
him;-  but  in  April  1706  Arthur  King  was  ordered  to  act  in  his  stead.^ 
On  the  3rd  October  1706,  after  a  good  deal  of  discussion  about  the 
proper  constitution  of  the  Council,  it  was  settled  that  John  Maisters 
should  be  Collector,*  In  February  1707  the  post  was  filled  by  Abra- 
ham Adams,^  but  in  August  of  that  year  Adams  was  made  Secretary 
and  was  succeeded  by  William  Bugden.^  He  remained  in  the  oflBce 
till  April  1709,  when  he  was  promoted  to  be  Import  "Warehouse 
keeper.  His  place  in  the  Council  was  given  to  William  Lloyd, 
but  as  liloyd  was  away  from  Calcutta,  the  duties  of  Collector  were 
discharged  by  Samuel  Blount  during  the  rest  of  the  year  1709,^  and 
by  Spencer  for  the  first  half  of  1710.^  In  July,  on  the  arrival  of 
President  Weltden,  the  Calcutta  Collectorate  was  entrusted  to  John 
Calvert.' 

Although  the  Company  seem  to  have  claimed  all  the  land  between 
the  river  and  the  Salt  Lake,  from  Govindpur  to  Sutanuti,  as  within 
their  sphere  of  influence,  the  land  which  they  actually  rented  at  this 
time  amounted  to  about  5,077  bighas,  or  1,861  acres,  that  is,  about 
one-third  of  the  present  area  of  the  town.  The  primary  duty  of  the 
Collector  was  to  gather  in  the  revenues  accruing  from  this  area.  The 
principal  receipts  were  from  the  ground  rents,  which  the  Company - 
was  empowered  to  levy  up  to  a  maximum  of  three  rupees  a  bigha,  but 
besides  these  the  Company  drew  considerable  sums  from  various  aids 
and  benevolences,  from  tolls  levied  on  the  markets  and  ferries,  and  from 
other  Hiiscellaneous  town  duties.*" 

The  Collector  rendered  an  account  of  the  revenue  to  the  Council 
month  by  month.  The  "balances  paid  into  cash"  are  regularly 
recorded  in  the  consultation  books,  and  sometimes  the  details  as  well. 
From  these  entries  it  is  comparatively  easy  to  trace  the  growth  of 

*  Summaries,  §  46. 
2  15.,  §148. 

»  lb.,  §  162. 

*  lb..  §  179. 

*  lb.,  §  191. 
« lb.,  §  212. 
7  lb.,  §  310. 

*  lb.,  §  360. 
» lb.,  §  392. 

"  See  for  instance  16,  §§  4,  8. 


192 


GROWTH    OF    THE    CASH    BALANCES. 


the  Calcutta  revenues.  In  1704  the  average  monthly  cash  balance 
shown  by  the  Collectorate  accounts  is  four  hundred  and  eighty  rupees : 
during  the  next  few  years  this  balance  increases  at  the  rate  of  one 
hundred  rupees  a  year,  till  in  1707,  it  amounts  to  eight  hundred  and 
eighty- five  rupees.  In  1708  it  is  a  thousand  and  ten  rupees ;  in  1709 
it  is  thirteen  hundred  and  seventy  rupees ;  in  1710  it  is  stationary.^  In 
the  time  of  Holwell  the  average  net  monthly  balance  varies  from  two 
thousand  five  hundred  to  three  thousand  eight  hundred  rupees.  It 
may  be  set  down  as  three  thousand  five  hundred.^ 

These  figures  are  interesting  not  only  in  themselves,  but  also  for  the 
evidence  they  furnish  as  to  the  early  development  of  Calcutta  in  size 
and  population.  The  growth  of  the  revenues  was  the  direct  conse- 
quence of  the  growth  of  the  settlement,  and,  if  we  could  be  certain  that 
the  revenues  were  regularly  collected,  would  give  us  a  measure  of  it. 
Regarded  in  this  light  the  Collectorate  accounts  would  show,  that  in  the 
six  years,  from  1703  to  1708  inclusive,  Calcutta  doubled  itself,  and 
that  between  then  and  1710  it  increased  more  than  thirty-five  per  cent. 
In- the  whole  of  the  forty  years  which  followed,  Calcutta  only  increased 
threefold. 

Unfortunately  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  collection 
of  the  revenue  was  most  irregular,  and  we  cannot  tell  whether  the 
increase  in  any  particular  year  may  not  be  due  to  some  improvement 
in  the  collecting  agency.  When,  therefore,  we  further  try  to  arrive  at 
some  definite  account  of  the  population  in  those  early  days,  we  lose  all 
firm  foot-hold,  and  become  involved  in  perplexities.  The  whole  subject 
"  suffers  from  a  plethora  of  probabilities."  Nevertheless,  though  well 
aware  that  my  results  can  only  be  rough  and  tentative,  I  shall  yet  not 
shrink  from  giving  figures,  this  being  the  only  way  in  which  we  can  hope 
to  gain  clear  ideas.  To  help  us  in  our  task  we  have  a  survey  of  the 
Company's  lands  made  in  the  year  1706,^  and  two  contemporary  esti- 
mates of  the  population,  one  "by  Alexander  Hamilton  who  spent  some 
years  in  Calcutta  under  the  Rotation  Government,^  and  the  other  by 
John  Zephaniah  Holwell  just  before  the  taking  of  the  city  by  Siraju-d- 
Daula.s  Hamilton,  who  was  •  a  private  merchant  and  therefore  pre- 
judiced against  the  Company  and  all  connected  with  it,  sets  down  the 


1  The  monthly  net  balances  are  given  in  the  Summaries  passim. 

2  Holwell's  Tracts,  3rd  edition,  1774,  p.  241. 
^  Summaries,  §  207. 

^  Hamilton's  H^ast  Indies,  II,  18. 
'  Holwell's  Tracts,  209. 


COBRKSPONDTNG   GROWTH    OF   THE   POPULATION.  193 

population  as  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand.  VHe  does  not  say  of  what 
year  he  is  speaking  ;  but  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  his  estimate  is 
based  on  the  survey  in  1706.  Hoi  well,  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Cal- 
cutta Collectors,  on  the  basis  of  a  survey  of  his  own,  argues  that  in  1752 
the  total  population  from  which  the  city  revenues  were  drawn,  must  have 
amounted  to  409,000.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  number  is  far 
too  large.  In  order  to  reach  it,  Holwell  has  included  a  considerable 
area  of  land,  which,  though  now  a  part  of  Calcutta,  did  not  then  belong 
to  the  Company  at  all,  and  has  reckoned  forty-eight  inhabitants  to  each 
bigha,^  a  density  of  population  hardly  yet  reached  iu  the  most  crowded 
quarters  of  the  city.  We  shall  probably  be  making  a  very  liberal 
allowance  if  we  fix  it  at  twenty  to  a  bigha  in  1752,  and  we  shall 
strictly  confine  our  attention  to  the  Company's  lands  from  which 
alone  it  drew  rent. 

It  appears,  then,  from  Holwell's  account,  that  the  total  area  of  the 
land  owned  by  the  Company,  exclusive  of  Jannagur,  which  lies  outside 
theMaharatta  ditch,  was  about  5,243  bighas,  and  thus  the  population  of 
the  settlement,  reckoned  at  the  rate  of  twenty  inhabitants  to  a  bigha, 
was  about  one  hundred  and  five  thousand.  Taking  this  as  our  starting- 
poiijt,  and  assuming  that  the  increase  of  the  population  was  propor- 
tional to  the  increase  in  the  average  monthy  net  balances,  we  should 
reach  the  following  conclusions.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Rotation 
Government,  the  population  of  the  Company's  lands  would  be  fifteen 
thousand;  in  1706,  when  the  survey  was  made,  it  would  be  over 
twenty-two  thousand,  that  is  double  Hamilton's  estimate ;  in  1708  it 
would  be  thirty-one  thousand.  From  this  it  would  rapidly  rise  to 
forty-one  thousand  in  the  years  1709,  1710.  These  calculations  would 
only  apply  to  the  lands  under  the  management  of  the  Company,  that 
is,  to  about  a  third  of  the  whole  area  included  within  the  Maharatta 
ditch.  If  we  were  to  guess  at  the  total  population  within  these  limits, 
we  should  have  to  increase  the  figures  by  fifty  or  sixty  per  cent.,  or 
perhaps  even  to  double  them. 

For  administrative  purposes  the  Company's  land  was  spHt  up  into 
four  divisions.  The  smallest  but  most  populous  of  these  was  the  Great 
Bazar,  where  the  houses  occupied  more  than  400  bighas  out  of  488. 
Beyond  lay  the  large  division  of  Town  Calcutta,  an  area  of  l,7l7i 
bighas.  In  1706  only  248  bighas  were  occupied  with  dwellings,  the 
rest  of  the  division  being  imder  cultivation  or  left  waste ;  but  the 
surveyor  notes  that  364    bighas  are  shortly    to  be  used   for   houses. 

'  A  hioUa  is  aboat  one-tliird  of  an  acre. 


1^^  THE    company's   LANDS   AND    LEASES. 

The  northern  division, .  Sutanutl,  is  estimated  to  contain  1,692 
bighas,  of  which  only  134  were  inhabited.  In  the  southern  division, 
Govindpur,  only  57  bighas  out  of  1,178  were  inhabited.  Thus  the 
total  amount  of  inhabited  land  in  1706  was  only  84H  bighas  ;  and  if 
we  were  to  suppose  as  before  that  there  were  as  many  as  twenty  persons 
living  on  eaoli  bigha,  the  total  population  of  the  settlement  in  1706 
would  be  16,830.  It  might  be  argued  that  the  population  was  not  so 
dense  at  that  time,  and  that  a  lower  proportion  should  be  taken,  which 
would  bring  the  estimate  into  agreement  with  Hamilton.  But  the 
calculations  which  have  been  based  on  the  growth  of  the  revenues 
indicate  a  much  large  number,  and  this  seems  to  be  nearer  the  truth. 
Of  the  rest  of  the  land,  1,525  bighas  were  rice  fields  and  486  bighas 
gardens.  Plantains  were  grown  on  some  250  bighas,  tobacco  on  187, 
vegetables  on  150  ;  307  bighas  were  granted  rent  free  for  the  use  of 
Brahmans;  167  bighas  were  manor ^  land;  116  were  taken  up  with 
roads  and  ditches,  wells  and  ponds;  1,144  bighas  were  waste.^ 

The  position  of   the  English   with  regard    to    these  lands  is  clear. 
The   Company  had  not  the  absolute  possession  of  the  land,  but  only 
the  rights  of   a  Collector.     It   could  sell,   grant,   or  lease  the  manor 
and  unoccupied  lands,  and  from  the  occupiers  of  the  tenanted  lands  it 
Gould  demand  a  rent  not  exceeding  three  rupees  a  bigha ;  but  it  had 
no  powers  of   sale  or  resumption  on  failure  to  pay  the  ground-rent. 
Arrears  of  rent  could  only  be  recovered  by  distraint  and  by  the  sale  of 
the    moveable  property  of  the  occupier,     "When   the  Company  made 
a  grant   of    land,    it  gave  with  it  a   deed   which   conveyed    to  the 
grantee  his   title  to  the  property,  and  specified  the  conditions  under 
which  it  was  held.^     The  form  of  these  deeds  was  extremely  simple. 
Written  in  Bengali  and  in  English,  and  signed  by  the  zamindar,  they 
merely  gave  the  date,  the  name  of  the  grantee,  the  amount  of  the  land, 
its  situation,  and  its  rent.*     In  the  same  way,  whenever  land  already 
occupied  changed  hands,  a  nevf,  deed  had  to  be  taken  out.     By  a  reso- 
lution passed  on   the   12th  June   1707,  it  was  ordered  that  all  deeds 
should  be  registered,  should  be  renewed   once  a  year,  and  should  be 
shown  every  month  at  the  time  of  paying  rent.     We  may,  however, 
suspect  that  this  resolution,  like  many  others  made  by  the  Council,  was 
by  no  means  rigidly  enforced. 

*  Khamar. 

2  Summaries,  §  207. 

3  Ih.,  §  83. 

*•  The    deed  books    from  1758  onwards    are     preserved  in    the    Calcuttfi 
Collectorate. 


THE   COLLECTION    OF   THE    REVENUE.  195 

Each  of  the  four  divisions  of  the  settlement  was  administered  through 
a  separate  office.  As  a  revenue  officer,  the  Collector  had  under  him 
a  staff  of  clerks  and  rent  gatherers,^  which  gradually  grew  with  the 
growth  of  the  revenue.  The  pay  of  these  servants  seems  to  have  been 
miserably  smalk^  One  of  the  results  of  the  survey  of  1706,  was  the 
discovery  that  the  rent  gatherers  had  been  making  false  returns  and 
farming  out  lands  for  their  own  advantage.  The  corrupt  officers  were 
discharged,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  pay  of  the  olerks  in  charge  of 
the  land  records  should  be  raised  to  four  rupees  a  month ;  ^  but  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  order  was  not  carried  out. 

Still  more  difficult  was  it  to  discover  a  reliable  "  black  collector." 
During  the  first  ten  years  of  the  Calcutta  coUectorate  several  men 
were  tried  in  the  post  and  found  wanting.  As  Jong  as  Ralph  Sheldon 
was  collector,  the  "  general  supervisor  "  was  a  certain  Nandarama ;  but 
soon  after  Bowcher  had  succeeded  Sheldon,  Nandarama  fell  under 
suspicion,  and  in  August  1705,  Jagatdas  was  made  "  black  collector."* 
He  does  not  seem  to  have  given  satisfaction.  In  1707  the  post 
remained  vacant  for  several  months,  during  which  Nandarama  again 
acted  as  the  assistant  to  the  Collector.'^  No  sooner  was  he  dis- 
placed then  all  sorts  of  complaints  were  preferred  against  him,  and 
it  appeared  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  extensive  peculation.^  On 
being  given  up  by  the  Governor  of  Hugli,  whither  he  had  fled  for 
refuge,  the  Council  ordered  him  to  be  imprisoned  while  the  Collector 
looked  over  the  accounts.  The  drum  was  beaten  all  about  the  town, 
and  notice  was  given  to  all  the  native  inhabitants  that  whosoever  had 
any  money  or  effects  of  Nandarama  in  his  possession  should  not  deliver 
them  up  to  him  or  any  of  bis  family  till  his  case  had  been  decided." 
During  Weltden's  government,  Jagatdas  was  again  "  black  collector," 
and  was  accused  of  being  concerned  with  the  president  in  extensive 
frauds  on  the  Company. 

These  incidents  seem  typical.  The  dishonest  "  black  collector  "  is  a 
recurring  feature  in  the  internal  administration  of  Calcutta,  and  it  is  a 
feature  which  need  not  excite  surprise.     In  all  probability  the  pay  of 


^  Summaries,  §  205. 

'  lb.,  §§  4,  8. 

^  Ib.,%  206. 

*  See  lb.,  Addenda,  §  420. 

'  lb.,  §  306. 

«  lb.,  §  316. 

'  7i.,  §  320. 

^  He  had  from  30  to  50  rupees  a  month.     See  Holwell's  Tracts  187. 

o  2 


196  THR  COLLECTOR    AS   MAGISTRATE. 

the  "  black  collector  "  was  absurdly  small.^  It  was  the  vioious  policy 
of  the  Company  to  under-pay  its  servants,  and  it  was  notorious  that 
these  servants,  botli  high  and  low,  derived  the  greater  part  of  their 
income  from  their  perquisites  and  from  private  trade.  If  the  English 
Collector  was  not  content  with  his  pay  but  had  recourse  to  indirect 
means  to  augment  it,  why  should  not  his  Bengali  personal  assistant 
follow  so  good  an  example  ?  When  in  1752  Holwell  accused  Govinda- 
rama  Mitra  of  dishonesty,  the  celebrated  "black  collector  "  defended 
himself  by  pointing  out  that  every  deputy  of  this  description  was 
allowed  similar  privileges,  and  that  he  could  not  from  his  wages  keep 
up  the  equipoge  and  attendance  necessary  for  an  officer  of  his  station.^ 

But  the  Collector  was  not  merely  the  gatherer  of  the  Calcutta 
revenues,  he  was  also  the  magistrate  in  charge  of  ihe  native  inhabitants. 
As  magistrate  he  had  under  hiiu  a  small  police  force,  of  which  the 
numbers  must  be  inferred  from  the  scanty  notices  found  in  the  Consult- 
ation Books.  On  the  16th  February  1704  it  is  ordered  that  a  native 
superintendent  of  police,  45  constables,  two  beadles,  and  20  watch- 
men shall  be  taken  into  pay ,2  and  on  the  27th  December  1706,  in 
cousequence  of  various  outrages  committed  in  the  town,  the  Collector 
was  ordered  for  the  present  to  entertain  31  watchmen.^  The  accounts 
of  the  four  offices  in  Calcutta  show  a  total  of  only  30  constables  and 
some  40  watchmen,  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  some  were  told  off  to  do 
duty  in  the  fort.  In  Holwell's  time  the  head-quarters  of  the  Collector 
were  in  Town  Calcutta,^  but  in  the  days  of  the  Rotation  Government 
they  would  seem  to  have  been  in  the  Great  Bazar,  in  which  were  sta- 
tioned the  native  superintendent  and  the  greater  part  of  the  police  force, 
and  which,  in  addition  to  the  usual  drummer  employed  in  every  quarter 
of  the  town  to  assist  in  the  publication  of  important  notices,  was  in 
1712  able  to  boast  of  two  trumpeters. 

In  Holwell's  time  the  Collector  presided  over  two  separate  branches 
of  administration,  the  Collector's  office,  which  dealt  with  land  and 
revenue  questions,  and  the  Magistrate's  court,  which  dealt  with  both 
civil  causes  and  criminal  offences  where  natives  only  were  concerned. 
This  was  practically  his  position  under  the  Eotation  Government. 
But  at  that  time  the  Council  made  many  attempts  to  take  away 
the  sole  jurisdiction  from  the  Collector,  and  deputed  three  of   their 


»  Holwell's  Tracts,  pp.  196,  197. 

^  Summaries,  §  62. 

3  Ib„  §  188. 

"  Holwell's  Tracts,  207. 


THE   GARRISON   OF    FOKT   WILLIAM.  197 

number  to  form  a  court  of  justice.  When  first  constituted  in  August 
1704,^  it  was  ordered  to  sit  every  Saturday  from  nine  to  twelve 
in  the  morning,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  met  very  regularly. 
In  September  iTOo,^  in  May  1709,^  and  in  July  1710,-*  we  find  notes 
in  the  cousaltations  to  the  effect  that  the  sittings  of  the  court  of 
justice  had  been  suspended  for  the  time.  On  29th  April  1706  a. 
registrar  was  appointed  for  the  court.'^  The  duty  of  the  court  was  to 
hear  and  determine  small  controversies :  the  hearing  of  important  cases 
was  reserved  for  the  full  Council.  We  have  an  example  of  their 
administration  of  criminal  justice  in  17u6.  In  August  of  that  year 
they  ordered  that  a  number  of  thieves  and  murderers  who  had  been 
recently  caught  should  be  branded  on  the  cheek  and  turned  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water. 

Although  in  great  emergencies  the  Council  might  extemporise  a 
volunteer  force  out  of  the  European  and  Christian  inhabitants,^  the 
.regular  garrison  of  the  fort  consisted  only  of  some  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  divided  into  two  companies,  each  having  a  captain,  or  lieutenant 
and  an  ensign.  There  were  besides  four  annourers,  and  a  master-at- 
arms.^  These  two  weak  companies,  besides  defending  the  Fort,  had  to 
xmdertake  the  safeguarding  of  the  Company's  boats  up  and  down  the 
river  as  far  as  Patna,  and  had  sometimes  to  help  to  maintain  order  in  the 
town.  They  were,  no  doubt,  trained  after  the  model  of  Marlborough's 
armies.  Their  uniform  seems  to  have  been  red  trimmed  with  blue.^ 
The  soldiers  were  partly  Portuguese,  hired  in  the  country,  and  partly 
English,  recruited  from  home,  perhaps  by  some  young  gentleman  who 
wished  to  hold  a  commission  under  the  Company.^  Their  lot  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  enviable.  Without  any  of  the  excitement  or  glory 
of  war,  they  had  to  discharge  the  harassing  duties  of  river  police. 
Till  the  year  1710,  they  had  no  proper  barracks  to  live  in,  but  had  to 
find  lodgings  for  themselves,  as  best  they  coidd,  anywhere  in  the  town.^'' 
Till  the  autumn  of  1707,  there  was  no  hospital  for  the  numbers  amono- 


Summaries,  §  105. 

lb.,  §  147. 

lb.,  §  315. 

lb.,  §  394 

lb.,  §  168. 

lb.,  §  246. 

lb.,  §  304. 

lb.,  §  395. 

lb.,  Addenda,  §  442. 

lb.,  §  366. 


198  THE    PILOT    SERVICE. 

them  who  were  sick  and  dying. ^  Very  few  of  these  poor  lads  ever  saw 
their  native  land  again,  and  half  of  them  never  even  reached  India  .^ 
Yet  it  was  upon  them  that  the  merchants  depended  for  the  safety  of 
the  river  and  the  defence  of   Calcutta. 

More  important  even  than  the  fort  and  the  garrison  v?ere  the 
Company's  ships  and  sailors,  for  the  English  power  was  founded  on  the 
command  of  the  sea.  The  Company's  business  in  Bengal  required  two 
fleets.  Besides  the  great  sea-going  ships,  there  were  a  large  number  of 
small  sloops  and  boats  which  carried  on  the  trade  of  the  river,  and 
brought  down  the  saltpetre  from  Patna.  The  great  ships  did  not  come 
up  the  river  farther  than  Calcutta,  for  the  navigation  of  the  river  was 
then  as  now  very  difficult.  It  would  have  been  impossible  had  it  not 
been  for  the  splendid  service  of  pilots  which  the  Company  had  estab- 
lished in  1668.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Rotation  Government  this 
service,  it  would  seem,  included  three  pilots,  three  masters,  three  boat- 
swains, and  three  or  four  apprentices.^  A  large  number  of  English, 
pilots  must  also  have  been  employed  on  Indian  and  other  foreign  ships. 
In  1708  we  find  the  Council  threatening  to  stop  all  the  Mogul  shipping 
and'  paralyse  the  trade  at  Hugli  and  Eajmahal  by  ordering  all  the 
English  captains  in  the  employ  of  the  Indian  government  to  repair  to 
Calcutta.^  Altogether  nothing  can  be  more  striking  than  the  hold 
upon  the  river  which  the  English  had  acquired  even  at  this  early  date. 

'  Summaries,  §  218. 

2  ji^  §  308. 

3  i6.»Addenda,  §  416. 
*  lb.,  §  372. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


CALCUTTA  UNDER  THE  ROTATION  GOVEENMBNT ;  THE  LIFE  OP  ITS  INHABITANTS. 


Such  was  the  somewliat  rough  machinery  of  Government  by  which 
Calcutta  was  at  this  time  administered  and  its  trade  protected.  When 
we  search  the  records  for  information  as  to  the  life  of  the  place,  we 
find  very  little  said  about  those  who  constituted  the  great  majority  of 
the  inhabitants.  Of  the  Bengali  families  only  one  stands  out  with 
any  distinctness,  the  great  family  which  sprang  from  Mukundarama 
Sett,  who  with  the  assistance  of  the  four  Bysacks  colonized  Govindpur 
in  the  sixteenth  century.^  Eighth  in  descent  from  the  founder  was 
Kenariima,  the  father  of  Janardana,  Varanasi,  and  Nandarama  Sett. 
Of  these  Janardana,  the  eldest  brother,  a  fair,  stout  and  good-looking 
man,  was  the  Company's  broker  in  the  days  of  the  Rotation  Govern- 
ment, liberal  and  high-minded,  like  his  better-known  sou  Vaisnava 
Charan,  he  commanded  the  respect  and  confidence  of  all  who  came 
into  contact  with  him.  His  wife,  Tunumani,  was  noted  for  her  good 
works,  for  the  charities  which  she  endowed  at  Bindrabun,  and  for  the 
twelve  temples  of  Civa  which  she  built  at  Katrunga.-     Janardana  was 


'  G.    D.    Bysack's  Kalighat  and  Calcutta,  in    the  Calcutta  E«view,  XCII, 
p.  319. 

*  I  am  indebted  to  Babu  G.  D.  Bysack  for  this  information. 


200  LIFE   IN   CALCUTTA. 

appointed  tlie  Company's  broker  on  the  18th  October,  1707.^  He  is 
mentioned  more  than  once  in  the  records,  and  was  evidently  the  most 
important  of  the  Company's  native  servants.^  On  the  9th  February 
1712  he  died,  and  was  succeeded  as  broker  by  his  brother  Varanasi 
Sett. 

The  records  notice  more  than  once  the  celebrated  Armenian  mer- 
chant, Khojah  Israel  Sarhad,  the  nephew  of  the  great  Khojah  Phanoos 
Khalanthar.  In  the  preceding  period  Sarhad  had  done  good  service  in 
helping  to  secure  the  grant  of  the  three  towns  from  Prince  'Azimu-sh- 
Shan.  In  the  days  to  come  he  was  to  still  further  distinguish  himself 
as  a  diplomatist  when  sent  with  the  embassy  to  Farrukbsiyar ;  but 
at  the  present  time  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  on  the  best  terms 
with  the  Council,  who,  on  the  2nd  May  1707,  actually  went  to  the 
length  of  seizing  his  goods  to  recover  the  money  which  he  then  owed 
the  Company.^ 

As  regards  the  life  of  the  English  in  Calcutta,  our  infornoation  is 
sufficiently  abandant.  Besides  the  numerous  hints  and  touches  supplied 
by  the  records,  we  have  two  contemporary  accounts,  one  by  Captain 
Alexander  Hamilton  and  the  other  by  Parson  Benjamin  Adams.  Both 
are  interesting  and  important ;  but  before  accepting  either  we  must  in 
each  case  examine  the  circumstances  under  which  our  witness  gives  his 
evidence. 

Benjamin  Adams,  "a  sober,  virtuous,  and  learned  man,"  had  been 
appointed  by  the  Court  to  the  Bay  on  the  22nd  November  1699,  at  the 
recommendation  of  Hewer,  the  friend  of  Pepys,  and  of  Eyre,  the  late 
Agent  at  Calcutta.  Four  days  later  he  had  been  ordained  priest,  and 
at  Christmas-tide,  when  Eyre,  newly  knighted,  set  out  for  India  in  the 
Fame  to  resume  service  under  the  Company  as  President  and  Covernor 
of  Fort  William  in  Bengal,  Adams  sailed  in  his  patron's  train.  He 
brouo-ht  with  him  a  collection  of  modern  books  which  Hewer  had  pre- 
sented to  the  Company's  library  at  Calcutta,  a  very  acceptable  addition 
to  a  place  so  far  removed  from  (he  civilizing  influences  of  literature. 

Adams  seems  also  to  have  brought  with  him  a  rather  poor  opinion 
of  the  spiritual  state  of  bis  intended  flock,  and  the  belief  that  it  was 
his  mission  to  effect  a  thorough  reform.  The  natural  results  followed. 
When  a  young  priest  comes  to  a  strange  land,  and  with  little  knowledge 
of  life    and  no  knowledge  of  the  society  he  is  addressing,  begins  to 


'  Summaries,  §  183. 

2  ii.,  §§215,  311,319,  381,383. 

^  lb.,  §§  312,  327. 


ADAMS*S  Accouirr.  201 

criticise,  admonish,  rebuke  and  condemn,  he  must  not  be  surprised  if 
he  finds  himself  laughed  at  and  neglected.  This  was  what  befell  Adams. 
Calcutta  thought  well  and  spoke  well  of  its  new  Chaplain,  but  it  did 
not  pay  much  attention  to  his  views  on  social  reform.  To  Adanis  tlie 
experience  was  a  bitter  disappointment,  and  he  wrote  home  painting  the 
condition  of  Calcutta  in  the  most  sombre  colours.^ 

" The  missionary  clergy  abroad,"  he  says,  "live  under  great  dis- 
couragement and  disadvantage  with  regard  to  the  easy  and  successful 
discharge  of  their  important  office.  For,  to  say  nothing  of  the  ill-treat- 
ment they  meet  with  on  all  hands,  resulting  sometimes  from  the  opposi- 
tion of  their  chiefs,  who  have  no  other  notion  of  chaplains  but  that 
they  are  the  Company's  servants  sent  abroad  to  act  for,  under,  and  by 
them,  upon  all  occasions,  and  sometimes  from  the  perverseness  and 
refractoriness  of  others,  it  is  observable  that  it  is  not  in  the  power  to  act 
but  by  legal  process  upon  any  emergent  occasion,  when  instances  of 
notorious  wickedness  present  themselves.  And  because  that  cannot 
conveniently  be  had  at  so  great  distance  [since  all  important  cases  have 
to  be  referred  to  Madras,]  hence  it  comes  to  pass  that  they  must  suffer 
silently,  being  incapacitated  to  right  themselves  upon  any  injury  or 
indignity  offered,  or,  which  is  much  worse,  to  vindicate  the  honour  of 
our  holy  religion  from  the  encroachments  of  libertinism  and  profaneness. 

"This  everybody  knows,  and  that  knowledge  is  constant  ground 
for  licentiousuess  aud  ill-manners,  to  those  especially  whose  dissoluteness 
prompts  them  to  level  both  persons  and  things  when  that  mav  serve  to 
the  gratifying  of  their  own  extravagant  and  wild  humour  and  interest. 

*' Were  the  injuries  and  indignities  small  and  trivial,  and  such  as  in 
time  by  a  competent  care  and  prudence  might  either  be  avoided  or 
redressed,  a  man  might  choose  to  bear  them  with  patience  rather  than 
give  himself  the  trouble  of  representing  them  to  superiors.  But 
notorious  crimes  had  need  be  notoriously  represented,  or  the  infec- 
tion would  grow  too  strong  and  epidemical. 

"  For  what,  for  instance,  can  any  man  say  to  that  incestuous  as  well 
as  adulterous  marriage  of  Sir  Nicholas  Waite,  President  of  Affairs  for 
the  New  Company  at  Surat,  with  his  niece,  at  a  time  when  he  expected 
his  own  lady  by  the  next  shipping?  Or  to  that  other  adulterous 
marriage  of  William  Warren,  Surgeon  to  the  Factory  at  Calcutta,  with 
Eh'zabeth  Binns,  a  widow  there,  though  admonished,  advised,  and  cau- 
tioned to  the  contrary,  when  she,  and  everybody  that  knew  Mr.  Warren 


'  Hyde's    Bengal   Chaplaincy  in  the  reipns  of  William  and  Mart/  and  Anne. 
Indian  Church  Quarterltf,   Vol.  V,  1892.     Also  Rcigei'  Diarv,  II,  .318,  319. 


202  MORALITY   OF    OAICUTTA. 

knew  also  that  he  was  married  to  another  woman,  who  would  have  come 
out  to  him,  if  he  had  had  a  mind  to  it  ?  But  it  seems  that  the  obliga- 
tions of  marriage,  or  anything  else,  are  of  little  consideration  with 
Mr.  "Warren,  being  a  man  of  most  pernicious  principles  and  debauched 
manners. 

"  I  might  instance  in  several  things  of  this  nature  which  occur  daily, 
to  the  great  scandal  of  our  Christian  profession  among  other  Europeans, 
not  to  mention  how  easily  the  more  strict  and  reserved  among  the 
heathens  may  reproach  us  in  that  particular  enormity,  which  I  have 
been  speaking  of."  ^ 

I  think  it  would  be  most  unfair  to  construe  Adams's  words 
into  an  indictment  against  the  whole  of  the  English  colony  in  Cal- 
cutta. That  offences  against  good  morals  were  then  far  more  com- 
mon and  far  more  serious  than  they  are  now,  we  cannot  doubt.  We 
do  not  expect  to  find  purity  in  the  lower  waters  of  a  stream  which 
is  tainted  at  its  source,  and  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century  was  the  nadir  of  our  morality.  We  do  not  expect  the  wall 
to  stand  firm  when  its  buttresses  have  been  removed,  and  Calcutta 
was  then  so  far  away  from  London  that  all  the  common  moral  res- 
traints and  supports  were  to  a  great  extent  inoperative.  We  know 
that  many  of  the  exiles  in  that  distant  land  formed  unions,  sometimes 
lawful,  sometimes  unlawful,  with  Portuguese  and  Indian  women.  We 
know  that  many  of  them  were  largely  denationalized.  The  records 
make  mention  far  too  frequently  of  their  quarrels  and  their  punch-houses. 
They  testify  painfully  to  the  prevalence  of  slavery.  But  for  all  that, 
there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  majority  of  the  Anglo-Indians 
of  that  time  were  not,  as  they  always  have  been,  sober,  earnest, 
generous,  and  faithful.  The  charges  made  by  Adams  are  sweeping 
enough,  but  only  two  definite  cases  are  quoted,  of  which  one  occurred 
not  at  Calcutta  but  at  Surat,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  godliest 
of  the  Company's  factories.  Against  the  solitary  instance  of  Dr. 
Warren's  misconduct,  we  can  Set  the  lives  of  men  like  Beard,  Hedges, 
and  Adams  himself,  whose  excellence  we  know  from  the  letters  and 
documents  which  remain ;  and  we  need  not  doubt  that  could  we  read 
the  recorded  lives  of  all  who  lived  at  this  period,  the  numbers  of 
those  who  fell  far  short  of  the  recognized  standard  of  right  conduct 
would  be  comparatively  few . 

If  we  turn  from  Adams  to  Hamiltom  we  get  a  rather  different 
picture.     The  captain,  who  from  1688  to  1723  was  engaged  in  voyaging, 

»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  319,  320. 


Hamilton's  account.  203 

hj  land  and  by  sea,  between  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  Japan,  has 
given  us  the  results  of  his  eastern  experiences  in  two  gossiping  volumes 
published  in  1727.  As  a  private  trader  he  had  to  sufEer  many  things 
at  the  hands  of  the  Company's  covenanted  servants,  and  he  consequently 
writes  with  a  certain  animus  against  them  and  their  doings.  He  makes 
no  mention  of  Dr.  "Warren;  but  he  retails  with  evident  relish  the 
various  scandalous  stories  which  were  current  about  Job  Chamock  and 
his  Indian  wife  y  he  also  takes  care  to  inform  us  of  the  corrupt  prac- 
tices of  President  Weltden,  whose  "  term  of  governing  was  very 
short,"  but  who  "  took  as  short  a  way  to  be  enriched  by  it,  by  harass- 
ing the  people  to  fill  his  coffers."  "  Yet  he  was  very  shy,"  continues 
Hamilton,  "  in  taking  bribes,  referring  those  honest  folks  who  trafficked 
that  way  to  the  discretion  of  his  wife  and  daughter,  to  make  the  best 
bargain  they  could  about  the  sum  to  be  paid  and  to  pay  the  money 
into  their  hands.  I  could  give  many  instances  of  the  force  of  bribing 
both  here  and  elsewhere  in  India,  but  am  loth  to  ruflfle  the  skin  of  old 
sores."  -  It  is  unfortunate,  perhaps,  that  Hamilton  did  not  give  other 
instances.  As  it  is,  these  are  the  only  serious  charges  which  he  has  to 
make.  One  of  them  concerns  an  earlier  period  of  our  story  and  has 
already  been  disposed  of ;  the  second  relates  to  a  man  who  was  sent  out 
by  the  Court  to  Bengal,  and,  therefore,  tells  very  little  against  the 
character  of  the  English  in  Calcutta. 

Hamilton's  account  of  the  religious  state  of  the  plaoe  is  quaint. 
"In  Calcutta  all  religions  are  freely  tolerated  but  the  Presbyterian, 
and  that  they  brow-beat.  The  pagans  carry  their  idols  in  procession 
through  the  town ;  the  Roman  Catholics  have  their  church  to  lodge 
their  idols  in,  and  the  Muhammadan  is  not  discountenanced  ;  but 
there  are  no  polemics,  except  what  are  between  our  high  Church- 
men and  our  low,  or  between  the  Governor's  party  and  other  private 
merchants  on  points  of  trade. "  ^ 

This  brings  us  to  the  great  sin  of  the  English  in  Calcutta,  their 
quarrelsomeness  and  violence.  In  one  of  his  most  amusing  books,  Jules 
Verne  has  described  the  strange  results  produced  in  the  citizens  of 
Uuiquendone  by  the  experiment  of  Dr.  Ox.  The  waggish  man  of 
science  contrived  to  fill  the  sleepy  Flemish  town  with  oxygen  gas,  and 
the  worthy  Quiquendonians,  who  used  to  be  no  more  animated  than 
sponges  or  corals,  became  straightway  changed,  morally  and  physically. 

'  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  edition  of  1727,  vol.  TI,  p.  8. 

*  lb.,  11,10. 

3  lb.,  II,  13,  14. 


204  THE   QUARRELSOMENESS   OF   CALCUTTA. 

The  very  babies  became  insupportable ;  the  High  School  boys  rebelled  ; 
the  burgomaster,  Van  Tricasse,  hitherto  incapable  of  deciding  any- 
thing, now  made  twenty  different  decisions  a  day,  scolding  his  officials 
and  insulting  his  oldest  friend,  the  Counseller  Niklausse.  They  quar- 
relled in  the  streets ;  they  fought  with  pistols ;  the  police  lost  all  control. 
At  length,  not  satisfied  with  attacking  each  other,  they  determined 
to  declare  war  on  their  neighbours  at  Yirgamen,  in  consequence  of  an 
insult  more  than  seven  hundred  years  old. 

It  might  well  be  supposed  from  all  that  is  recorded  about  the  days 
of  the  Rotation  Government  that  a  similar  experiment  was  in  progress 
in  Calcutta.  The  wranglings  and  janglings  of  the  double-headed 
government  were  notorious  throughout  India.^  Page  after  page  of  the 
Consultation  Book  is  filled  with  miserable  disputes  as  to  who  should 
succeed  to  the  Council  and  what  should  be  his  position.  From  the 
Council  Chamber  the  disease  spread  far  and  wide.  Captain  South  was 
ready  to  fight  with  Hedges  about  his  salutes :  ^  Littleton  spent  the  last 
years  of  his  life  in  abusing  his  colleagues :  ^  even  parson  Adams  was 
admonished  to  be  more  peaceable.*  The  ladies  quarrelled  about  their 
places  in  church ;  ^  the  sailors  quarrelled  with  the  landsmen ;  ^  the  Com- 
pany's servants  with  the  private  traders.  For,  although,  as  Hamilton 
puts  it,  "  the  conscript  fathers  of  the  colony  disagree  in  many  points 
among  themselves,  yet  they  all  agree  in  oppressing  strangers  who  are 
consigned  to  them,  not  sufiering  them  to  buy  or  sell  their  goods  at  the 
most  advantageous  market,  but  of  the  Grovernor  and  his  Council  who 
fix  their  own  prices,  high  or  low  as  seemeth  best  to  their  wisdom  or 
discretion,  and  it  is  a  crime  hardly  pardonable  for  a  private  merchant  to 
go  to  Hooghly  to  inform  himself  of  the  current-prices  of  goods,  although 
the  liberty  of  buying  and  selling  is  entirely  taken  from  him  before."  ^ 
"The  colony  has  very  little  manufactory  of  its  own,  for  the  government 
being  pretty  arbitrary,  discourages  ingenuity  and  industry  in  the  popu- 
lace ;  for  by  the  weight  of  the  Company's  authority  if  a  native  chances 
to  disoblige  one  of  the  upper  house,  he  is  liable  to  arbitrary  punishment 
either  by  fine,  imprisonment,  or  corporal  sufferings."  ^ 

»  Hedges'  Diary,  II,  106. 

2  Summaries,  §  87. 

3  See  above,  pp.  164,  165. 

*  Summaries,  §  167. 

6  lb.,  §  168. 

*  lb.,  164;    and  Addenda,  §  4l7. 

7  Hamiltou's  Eatt  Indies,  12,  13. 

8  lb.,  14. 


.      THE   DAILY   ROUND.  205 

From  the  bints  given  us  in  the  records  and  from  the  little  that 
Hamilton  tells  us  about  the  social  life  of  Calcutta,  it  would  seem  to 
have  been  much  the  same  as  it  was  twenty  or  thirty  years  before. 
Its  main  features  were  preserved,  but  it  was  larger  and  freer.  The 
English  sailed  up  and  down  the  river  as  they  pleased,  and  on  land 
from  the  south  mark  at  Govindpur  to  that  in  the"  north  near  Bara- 
nagar,  from  the  river  to  the  salt  lake,  they  were  supreme.^  The  mode 
of  life  was  still  to  a  great  extent  moulded  on  the  pattern  of  an  Oxford 
college.  The  established  discipline  still  required  residence  inside  the 
factory  walls,  and  daily  attendance  in  church  for  prayers,-  and  at  the 
Company's  table  for  dinner.^  But  these  regulations  were  yielding  to 
the  force  of  circumstances.  The  garrison,  which  consisted  of  some 
one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  had  to  be  quartered  in  the  town.^  On 
various  pretexts  the  Company's  servants  were  given  a  diet  apart,  and 
allowed  to  rent  lauds  and  build  separate  houses  for  themselves,  till  at 
last,  in  May  1713,  the  general  table  was  abolished  on  the  score  of 
economy.  In  1708  it  was  agreed  that  as  the  town  was  rapidly  growing 
and  provisions  were  accordingly  becoming  dearer,  the  diet  money  must 
be  iucreased.  In  future  the  two  chairmen  were  allowed  sixty  rupees 
each  a  month,  and  the  other  married  members  of  the  Council  thirty 
rupees.*  Their  salaries,  however,  remained  unaltered.  The  two  chair- 
men and  the  chaplain  received  each  £100  a  year,  and  the  members  of 
the  Council  £40,  "to  be  paid  in  the  country  as  the  Court  and  the 
managers  direct  at  2s.  6d.  per  rupee."  ^ 

As  in  Hugli,  so  here  the  Company  had  its  garden  to  furnish  the 
Governor's  table  with  herbage  and  fruits,  and  some  fish  ponds  to  serve 
his  kitchen  with  good  carp,  calcops,  and  mullet.  "  Most  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Calcutta,"  says  Hamilton,  "that  make  any  tolerable  fio-ure 
have  the  same  advantages ;  and  all  sorts  of  provisions,  both  wild  and 
tame,  being  plentiful,  good  and  cheap,  as  well  as  clothing,  make  the 
country  very  agreeable. 

"On  the  other  side  of  the  river  are  docks  made  for  fitting  and 
repairing  their  ships'  bottoms,  and  a  pretty  good  garden  belono-ino-  to 
the  Armenians,  that  had  been  a  better  place  to  have  built  their  fort 
and  town  in  for  many  reasons.     Ono  is,  that  where  it  now  stands, 

J  See  above  p.  191. 
-  Summariei,  §  120. 
'  lb.,  §  139. 

*  lb.,  §  366. 

•  lb.,  §  266. 
'  15.,  §  118. 


206  THE    ENGLISH    AMUSEMENTS 

the  afternoon's  sun  is  full  in  the  fronts  of  the  houses,  and  shines  hot 
on  the  streets  that  are  both  above  and  below  the  fort ;  the  sun  would 
have  sent  its  hot  rays  on  the  back  of  the  houses,  and  the  fronts  had 
been  a  good  shade  for  the  streets.  ^ 

"Most  gentlemen  and  ladies  in  Bengal  live  both  splendidly  and 
pleasantly,  the  fdrenoons  being  dedicated  to  business,  and  after  dinner 
to  rest,  and  in  the  evening  to  recreate  themselves  in  chaises  or  palan- 
kins  in  the  fields,  or  to  gardens,  or  by  water  in  the  budgerows,  which 
is  a  convenient  boat  that  goes  swiftly  with  the  force  of  oars.  On  the 
river  sometimes  there  is  the  diversion  of  fishing  and  fowling,  or  both ; 
and  before  night  they  make  friendly  visits  to  one  another,  when  pride 
or  contention  do  not  spoil  society,  which  too  often  they  do  among  the 
ladies,  as  discord  and  faction  do  among  the  men."  ^ 

1  may  add  that  they  sometimes  went  hunting,  and  that  occasionally 
the  whole  Council  took  a  holiday  trip  up  the  river. 

Being  a  man,  Captain  Hamilton  has  not  condescended  to  tell  us 
about  the  costume  of  the  period.  No  doubt,  though  always  a  little 
behind  the  time,  they  did  their  best  to  keep  up  with  the  prevailing 
fashions,  and  the  beauty  and  fashion  of  Calcutta,  when  they  took  their 
promenade  on  the  green  before  the  fort,  arrayed  themselves  in  dresses 
which  recalled  those  worn  by  Bellinda  and  Sir  Plume  at  Hampton 
Court  five  years  previously. 

In  private  life,  however,  the  dwellers  by  the  steamy  banks  of  the 
Hugli  adopted  attire  much  less  formal  and  exquisite.  Even  at  the 
meetings  of  the  Council  the  members  thought  of  comfort  rather  than 
dignity,  and  we  must  picture  them  dressed  in  muslin  shirts,  long 
drawers,  and  starched  white  caps,  sitting  in  the  consultation  room,  with 
a  case  bottle  of  good  old  arrack  and  a  goglet  of  water  on  the  table, 
which  the  Secretary,  with  skilful  hand,  converted  into  punch  as 
occasion  arose.^ 

For  all  this  the  life  led  in  Calcutta  in  these  earliest  days  would  not, 
according  to  modern  ideas,  appear  either  so  splendid  or  so  pleasant  as  it 
did  to  Hamilton.  Books  were  scarce ;  outdoor  games  rare.  We  hear 
nothing  of  card  playing^  or  dancing.  There  was  no  race-course,  no 
spacious  esplanade,  no  hotels,  no  theatres,  no  assembly  rooms.     Their 

*  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  II,  11,  12.' 

2  Ih.,  12. 

3  Letter  from  An  Old  Country  Captain  in  the  India  Gazette,  February  24th, 
1781. 

■*  I  find  mention  of  a  card  table  in  a  list  of  goods  sold  in  1719. 


IN  THE  DAYS  OF  GOOD  QUEEN  ANNE.  207 

wildest  excitement  must  have  been  to  sit  in  Mistress  Domingo  Ash's 
parlour,  sipping  arrack  punch  and  listening  to  the  story  of  the  most 
recent  quarrel  amongst  the  dignities  or  the  news  brought  by  the  latest 
ship  ;  how  a  Dutch  vessel  had  been  chased  by  a  French  cruiser  from 
the  gulf  of  Mocha  towards  the  Malabar  Coast ;  and  how  the  chaplain 
had  refused  to  surrender  one  of  his  servants  to  justice,  and  had  so 
come  into  conflict  with  Mr,  Russell ;  how  the  English  had  failed  to  re- 
establish the  factory  at  Ban  jar ;  and  how  Mr.  Hedges  had  refused 
to  resume  his  seat  on  the  Council. 

If  Dame  Fortune's  wishing  shoes,  about  which  Hans  Andersen 
has  so  much  to  tell  us,  were  in  existence  and  could  be  procured  in 
Calcutta,  I  do  not  think  the  most  discontented  inhabitant  of  the 
modern  city  would  be  well  advised  to  wish  himself  back  into  the  days 
of  the  Eotation  Government.  If  he  did,  he  would  probably  find  much 
more  cause  for  complaint  and  regret  than  even  the  Coimcillor  Knap 
when  transported  by  the  magic  of  the  shoes  to  the  times  of  King  Hans. 
Imagine  such  a  one  with  the  fateful  coverings  on  his  feet  leaving  the 
General  Post  Office  late  at  night  on  his  way  home.  He  has  been 
employed  till  past  nine  o'clock  in  making  up  and  sealing  bags  of  letters 
and  parcels,  and  wishes  with  all  his  heart  that  he  had  lived  centuries  ago 
when  communications  were  less  numerous  and  less  rapid.  The  shoes 
work  at  his  wish.  He  steps  out  of  the  great  portico  into  the  Calcutta  of 
age  of  Good  Queen  Anne.  The  lofty  buildings,  the  pavement,  the  lamps, 
the  metalled  street,  the  carriages,  the  tram-lines,  all  disappear.  By  the 
faint  glimmer  of  the  moon  he  can  see  a  rough  roadway.  Beyond  lies 
the  only  thing  in  the  old  town  with  which  the  modem  citizen  is  fami- 
liar, the  great  "  tank  "  vsdth  the  grassy  green  surrounding  it.  To  the 
south  are  bushy  trees,  that<;hed  hovels,  and  pools  of  stinking  water, 
which  render  the  path  leading  to  the  burial-ground  and  the  fields  any- 
thing but  inviting.  The  Post  Office  has  vanished,  and  behind  him  in 
its  place  stand  the  red  walls  of  the  fort.  He  turns  and  walks  north- 
wards, following  them,  till  he  reaches  the  gate.  It  is  shut.  Leaving  on 
his  right  the  great  avenue  to  the  eastward,  and  the  new  church,  he 
passes  up  the  broad  street  to  where  the  lights  show  that  people  are 
still  up  and  stirring.  He  stumbles  into  a  large  garden  and  finds  him- 
self in  the  porch  of  a  low  single-storeyed  dwelling,  where,  let  us  hope, 
despite  his  strange  Victorian  garb,  he  is  welcomed  and  allowed 
to  rest  his  bewildered  head.  In  the  morning,  if  the  spell  should 
still  last,  fresh  surprises  would  await  him.  The  majority  of  the 
English  inhabitants  are  living  in  bungalows  in  the  quarter  of  Calcutta 


208  XJNHKALTHINESS   OF   CALCUTTA, 

which  extends  to  the  north  of  the  great  tank,  their  main  reservoir  of 
sweet  water.  Along  the  avenue  to  the  eastward,  which  leads  from  the 
fort  to  the  Salt  Lake,  there  are  but  a  few  newly-built  houses.  To  the 
south  of  the  green,  before  the  fort,  there  are  plenty  of  eligible  sites  for 
building.  Some  plots  have  been  taken  up  already  by  the  Company 
for  its  stables,  hospital,  barracks,  and  powder  magazine.  There  are  as 
yet  no  Court  House  and  no  Court-house  Street.  The  green  extends 
right  up  to  the  Eope  Walk,  which  modern  Calcutta  calls  Mission  Row. 
At  the  back  of  the  town  is  the  immemorial  pilgrim  path  from  Chitpur 
to  Kalighat,  which  is  intersected  by  the  Eastern  Avenue  at  the  "  cross 
roads,"  where  criminal  Justice  is  publicly  meted  out  to  offenders.  On 
every  side  there  are  large  wastes  of  unreclaimed  land.  The  place  reeks 
with  malaria.  A  very  hasty  glance  at  his  surroundings  fills  our 
translated  citizen  with  a  hearty  desire  to  return  to  modern  times,  and 
with  that  the  charm  is  at  an  end. 

But  is  it  fair  thus  to  view  the  old  settlement  from  the  stand-point 
of  modern  progress  ?  Perhaps  not ;  yet  tried  even  by  the  low  standard 
of  its  own  day  it  was  extraordinarily  unhealthy.  Death  overshadowed 
every  living  soul.  Hamilton  says  that  in  one  year,  out  of  t\»'elve 
hundred  English  in  Calcutta,  no  less  than  four  hundred  and  sixty  died 
between  August  and  the  January  following.^  No  direct  confirmation 
of  this  terrible  mortality  bill  is  to  be  found  in  the  records ;  but  both 
in  August  1705,  when  a  second  surgeon  was  appointed  to  assist 
Dr.  Warren,  and  in  October  1707,  when  it  was  resolved  to  build  a 
hospital,  we  are  informed  that  the  sick  and  dying  were  superabundant.^ 

'  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  II,  7,  8. 
^  Summaries,  §§  145,  218. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


CALCUTTA  UNDEE  THE  ROTATION  GOVERNMENT :  ITS  BUILDINGS. 


When  we  remember  that  the  town  had  at  this  time  no  proper 
drains,  no  good  water-supply,  and  very  few  solid  buildings  or  open 
roads,  the  unhealthiness  of  Calcutta  is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at» 
No  doubt  during  the  whole  period  of  the  Rotation  Government  great 
efforts  were  made  towards  supplying  these  deficiencies.  Private  houses 
sprang  up  in  all  directions, — by  the  riverside,  along  the  roads,  out 
in  the  fields.  On  the  27th  March  1704,  the  Council  ordered  a  book 
to  be  prepared  in  which  "  leases,  bills  of  sale,  and  agreements  made 
by  the  freemen  inhabitants  of  Calcutta"  should  be  entered,  *'the 
Secretary's  fee  to  be  two  rupees  for  registering  the  same,"  ^  and  in  the 
Consultation  Book  itself  we  have  noted  from  time  to  time  a  good  many 
transactions  relating  to  lands  and  houses.  There  was,  however,  no 
proper  agency  to  supervise  these  private  enterprises,  or  to  carry  out 
public  works  and  improvements.  Consequently,  as  Hamilton  observes, 
"the  town  was  built  without  order,  as  the  builders  thought  most 
convenient  for  their  own  affairs ;  every  one  taking  in  what  ground 
best  pleased  them  for  gardening,   so  that  in  most  houses  you  must 


'  Summaries,  §  68. 


210  OLD    FOKT   WILLIAM, 

pass  through  a   garden  into  the  house;    the   English   building  near 
the  river's  side,  and  the  natives  within  land."  ^ 

The  arsenal  of  Calcutta,  and  seat  of  the  Company's  Government  in 
Bengal,  took   from  15  to  20  years  to  build,  and  was  even  then  not 
completed.^     As  it  stood  by  the  riverside  in  1710,  Fort  "William  was 
in  shape   "an  irregular  tetragon  of  brick    and  mortar."      Its  north 
side  was  340  feet  long,  its  south  side  485  feet ;  its  east  and  west  sides 
710   feet.^     At  the  four  corners  were  four  small  bastions  which  were 
connected  by  curtain  walls  about  4  feet  thick  and  18  feet  high.     They 
were  built  of  small  thin  bricks  strongly  cemented  together  with  a  com- 
position of  brick-dust,  lime,  molasses,  and  cut  hemp.^     Each  of  the  four 
bastions  mounted  ten  guns,  and  the  east  gate,  which  projected,  carried 
five.     The  bank  of  the  river  was  armed  with  heavy  cannon  mounted 
in  embrasures  on  a  wall  of  solid  masonry,  and  the  space  between  this 
river  wall  and  the  west  curtain  was  closed  at  each  end  by  small  cross 
walls  with   palisaded  gates.     There  were,  however,  no  proper  ditches  or 
military  outworks  of  any  kind  to  protect  the  other  three  sides  of  the 
fort.     Within,  a  block  of  low  buildings  running  east  and  west  cut  the 
fort  into  two  sections,  which  were  connected  by  a  narrow  passage. 
The  northern  section  of  the  Fort  had  one  small  water  gate,  and  in  its 
centre  an  oblong  building  with  a  row  of  columns  down  the  middle.     The 
southern  and  larger  section  had  two  gates,  one  leading  to  the  river  and 
the  landing  stage,  the  other  opening  out  to  the  eastward  and  giving 
access  to  the  town.     In  the  middle  of  this  section  was  the  Grovernor's 
house,  which  Hamilton  describes  as  "the  best  and  most  regular  piece 
of  architecture    that  I  ever  saw   in  India. "^     This    building  formed 
three   sides    of   a    quadrangle.       The  west    and    principal    face  was 
Si45  feet  long.       In  the  centre  of  this  face  was  the   main   door  of 
the  Governor's  house,  and  from  it  a  colonnade  ran  down  to  the  water- 
gate  and  the  landing  stage.     Entering  the  doorway  and  turning  to 
your  left  you  ascended  the  great  flight  of  stairs  which  led  to  the  hall 

'  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  II,  9. 

2  For  the  tqpography  of  the  fort  see  tny  article  on  the  subject  in  the 
Jffurnal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Pt.  I,  1893,  pp.  104  to  ]27;  also  Mr. 
Koskell  Bayne's  Note  on  the  remains  of  portions  of  Old  Fort  William,  in  the 
same  Journal,  Pt.  I,  1883,  pp.  106  to  119. 

^  I  get  these  lengths  by  actual  measurement.  They  are  the  extreme  dimen- 
sions. Orme  gives  other  measurements,  which  were  probably  taken  from  centre 
to  centre  of  the  bastions. 

*  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  II,  13. 

'J6.,  II,  11. 


THE   HISTORY   OF    ITS    BUILDING.  '211 

and  the  principal  rooms.  The  south-east  wing  contained  the  apart- 
ments of  the  Grovernor.  A  raised  cloister  ran  round  the  three  sides 
of  the  court  enclosed  within  the  building.  All  round  the  fort, 
chambers  and  arcades  were  built  against  the  curtain  walk,  their  roofs 
serving  as  ramparts.  To  those  lying  south  of  the  east  gate  a  melan- 
choly interest  attaches.  They  were  the  scene  of  the  Black  Hole 
tragedy. 

Something  but  not  all  of  the  history  of  these  buildings  can  be 
collected  from  the  records.  As  early  as  1693,  Sir  John  Goldsborough 
had  marked  out  the  site  of  the  fort  with  a  mud  wall,  but  the  English 
did  not  venture  to  begin  to  build  till  the  rebellion  of  Cubha  Singha  in 
1696.  It  appears  from  the  Sutanuti  diary  that  on  the  1st  January 
1697  they  were  "  employed  in  fortifying  themselves  'and  wanted 
proper  guns  for  the  points."  For  the  present  they  only  asked  for  ten, 
from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  only  one  bastion  was  then  in 
existence.  The  so-called  fort,  in  fact,  consisted  merely  of  three  or 
four  walls  with  a  square  brick  tower  at  the  north-east  angle,  built  to 
look  like  a  warehouse  for  fear  of  exciting  the  jealousy  of  the  Mogul. 
In  the  year  1700  and  1701  the  question  of  strengthening  the  fortifi- 
cations was  forced  upon  the  Council  at  Calcutta  by  the  return  of  Sir 
Charles  Eyre,  who  had  been  sent  out  from  home  for  this  very  purpose.* 
Upon  his  hasty  departure  the  work  was  taken  up  by  Beard,  who, 
at  the  beginning  of  1702,  was  able  to  report  that  he  had  made 
such  substantial  additions  to  Fort  William  that  it  was  strong  enough 
to  ward  off  any  attack  by  the  Country  Powers.^  The  additions 
probably  included  the  building  of  a  new  bastion  at  the  south-east 
angle,  and  the  encasing  of  the  old  square  bastion  at  the  north-east  angle 
with  flanks  and  salients  to  give  it  a  more  proper  military  shape. 
The  remains  of  all  these  works,  now  buried  beneath  a  mass  of  modem 
erections,  have  from  time  to  time  been  brought  to  light  by  excavations 
made  in  the  course  of  laying  down  new  foundations.  In  1883  Mr. 
RoskeU  Bayne  examined  the  site  of  the  north-east  angle  of  the  fort, 
and  measured  all  the  old  walls.  The  masonry  work  was  found  to  be  of 
good  material  and  very  hard  to  break  into.  The  walls  of  the  old 
square  bastion  were  more  than  six  feet  thick.  Those  of  the  new 
outer  bastion  were  still  thicker.  They  "were  battered,"  says  the 
engineer,  "  with  a  fall  in  of  about  one  in  ten,  and  the  outer  faces  were 
finished  with  a  thin  coat  of  lime  plaster  of  a  rich  crimson  tint   and 


*  For  these  statements,  see  ante,  pp.  143,  149,  157. 
'  Brace's  Annals,  II,  444,  445. 

P    2 


212  ADDITIONS   IN    1707. 

reticulated  in  imitation  of  stone  work,  the  stones  being  about  1  foot 
6  inches  long  by  about  9  to  10  inches  deep."  ^ 

When  on  the  1st  February  1 704  President  Beard  handed  over  to 
the  Eotation  Government  the  garrison  and  factory,  the  fortifications 
consisted  of  nothing  but  three  or  four  walls,  with  two  bastions  at  the 
north-east  and  south-east  corners  of  the  enclosure.     It  was  not  till  the 
death  of  Aurangzeb  in  1707  that  anything  further  was  done  to  strength- 
en the  fort.     During  the  confusion   of  the  interregnum  two  regular 
bastions  were  built  on  the  water-side  to  correspond  with  those  on  the 
land  side.     The  military  paymaster  was  ordered  "  to  see  it  well  per- 
formed out  of  hand,  and  to  that  end  to  take  all  the  materials  in  the 
town  that  are  necessary  thereto,  that  it  may  be  quickly  erected,  for 
we  may  not  meet   with  such  an  opportunity  again."  ^     The  signs  of 
haste  were  still  visible  in  the  north-west  bastion,  when  its  remains  were 
dug  up  in   1883.     Its  courses  of  bricks  were  irregular;    its  outlines 
confused;  its  dimensions  contracted.^     In  February  1709  the  English 
took  a  further  step  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  health  and  safety 
of  their  settlement.     On  the  east  side  of  the  fort  lay  a  small  pond  of 
water.     By  deepening  and  lengthening  it,  additional  security  was  given 
to  the  south-east  angle  of  the  fortification,  and  a  large  reservoir  was 
provided  of   water,  far  sweeter  and  healthier  than  the  brackish  Hugli 
which  had  hitherto  been  the  drink  of  the  garrison.     The  earth  taken 
out  of  the  excavation  was  used  to  fill  up  the  space  between  the  two 
new  bastions  and  the  bank  was  faced  with  rubble  and  ballast.*    In 
February   1710  they  began  to  build  a  wharf  before  the  fort,  facing  it 
with  brick  and  raising  a  breastwork  on  which  to  plant  cannon.^    Lastly, 
to  complete  these  improvements  in  the  external  surroundings  of  the 
place,  a  clearance  was  made  to'  the  south  where  the  ground  was  choked 
up  and  close  set  with  trees,  small  thatched  hovels,  and  standing  pools 
of  stinking  water.     In  August  the  paymaster  was  ordered  to  clear  the 
ground  and  open  the  way  directly  before  the  factory,  "  continuing  the 
present  walk  already  made  further  into  the  open  field,  filling  up  all 
the  holes,  and  cutting  small  trenches  on  each  side  to  carry  the  water 
clear  from  the  adjacent  places  into  the  large  drains."^ 

1  Eoskell  Bayne  in  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Pt.  I,  1883, 
p.  109. 

-  Suvrvmaries,  §  202. 

^  Eoskell  Bayne  in  Jowrwa^  of  <^e  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Pt.  I,  1883, 
p.  110. 

*  Summaries,  §  296. 
»  lb.,  §  365. 

•  2b.,  §  398. 


THE    BUIDINGS    WITHIN    THE   FORT.  213 

While  such  was  the  progress  of  the  external  defences  of  the  factory, 
the  growth  of  the  internal  buildings  was  no  less  slow.     It  would'seem 
that  originally  the  principal  buildings  occupied  the  northern  end  of 
the  enclosed  space.     At  first  they  were  of  the  meanest  description. 
The  Company's  store  places,  outhouses,  and  stables  consisted  of  nothing 
but  mud  walls  and  thatched  roofs.     Brick  and  mud  were  probably 
the  materials  used  for  the  armoury  and  factory,  of  which  the  former 
occupied  the  centre  of  the  north  ward,  while  the  latter  seems  to  have 
stood  on  the  site  of  the  dividing  block  of  buildings  afterwards  assigned 
*'to  the  young  gentlemen  in  the  Company's  service."^     In  1706  the 
old  factory  house   was   hardly   fit   for  habitation.     It  had  long  been 
falling  into  decay,  and  had  been  so  much  injured  by   recent   storms 
that  it  had  given  way  in  places.     It  was  accordingly  ordered  to  be 
pulled  down,   and   other   lodgings  were  prepared   for   the   gentlemen 
that  lay  in  it.  ^     Meanwhile,    in   the  south  ward,  the  new  Governor's 
house  was  being  built,  which  so  much  excited  the  admiration  of  Captain 
Hamilton.      This   fine  piece   of  architecture   was  put   together   with 
considerable    deliberation.      It   seems  to    have    been   commenced    in 
1702^  and  not  to  have  been  finished  till  the  middle  of  1706.     At  the 
beginning  of  1704,  when  Littleton  enquired  what  accommodation  could 
be  given  to  him  in  Calcutta,  he  found  that  there  were  but  few  good 
rooms  finished  in   the  new  house,*  and,  in   fact,  the  first  floor   was 
not  completely  roofed   in  till    just  before  the  rainy  season   of  that 
year.^ 

Every  year,  as  the  Company's  trade  developed  and  the  number  of 
the  Company's  servants,  civil  and  military,  increased,  the  difficulty  of 
finding  room  for  them  all  became  more  pressing.  On  aU  sides  ware- 
houses were  erected  against  the  walls,  under  the  pleasing  belief  that  they 
strengthened  the  fortification.^  In  other  cases  accommodation  had  to  be 
sought  outside  the  fort  altogether.     In  1707  for  example,  the  authorities 


*  This  is  conjecture.  It  is  certain  that  the  old  buildings  were  at  the  north 
end;  and  when  1  dug  up  the  foundations  of  the  dividing  block  of  buildings  in 
1892, 1  found  the  foundations  of  older  "  brick-in-mud  "  buildings  beneath. 

-  Summaries,  §  164.     I  suppose  that  the  old  factory  house  was  condemned  a& 
soon  as  the  new  house  was  completed. 
'  lb.,  §  24. 

*  Ib.,§  45. 

*  lb.,  §  50. 

*  Thus  in  May  1708  the  Council  strengthened,  the  fortification  by  continuing 
the  sorting  warehouse,  which  was  buUt  inside  the  south  curtain  till  it  reached  the 
new  south-west  bastion  {Summaries,  §  248) ;  and  io  the  next  year  they  rebuilt  the 
▼hole  of  it  in  a  more  solid  manner  {Summaries.  §  300). 


214  THE   HOSPITAL    AND    BARRACKS. 

in  Calcutta  were  at  last  induced  to.  attend  to  the  needs  of  the  soldiers 
and  sailors,  who  every  year  fell  sick  and  died  in  large  numbers,  owing 
to  the  cruel  manner  in  which  they  were  neglected.  After  frequent 
representations  had  been  made  by  the  doctors,  the  Council  agreed  on  the 
16th  October  that  a  convenient  spot,  close  to  the  burial  ground,  should  be 
pitched  on  as  the  site  of  a  hospital,  and  contributed  two  thousand  rupees 
towards  the  building  expenses.  The  rest  of  the  money  was  raised  by 
public  subscription.^  Of  this  institution  Hamilton  has  expressed  a 
somewhat  modified  approbation.  "The  Company,"  he  says,  "has 
a  pretty  good  hospital  at  Calcutta,  where  many  go  in  to  undergo  the 
penance  of  physic,  but  few  come  out  again  to  give  account  of  its  opera- 
tion," ^  In  1710,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  unwholesome  practice 
of  allowing  the  soldiers  to  lodge  in  the  town,  the  hospital  was 
walled  round  and  barracks  erected  for  them  to  live  in  under  the 
supervision  of  their  oflScers.^ 

But  of  all  the  buildings  erected  at  this  time  without  the  fort,  the 
most  important  was  the  Church  of  St.  Anne.  The  first  proposals  for  a 
separate  place  of  worship  in  Calcutta  were  made  in  September  1704,  in 
a  joint  letter  to  the  Council  by  Benjamin  Adams  and  by  William 
Anderson,  the  former  Chaplain  of  the  "  English  Company"  at  Hugli. 
At  that  time,  owing,  to  the  union  of  the  two  Companies,  the  English 
inhabitants  had  become  so  numerous  that  there  was  "no  place  able  to 
contain  the  congregation  that  would  meet  at  divine  service  if  there 
were  rooms  sufficient  to  contain  them,"  and  the  Council  lent  a  willing 
ear  to  the  suggestions  of  the  two  clergymen.  To  the  building  fund, 
to  which  the  commanders  of  ships,  the  Company's  servants,  and  the 
free  inhabitants  had  liberally  contributed,  they  added  Es.  1,000,*  and 
when  towards  the  end  of  October  Adams  was  obliged  to  make  a  sea- 
voyage  to  Madras  for  his  health,  they  furnished  him  with  a  letter  to 
the  authorities  of  Fort  St.  G eorge  to  enable  him  to  raise  money  there 
too.®  The  site  fiist  assigned  to  the  Church  was  a  plot  of  ground  in  the 
*'  Broad  street,"  ^  but  in  deference  to  a  chorus  of  objections  on  the  part 
of  the  inhabitants,  who  threatened  to  withdraw  their  subscriptions,  it 
was  changed  for  another  immediately  opposite  the  east  curtain  of  the 


'  Summaries,  §  218. 

'  Hamilton's  East  Indies,  II,  11. 

•^  Summaries,  §  366. 

'  lb.,  §  1 18. 

*  lb.,  §  127. 

« lb.,  §  128. 


THE  CHURCH   OF    ST.    ANNB.  215 

Fort.^  The  work  of  building  now  began  in  right  earnest.  Adams, 
however,  continued  to  collect  subscriptions  till  September  1706,  when 
he  called  a  conference  and  arranged  that  the  raising  of  funds,  as  well 
as  the  supervision  of  the  building,  should  be  left  to  lay  agency.  In  a 
somewhat  mysterious  letter  to  the  Council,  dated  the  19th  of  the  month, 
he  gives  as  his  reason  for  this  step,  that  "  Brother  Anderson  had  not  re- 
putation enough  among  the  gentlemen  to  obtain  their  subscriptions"  and 
that  he  himself  is  about  to  resign  his  Chaplaincy  at  Michaelmas.  There- 
fore "at  this  juncture  it  were  more  advisable  that  the  collection  should 
proceed  upon  indifferent  trustees."  *' And  I  wish,"  he  adds,  "with  all 
my  heart,  they  may  collect  more  money  than  I  did  last  year,  which  will 
enable  them  to  do  what  is  useful  if  not  ornamental  to  the  Church; 
and  that  in  any  corner  of  the  world  would  be  acceptable  news  to  your 
friend  and  servant,  Benjamin  Adams."  -  In  spite  of  the  wishes  of  the 
worthy  clergyman  the  trustees  do  not  seem  to  have  done  much  for  the 
Church.  In  February  1707  it  was  found  that  the  work  was  at  a  stand- 
still owing  to  the  want  of  proper  or  regular  proceedings,  and  Edward 
Battle  and  John  Maisters  were  ordered  to  take  the  matter  in  hand  at 
once.  They  were  to  receive  subscriptions,  supervise  the  building,  and 
see  that  it  went  on  regularly,  and  to  make  a  monthly  report  to  the 
Council.'  The  work  now  proceeded  rapidly.  Early  in  the  following  year 
it  had  advanced  so  far  that  Anderson  was  able  to  write  to  the  Bishop 
of  London  and  ask  him  to  arrange  for  the  consecration.  By  the  begin- 
ning of  1709  the  Church  was  complete.  On  the  9th  May,  Anderson, 
as  Bishop's  Commissary,  laid  before  the  Council  the  commission  to  con- 
secrate, and  received  permission  to  execute  it.*  On  the  5th  June,  being 
the  Sunday  after  Ascension  Day,  the  Church  was  duly  dedicated  to  the 
service  of  God  in  the  name  of  St.  Anne.^ 

The  structure  of  St.  Anne's  has  recently  been  studied  with  loving 
care  by  Mr.  H.  B.  Hyde,^  and  by  a  comparison  of  various  views  and 
plans,  its  most  important  dimensions  and  features  have  been  ascertained. 
The  length  of  the  Church  was  eighty  feet.  The  interior  consisted  of  a 
nave  about  twenty  feet  broad,  with  a  high-pitched  roof  divided  by  rows 

'  Summaries,  §  134. 
a  Ih.,  §  176. 
3  lb.,  §  190. 
*  Ih.,  §  318. 
»  lb.,  §  328. 

«  See  his  article  on  the  Bengal  Chaplaincy  in  the  reigns  of  William  and 
Mary  and  Anne  in  Ihe  Indtan  Church  Quarttrh/,  Vol.  V,  1892. 


216  ITS   MAGNIFICENT   STEEPLK, 

of  pillars  from  the  north  and  south  aisles.  At  the  east  end  was  a 
circular  apse  for  the  sanctuary.  The  west  end  was  a  massive  section 
containing  the  vestibule,  the  vestry,  and  the  tower  staircase.  The  tower 
itself,  which  was  twenty  feet  square,  was  divided  into  three  storeys  and 
surinounted  by  a  balustrade.  In  1712  a  bell,  sent  out  by  the  Court, 
was  ordered  to  be  hung  in  a  convenient  handsome  place  over  the  porch, 
and  an  octagonal  spire  was  in  consequence  added  to  the  tower.  For 
nearly  fifty  years  the  sacred  edifice  continued  to  be  the  chief  ornament 
of  the  English  settlement  in  Bengal,  and  in  the  earliest  view  of 
Calcutta  you  may  see  its  lofty  steeple  rising  into  the  sky,  above  all  the 
buildings  of  the  fort. 


In  the  foregoing  pages  I  have  tried  to  trace  the  main  outlines  of 
the  early  history  of  the  English  in  Bengal,  up  to  and  including  the 
story  of  the  Eotation  Government,  in  the  years  1704  to  1710,  and 
I  hope  that,  in  the  light  of  what  I  have  written,  the  extracts  from  and 
summaries  of  the  Bengal  Records,  given  in  this  and  subsequent  volumes, 
will  be  intelligible  and  interesting  to  the  reader.  I  have  tried  to  bear 
in  mind  that  history  is  the  exposition  of  a  coherent  series  of  social 
changes.  I  have  tried  to  show  the  necessity  for  the  English  settlement 
at  Calcutta,  and  I  have  begun  to  sketch  the  consequences  of  this  settle- 
ment. The  story  of  the  first  twenty  years  suggests  three  points  of  view 
from  which  to  follow  the  subsequent  course  of  events,  the  external 
relations  of  the  EngKsh  Government,  the  effect  of  the  settlement  on  the 
character  of  the  English  settlers,  and  lastly  its  effect  on  the  character  of 
the  natives  of  the  country. 

The  external  policy  of  the  English  was  determined  by  the  nature  of 
the  Mogul  Government,  a  Government  which  exacted  constant  supplies 
of  tribute  from  the  Lower  Provinces,  and  yet  was  unable  in  return  to 
secure  peace  and  good  order.  The  great  object  of  the  Viceroy  of 
Bengal  and  of  his  subordinates  was  to  extract  from  the  country  enough 
gold  and  silver  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  Delhi  and  their  own  cupidity. 
The  European  trading  companies  were  their  great  mines  of  wealth, 
which  they  worked  vigorously.  So  anxious  were  they  to  get  every 
golden  egg  they  could  from  their  foreign  geese,  that  they  often  came 
near  to  killing  the  geese  themselves.  The  English,  to  defend  them- 
selves against  these  exactions,  took  refuge  in  Calcutta,  where  the  strength 
of  their  position  enabled  them  to  make  more  advantageous  terms  with 
the  nabob  of  Bengal.     During  the  twenty  years  of  which  this  volume 


CONCLUSION.  217 

treats,  these  advantages  were  seen  to  be  very  real.  The  English  settle- 
ment advanced  by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  its  progress  would  have  been 
still  greater,  had  it  noh  been  for  the  disputes  between  the  rival  com- 
panies, and  the  uncertainty  of  the  nature  of  the  English  legal  position, 
an  uncertainty  which  was  remedied,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  next  volume, 
by  the  English  embassy  to  Farrukhsiyar. 

The  second  point  of  inter,  st  is  the  effect  of  the  settlement  in  Bengal 
on  the  English  themselves.  The  first  settlers  became  very  largely 
Indianised  in  their  manners  and  customs ;  but  as  time  went  on,  and  the 
English  became  more  numerous^  they  were  better  able  to  resist  the 
influences  by  which  they  were  surrounded,  and  preserve  their  own 
national  characteristics.  Towards  this  safeguarding  of  the  English 
character  the  settlement  at  Calcutta  must  have  greatly  contributed. 

The  effect  of  the  English  settlement  on  the  natives  of  the  country 
is  not  very  noticeable  in  the  story  as  far  as  I  have  brought  it,  yet  this 
perhaps  is  the  most  important  point  of  all.  In  Calcutta  the  English 
made  many  of  their  first  experiments  in  ruling  India.  Ralph  Sheldon 
is  the  first  English  Collector  and  Magistrate  in  Bengal.^  Poor  and 
unworthy  as  the  aiiministration  of  the  early  settlement  may  seem  to 
modem  eyes,  we  can  have  no  doubt  that  it  presented  a  very  favourable 
contrast  to  the  government  of  the  surrounding  districts,  a  contrast  which 
was  not  forgotten  in  1757.  The  development  of  the  administration  of 
Calcutta  and  the  introduction  of  British  order  and  justice  should  be 
among  the  most  interesting  points  upon  which  the  volumes  of  records 
which  I  have  yet  to  summarise  may  be  expected  to  throw  light. 

*  The  principal  regulations  introduced,  or  intended  to  be  introduced,  by 
the  Permanent  Settlement  are  found  in  force  in  Calcutta  under  the  Kotation 
Government.  The  English  Council,  as  the  permanentlj  settled  collector,  makes 
a  survey  of  its  lands.  The  rent  is  paid  at  the  customary  rate  of  not  more  than 
three  rupees  a  bigha.  Every  tenant  has  to  take  out  a  deed  declaring  the  area 
of  his  land  and  the  rent  due  on  it.  The  native  officers  in  charge  of  th.e  land 
records  are  converted  into  "rent-gatherers"  in  the  pay  of  the  Collectorace. 
See  Summaries,  sections  205,  2r6,  207 ;  and  compare  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter's  Bengal 
M.  S.  Recorda,  edition  of  1804,  Volume  I,  Historical  Dissertation  on  Land 
Eights,  especially  pages  55,  61,  67,  120.) 


STTMMAEIES 


BENGAL  PUBLIC  COXSULTATIOX  BOOKS 

For  the  yeaks  1704  to  1710. 


220 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1703. 


Accounts  of  the  English  Company. 


Charges  general 
Cattle 
Ee  pairs 
Mary  Smack 
Servants'  wages 
New  house 
Butler's  room 
Summer  house 
Garrison 


Es.    A.  p. 

47    3  3 

23     1  6 

26     3  3 

133     5  6 

]24     8  6 

60  11  0 

28  12  6 

57  11  3 

813     1  9 


Cash   sent    to    Parransow     [?Prdn     Qdha]    at 

Jessore  to  provide  timbers  ...  ...     SOO    0    0 


1,594  10     6 


Expenses  added  ;  both  Companies  together     ...  2,968     7     9 


4.— REVENUE    FOR    OCTOBER    1703. 

The  account  of  the  revenues  collected  out  of  the  three  towns  and 
bazar  for  the  month  of  October  by  Ealph  Sheldon 
was  perused  and  passed,  the  particulars  being  as 
follows : — 


December  6th, 


Accounts  of  the  Revenue  of 
Faid  hy  Bassar  [Bazar]. 


For  servants*  wages,  etc. — 
Catwall  \_Kotwal] 


Es. 
4 


Four  writers,  Rs.  18-8 ; 
fifteen  peons,  Es.  31 ;  ten 
paikes  [pdiks],  Es.  15-8...  65 


Four  rent-gatherers,  Es. 
6-4 ;  drummer  and  piper, 
Es.  1-12 

Hollocore  [halal-Tchor]     ... 

Paper,  6a;  ink,  2a 


Balance  paid  into  cash 


8 
.     0 

.     0 
78 

314 

392 


the  three  Toicns,  month  of  October  1703. 
Credit. 


0     0 
0  .0 

0    0 

12     0 

8     0 


4     U 


4    9 
8     9 


Es.  A. 

p. 

By  rent  of  houses 

.  327  10 

6 

Batta  [BattS^— 

297-lOi  sicca  10  p.(\  . 

.     29  12 

3 

1        ditto 

.       0     1 

6 

22 

1  14 

0 

(7  currt.) 

359     6     3 


By  sundry  petty  incomes — 
Eecovery  of  debts 
Fines 

Peons'  pay  on  business   ... 
Marriage  fees 
Sallamie  ^Salami]  ... 

Duties  on  firewood 
Customs    on    grain,    etc., 

taken  in  specie  and  sold 

for 


7 

1 

0 

4 

0 

0 

0 

6 

0 

1 

12 

0 

1 

8 

0 

3 

8 

0 

14  15     fi 
392     8     9 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1703. 


221 


Calcutta. 


Paid. 

For  servants'  wages,  etc. — 
Sheekdar  ^^shiqdar],  Ks.  4; 

three  mundels  [mandall, 

Es.  2        

One    Putwarie    [^aficart], 

Bs.  2;  five  peons,  Es.  10 
Mending  the  catcherrie  and 

mats 
Cloth  to  tie  up  the  papers 
Mending  the  highways 
A  seerpau  [sar-o-pa]  to  two 

mundells  \mandals] 


Es.  A.  p. 


6    0    0 


12    0    0 


9 

4 

11 


2     1     0 


Credit. 


By  rent  o£  houses  and  land... 
Batta   [Batta']  on  houses 
at  10  p.  c. 


Es.    A.  p. 

203  15     3 

20    6     3 


26     2     3 


224 

5 

6 

By  sundry  petty  incomes  ; — 

marriage  fees,    7    rupees ; 

recovering  debts,  Es.  2-7  ; 

sallamie  [salami],  Es.  22  ; 

fines,  Es.  2  ;  batta,  7  annas  ; 

fruit  sold,  4  annas  3  pie  ; — 

Equals  altogether     

34 

2 

3 

]S^ew  bazar  — 

Mart  rent,  Es.  2  ;  duties  on 

goods,  Es.  1-7t  ;  weighers' 

duties,   Es.  1 ;  batta,  65 

annas        ...         ,,. 

4 

13 

3 

Pole  money  received,  sicca... 

20 

8 

6 

Batta            

2 

0 

9 

285 

14 

3 

Soot^  Loofa. 


Servants'  wages,  etc.— 
Shikdar  [shiqddr] 
Putwarrie  [pat tea ri} 
Five  peons   ... 
Ink  and  paper 


Es.  A.  p. 


3 
2 

10 
2 


17     1    0 


54  15 
5    8 


5    8    0 


Es.  A. 

By  rent  of  land  and  houses   134    3 
Batta  at  10  p.  c 13     q 

Petty  incomes,  nine  marts  of 

this  month...         

Batta  at  10  p.  c.    ... 

Weighers'  duties,  Es.  6 ;  batta 
8  annas 

Cuttie  Mangun  [?  ^ittti 
■mangati],  Rs.  14-8^  ;  batta 
Re.  1-7        

Duties  on  fruits  out  of  gardens 

Fines,  Ee.  I  ;  recovering  debt, 
3  annas 

Sallamie,   8  annas  ;  pole  mo- 
ney, 32  sicca,  annas  7 
Batta,  Ks.  3-4       

Assaurie  [?  ashdri]   by  the 
fishers,  Es.  6-5 
Batta,  10  annas    ... 


p. 
0 
9 

0 
0 


15  15 
5     9 


13     0 


33  15 

0 

3     4 

0 

6     5 

0 

0  10 

0 

279    6 

6 

222 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1703. 


Oovingpore. 


To  servants'  wages,  etc. — 
Sheekdar,  Es.  4;  patwarrie, 
Ee.  1-8 ;  spreading,  Ke.  1 
Charges  on  the  three  towns — 
Vacquell   [Valcll],    Es.   5. 
2  writers,  Es.  6,  8  cabars 
[kahars],  Es.  8  ... 
Ink  and  paper  Re,  1-3,  oil 

annas  12    ,.,         

To  the  Government  peon  ... 


To  balance  into  cash 


Es.  A. 

p. 

> 

6     8 

0 

19    8 

0 

1  15 

0 

1    4 

3 

29    3 

3 

72    6 

6 

735    5 

6 

807  12 

0 

Es.   A..   7. 


By  rent  of  houses  and  land  160    0  0 

Advance  on  cowries  received  10  0 

BattaatlOp.c 16    0  0 

Sundry  petty  incomes,  goods 

received  in  specie  and  sold 

for              ...     • 2  13  0 

Sallammie      2    0  0 

Pole  money  sicca     47    4  0 

Batta          ...  4  11  9 

Assurie  by  fishermen          ...  8    0  0 

Batta         0  10  9 


242    7    3 

665     4    9 

807  12    0 


John  Calvert,  Sect. 


John  Beard. 
JoNA.  White.^ 
E.ALPH  Sheldon. 
John  Eussell. 


5.— PETRE    BOATS    STOPPED. 

The  Company's  petre  boats  arrive  at  Eajmahal  and  are  there 
stopped  because  they  had   neither  the   Prince's 

December  30th.  ^^  '' 

nor  the  Diwan  s  sanad.  Mr.  Redshaw  has 
gone  there  to  see  after  them.  They  send  him  a  thousand  rupees,  and 
order  him  to  clear  the  boats  at  any  price  ;  otherwise  the  saltpetre  will 
not  be  at  Fort  William  in  time  for  shipping. 

6.— BUILDING  EXPENSES. 

The  charges  general  keeper  receives  four  hundred  rupees  to  pay  the 
workmen  on  the  building  and  to  procure  some 
fine  chunam  \chunam.'] 


December  30th. 


7.— TAKING   FROM  THE   MOORS. 

John  Matroon,  chief  mate  of  the  President's  ship  Monsoon,   coming 
into  the  river,  took  out  of  a  Moor's  ship  some 
cowries,  stores,  etc.     The   President   hearing  of 
this  ordered  that  the  goods  should  be   given  up    to   the  Council  and 


December  30th. 


»  White  died  on  the  3rd  January,  1784,  in  the  34th  year  of  his  age. 
St.  John's  Churchyard,  Calcutta,  in  the  Charnock  mausoleum. 


Hia  tombstone    is  in 


FORT  WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1703. 


223 


reserved,  in  case  any  demand  should  be  made,  as  it  might  prove 
disadvantageous  for  the  Company,  if  the  Moors  complained.  Finally, 
the  goods  were  sold  at  public  auction,  and  the  money  they  fetched 
paid  back. 

8.— REVENUE  FOR  NOVEMBER  1703. 

The  account  of  the  revenues  collected  out  of  the  three  towns  and 

bazars  for  the  month  of  November  1703,  and  was 

perused  and    passed,  the    particulars  being  as 

follows: — 

Bazar. 

,  Credit. 


December  30th. 


Debts. 

To  servants'  wages — 
Catwall 
Foot  writers 
Fifteen  peons 
Ten  paikes  ... 
Four  rent  gatherers 
Hollocore     ... 
Drummer  and  piper 
Paper  and  ink 


Es.  A.  p. 


4 

18 
31 
16 

6 


0  12 

1  12 

0    8 


78    4    0 


To  balance  paid  into  cash    112    8    9 
190  12    9 


By  rent  of  land  and  houses 
Sicca  at  10  per  cent. 

100  0  0]  10  0  0 
2  0  o!  0  3  0 
19  0'  0  2  0 
1    0    o|      0     10 


Es. 
112 


(Current  17  12). 

By  sundry  petty 
incomes,  i.e.,  for  the 
amount  of  one  year 
and  rent  of  ground 
for  leases  granted 
to  the  English,  t  e.. 
Sir  Charles  Eyre's 
compound— 
I'Srge  ...10 

Ditto,  smaller     ...  5 

Gunner  Price,  1  ditto  3 


Batta    at    10   per 
cent. 

Sallammie 
Peon's  pay 

Fines 
Marriage  duties 

Kecovering    debts 

i  part 
Duties  on  firewood 
Customs  on  grain, 

etc.,    taken      in 

specie  and  sold 

for  ... 


1 

0 

13 

6 

4 

9 

19    3 
r 
.  1  li 

3 
9 

.  4    8 
.  1     1 

0 

0 

.  6    4 
.  2    0 

9 
0 

A.  P. 

6  0 


10  6  0 


21  2  0 
6  9  0 

8  4  9 


5  0 

8  0 


26  5  0 

190  12  9 


224 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1703. 

Calcutta. 


Debt*. 

To  servants'  wages,  etc. — 
One  putwarie  \_pattDari  ] 
Two  mundells  [^man^ala] 
One  peon       ...  ,, 

Sheekdar  [,ghiqddr] 


Es.  A. 

p. 

2    0 

0 

1     8 

0 

1     8 

0 

4    0 

0 

9    0 

0 

Debts 


9    0    0 


Credit. 

Es.  A.  p.   Es.  A.  p. 

By    rent    of  land 
and  houses         ...  99     1     3 
BattaatlOpercent.9  14    3 

■ 108  15    6 

By     sundry    petty 
incomes — 

Salammie  ..;  300 

Eecovering  debts      7    4    0 
Fines  ...  4    0    0 


14    4    0 


New  buzzar,  i.e. — 

Mart  rents          ...  2    0  0 
Duties    on    goods 

sold  for            ...  1     7  0 

Weigher's  duties      10  0 

Batta                  ...  0    6  0 


Credit 


...127  15    6 


To  servants'  wages— 


Sheekdar 

...  3 

0 

0 

Putwarie 

...  2 

0 

0 

Fire  peons 

...10 

0 

0 

Charges  on   the 

new 

settled  houses 

i.e. 

Two  paikes 

...  2 

8 

0 

One  drummer 

...  0 

8 

0 

Charges  on  making  a 
new  buzzar  in  set- 
tling 105  houses, 
being  for  7  months, 
charges  allowed  ... 

(Calcutta  debts  Es.  9 
added  on) 


Soota  Loota. 

Es 

A.  p. 

By  rent  of    houses. 

Es.  A. 

P. 

etc.    ... 

67  12 

0 

Batta 

6  12 

3 

5 

0    0 

Incomes    of     eight 

t# 

' 

marts              121  ca. 

10  pa.    62    3 

9 

Batta 

6    3 

Q 

Weigher's  duties  ... 

5     8 

0 

Cuttie  Mangun     ... 

6    0 

0 

Batta 

0    9 

6 

13 

0    0 

Saliamie 

Incomes  of  105  new 
settled  houses,  this 
being  the  1st 
month     rent    was 

2    0 

0 

40 

0    0 

taken 

10  11 

0 

0    0 

67 

284  12 

0 

FOET   WILLIAM,    JANUARY    1704. 


225 


' 

Ootingpore. 

Es.  A.  p.  Rs 

A. 

J. 

Servant's  wages — 

By  rent  o 

Sheekdar             ...  4    0    0 

etc.  ... 

Putwarie             ...  1     8    0 

Batta 

5 

8 

0 

Fines 
Sallammie 

New  buzzar — 1  peon        ...       1 

8 

0 

Drximmer             ...           ...       0 

12 

0 

7 

12 

0 

Rs.  A.  p.     Rs.  A.  p. 


54 

12 

0 

6 

7 

6 

—     60     3 

6 

5 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

f?     0 

0 

360  15 

6 

126     5 

0 

224  10 

6 

Expenses  on  the  three  towns. 


Vacqueel 

Paper 

Ink 

Two  writers 
Cahars 


Given  to  the  putwaries  of  the  towns   and 

the  head  tenants   for  encouraging  and 

*        paying  the  full  year's  rent  as  customary 


Es.  67 +7-]  2+51-9=126-6 
To  balance  paid  into  cash 


5  0  0 
10  0 
0    3  0 

6  8  0 
8     0  0 


Es.  A.  p. 


6    3    0 


14    8    0 


30  14    0 


51    9 

0 

126     5 
224  10 

0 
0 

350  15    6 


January  10th,  1704. 


9.— GETTING  THE   PETRE    BOATS  PASSED. 

The  Council  received  notice  that  the  Company's  saltpetre  was 
cleared  and  had  come  up  the  river  to  Calcapore, 
[Kalkapiir.]  Knowing  that  there  was  so  little 
water  at  Calcapore  that  the  large  boats  could  not  pass,  .the  Council  sent 
up  two  of  its  own  members  with  six  soldiers,  and  with  money  and 
presents  for  the  Governor  and  officers  of  Muxadevad  in  case  they 
should  hinder  the  boats.  They  order  them  to  load  the  petre  on  to 
smaller  boats,  and    bring    it   along  as  quickly  as  possible. 

Q 


226 


FORT    WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1704. 


10.— PRESENTS    FOR  MAQSUDABAD. 

January  10th.         LJgt  of  presents  Bent  to  Muxadevad — 


Looking  glasses 

1  of  10  inches 

Ditto 

...       2  „ 

12      „ 

Sword  blades 

...      2  ,. 

14      „ 

Flintware  38,  viz.— 

5 

Cups  3.     Carpet  glass  4. 

Beetle  box  5  lbs.,  a  plate  and  cover 

...       1 

Candlesticks 

...       2 

Pigdannye  {Pikdani)    ... 

...       2 

Hubbubles 

...      3 

Knife  hafts                     ... 

...       2 

Kose-water  bottles 

...      7 

Plates 

...       2 

"Velvet  blue  4  yards,  broad  cloth  (fine). 
Hed  cloth  1  piece        22\  yards. 
Green  cloth  1  piece    24      „ 

Broad  cloth,  coarse — 

Eed,  2  pieces       44      ,, 
Do.,  1  piece         10      „ 

"11.— EXPENSES,    NOVEMBER,    1703. 

The   accounts  for  the  month   of  November   are   brought  in  and 

January  10th.        pasSCd. 


November    1703. 
Accounts  of  the  Old  Company. 

Charges  general  ',.. 

Weaving  shop  ...  ,„ 

Merchandise     ... 

Cattle 

Diet 

Servants'  wages 

Madras  Presidency 

Durbar 

General  stores  ...  ...  ... 

Factors'  provisions 

By    what  paid   into   cash   being   the   amount    of 

Captain  Perrin's  accounts  of  stores  brought     ... 


Es.  A. 

p. 

95     1 

6 

35    2 

6 

77     0 

3 

S8    0 

0 

683    5 

3 

294  14 

0 

34    0 

0 

51    7 

6 

72  11 

3 

223    2 

0 

2,507  15    9 


4,112  12    0 


rOBT    WILLIAM,   JANUABT    1704.  227 

Accounts  of  English  Company. 


Charges  general 

Repairs 

Servants'  wages 

Cattle 

Eepairing  the  small  budgrow 

Ditto  three  tow-boats... 
Charles  and  Betty  sloop  ... 
Building  a  butler's  room... 
Building  a  summer-house... 
New  house 
Timbers 
Household  necessaries 


Bs.  A. 

p. 

70  8 

6 

17  0 

0 

127  8 

0 

25  2 

3 

67  14 

9 

63  12 

9 

809  15 

6 

8  9 

9 

113  14 

9 

64  3 

0 

209  U 

3 

21  0 

0 

1,169  2 

6 

4,112  12 

0 

5,281  14 

6 

12.-APP0INTING    THE    ROTATION    GOVERNMENT, 

Letters  arrive  from  England  appointing  Messrs.  Hedges,  Sheldon, 
Sunday,  January  30th,      Winder,  Russell,  and  Bowcher,  and  three  others 
^70*-  to  be  the  Council  for  the  United  Trade.     The 

Councils  of  the  Old  and  of  the  New  Company  are  to  go  on  as  usual  for 
their  Separate  Trade ;  and  each  Council  is  to  have  a  President  of  its 
own.  But  for  the  United  Trade,  the  Council  is  to  consist  of  four 
members  of  the  Old  and  four  members  of  the  New  Company's  Service  ; 
and  the  two  senior  members  of  this  Council  are  to  take  it  in  turns  to  be 
Chairman  of  the  Council,  week  by  week. 

The  following  were  appointed  to  the  United  Trade  Council  in 
1704 :— 

Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon,  Charge  of  books. 

Mr.  John  Russell,  "Warehouse-keeper. 

Mr.  George  Redshaw,  Charges  general. 

Mr.  Bowcher,  Jemidar  [Zamlnddr], 

Mr.  Hedges  and  Mr.  Sheldon  were  to  be  Chairmen  in  alteraate 
weeks. 

The  Managers'  letter  also  ordered  the  Old  Company  to  give  up 
the  charge  of  the  garrison  and  all  dead  stock  into  the  hands  of  the 
United  Trade  Council ;  and  the  New  Company  likewise  to  give  up 
all  their  dead  stock. 

Q  2 


228  FORT    WILLIAM,    FEBRUARY    1704. 

13.— MAKING   OVER    CHARGE,  i 

The   Council   for  the  United   Company  formally  took  charge  of 

Monday,   January  31st.       ^^'^^'^°'    ^^^^    ^*°^^'    ^^^    ^^«   ^'^^    '^    Calcutta; 

and  some  of  the  Council  went  to  Hugli  to  take 
possession  of  dead  stock  of  the  New  Company. 


14. -DAYS    OF    MEETING. 

The  United  Trade  Council  was  to  hold  its  meetings  on  Mondays, 

Febr        8th  ^^^  ^^'   ^°  ^^^^^  clashing,   the     Old   Company 

altered  their  day  to  Tuesday. 
The  United  Trade  Council  was  to  be  the  head  Council  in  Calcutta. 

15.— PAYING   OFF    THE    NATIVE   SERVANTS. 

'*  Ordered  that  all  the  black  servants  that  look  after  the  Company's 
factories   and  dead    stock  in    the    country    be 

Tuesday,  February  22nd.        ,..-,  •,         • -,      m     '■,-, 

dismissed  and  paid  off  till  the  1st  of  February, 
and  the  houses,  etc.,  be  delivered  to  the  Council  for  the  Managers  of 
the  United  Trade." 

16.— Dk.    WARREN'S    ALLOWANCE. 

Doctor   Warren,   the  surgeon   of  the  garrison,  was  taken  by  the 
United   Trade   Council   into   their   service.     He 

February  22nd. 

begs  that  the  Old  Company  will  not  on  that 
account  stop  his  allowance.  He  will  still  have  twenty-three  of  the  Old 
Company's  servants  to  look  after.  The  Old  Company's  Council  agree 
that  his  stated  salary  may  be  allowed  him,  but  no  other  benefits 
from  the  old  Company. 

17.— DECEMBER   EXPENSES. 

The  accounts  for  the  month  of  December  are  brought  in  and  passed.^ 
It  is  agreed  that  they  shall  be  entered  under  the 
headings  of    "  Account  of  the  Company  of  Mer- 
chants of  London  "  and  "  Account  of  the  English  Company." 

1  See  below,  Addenda  §  414. 

2  In  the  Bazar  accounts  for  January  we  have,   "  Making  a  new  Goola  at  Govingpore  Mart- 
place,  Rs.  11-5-6." 


fort  william,  march  1704.                           229 

December  1703. 
Account  of  the  Company  of  Merchants  of  London. 

Rs.  A.  p. 

Charges  general              .«                 ...  •••  l'^^  ^  0 

Merchandise                     «..                 •••  •••  ^79  7  0 

Servants'  wages              ...                ...  •••  296  8  3 

General  stores                  ...                 ...  ••■  101  3  3 

Madras  Presidency         ...                ...  ...  2,145  0  0 

Cattle                               ...                ...  ...  38  0  0 

Diet                                  ...                ...  ...       770  9  6 

Weaving  shop                 ...                ...  ■••  5  15  3 

Patana  fiesideney           ...                ...  ...  2  2  o 


3,685     3     3 


Account  of  the  English  Company. 


Charges  general 

Eepairs 

Cattle 

New  house 

Servants'  wages  „. 

General  stores 

Summer-house  in  garden 

Mary  Smack 

William  Do. 

Charlet  and  Betty   Sloop 


64  13 

9 

19  7 

3 

25  6 

9 

116  2 

9 

127  12 

0 

45  12 

0 

34  15 

0 

82  4 

6 

101  15 

0 

68  13 

3 

737    5     3 
=  4,422    8    6 

18.— RALPH    SHELDON    MARRIED. 

**  This  morning  Mr.  Ealph  Sheldon  was  married  to  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
February  29th,         Halsey  by  Mr.  Benj.  Adams." 

19.- HOUSE  FOR  THE  OLD  COMPANY. 

"  Wanting  a  house  for  lodging  for  the  Company's  servants  which 
must  be  out  of  the  factory ;  Mr.  Bowridge's  two 
houses  are  ordered  to  be  taken  at  50  rupees  per 
month  for  a  twelve  month  together." 

'20.— DIET   MONEY. 

*•  Having  left  it  to  the  choice  of  fifteen  of  the  Company's  servants 
(who  are  to  be  put  to  diet  money)  whether  they 
would  have   15  rupees  per  month  each  person 
and  servants  and   cookroom,   necessary  firewood,  candles,  etc.     or  20 


1^30  FORT    WILLIAM,    MARCH    1704. 

rupees  per  month  as  the  New  Company's  servants  have,  and  they, 
having  pitched  upon  the  20  rupees,  agreed  that  they  be  allowed  it 
from  the  1st  of  March." 

21.— OUTSTANDING    DEBTS, 

"Several  merchants  being  in  the  Eight  Hon'ble  Company's  debt, 
and  having  houses  and  grounds  in  the  town, 
agreed  that  they  be  sold,  and  the  money 
brought  to  the  Company's  credit;  also  that  the  bad  debts  standing 
out  of  the  several  factories,  and  what  bad  debts  of  this  place  which 
were  contracted  and  occasioned  by  the  fire  in  President  Eyre's  time 
be  wrote  off  in  order  to  adjust  our  master's  affairs  and  bring  them 
to  a  quicker  conclusion." 

22.— TIMBER. 

'  The  old  Company  sent  to  buy  timber  in  July  1702  ;  but  the  timber 
arrives  now,  when  they  have  no  need  of  it.     It  is 

March  22nd.  i         •     i 

ordered  that  it  be  offered  for  sale  to  the  United 
Trade. 

Upon  further  enquiry  about  the  timber  they  found  that  the  Charges 
General  Keeper  had  provided  the  timber  that  had 
just  arrived,  and  other  timber  too,  for  the  use  of 
the  garrison,  since  Juiy  1702.  Hence,  though  the  timber  was  paid 
for  out  of  the  old  Company's  cash,  and  "the  hazard  of  the  timbers  were 
on  their  account,"  the  United  Company  ought  to  be  charged  with  the 
money.  "  It  is  therefore  agreed  that  the  said  timbers  be  delivered  the 
Council  for  the  Managers  and  that  the  United  Company  be  charged 
therewith  accordingly." 

23.— SALARIES. 

*«  The  salary  due  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  Company's  servants  unto  the 

25th  of  March,  being  2,015  rupees,  six  annas,  10 

pies,  agreed  that  the  same  be  paid  them.     Those 

that  entered  into  the  Manager's  Service  (United  Trade  Council),  their 

account  salaries  are  to  be  made  up  to  the  25th  of  February,  at  which 

time  they  had  their  discharge  from  the  old  Company." 

24.— EXPENSES    IN   JANUARY  1704. 

The    accounts  for   the  month   of  January  were  brought  in   and 
April  12th.  passed. 


fort  william,  april  1704. 

Accounts  for  January  1704. 

Accounts  of  the  Company  of  Merchants  of  London. 


231 


Es.  A.  p. 

Charges  general 

163  15    3 

Servants' wages 

357  15     9 

Merchandise 

170  15    6 

Cattle 

38    0    0 

Pilots'  wages 

502    8    0 

Madras  Presidency   ... 

565     0    0 

General  stores 

87  14     3 

Factors     do. 

153     0     0 

Diet 

691     5     6 

Weaving  shop 

25     8     9 

2,756     3     0 

Accounts  of  the  English  Company. 


Charges  general 

Repairs 

Building  the  new  houses 

105  12 

52    6 

316    5 

6 
0 
9 

Building  a  summer  house 
The  Mary  smack 
William       do. 
Charles  and  Betty  sloop 
Bepairing  two  budgerows 
Servants'  wages 
Cattle 
General  stores 

105  11 

469    6 

489  12 

318     7 

15     1 

129     4 

2Q  11 

45  14 

9 
9 
6 
3 
3 
0 
6 
n 

Timber 
Garrison 

365     5 
...      2,159    0 

0 
6 

4,699    2 

9 

25.— PUBLIO-HOUSE  LICENSE.i 

Charles    King    paid   a   hundred   and   fifty    rupees   for   a   license 

April  i2to.  ^'^  ^^^P  ^  P^^^^^  ^°"^^  ^°d  place  of  enfertain- 

ment. 

26,— BORROWING. 

About  this  time  we  find  the  Company  borrowing  various  sums  of 

April  12th.  """""^y'  ^°^  P^^'°^  i°*«r^st  at  the  rate  of  one  per 

cent,  per  mensem. 


'  See  below,  Addenda,  §  415. 


232  FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    TO   JULY    1704. 

27.— EEDSHAW  ARRIVES  FROM  PATNA. 

**  Mr.  George  Redshaw  being-  arrived  from  Patna  and  received  into 

the  United  Trade  Council,  agreed  that  he  take 
April  19tli.  '     ° 

charge  of  the  general  stores,  and  that  Mr.  John 

Eussell  have  the  charge  of  the  godowns  delivered  him  from  Mr.  Ralph 

Sheldon,  who  has  charge  of  the  Eight  Hon'ble  Company's  books," 

28.— SELLING   GUNS. 

*'  There  being  an  opportunity  (sic.)  to  dispose  of  some  Gunns  its 
agreed  that  the  Charges  General  Keeper  Mr.  John 

April  25th.  *  b  f 

Russell  dispose  of  as  many  as  he  can,  not  under 
nine  Rupees  per  hundred." 

29.— THE   PRESIDENT'S   TABLE. 

""The  President  (Old  Company)  brought  in  his  account  of  stores 
provided  for  his  table  for  the   month  of  April, 

May  9th.  ^  ,  _  ,    __  *^  . 

agreed  that  the  Charges  General  Keeper  pay  the 
same,  being  115  rupees  10  annas." 

30.— SELLING   GOLD. 

"Being  apprehensive  that  gold  will  fall  upon  the  arrival  of  the 
Madras  shipping,  agreed  that  what  pagodas  are 
in  chest  be  sent  to  Hugly  by  the  podar  and  be 
disposed  thereof  for  rupees." 

■    31.— EXPENSES  FOR  APRIL  1704. 

20th  June.  Charges  General  for  April. 

Es.     A.  p. 

Charges,  merchandise        ...                ...  ...  1,084  15  3 

Servants'  wages                   ...                ...  ...  206    8  0 

Bepairing  and  making  a  cook-room     ...  ...  9     7  6 

Cattle                                   ...                ...  .-  40    8  0 

Diet                                      ...          ,      ...  ...  415  10  9 

Cojah  Surhaud  to  be  charged  to  his  account 


169    1    3 


By  what  paid  into  cash  account  ...  ...    1,000    0    0 

32.— TRADE  IN  PATNA. 

The  English  trade  is  stopped  in  Patna  owing  to  the  necessity  of 

paying  custom  dues.     The  Mogul  had  granted  a 

^'  free  trade,  and  sent   notice   of  the  same  to  the 


FORT    WILLIAM,    AUGUST    1704.  233 

Prince  in  Patna,  under  the  seal  of  his  Grand  Vizier,  but  the  Prince 
still  refused  free  trade  unless  the  Company  made  him  a  large  present. 
The  old  Company  do  not  wish  for  any  such  pass  now,  as  they  are  not 
responsible  for  the  trade.  They  therefore  send  a  letter  to  the  United 
Trade  Council  telling  them  the  result  of  the  negotiations.  The  United 
Trade  Council  agree  to  stop  the  trade  in  Patna  till  they  see  what  the 
Dutch  will  do.  The  old  Company  therefore  send  to  recall  their  agent 
at  Patna. 

The  United  Trade  Council  resolves  after  all  to  continue  the  settle- 
ment at  Patna.    Consequently  Mr.  William  Lloyd 

August  15th.  -1  ./  J 

and  William  Cawthorp,  the  Old  Company's 
Servants,  who  have  not  yet  returned,  are  ordered  to  stay  where  they 
are  and  to  enter  into  the  United  Trade  Service. 


33.— FOR  FEAR  OF  THE  FPJ:NCH. 

A  ship  is  detained  from  taking  stores  from  Calcutta  to  Madras, 
owing    to    the    danger    apprehended    from    the 
"^'^^^       '  French  ships,  which  are  hovering  round  coast. 

34. -OLD    SERVANTS   MAY    BE   TAKEN    BACK. 

The  Old  Company  and  the  New  Company  both  agree  that  if  at 

any  future  time  any  of  their  servants  who  have 

ugost       ,    /    .      j^^^  ^^^^  discharge  in  order  to  serve  the  United 

Trade  should  leave  the  United  Company's  service  and  wish  to  return 

to  their  old  service,  they  may  be  taken  back. 


35.— BEARD'S  HOUSE-RENT. 

The  President  having  moved  out  of  the  Factory  in  March  to  make 
more  room  for  the  '  Manager's  servante '  requires 

September  5th.  tt'j.i.         ^^  ■>    no 

house-rent,      lie  is  to  be  allowed  fifty  rupees  a 
month,  payable  from  March  1704. 


36.— SALE  BY  OUTCRY. 

Many  parcels  of  goods  about  this  time  are  sold  by  auction  or  "  public 
outcry  at  ten  per  cent,  more  than  invoice  price." 
^  ™   '^     ■         The  custom  was  to  post  a  notice  of  the  sale  on 
the  gates  of  the  Fort  two  or  three  days  before  the  auction. 


234 


rOBT   WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER    1704. 


37.— THREE   MONTHS'   EXPENSES. 

The  general  expenses  for  the  months  of  May,  June,  and    July, 
September  12th.       having  been  perused,  are  ordered  to  be  passed. 

May, 


Es.     A.    p. 

Charges,  general 

.       80    6    9 

Charges,  merchandise 

.       11  15    0 

Servants'  wages 

.     219  13    0 

Charges,  Darbar 

.     120    0    0 

Cattle 

.       54  12    0 

Diet 

.     362    9    9 

Total 

.     849    8    6 

June. 


Charges,  general 

Charges,  merchandise 

Servants'  wages 

Cattle 

Diet 

Factors'  provisions 

General  stores 


...     145 

12 

3 

...       18 

12 

9 

...     194 

0 

0 

...       43 

12 

0 

...     751 

6 

9 

...       56 

0 

0 

...     910 

12 

0 

July. 

2,119    6    9 

Charges,  general 

...               ... 

...     160    13    6 

Merchandise 

... 

11     12    0 

Diet 

.... 

...     415    15    6 

Servants'  wages 

... 

...     202    10    6 

Cattle 

... 

...      41      4    3 

Factors'  provisions 

... 

...      25      0    0 

« 

867       7     9 

38. -SALE  OF  GOODS  FROM  PATNA. 

The  Eight  Hon'ble  Company  had  some  goods  returned  from  Patna 
to  sell  at  "  Public  Outcry."  They  hoped  to  get 
ten  per  cent,  on  the  invoice  prices,  but  failed  to 

do  so,  "goods  being  fallen  considerably  here,  there  not  being  those 

demands  for  them  as  in  former  years." 


September  19th. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    OCTOBEB    1704. 


235 


October  24th. 


39.— EXPENSES    FOB   AUGUST   1704. 

The  acoomit  of  the  expenses  in  August  is  hroiight  in  and  passed. 

It  contains  the  same  items  as  the  July  account, 

and  almost  invariably  the  same  amounts,  with 

this  one  item  added : — 

By  provisions  for  Madras  ...  ...     Bs.  1,588-7-6 

40.— THE    OLD    COMPANY'S    SERVANTS. 

Zist  of  Sight  Hon'ble  Company's  Servants  in  the  Bay  cf  Bengal,  according  to  their 
precedency  and  station  in  Calcutta. 


NAacBS- 


Dignity, 


Arrival  in  India.       Salary  ^^*] 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

1       « 

Rs. 

Rs. 

(The   Hon'ble   John   Beard 

Writer .     ... 

17th  July  16SS 

10 

S<iO 

^           Presidpnt. 

S        The      Worshipful       Ralph 

Do. 

9th  Jane  16S8 

6 

401 

5  « ■{     Sheldon. 

«l 

Elected  by  the 

c        Mr.  John  Russell               ^ 

Factor       ^ 

Srd  Dec  IflM 

15 

Managers  31st 

"      1  Mr.  George  Bedshaw 

Writer 

3rd  Feb.  1694 

5 

40| 

Jan.  1704. 

I  Mr.  Edward  Pattle 

Do. 

SJst  Oct.  H»3 

6 

40J 

Sen.  Merch.  James  Bavenbill 

Do. 

17th  July  le^       ^... 

10 

40 

'John  Calvert 

RMrtor 

12th  Aug.  1700       ... 

15 

William  Mercer 

IXj. 

>f       fi               "• 

•  •• 

t 

Jacob  Loveday 

Do. 

11        11 

•jrt»-<  John  Mounteney 

Do. 

11        11 

••• 

«        Peter  Vansittart 

Da 

I.       •> 

•  •• 

^      1  Sanmel  Feake  (aecompt.)  «, 

Writer 

Seth  May  1790 

5 

40 

LPbilip  Middleton 

Factor 

25th  Aug.  1702 

15 

1  doctor  William  Warren     ... 

Doctor 

....~ 

sis 

JO      rRichard  Smith 

Writer 

12th  Aug.  1700        ... 

5 

... 

5  ^  J  Francis  Silvestre 

Do. 

25th  May  1701 

5 

•C      )  John  Dean© 

Uo. 

25th  Aug.  1708 

6 

... 

^     ^.Samuel  Wittewronee 

Do. 

f»        11 

... 

... 

18  Servants  in  all  of  Company. 

1 

Account  of  the  Right  Hon'ble  Company's  servants  taken  into  the  Hon'ble 
.     Manager's   service  since  the  25th  of  January   1704. 
Benjamin  Adams,  Chaplain. 
William  Bugden,  Senior  Merchant. 
William  Lloyd,  Junior  Merchant,  at  Patna. 

Thomas  Curgenven,  Junior  Merchant,  by  the  Manager's  Consoltation,  elected 

16th  February  1703-4. 
William  Cawthorp,  Factor,  l)y  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th  Febru- 
ary 1703-4. 
Henry  "Waldo,  Factor,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  I6th  Fe'bruarr 

1703-4.  .  ^ 

Benj.  Walker,  Factor,  discharged  the  service  according  to  his  own  request    by 

the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th  February  1703-4. 
William   Walker,   Factor,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th  Febroarv 

1703-4.  ' 

James  Williamson,  Factor,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th  Februarr 

1703-4.  •  '' 

Doctor  William  Warren,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th   Februarv 

1703-4.  ' 

Edward  Halsy,  Writer,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected   16th  Felvnarv 

1703-4.  ^ 

Thomas  Long,  Writer,  gone  for  England  in  the  Dutches,  by  the  Manager's  Con- 
sultation, elected  16th  February  1703-4. 

Charles  Boone,  Writer,  by  the  Manager's  Consultation,  elected  16th  Februarv 
1703-4.  '' 

Dead  of  the  old  Company's  Servants,  never  taken  into  the  Managers  service. 


{Mr.  Jonathan  White,  23rd  January  1703-4. 
James  "nsser,  Factor,  25th  Aprfl  1704. 
Thomas  Ashby,  Factor,  23rd  July  1704. 


236  FORT   WILLIAM,    1704   AND    1705. 


DIARY  AND   CONSULTATION  BOOK 


LONDON  COMPANY'S  COUNCIL  AT  FORT  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL.' 


From  December  1704  to  November  1705. 


41.— BEARD'S    DEPARTURE. 

"The  President    [Beard]  going  for   Fort  St.    George,   thinks  it 

needful  to   retrench  the  Company's  expenses,  and 
December  12th,  1704,  ,  i         p         ii  •       1 1         j  '  i      ,^ 

thereiore  there   is  allowed  no  more  servants  than 
is  hereafter  mentioned,  i.e. — 

1  Poddar  [Padar']  to  assist  the  Buxie  [Bakhshl]. 
1  Chubdar  \_Choh-ddr'\  BarrahmuU. 

1  Chief  peon  Lottlow  and  six  more. 

6  Guallis  \_Gowalds'\y  1  Budgrow  manjee.[»^aw;7^^]. 

2  Horse-keepers  and  horse  meat." 

42.— LEASES   IN    1703. 

Thirty  leases  were  given  to  the  inhabitants  in   Calcutta  in   the 
April,  1705.  year  1703. 

43.— OLD   DIARIES   IN    CALCUTTA. 

We  find  in  April  1705  a  list  of  all  the  books  and  diaries  then  in 

Calcutta.      Apparently  these  diaries  dated  back 
April,  1705.  /^^  "^ 

from  1684,  for  we  have  "A  diary  of  the  Patna 

Factory,  *1684."     The  first  for  Calcutta  was  in  1688— "Chuttanuttee 

diary,  1688."     At  the  end  of  the  list  of  diaries  is  written,  "A  largo 

chest  full  of  old  books  and  papers,  so  much  defaced  that  nothing  can 

be  made  of  them." 


1  Calcutta    Diary,    No.  7.  Received  per  ship  Northumberland  on  the  23rd   August  1706. 
Bird  wood  Records,  RRa  7. 


FORT    WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1704.  237 


DIARY    AiND    CONSULTATION    BOOK 


UNITED  TEADE  COUNCIL  AT  FOET  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL. 


From  January  to  November  1704. 


44.— LETTERS  BY  THE  "  DUTCHESS." 

Letters  are  brought  to  Fort  William  by  the  ship  Dutchess.  After 
a  hasty  consultation,  the  members  of  the  com- 
2^*  mZ'  ^'^''^^  mittee  agree  to  open  them  at  once,  without  wait- 
ing for  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Nightingale  from 
Dacca,  and  to  send  a  letter  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher,  telling  him 
of  the  arrival  of  the  letters,  and  asking  him  to  join  them  soon. 
They  agree  to  allow  the  purser  of  the  ship  to  deliver  all  private 
letters.  They  also  agree  to  send  a  letter  to  Sir  Edward  Littleton  at 
Coxe's  ^  to  tell  him  that  they  have  a  letter  sealed  with  the  English 
Company's  seal,  and  directed  to  him  as  President  of  the  English 
Company  in  India,  and  that  it  states  that  he  is  to  continue  in  his 
office. 

45.— QUARTERS    FOR    LITTLETON. 

Sir  E.   Littleton,   "  coming   up  the  river,  called  here,  and  being 
seated  among  us,  and  at  the  head  of  our  table, 

January  SOth.  i  i       i         i 

was  desired  to  choose  whether  he  would  have  an 
apartment  provided  for  him  within  the  Fort,  or  elsewhere  in  the 
town.     He  thinks  that  a  house  in  the  town  will  be  most  convenient 


1  Coxe's  Island  at  Saugor.  In  the  old  charts  in  the  place  of  the  modern  Saugor  Island 
ife  have  three  detached  islands,  Saugor,  Coxe's  Island,  and  the  Isle  of  Dogs,  Saugor  bein^  the 
most  southerly.  The  name  Coxe's  Island,  or  more  properly  Cock's  Island,  or  Cock  Island,  is 
found  as  late  as  1 807. 


238  FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBRUAEY    1704. 

for  him,  there  being  but  few  good  rooms  finished  in  the  new  house 
within  the  Fort." 


46,— CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  COUNCIL. 

On  seriously   considering  the   orders   received  from   the  Hon'ble 
Court   of   Managers  in  London,  they  conclude 

January  31st.  .      "  ^  j 

that  the  meaning  of  the  letters  is  that  they  should 
elect  two  Chairmen,  one  for  the  New  and  one  for  the  Old  Company, 
to  take  the  chair  alternately  each  week.  They  send  a  letter  to  Pre- 
sident Beard  telling  him  to  give  up  to  Joint  Council,  the  Garrison 
and  all  the  Dead  Stock,  also  the  Grants,  Privileges  and  Phirmaunds 
of  the  Three  Towns.  They  agree  that  the  United  Council  is  to  choose 
servants  both  from  the  New  and  Old  Company's  servants,  and  that 
neither  party  is  to  grumble  at  the  other.  An  equal  number  of  servants 
are  to  be  appointed  from  the  New  and  from  the  Old  Company.  Mr. 
Kavenhill  is  to  be  passed  over  and  Mr.  Pattle  appointed  in  his  stead. 

"Agreed  that  the  charge  each  of  us  takes  in 

the  management  of  the  Hon'ble  Manager's  affairs 
be  as  follows: — 

Mr.  Robert  Hedges  and  Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon— Cash-keepers. 

Mr.  Winder — Accompt  General. 

Mr.  Russell — Warehouse-keeper  of  Goods  Exported. 

Mr.  Nightingale —     „  „      Imported. 

Mr.  Redshaw — Charges  General  Keeper. 

Mr.  Bowcher— Jemidar  \Zamindar\  to  collect  the  rents,  and  to 
keep  the  three  Black  Towns  in  order,  and  that  he  officiate  as  Buxie 
\Bakhshi\  until  Mr.  Redshaw  arrives. 

Mr.  Pattle — Secretary. 

47.— BEARD   MAKES  OVER  CHARGE. 

**  Yesterday  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  being  the  time  appointed 
by  President  Beard  to  deliver  possession  of  the 

February  2nd.  .  , 

garrison  and  dead-stock,  etc.,  to  us,  we  waited  on 
him  accordingly,  and  being  met  in  the  Old  Company's  consultation 
room,  all  the  Company's  servants  and  the  freemen  inhabitants  of 
Calcutta  being  present,  President  Beard  wished  us  joy  of  our  new 
trust.  But  his  long  indisposition  having  much  weakened  and  disabled 
him  from  speaking,  he  desired  Mr.  Sheldon  to  make  a  public  declara- 
tion that  in  pursuance  of  the  order  from  the  Court  of  Committees  and 


FORT   WILLIAM,   FEBRUARY    1704.  239 

in   conformity  to  the  deed  of  Union  and  Quinquepartite  Indenture, 
*  he  does  now  resign  the  Fort  and  all  the  dead-stock,  together  with  all 
the  lands  and  privileges  to  us  the  Established  Council  for  the  manage- 
ment of  all  the  United  Company's  affairs  in  Bengal." 

President  Beard  then  received  the  keys  of  the  Fort  from  the 
.  Ensign  who  was  chief  of  the  guard,  and  gave  them  to  the  Council, 
by  whom  they  were  given  back  to  the  Ensign.  After  the  ceremony 
all  English  in  Town,  both  the  Company's  servants  and  freemen,  were 
entertained  at  the  expense  of  the  Council.  AH  the  members  of 
Council,  except  Mr.  Bowcher  and  Mr.  Pattle,  then  proceeded  to  Hugli 
to  take  possession  of  the  dead-stock  at  Hugli,  and  also  if  necessary 
to  visit  the  Governor  of  Hugli,  and  make  a  declaration  to  him  about 
the  Company's  affairs. 

48.— TAKING   OVER   CHARGE. 

They  agree  to  write  to  Sir  E.  Littleton,  the  President  of  the  Xew 
Company,  to  order  him  to  give  up  all  the  dead 

February  3rd.  i  i         •    m  c   -vt         /-^ 

stock  and  privileges  of  Isew  Company  into  hand 
of  Council ;  also  to  tell  Sir  !&.  Littleton  that  the  management  of  all 
public  affairs  for  the  English  nation  is  vested  in  them. 

An  order  is  sent  to  Josia  Townsend  to  bring  the  Anna  Ketch  up 
the  river  Hugli  to  convey  the  goods  of  the  New  Company  down  to 
Fort  William. 

They  agree  to  borrow  8,000  Sicca  Rupees  of  the  New  Company  to 
be  repaid  when  they  receive  their  treasure.  The  money  is  to  be  sent 
to  Fort  William  on  a  boat  guarded  by  two  soldiers. 

Enquiries  are  made  of  Sir  Edward  Littleton  whether  any  prisoners 
are   under  confinement    by   order   of   the  New 

February  4th. 

Company.  If  there  are  any  they  are  to  be  sent 
to  Fort  William.  Two  prisoners  under  charge  of  murder  are  sent  to 
Fort  WUliam  and  kept  in  guard  there. 

In  order  to  avoid  disturbance,  they  determine  not  to  acquaint  the 

local    Indian   Government    with   the  ehanffe   of 

February  oth.  .    .  n       "'^ 

administration  till  all  their  goods  are  safe  in 
Calcutta,  It  is  agreed  that  Sir  Edward  Littleton's  seal  in  Hugli,  and 
Beard's  seal  in  Calcutta,  shall  be  used  for  dastaks  till  affairs  be 
settled. 

It  is   agreed  that  both  Presidents  be  allowed  a  house,  palanquin 
February  16th.         ^^^  budgerow,   out   of  the  dead-stock   of  their 
respective  Companies. 


240  FORT    WILLIAM,    FEBKUARY    1704. 

49.— THE   UNITED   COUNCIL'S   SERVICE. 

They  take  into  the  service  of  the  United  Council  eight  of  the  Old 
February  16th.       and  eight  of  the  New  Company's  servants 

New  Company's  Servants. 


William  Champion. 
Abraham  Addams. 
Edward  Darell. 
Josia  Chitty. 
John  Brightwell. 
John  Eyre. 
George  Hussey. 
Ralph  Emes. 


Old  Company's  Servants. 

Thomas  Curgenven. 
Henry  Waldo. 
Benjamin  Walker. 
William  Walker. 
James  Williamson. 
Edward  Halsey. 
Thomas  Long. 
Charles  Boone. 


50. -NEW  BUILDINGS. 

Timbers   and  materials   being   already  provided  sufficient  to  cover 
^^^  ^^^^^  the  first  floor  of  the  New  House,  it 

February  16th,  .  ■,,■,,      ^     0 

18  agreed  that  that  part  of  the  building  be 
perfected,  if  possible,  before  the  rains  set  in,  the  rooms  being  very 
much  wanted  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Company's  servants. 

It  is   also   agreed  that  the  stables  and  other  necessary  outhouses 
be  enlarged  as  much  as  present  necessity  requires. 

51.— RENT. 

They  order  ninety  rupees  be  paid  to   "the  Prince's^   Jaggeerdar 
[Idgzr-dar'],"  being  part  of  the  rent  due  at  this 
time  for  the  three  towns,  viz.,  "  Calcutta,  Goving- 
pore,  and  Chuttanuttee  [Govindpur  and  Sutanuti]." 

62.— POLICE. 

It  is  ordered  that  one  chief  peon,  and  forty- 
five  peons,  two  chubdas  l^c/iob-ddrsjj  and  twenty 
guallis  [gowalds']  be  taken  into  pay. 

53.— TIME  OF  MEETING. 


February  19th. 


They   agree  to  meet  on  Mondays  and  Thurs- 
days at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning. 


•  Prince  'Azimu-sh-Shan. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBBUAKY    1704.  241 

54. -A  LIST  OF  GOVERNMENT  PAPERS. 

"  A  list  of  some  of  the  Government  papers  relating  to  priviledges 

of  trade,  gi anted  formerly  to  the  English  nation, 

also   of  what  have  been  procured  by  the  Hon'ble 

the  English  Company  trading  to  the  East  Indies,  for  their  affairs  in 

Bengale — 

Date. 

1.  Copie   of    Cha   Chehanas    Phirmaund  [Shah   Jahan's 

farmaii]  from  Agra  to  Bengali  in  the  11th  year  of 
his  reign.  1638 

2.  Copie  of  Aurenzeeb's  Phirmaund  [Aurangzeb's /arm an] 

from  Agra  to  Bengali,  in  the  11th  year  of  his 
reign.  1667 

3.  Copie  of  Cha  Sujahs  Nishaan  [Shah  Shuja's  nishan] 

for  a  free  trade  in  Bengali  in  the  28th  year  of  Cha 
Jehan's  [Shah  Jahan's]  reign.  1652 

4.  Copie  of   Sultan  Azzum  Tarras  Nishaan  [A'zzm  Tara's 

nhhdn']  for  a  free  trade   in  Bengali,    procured   by 

Sir  Matthias  Vincent.  1678 

5.  Copie  of  a  Phirwanna  ipartcdnah']  from  Agra  Mahmuud 

Jemma  [Agha  Muhammad  Zaman]  for  a  free  trade 
in  Oris  a,  granted  to  Mr.  Cartwright  in  the  6th  year 
of  Cha  Jehans  reign. 

6.  Copie  of  Hedges  Sophy   Cawn   [Haji   Safi   Khan], 

Duan  [Diwan]  of  Bengali,  his  Phirsvanna  [pnr- 
icanah]  for  a  free  trade,  in  the  21st  year  of  Auren- 
zeeb's reign,  procured  by  Sir  Matthias  Vincent.  1678 

7.  Copie  of  Assid  Cawn    [Asad   Kbanl,  Cbancellor  to  the 

King,    his  Phirwanna  for  a  free  trade  in  the  23rd 

year  of  Aurenzeeb.  1680 

8.  Copie  of  Shastah  Cawn  Meerul  Omrah  [Shayista  Khan 

Amiru-l-Umard],  his  Phirwanna  for  a  free  trade  in 

the  23rd  year  of  Aurenzeeb.  1680 

9.  Two  copies  of  Aurenzeeb's  Phirmaund  for  freeing  the 

English   from     Tridgia    (stc)    or  Toll  Tax   {sic)   in 
Bengali.^  1680 

>  Perhaps  this  is  a  mistake  of  the  copyist  for  "  Jizyck  or  Poll  Tax." 


242  FORT  WILLIAM,  FEBRUARY  1701. 

10.  One  HusboU  Omer^  of  Alia  Eezze  ['Ali  Raza]  tlie  Prince's 

Duan  [_Dzwdn],   for   a  free  trade   and  five  copies  of  the 
same. 

11.  An   order    from   the  Prince  for   the   draining    {sicy  of  the 

Nishaan. 

12.  Copie  of  a  Hookum  Oomer  from  the  Prince. 

13.  Two  copies  of  the  Prince's  Nishaan. 

14.  Copie    of    Siaid    Issard    Oawn   [?  Sayyad  'Izzat  Khan]   his 

Phirwanna,   upon   Alia  Eezze  ['Ali  Raza],  the  governour 
of  Hugly. 

15.  Siaid  Issard  Cawn's  his  Phirwanna  for  a  free  trade  in  Hugly, 

and  another  of  the  same  for  Hugly. 

16.  Siaid  Issard  Cawu's  order  for  ground  in  Hugly  and  copie  of 

the  same. 

17.  Four  copies  of  Issard  Cawn's  Phirwanna. 

18.  Issard  Cawn's    Phirwanna   for  a   free   trade  in   Mauld  and 

Raj  am"- 

19.  Issard  Cawn's  order  for  ground  at  Ballasore  and  copie  of  the 

same. 

20.  Meer  JeruUa's  {sic)   [Mir  Jar-uUah]  order  to  the   Choukee's 

Ichaukls^  and  copie  of  the  same. 

21.  Copie  of  the  Prince's  order  for  the  mint. 

22.  Meer  Abbas  Cooly  [Mir  'Abbas  Quli]  (the  Princes  Berderbux 

his  Gomasta)  [Prince  Bedar  Bakht's  gumdshtdh']  his  order  to 
the  Chowkies  [chaulxis]. 

23.  Copies     of    the   King's   Husbool     Hookum     \^/iashii-l'hiih}i] 

for  securing  the  persons  and  effects  of  all  Europeans. 

24.  Cart  Lullab  Cawn  [Kdrtalab  Khan,  i.e.,  Murshid  Quli  Khan] 

(the  King's  Duan)  his  order  for  the  clearing  of  the  effects 
of  the  Europeans  in  Hugly — another  of  the  same  for 
Ballasore. 

25.  The  Prince's  order  and  copie  thereof  for  clearing  the  English 

from  the  King's  Hussboolkookum. 

1  That  is  *'  hasbu-1-amr,"  according-  to  command,  the  initial  formula  of  the  document  used 
as  the  title  of  the  document  in  the  same  way  as  "  hasbu-l-^iukm." 

2  Surely  this  a  mistake  for  "  drawing." 


FOET  WILLIAM,   PKBRUARY    1704.  243 

26.  Enaut  Elles  ['Inayat  ullali's]  Original  Sunnud  [sanad']  and 

two  copies  of  the  same  on  the  back  of  which  the  Morchelcha^ 
is  inserted. 

27.  An  Husbool   Omer  from  Cartullub  Cawn   \_KdriaIab  Khan] 

(the  King's  Duan)  and  two  copies  of  the  same." 

"  And  these  are  all  the  papers  we  received  from  them  relating  to  the 
Government  or  Durbarr  \_Darhdr]  affairs. 

Egbert  Hedges. 
Ealph  Sheldon. 
Jonathan  Winder. 
John  Russell. 
Benjamin  Bowchee. 
Edward  Battle." 
55.-saltpetre. 
"The  Dutchess  being  to  be  dispatched  forthwith  for  Fort  St.  Q-eorge, 
ordered  that  Ralph  Seldon  and  Jonathan  Winder 

February  21st.  .   .        ,  ,  ^  ^  o      ^        r~.^  ■, 

do  go  to  Visit  the  saltpetre  bought  of  the  Old 
Company  and  compare  it  with  the  musters  we  agreed  on,  that  it  be 
weighed  ofE  and  sent  on  board." 

56.— FURTHER    AMALGAMATION    OP  TEffi  COMPANIES. 

All  the  Old  Company's  servants  at   Batna,   etc.,  are  to   come  to 
Calcutta  before  they  are  received  into  the  United 

February  21st.  •  mi 

Company  s  service.  This  is  done  to  avoid  paying 
custom  to  the  Mogul  for  past  trade,  as  it  would  be  "  an  ill  precedent 
at  the  beginning  to  make  the  United  Trade  stand  security  for  past 
transactions." 

67.— SHIPS    DESPAICHED. 

They  despatch  ships  to  Madras,  "  the  season  not  being  so  late,  but 
several   European  and  country  ships  have  been 

February  21st.  »  ,  .  „      nn 

despatched  after  this  time.  The  latest  time  for 
despatch  was  the  15th  of  March. 

58.— A  MEETING  OF  COUNCIL. 
February  24th.  At  a  Consultation,  present : 


Ralph  Sheldon. 
Robert  Hedges. 


Jonathan  Winder. 
John  Russell. 


Benjamin  Bowcher. 


Probably  Mtuhalha,  bond. 

b2 


244  FORT    WILLIAM,    FEBRUABY    1704. 

Ist. — Paid   on   account   of    the  revenues   of  the  three  towns,  in 
Hughly,  being  Colsa  \_Khdlisah']  as  customary — 

^  Es. 

New  sicca                 ...                  ...  100 

Batta                        ...                  ...  11 

Do.     current  money                 ...  3 

...  114 


2nd. — Agreed  that  the  general  books  of  this  Presidency  for  the 
United  trade  begin  the  primo  February,  and  to  be  balanced  to  the  last 
of  April  as  customary,  and  that  the  books  that  were  kept  apart  by  the 
Old  and  New  Company's  servants  for  the  United  trade  be  delivered  to 
Mr.  Jonathan  Winder  to  be  entered  as  they  are  now  stated. 

3rd. — Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher  having  been  on  board  ship  Dutchess 
to  muster  the  ship's  company,  he  brought  in  his  report  that  there  were 
sixty-one  men  which  are  twenty-three  less  than  Charty  Party  ;  part  of 
them  were  taken  out  in  the  Downs,  and  the  rest  died  on  the  passage  as 
the  Captain  reports. 

4.th. — Wanted  a  master  to  navigate  the  Sugly  Anna  Ketch  to  Fort 
St.  George  and  Charles  Hopkins  offering  his  services,  being  an  able 
man,  ordered  that  we  accept  of  him  at  the  wages  of  fifty-six  rupees 
per  month,  and  that  he  get  the  Ketch  forthwith  ready. 

6th. — Having  desired  the  Presidents  and  Councils  for  the  Old  and 
New  Company  to  defer  paying  the  three  thousand  rupees  which  is  due 
from  each  of  them  to  the  Government  lest  there  might  follow  some  ill- 
conveniency,  we  now  agree  and  approve  that  it  be  forthwith  paid  by 
each  Company's  vacqueel  [vakl^  in  their  name  and  that  they  take 
discharge  for  the  same,  and  that  they  declare  they  are  discharged  their 
employments,  and  the  vacqueels  for  the  United  Company  which  will 
be  appointed  by  us  will  answer  for  the  English  nation. 

Qth. — The  Muster  Eoles  of  the  soldiers  that  came  from  Hughly 
and  of  Fort  William  were  brought  and  referr'd  till  Monday  in  the 
election  who  shall  continue. 

'^th. — Ordered  that  there  be  fifty  tunns  of  petre  laden  on  board  the 
Hitgly  Anna  Ketch  for  Fort  St.  George  and  filled  up  with  rice,  &c., 
for  that  port,  and  that  the  vessel  be  recommended  to  the  Governor  and 
Council  there  for  their  use,  if  they  have  occasion,  by  which  means  the 


FORT    WILLIAM,    MARCH    1704.  245 

expense  of  the  Company's  small  craft  may  be  raised,  and  iiat  the 
William  Smack  and  Rising  Sun  Smack  be  laid  up  till  a  proper  time 
for  their  saile,  or  to  be  sent  to  the  Fort,  if  they  may  have  occasion  for 
them  there. 

8^/«.— The  President  and  Council  for  the  Old  Company  having 
acquainted  us  that  they  have  ordered  the  black  servants  in  all  the 
subordinations  that  look  after  the  factories  be  discharged  from  the 
salaries  they  pay  them  to  the  31st  January,  wherefore  it  is  ordered 
that  the  same  servants  be  continued  in  the  manager's  pay  till  we  shall 
see  reason  to  order  it  otherwise. 

9tli. — The  eight  thousand  sicca  borrowed  of  the  New  Company 
ordered  it  be  paid  them,  also  that  a  pylot  be  sent  them  for  ship  Union 
which  they  desire, 

lOfh. — The  President  and  Council  for  the  New  Company  advising 
that  they  are  withdrawing  their  English  servants  from  Balasore,  'tis 
agreed  we  continue  the  English  in  any  subordination  at  present,  but 
what  dead-stock  cannot  be  brought  away  immediately  thence  be  con- 
tinued in  the  charge  of  the  black  servants  of  their  factory  till  further 
orders,  and  that  they  may  expect  their  pay  from  us. 

Ralph  Sheldon. 
Egbert  Hedges. 
Jonathan  Winder. 
John  Russell. 
Benjamin  Bowcher. 
Mfi.  Pattle  indisposed. 

59.— THE    GARRISON. 

"Being  apprehensive  of  troubles   with   the   Government  and  not 
having  lately   heard   from  Surrat,  Agreed   that 

March  3rd.  ,  i  •         i  ,  •  ■• 

the  souldiers  be  continued  as  they  are  entered  in 
the  Muster  Roles  but  as  Any  die  or  are  hereafter  discharged  the 
Vacancies  not  to  be  filled  up  till  the  Number  be  reduced  below  Oae 
hundred  meu." 

60.— FACTORY  WEIGHTS. 

"Agreed   that   the   factory   weights    be    adjusted    and    that    the 

Saturday.  March  4th.        ^^'^°'^   "J^^^*^   ^^   ^^'^   ^^3,    that  is  |   of   weight 

averdupoise.'* 


246  FORT   WILLIAM,    MARCH    1704. 

61.— NIGHTINGALE   JOINS   THE   COUNCIL, 

Mr.   Robert  Nightingale  having   arrived  from   Dacca  yesterday, 
March  6th  ^^   Ordered  to  take  his  charge  of  the  warehouse 

of  goods  imported. 


March  13th. 


62.— THE  UNITED  COMPANY'S  SEAL. 

"Agreed  that   our   own   Seal  be  henceforth 
used  for  the  Dmticks" 


63.— SALTPETRE. 

Some  trouble  had  lately  arisen  about  getting  saltpetre,  the  most 
,    ,  ,o  .  profitable  export  at  this  time.     The  Huffli  mer- 

March  13th.  i        j  n         ■■  i 

chants  refused  to  deliver  it  at  Calcutta  without 
an  advance  of  price.  At  last  the  Council  agree  to  give  them  an  anna, 
or  a  little  more,  per  maund  extra.  This  is  agreed  on  hastily  at  the  last 
because  of  the  arrival  in  Balasor  road  of  seven  Dutch  ships  and  one 
Prench  ship  in  search  of  saltpetre. 

64.— SALE  OF  TREASURE. 

"Being  in  present  want  of  money,  ordered  that  a  chest  of  Treasure 
March  18th.  be  sent  to  Hugly  to  be  sold  for  ready  money." 

65.— A  VAKIL  FOR  HUGLY. 

"TV^e  having  promised  on  the   15th  instant  to  send  a  Vacqueel 
[i'akil'\  '  to  the  G-overnment  of  Hugly  within  a 

March  20tb,  p         j  i      -r*  •  n 

tew  days,  the  Prmce  his  Muttsudies  [muiasaddi's'] 
order  being  come  to  the  G-overnor  of  Hugly  to  send  all  the  European 
Vacqueels  to  Rajahmaul  [Rajmahal] ;  and  it  being  necessary  that  we 
have  somebody  there  to  answer  and  stop  all  complaints ;  resolved  that 
we  nominate  a  person  to  attend  at  Hugly." 

6f?.— CURRENT  EXPENSES. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher,  the  Paymaster,  wants  money  to  defray 

the  expeuses  of  the  garrison,  to  pay  for  stores  for 
March  21st.  tr    -,  -,    ,       ■,  •     ,  .      \.    .  , 

Madras,  and  to  buy  timber  to  finish  the  first 
floor  of  the  house.  It  is  ordered  that  he  be  paid  4,974  siccas  and 
thirteen  annas  at  the  rate  of  205  siccas  per  240  sicca  weight. 


FORT    WILLIAM,    MARCH    1704.  247 

67.— RlMACHANDRA  TO  BE   VAKIL. 

They  select  Eamacliandra  as  vahil  for  Hugli.  His  salary  is  to  be 
20  rupees  per  month.     He  is  to  have  five  rupees 

March  23rd.  n      ,.    ,  ,.  n  -.  ^       ii^     j 

for  his  horse,  and  two  peous  are  allowed  to  attend 
him  as  is  the  custom  with  vakih. 

68. -HOUSES  AND  LEASES. 

"  James  Johnson  having  let  his  newly-erected  house  outside  the  Fort 

to   Benj°.   Whitley,  the   Indenture  was  brought 

before  us,  and  it  is  agreed  that  a  book  be  prepared 

in   which   are  to  be   entered  this   and   all  other   leases,  bills  of  sale 

and  agreements  made  by  the  freemen  inhabitants  of  Calcutta.     The 

Secretaxy's  fee  to  be  two  rupees  for  registering  the  same. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher,  desiring  a  piece  of  ground  to  build  a 
house  on,  agreed  that  he  have  leave  to  build  on  the  parcel  of  ground 
lying  between  the  row  of  trees  which  stand  from  Mr.  Meverell's  house 
to  the  waterside,  and  Mr.  Bowridge  his  ground.  The  ground  granted 
to  Mr.  Benj.  Bowcher  to  build  on  is  on  consideration  that  he  is  to 
build  two  godowns  of  brick  which  he  is  to  let  out  for  the  convenience 
of  European  shipping." 

69.— THE  ZAMINDAR'S  ACCOUNTS. 

Mr.  Bowcher  having  given  in  his  account  of  the  bazar  and  three 
towns,  the  balance,  being  Rs.  449-9-3,  was  paid 

March  27th. 

into  the  Company's  Cash. 

70.— RAMACHANDRA'S  INSTRUCTIONS. 

It  is  ordered  that  Eamachandra,  the  vaMl,  be  sent  at  once  to 
Hugly.  He  is  to  write  down  in  his  own  language  the  followino" 
directions : — 

'*  He  is  to  declare  to  the  Governor,  the  Buxie  [^Bakhsh't^,  and  Wacea 
Nevis  IWaqdi/dnavls'],   that   we   have   appointed 

March  27th.  ,        »  , 

him  Vacqueel  m  Hugly  for  the  affairs  of  the 
English.  If  the  Governor  expect  a  visit  from  us,  he  is  to  give  us  notice 
and  to  tell  the  Governor  we  did  design  it,  and  desired  to  know  when  it 
would  be  a  fit  time  for  him  to  receive  us.  If  the  Governor  requires 
"reasons  of  our  withdrawing  Yacqeels  from  the  Duan's  [Dlicdn's'l 
company  and  from  Dacca,  he  is  to  answer  we  kept  them  there  a  long 
time  in  vain  and  at  great  expense,   which  is  a  discouragement    and 


248  FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1704. 

makes  us  unwilling  to  be  at  such  fruitless  expenses;  he  also  is  to  desire 
the  Governor  befriend  us  in  writing  to  Prince's  and  the  the  King's 
Duan.  If  questions  be  asked  concerning  the  Union  of  the  two  com- 
panies, he  is  to  say  both  Presidents  are  displaced,  and  that  there  is  but 
one  English  Company,  who  have  appointed  a  Council  to  manage  their 
affairs.  He  is  to  give  us  constant  advices,  and  to  expect  directions 
from  ug,  what  answer  he  is  to  give  in  case  any  material  questions 
asked." 

71.-TIMBER  FOR  BUILDINGS. 

They  send  an  order  for  wood  to  build  Mr.  Bowcher's  house.  The 
boatswains  and  masters  of  the  Company's  vessels 

March  28th.  i  •     ,  ^ 

are  to  bring  up  what  timber,  etc.,  is  necessary, 
for  which  *  Mr.  Bowcher  is  to  pay  the  freight,  as  is  customary.' 

**Two  large  boats  belonging  to  Company  lately  come  from  Jessore 
with  timbers[^for  the  new  buildings,  being  very 
old,  ordered  that  they  be  sold." 

72.— DARBAR  charges. 

It  is  ordered  that  a  hundred  sicca  rupees  be  put  into  the  hands  of 
Eamachandra  to  defray  petty  darhar  charffes  in 

March  30th.  ,,       ,.  ^    ir       ^  o 

Hugli. 

73. -A  LEASE  GRANTED  TO  BEARD. 

"Delivered  His  Honor,  Mr.  Beard,  a  lease,  dated  the  Ist  April,  for 
1  bigah  16  cottahs  squares  of  ground  for  5  rupees 

April  Ist,  .  „ 

6  annas  6  pics  per  annum.    ^ 


April  3rd. 


74.— GARRISON  EXPENSES. 

'*  Two  thousand  rupees  are  paid  for  the  expenses 
of  the  garrison. 

75.-A  LEASE  GRANTED  TO  JOHN  WATTS. 

"Gave  a  lease  to  Mr.  John  Watts  for  a  parcel  of  ground  lying 
between  the  Portuguese  Church  and  the  lane  to 
^"^        '  the  buzzar,   containing  1  bigah   and  10  cottahs 

squares,  the  rent  of  which  is  4  rupees  eight  annas  per  annum." 


'  This  is  the  customary  rent,  vis.,  3  Rs.  a  bigah. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1704.  249 

76.— DIET  MONEY. 

Mr.   Ralph  Sheldon  is  allowed  for  his  diet  and  house  rent  forty 
rupees  per  month,  on  account  of  his  living  out  of 
the  factory.     The  rest  of  the  married  men  of  the 
Council  are  only  to  have  thirty  rupees^er  month. 

77.— A  LOCAL  SURVEY. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher  having  no  employment  just  then  as  bakhshi 
is  ordered  to  survey  and  inspect  into  the  revenues 

AprU  16th .  I.    1       i  1  1  TT     •      i 

of  the  three  towns.  Me  is  to  measure  everyone  s 
compound,  to  see  that  they  have  not  more  than  they  pay  for,  to  measure 
all  waste  ground,  and  to  send  into  the  Council  a  particular  account  of 
what  each  man  pays.     Mr.  Ealph  Ems  is  ordered  to  assist  him  in  this. 

78.— RlMACHANDRA  REPRIMANDED. 

The  tdkil  Eamachandra*.  at   Hugli   misrepresents  the   Company^s 
affairs  by  saying  that  they  have  no  Agent.   They 
send  for  him  to  reprimand  him  and  to  give  him 
a  message  for  each  darbdr. 

79.— THE  COUNCIL'S  LETTERa 

They  agree  that  all  letters  coming  for  the  Council  are  to  be  taken 
to  the  Chairman  for  the  week,  and  if  they  are 
important  he  is  to  call  a  special  Council.     He  is 

also  to  call  a  special  Council  on  the  receipt  of  letters  from  England, 

Fort  St.  George,  &c. 

80.— WEIGHING  SALTPETRE. 

As  there  has  been  some  dispute  with  the  pursers  of  the  ships  about 

saltpetre,  the  pursers  requiring  Itb  in    draught 
April  24th.  '^      ,,         .        ^.  .,.-,..,  7 

extra  allowed  to  tbem  overweight  if  they  weigh 

the  petre,  they  order  the  warehouse-keeper  to  weight  it  before  sending 

it  on  board. 

81.— FACTORY  EXPENSES. 

One  thousand  rupees  is  paid  to  Mr.  George  Redsbaw  to  defray  the 
April  24th.  general  expenses  of  the  Factory. 

82.— LOOMS  IN  THE  FACTORY. 

Eighteen  looms  are  ordered  to  be  fitted  in  the  factory  in  order  to 
make  canvas,  in  the  rainy  season,  for  the  use  of 

April  24th.  .       ^  ,      , 

the  Company  s  sloops. 


250  FORT   WILLIAM,    MAY    1704. 

83.— NEW  PATAS. 

Mr.  Bowclier,  the  zamindar,  is  ordered  to  call  on  all  the  black 
inhabitants,  who  have  no  writinor  for  their  tene- 

Apnl  27th.  .  .  ,  ° 

meuts,  ana  to  give  them  writings,  they  paying 
the  Company  Salami,  and  he  causing  their  ground  to  be  measured. 
Also  those  who  have  writings  from  former  zamindars  are  to  surrender 
their  old  writings  and  have  new  writings  given  them  gratis. 

■  84.— RENT. 

They  order  435  siccas  to  be  paid  to  the  Government  for  the  rent 
May  1st.  of  the  three  towns. 

85.— AN    EXPLOSION. 
"  The  powder  workhouse  through  carelessness  of  the  workmen  blew 
up,  and  in  it  peri.shed  Bickerstaff,  a  soldier  who 
came  on  the   Dutchess,  also  eleven  Gentues  and 
one  Mabometan." 

86.— THE    COMPANY'S    BROKER. 

They  choose  a  broker,  Deepchund  Bella  [Dvipohand  Bella],  to  deal 

with  the  Native  Merchants  at  a  salary  of  one- 
May  9th.  •    I  ,^        p  ,1  , 

eighth  01  an  anna  per  rupee  on  the  net  amount 
of  goods  brougbt,  and  that  he  receive  the  same  from  the  merchants." 

87._QUARREL    BETWEEN   HEDGES    AND    CAPTAIN    SOUTH. 

Mr.    Hedges    proposing    several    questions,   they  are  entered  as 
follows  : — 
^^       '  1.   '"  Is  either  of  the   Chairmen   obliged   to 

answer  the  challenge  of  every  bully  that  pretends  to  be  affronted  and 
challenges  him  to  fight  ? 

2.  "  Are  any  other  of   the   Council  obliged  to   fight   on    a  like 
challenge  ? 

3.  "If  one  of  the  Chairmen  be  challenged,  without  offering  abuse 
for  the  Council,  is  the  party  challenged  only  affronted,  or  the  whole 

Council? 

*'  In  answer  to  the  former  questions  'tis  our  opinions  as  follows:  — 

1.  "  The  trust  reposed  in  us  by  the  Hon.  United  Comp.   obliges 
us  to  the  contrary,  and  not  to  engage  in  such  quarrels. 

2.  "  The  Council  are  under  the  same  obligations,  and  are  not  to 
answer  challenges. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   MAY    1704.  251 

3.  "  If  a  Chairman  or  any  of  the  Council  be  challenged  with- 
out giving  occasion,  more  particularly  on  the  public  affairs,  the  whole 
Council  are  affronted ;  but  if  any  one  gives  abuse,  each  person  is  to 
answer  for  himself ;  but  all  ways  and  means  are  to  be  used  to  prevent 
such  quarrels." 

These  questions  came  up  in  the  Council  because  a  certain  Captain 
South  had  challenged  Mr.  Hedges  to  combat,  alleging  that  Mr.  Hedges 
had  insulted  him  by  not  having  the  Fort  guns  fired  when  the  Captain's 
ship  arrived.  The  Governor  and  Council  at  Fort  St.  Greorge  took  up 
the  matter.  Ralph  Sheldon  in  a  letter  to  Fort  St.  George  declares  that 
it  is  not  customftry  to  salute  captains  with  guns,  and  that  he  and  the 
other  married  men  who  live  out  of  the  Fort  could  not  so  salute  them 
if  they  would. 

88.— SALE  OF  LAND. 

A    compound    belonging    to     Herrene   a     Dhiingie  was   sold   to 
May  17th.  iMr.  Sheldon  at  public  auction  for  rupees  160. 

89.— THE  "  CASSIMBUZZAE." 

"The  Cassimbitzsar  Sloop  returned  to  us,  having  sprung  her  mast 
May  19th.  at  Tana  reach,  about  4  miles  below  the  Factory.". 

90.— DUTCH  DESERTEEa 

Some  Dutch  sailors  who  had  deserted  were  found  and  sent  back  to 

May  22nd.  *^^^  Captain,  who  promised  to  forgive  them  and 

take  them  back.     Otherwise  it  would  have  been 

necessary  to  send  them  to  the  Dutch  Council  in  Hugli,  who  were  bound 

to  prosecute  all  fugitives  of   their  nation   and  to   execute  all  found 

guilty. 

91.~THE  "NEW  COMPANY"  LEAVE  HUGLL 

The  *  New  Company  are  rose  from  their  house  at  Goolgaul  ^  and 
May  22nd.  goue  to  Calcutta.' 

92.— CAPTAIN  RAYMOND. 
They  refuse  again  to  have  anything  to  do  with  Captain  Raymond's 
May  22nd.  cargo ;    he  must  manage  it  himself,   taking  all 

risks. 


'  Gholghat  at  Hugli.      This  is  a  "  copy  of  the  Vacca." 


252  rORT   WILLIAM,   JUNE    1704. 

93.— DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS. 

Finding  out  from  Ramachandra,  the  vakil  at  Hugli,  that  Mir 
Ibrahim,  the  Faujddr  or  Governor  of  Hugli,  is 
preparing  to  meet  Murshid  Quli  Khan,  the 
King's  Diwan,  and  that  at  present  we  have  no  vakil  at  the  Diwan's 
Camp,  we  agree  to  send  a  vakil  to  follow  him.  Also  hearing  that 
the  Governor  of  Hugli  is  vexed  that  we  have  not  sent  him  a  present 
or  an  Englishman  to  visit  him,  we  order  Ramachandra  to  tell  him 
that  we  will  visit  him  whenever  he  appoints  time  and  place,  and 
that  he  is  welcome  to  anything  out  of  the  warehouse.  In  return,  we 
want  him  to  intercede  with  the  King's  Diwan  to  give  us  a  sanad  to 
free  us  from  the  present  interruptions  and  disturbance  from  petty 
officers  in  our  trade. 

94.— MENDING    THE    ROADS. 

"  Agreed  that  all  petty  fines  from  the  black  inhabitants  be  put  to 
June  12th  *'^®  ^®®  °^  mending  the  highways  and  filling  up 

the  holes  to  make  the  town  more  wholesome  and 
convenient,  and  that  Mr.  Bowoher  take  care  of  the  same." 

95.— INSTRUCTIONS    TO    RAjlRlMA. 

The  King's  Diwan  ^   of  Bengal  being  on  his  return  from  Orissa, 
14th  *^®y  ^^"^  *  vaMl  to  meet  him  as  he  has  entire 

power  over  the  trade,  and  the  King's  customs 
and  dues,  and  should  he  be  hostile,  might  interfere  or  even  stop 
their  trade.  They  give  the  vakil,  named  Eajarama,^  orders  to  tell 
the  King's  Diwan  that  the' companies  have  amalgamated,  that  at 
present  there  is  no  head,  but  that  one  will  be  shortly  appointed,  that 
the  Company  will  only  pay  Rs.  3,000  for  grants  and  privileges,  aa 
it  is  but  one  Company  with  one  factory,  and  the  agreement  is  Ks,  3,000 
for  one  Company,  although  Rs.  6,000  have  been  paid  by  the  two  Com- 
panies. They  refuse  to  pay  the  sum-of  Rs.  1,500  rupees  demanded  by 
Government  for  the  release  of  their  trade,  because  that  trade  should  never 
have  been  hindered,  and  because  the  petty  officers  had  impeded  them  in 
their  trade,  and  lessened  the  trade  so  much  that  they  could  not  pay 
Buch  a  sum. 


I  Iilurshid  Quli  Khan. 

8  Rajararaa  had  "  great  knowledge  in  the  affairs  of  Bengal."  See  Bruce's  Annah,  III,  p.  4G1. 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1704.  253 

Here  follows  a  "  list  of  things  given  to  the  Yacqueel  to  be  given  by 
him  as  presents  to  the  Duan's  under-officers  "  : — 
"Broad    cloth,  10  yds.   (fine). 
Aurora     do.     10   do.  ^ 

Ordinary  do.     10    do. 
One  pair  of  pistols. 
One  Japan  shield. 
Four  black  spirit  cases. 
Looking  glasses :  four  of  several  sorts. 
Six  pairs  of  penknives  and  scissors. 

Four  hundred  rupees  to  be  given  to  the  Vacquoel  for  expenses  and 
charges." 

96.— A  LEASE  GRANTED  TO  JAMES  JOHNSON, 

They  give  James  Johnson  a  lease  for  his  house  and  grounds,  dated 
l-lth  June  1704,  containing  two  bighas  and  four 

June  21st. 

cottahs  of  ground.     Rent  Rs.  7-6. 

97.— RAYMOND'S  CHARTER  PARTY. 

Captain  Raymond  demands  the  rest  of  his  Charter  Party  money. 
June  26th.  They  Order  it  to  be  paid  him. 

98.— A  LEASE  GRANTED  TO  DR.  WARREN. 

A  lease  is  granted  to  Dr.  Warren  for  two  bighas  and  eighteen 
cottahs  of  ground  out  in  the  fields.  Rent 
Rs.  8-11-3  per  annum. 


June  26tfa. 


July  3rd. 


99.— FACTORY  EXPENSES. 

They  pay  to  Mr.  Gr.   Redshaw  Rs.    500   for 
factory  expenses. 


100.— A  MURDER.  1 

A  squabble  arises  between  the  natives  and  the   sailors,  in    which 
the  sailors  are  attacked,  and  one  killed.     Some  of 

July  20th.  ^,  ^.  ill,  ,       ,  . 

the  natives  are  arrested,  but,  as  at  this  time 
there  was  no  Court  of  Judicature  in  Calcutta,  nothing  was  done  to 
the  natives. 

101.— BORROWING  MONEY. 

The   Company    are    short  of  money,   and   borrow   from   a  Mrs. 
Margaret  Wallis  and  her  daughter  at  1  per  cent. 

August  14th.  ' 

per  month. 

i  see  below  Addenda  §  417. 


254  FORT   WILLIAM,   AUGUST    1704. 

102.— A  PRISONER    SENT   TO   MADRAS. 

They  decide  to  send  Captain  Alexander  Delgardno  to  Madras. 
Captain  Delgardno  was  put  in  confinement  by 
Sir  Edward  Littleton  when  he  was  Consul.     He 

is  accused  of  the  murder  of  Jos.  Handy.     At  this  time  Madras  was  the 

only  station  that  possessed  a  Court  of  Judicature. 


103.'  RAJlRAM  SENT  TO  MEET  MURSHID  QULI  KHAN. 

It  Ie  agreed  that  Bajaram  be  ordered  to  proceed  from  Midnapore 
to  the  Diwan's   Camp   at   Balasor,  in  order  to 

August  14th.  .  1  •  1     1 1        T-v 

intercede  with  the  JJiwan  to  grant  us  his  sanad 
for  our  freedom  of  trade  for  want  of  which  we  suffer  many  incon- 
veniences, and  are  likely  to  have  a  fresh  stop  put  to  all  our  trade. 
If  unreasonable  sums  are  asked  by  the  Diwan  or  his  ofl&cers,  the 
vakil  is  to  acquaint  us  before  he  concludes  with  the  Diwan. 

104.— A  WILL. 

Mr.  Joseph  Morsse,  mate  of  the  Dutchess,  lately  deceased,  having 
appointed  Mrs.  Mary  Morsse  his  sole  executrix 
by  his  last  will  and  testament  dated  30th  May 

1704;  it  is  ordered  that  the  Secretary  copy  the  same  in  the  book  for 

registering  wills. 

105.— A    SMALL    CAUSE    COURT. 

It  is  ordered  that  Mr.    Robert  Nightingale,  Mr.   George  Eedshaw, 

and  Mr.    Benjamin   Bowcher   do  meet  in  some 

convenient  place  between  the  hours  of  nine  and 

twelve  in  the  morning,  every  Saturday,  to  hear  and  determine  small 

controversies,  but  if  anything  difl&cult  and  of  moment  happens  it  is  to 

be  heard  in  full  Council. 

106. -SALTPETRE. 

One  of  the  chief  exports  at  this  time  was  saltpetre.     The  English 

Directors   in  all  their  letters  demand  quantities 

"^^        '  of   saltpetre.     This  year  the   difficulty  seems  to 

have   been  to   get   it  fine   enough.     They   receive   a  letter  from  the 

Council  and  President  of  Madras  urging  them  to  make  haste  and  buy 

what  saltpetre  they  can,  either  coarse  or  fine,  or  there  will  be  none  to 


FORT   ■WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER   1704. 


255 


send  to  the  English  Directors,  as  four  French  ships  are  on  their  way  to 
buy  saltpetre. 

107.— A  SHIP'S  CARGO. 

Lid  of  cargo^  provided  for  Ship  Scipiot  Fort  William^ 
August  2m,  1704. 


Saltpetre 

Baftaes 

Lack  Cowries 

Cossaes 

Tanjeebs 

Mulmulls 

Dooreas,  Fine 

Soosies,  Fine... 

Neckcloths    ... 

Dimothy 

Taftaes 

Allebannies   ... 

Photaes 

Tanjeebs,  Flowered 

Raw  Silk 

Muctah 

Ginger,  &c.  gniss  goods 

Gotten  yame 


Total 


Tons. 

200 

6 

10 

? 

6 

5 

2i 

3 

1 

2.i 

2 

3 

2 

37 

49i 
10 

350 


3,600 

at 

1 

8 

6,000 

1 

8 

2,000 

6 

8 

2000 

6 

2,400 

8 

2,000 

8 

1,000 

8 

1,200 

8 

400 

6 

1,000 

5 

8 

800 

3 

8 

1,200 

2 

800 

10 

500 

4 

8 

144 

2 

8 

St 

>> 

... 

It 

» 

27,000 

5,400 

9,000 

11,000 

12,000 

19,200 

16,000 

8,000 

9,600 

2,400 

6,500 

2,800 

2,400 

8,000 

90,000 

14,400 

14,700 

5,200 


262,600 


1U8.— MEMORANDUM  ON  THE  CURRENCY. 

The  Council  is  alive  to  the  fact  that  it  would  be  much  better  for 
the  Company  to  coin  their  own  treasure,  instead 

September  1st.  .        ^       ,       i     ,    ,-,        «        ,  »•    i 

of  selling  it  m  chests,  but  the  freedom  of  the 
mint  is  not  allowed  them,  without  the  payment  of  heavy  custom  dues, 
which  they  refuse  to  do. 


September  4th. 


109.— PACKING  CARGO. 


Two  thousand  rupees  are  provided  for  packing 
stuff  for  the  Scipio'a  cargo. 


110.— BRIBING  THE  PRINCE'S  JIGIRDAR. 

"Jeetmull    Carrowrie    [Jitmal  Karori],    the    Prince's    Jaggerdar 
IJagirdarl,   often   troubling   us  about    advance 

September  4tli.  u       o  j'  o 

rent,  that  he  pretends  to  be  due  to  his  master, 

>  The  names  of  the  goods  should  read  thus  :  "  Saltpetre,  haftas,  lac-cowries,  hhd^as,  tanjtbt, 
malmals,  doriyas,  susU,  neck-cloths,  dimity,  tafifetas,  ?  alvdnii,  ?  paikas,  tanjibt  flowered, 
raw  silk,  mogta,  ginger  goods,  and  cotton  yam." 


256 


FORT  WILLIAM,  SEPTEMBER  1704. 


and  there  being  no  other  way  to  put  it  off,  without  making  appli- 
cation to  his  superior,  or  giving  him  a  small  present,  agree  to  give  him 
a  small  present  to  value  of  Rs.  30." 

111.— THE  RIVER   TARIFF. 

Agreed  that  the  Company's  sloops  have  due  credit  in  their  books 

September  nth.  ^"""^    ^^^^   ^^^^   ^^"^^    ^°^^'    «^    ^"^^    "P    ^om 

European  ships,  or  to  or  from  Balasor,  that  they 
may  not  stand  at  more  than  they  are  worth,  and  that  the  two 
Warehouse-keepers  take  care  to  give  an  account  to  the  Accountant  of 
what  private  goods  are  sent  down  on  freight,  and  what  quantity  of 
bales,  &c.,  are  sent  down  for  the  Company's  Association,  and  that  the 
freight  be  charged  as  follows,  viz. : — 

To  and  from  Balasore  road — 
-   Every  Chest  or  Bale,  Butt  or  Cask,  two  rupees  each ; 

Saltpetre,    Eed    Cowries,    Lead,    Iron,    and    all    weighty  goods, 
Es.  15  per  one  hundred  maunds  ; 

Cordage,  Coyer,  and  the  like,  Es.  16  per  one  hundred  maunds; 

And  from  below  in  the  river  in  proportion. 

The  river  tariff  to  be  charged,  in  charging  the  merchant,  so  that 
the  vessels  may  not  be  a  charge  to  the  Company. 

112.— A  LICENSE  RENEWED. 

"  Deningo   Ash,   her    licenses   for  distilling  Arrach,   and   selling 
Punch  being  expired  on  the  1st  of  August  last — 

September  11th.  ^    ,         ,  .,  ,  .  ,    p  , 

Ordered  that  they  be  renewed  from  that  day  on 
the  same  terms.  She  paid  last  year  that  is  Es.  800  for  distilling, 
and  Es.  200  for  selling  punch  for  one  year." 

113.— PROPOSALS  FOR  A  CHURCH. 

A  liberal  contribution  having  been  made  by  both  the  freemen  of 
the  place  and  the  Company's  servants  towards 
building  a  Church  for  the  public  worship  of  God, 
and  the  Eev.  Mr.  Anderson  and  the  Eev.  Mr.  Adams  having  asked  help 
of  the  Company,  because  "  the  town  is  increasing,  and  there  is  no  place 
in  it  able  to  contain  the  congregation  that  would  meet  at  divine  service, 
if  there  were  rooms  sufficient  to  contain  them,"  it  is  agreed  that  one 
thousand  rupees  be  given  by  the  Company  for  this  purpose. 


FORT  WILLIAM,  SEPTEMBER  1704.  257 

Copy  of  the  Paper  read  hy  the  Rev.  Mr.  Anderson  and  Mr.  Adams  before 

the  Council. 

"To  the  Hoa'ble  the  Council  for  all  affairs  of  the  Right  Hon'ble 
United  Company  in  Bengal. 

Gentlemen, 

How  much  the  Christian  religion  suffers  in  the  esteem  of  these 
infidels  and  in  the  real  effects  of  it  even  among  ourselves  for  want  of  a 
place  set  apart  for  the  public  worship  of  God,  we  can  none  of  us  be 
ignorant ;  and  if  we  have  any  concern  at  all  for  the  honour  of  God 
or  any  zeal  for  the  advancemcDt  of  the  Christian  religion  in  the  world, 
we  cannot  but  lament  the  great  disadvantage  which  we  do  at  present 
labour  under  from  thence. 

It  was  a  deep  sense  of  these  things  that  induced  us  to  set  on  foot  a 
subscription  towards  the  buUding  a  church,  which  though  it  might  at 
first  look  like  a  design  too  big  for  us,  yet,  we  have  already  succeeded 
in  beyond  our  hopes.  Gentlemen,  the  very  good  encouragement  you 
have  been  pleased  to  give  us  in  it  has  laid  us  under  an  obligation  of 
returning  you  our  hearty  thanks  for  it,  and  we  now  do  it  as  becomes 
us  in  the  station  we  are  now  in.  The  commanders  of  ships  have  been 
very  generous  upon  this  occasion;  and  all  other  gentlemen,  whether 
servants  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  Company,  or  other  inhabitants  of  the 
place,  have  contributed  freely  and  cheerfully  to  the  work. 

Gentlemen,  the  design  is  apparently  noble  and  worthy  of  all  the 
encouragement  that  can  be  given  it.  'Tis  for  the  service  and  credit 
of  the  English  Company  trading  to  these  parts ;  'tis  for  the  honour 
of  the  English  nation ;  and  above  all  'tis  for  the  honour  of  that  Religion, 
which  we  are  all  bound  to  maintain,  and  which,  especially  considerino- 
where  we  are,  we  can  never  be  too  zealously  concerned  for. 

But  because  the  work  we  are  going  about  ought  to  bear  some 
proportion  to  the  end  for  which  it  is  designed  and  consequently  cannot 
be  accomplished  with  a  small  charge,  therefore  we  hope,  gentlemen,  you 
will  think  it  reasonable  to  make  some  considerable  addition  to  what 
we  have  hitherto  collected  from  private  hands  on  account  of  the 
Hon'ble  Company,  who,  as  they  are  likely  to  reap  the  most  lasting 
benefit  from  the  undertaking,  so  they  cannot  be  but  abundantly 
satisfied  with  what  you  shall  think  fit  to  do  in  it.  The  work  we  are 
Tmdertaking  has  been  neglected  too  long  already  ;  we  intend  therefore 
to  put  it  off  no  longer,  but  set  about  it  as  soon  as  possible ;  in  order  to 
which  we  desire,  gentlemen,  you  will  assign  us  a  spot  of  ground,  which 


258  FORT   WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1704. 

may  be  proper  to  our  purpose,  and  that  we  suppose  will  be  agreed  on 
all  hands  to  be  as  near  the  Factory  as  it  conveniently  may. 

We  are, 

Gentlemen, 
Your  most  affectionate  Friends  and  humble  Servants, 

William  Anderson. 
Benjamin  Adams." 

114.— seizure  of  a  debtor. 
Ramachandra,  the  vakil^  sends  the  Company  notice  that  one  of  the 
debtors   of  the  King  is  in  Calcutta,   and    that 

September  14th.  .      ,         .      _  .       ,  ,      ,,      tt- 

unless  lie  is  seized  and  given  over  to  the  King, 
the  CompaDy  will  be  held  responsible  for  his  debts.  He  is  seized, 
and  sent  under  a  guard  of  peons  to  the  Governor  of  Hugli. 

115.— a  market  for  govindpur. 
Mr.  Bowcber  proposing  to  have  a  market  ordered  at  the  town  of 
Govindpur,  by  which  the  Company  will  receive 
a  considerable  benefit  in  time,  it  is  resolved  that 
the  same  be  ordered  forthwith. 

116.— THE  ZAMINDAR'S  ACCOUNTS. 

Mr.  Bowcher  brought  in  the  account  of  the  Revenues  of  the  three 
Towns  and  of  the  Buzzar.    The  Balance  amounts 
ep  em  er       .         ^^  ^^^  rupees  15  aunas  and  6  pies,   which  was 
paid  into  the  cash  account  as  usual. 

117.— PRESENTS  TO  THE  LOCAL  OFFICERS. 

They  receive  a  letter  from  Rajarama,  the  mk'ilj  telling  of  his 
arrival'  at  the  Diwan's  and  that  the  Dutch  had 
already  got  their  perwanna  to  clear  their  business, 
having  satisfied  the  Prince  with  presents,  and  that  if  the  English  Com- 
pany did  the  same,  they  could  get  their  perwanna  forthwith.  They 
write  an  answer  to  Rajarama  telling ,  him  to  find  out  how  much  the 
present  to  the  Prince  himself  and  all  other  charges  will  be,  and  if  it 
is  not  unreasonable  they  will  send  it.  He  is  to  take  care  that  the  per- 
wanna is  in  as  full  terms  as  formerly,  and  also  that  it  is  to  clear  their 
business  in  Patna.  The  vakil  is  also  to  try  and  put  oflF  the  European 
goods  for  the  present  to  the  Prince. 

A  report   comes  in   from  Ramachandra  mkll  from  Hugli  stating 
that  the  native  princes  there   require  large  presents  before  they  will 


FORT    WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1704. 


259 


clear  the  business  of  the  Company,  they  having  been  used  to  such  large 
sums  from  both  Companies.  It  is  agreed  to  give  them  3,000  rupees  in 
European  goods  to  be  given  to  the  several  officers  according  to  the 
following  list : — 

"  Account  of  the  presents  made  to  the  several  officers  belonging  to  the 
Government  of  Hugli. 


To 


To  the  Oovenumr. 


Piece  of  broadcloth,  violet, 
»  »  green, 

„  „  scarlet, 

„  „  ordinary. 

Sword  blades  ... 

Pair  pistols  ...         ... 

Birding  gun 

Large  looking  glass,  30  inchea 

Flintware  at  1-6    


16    yds. 
24      „ 
234     „ 


To 


Mahomet  Sara,  Ecbarnavees  and  Cossowda.^ 

Pieces  of  broadcloth,  Aurora,  £7-7-6 
«  »  ordinary 

Piece  „  scarlet        

Pair  of  pistols 
Sword  blades 

Gun  

Looking  glass,  30  inches  ... 
Flintware  ... 


To 

Coja  Mahomet,  Buxxe.^ 

Piece  fine  broadcloth,  green,       24  yds. 

„  „  „  scarlet,      22     „ 

Pair  pistols 

Gun  

Looking  glass,  18  inches  ... 
Flintware  ... 


To 

The  Droga  of  the  Buxhunder  Vizt.^ 

Piece  of  fine  broadcloth,  scarlet,  22  yds. 
„  „  „  Aurora  ,., 

»  »  »  ordinary 

Looking  glass,  18  inches  ... 

Pair  pistols  ...         ...  ...         ... 

Flintware  „ 


Carried  over 


Rs.  A.  P. 


lU  0  0 

80  0  0 

120  0  0 

80  0  0 

5  0  0 

22  0  0 

22  0  0 

33  0  0 

60  0  0 


117    0    0 

80     0    0 
120     0    0 


22 

0 

0 

5 

3 

0 

22 

0 

0 

38 

S 

G 

60 

0 

0 

80    0  0 

120     0  0 

11     0  0 

22     0  0 

7  10  0 

60     0  0 


120    0  0 

59     0  0 

40    0  O 

7  10  0 

22     0  0 

36    0  0 


Bs.  A.  F. 


541     9    0 


524    9     0 


300  10    0 


284  10    0 


1,651     6    0 


1  Muhammad  Dara,  Akhbar-navis  and  qdjid-ddr. 
'  Khwdjah  Muhammad,  Baihthi, 
*  Daroghah  of  the  hakhahhandar. 


6  2 


260 


FORT   WILLIAM,    OCTOIIER    1704. 


2 

1 
2 
1 

Brongbt  forward 
To 

The  Cozzee^  Vizt. 

Pieces  broadcloth,  Aurora           

Looking  glass,  18  inches 

Sword  blades         

Piece  ordinary  broadcloth            

Flintware 

Rs.  A.  F. 

118     0    0 

7  10    0 

5     3    0 

40     0     0 

30     0     0 

Rs.    A.    p. 
1,651    6    0 

200  13     0 
90    3     6 
90    3    6 

112     3     6 
81     3     6 
99  10    0 

40    3    6 

2 

1 
1 

To 

EamJcisna  Mutsiedie^  Vizt. 

Pieces  ordinary  broadcloth           

Looking  glass,  18  inches 

Sword  blade          

80    0    0 
7  10    0 
2     9    6 

2 

1 
1 

To 

Coja  Mahomets  Naihe  ^  Vizt. 

Pieces  ordinary  broadcloth           

Looking  glass,  18  inches 

Sword  blade            

80    0    0 
7  10    4 
2     9    6 

2 
1 
1 

1 

To 

The  Droga  of  the  Mennerah  *  Vizt. 

Pieces  ordinary  broadcloth           

Sword  blade           

Ijooking  glass,  18  inches  ... 

Pistol          

80    0    0 
2    9    6 
7  10    0 

22    0    0 

1 
1 

1 

To 

The  Cossianavis  *  Vizt. 

Piece  broadcloth,  Aurora 

Sword  blade           ...          

Looking  glass,  18  inches 

Flintware ..          

59    0    0 
2    9     6 
7  10     0 

12     0    0 

1 
1 
1 

1 

To 

The  Governor  Naihe^  Vizt. 

Piece  of  broadcloth,  Aurora         

Gun             

Pistol           ' 

Looking  glass,  18  inches...          

59     0    0 

22    0    0 

11     0    0 

7  10    0 

1 
1 
1 

1 

To 

The  Governor  Muttsuddie  ^  Vizt. 

Piece  of  broadcloth,  Aurora,  at  7-6        

Sword  blade           

Flintware  ...          ...          ...         ...         ...         ... 

Looking  glass,  18  inches 

Carried  over 

15     0    0 
2     9    6 

15     0    0 
7  10    0 

2,365  14     6 

'  Qdzi. 

'  Rarnakrishna,  muiOfaddi. 

8  Khwajah  Muhammad's  ndib. 


*  Ddroghah  of  the  menf, 

'  Khas-navls. 

"  Governor's  nS,ih. 


1  Governor's  mulaioddl. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1704. 


261 


To 


Brought  forward 
The  MuHchee^  Vizi. 


Yds.  of  Aurora  at  7-6  per  yard 
Sword  blade  (ordinary) 
Flint  ware 


To 


The  Buxies  Naihe^  Vizt. 


Piece  of  Aurora  cloth 

Gun 

Pistol 

Looking  glass,  18  inches 


To 


Cojah  Mahomet^  Muftsuddies? 


Yds.  of  Aurora  cloth  at  7-6 
Looking  glass,  18  inches 
Sword  blade,  ordinary 
Flincware 


To 

Droga  of  the  Buxlunder,  his  MuUrnddie.* 

Yds.  of  Aurora  cloth  at  7-6 
Looking  glass,  IS  inches 
Sword  blade,  ordinary    ... 
Flintware 


To 


Meerhars  Drogah; 


Piece  of  ordinary  cloth 
Looking  glass 
Sword  blade 


Cash  given  to  the  Government  servants 


Rs. 


12  0 
0  9 
6    0 


40  0 
7  10 
2     9 


59    0  0 

22     0  0 

11     0  0 

7  10  0 


15     0  0 

7  10  0 

9     6  0 

6     0  0 


15     0  0 

7  10  0 

9     6  0 

6     0  0 


Rs.     A.      p. 
2,365  14       6 


18     9 


99  10 


29     3 


29     3 


50     3 


2.592  12 
200     0 


2,792  13 


October  2nd. 


118.— SALARIES. 

"  The  Company's  Servants,  Factors,  aud  "Writers  desiring  their 
Salaries,  the  usual  day  being  past,  the  Secretary 
is  ordered  to  draw  a  list  of  all  the  servants,  their 
stations  and  time  of  entering  into  the  United  Service,  and  that  they 
have  the  Salaries   advanced  them,  as  the  Company  directed   in   the 

*  Alunshl. 

'  Bal-tAi't  ndih, 

'  Khwajah  Muhammad  s  mutasaddl*. 

*  Ddroghah  of  the  bai-kgAhandar's  mntastiddl. 

*  Mlr-bakr't  diioghah. 


FORT   "WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1704. 

General  Letter  to  Fort  St.  Greorge,  which  paragraph  the  Governor 
and  Council  remitted  us  according  to  our  desire,  the  Court  of  Mana- 
gers having  not  acquainted  us  what  salary  they  have  allowed  each 
person." 

"Having  determined  the  Salaries  of  the  Factors,  and  Writers, 
ordering  them  what  the  Manaarers  direct  in  their 

October  8th.  °  ,  .  . 

letter  to  Fort  St.  George,  tis  unanimously  agreed 
by  all  the  Council,  being  voted  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  that 
the  Chairmen  have  £100  each,  and  the  others  of  the  Council  £40 
each,  to  be  paid  in  the  country,  as  the  Court  and  Managers  direct  at 
2-6  per  rupee,  the  two  Chaplains  £100  each  per  year." 

119.— TAKING  THE  PRESENT  TO  HUGLI. 

Messrs.  Eussell  and  Nightingale  are  ordered  to  take  the  present  to 
Hugli,  and  visit  the  Faujdar.  They  are  to  give 
him  his  present  in  person,  and  see  that  two  of 

the  Company's  Factors,  who  go  with  them,  give  the  presents  to  the 

other  ofl&cers. 

120.— MORNING   PRAYER   AT    8   A.M. 

"  A  letter  read  from  the  Chaplain,  Mr.  Adams,  complaining  that 
Mr.  Hedges  took  too  much  on  himself  in  alterins: 

October  9th.  .r,        1,  4=  •  -+1,4.+ 

the  hour  oi  morning  prayer  m  the  lactory. 
Answer  him  that  it  was  not  Mr.  Hedges'  doing,  but  that  the  Council 
wished  that  the  morning  prayer  in  the  Factory  might  be  at  eight  in 
the  morning,  and  not  at  ten,  as  the  latter  hour  interfered  with 
business." 

121.— PAYING    THE    SALARIES. 

The  account  of  the  amount 'of  the  salaries  was  given  by  Mr.  Winder, 
the  Accountant.     It   amounted  to   sicca  rupees 

October  12th.  >.^.^^«        t-t.  1        -t    •         i  ^^  1 

4,949-2-3.  He  is  ordered  to  place  the  same  to 
the  salary  account,  in  the  name  of  and  to  the  amount  for  each  servant 
of  the  Company.     The  cashier  is  ordered  to  pay  each  man  in  siccas. 

122.— AN  INTESTATE'S  ESTATK 

"Ordered  that  Mr.  Bowcher  do  together  with  Mr.  Eedshaw  take 
an  account  of  the  estate  of  Mr.  John  Johnson,  a 
free  merchant  lately    deceased   intestate — as   we 

apprehend,   and  if    no   will  is   found,   Mr.    Eedshaw  is  to  put  the 

deceased's  goods  to  public   outcry." 


FORT    WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1704.  263 

123.— THOMAS    CURGENVEN.» 

An  application  is  made  by  Mr.  Thos.  Curgenven,  who  asks  that 
he  may  have  the  salary  of  £40  per  annum. 
He  is  only  allowed  a  salary  of  £30  per  annum 

as  a  junior  merchant  until  advice  has  been  taken  of  the  Company  at 

home  as  to  what  they  wish  their  men  to  receive. 

124.— THE    COTTA    WAREHOUSE. 

The  eotta  or  pricing  warehouse  is  opened. 
The  goods  are  to  be  sorted  and  priced  as  soon  as 
possible. 

125.— MURSHID    QULI    KHAN    DEMANDS    MONEY. 

They  receive  a  notice  from  the  vakil  Eajarama  at  Balasor  to  the 
efiect  that  the  Diwan  will  not  take  a  present  of 
goods,  but  that  he  will  have  money.  The  Diwan 
also  refuses  to  receive  money  as  though  the  two  companies  were  one. 
He  wani**  30,000  rupees,  as  large  a  sum  as  he  used  to  receive  when 
they  were  two.  Eajarama  proposes  that,  if  the  Company  are  willing, 
he  will  offer  the  Diwan  15,000  rupees,  and  try  and  persuade  him  to 
accept  it,  and  give  them  his  sanad  for  trade  accordingly.  They  agree 
to  allow  the  vakil  to  do  this,  but  to  tell  him  to  get  Patna  also  in- 
eluded  in   the   sanad  if  possible. 

126.— THE    HUGLI    OFFICERS    DEMAND    LARGER    PRESENTS. 

Some  trouble  is  caused  by  the  native  officers  at  Hugli,  who 
demand  larger  presents  than  those  sent.  Eama- 
chandra,  the  vakil  at  Hugli,  reports  that  three 
of  the  bakhshls,  or  officers,  of  the  Diwan  will  not  accept  their  presents 
unless  they  be  augmented  by  Sicca  Eupees  1,100.  If  this  be  not  done, 
they  will  obstruct  the  trade  as  much  as  they  can.  They  agree  to  delay 
complying  as  long  as  possible,  and  then  to  send  the  money  by  Mr. 
"Winder  and  Mr.  Eedshaw.  They  are  to  pay  it  privately,  concealing 
it  from  all  the  other  darhdr  officers,  for  fear  that  they  too  may  demand 
more.  They  also  agree  to  send  with  Mr.  Winder  and  Mr.  Eedshaw 
30  soldiers,  to  overawe,  if  possible,  the  native  officers,  but  the  soldiers 
are  on  no  account  to  commence  hostilities. 

127.— ADAMS    GOES    TO    MADRAS. 

Mr.  Adams,  the  Chaplain,  goes  to  Madras  for  his  health,  bearing  a 
letter  to  help  him  to  raise  money  there  for  the 

November  2nd.  \    •      r^  ^      ll 

Church  m  Calcutta. 

1  Thomas  Curgenven  had  influence.     He  was  the  nephew  of  the  Rev.  T.  Curgenven,  Rector 
foFolke,  who  married  Dorothy,  sister  of  Thomas  Pitt,  Governor  of  Fort  St.  George. 


264  FORT    WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER- DFCEMBER    1704. 

128.— A.   SITE    FOR   THE   CHURCH. 
"  The  contribution  money  to  build  a  Churcb,  being  mostly  ooUected 
,      „,,  by  the  two  Chaplains,  ordered  that  a  sufficient 

November  6th.  ,  ^ 

piece  of  ground  to  build  it  on  be  appointed  in  the 
Broad  Street,  next  or  pretty  near  to  Captain  Wallis  his  house,  between 
that  and  Mr.  Soames's,  and  that  a  broadwaybe  left  on  the  side  next  the 
river  fully  sixty  feet  broad  clear  fi'om  the  Church." 

129.— GOODS    OF    INTESTATES    SOLD    BY    AUCTION. 

William  Champion,  factor,  dies  leaving  a  will.     Nicolas  Audney,  of 
,      „„  ,  the  Rising  Sun,  Smack,  and  George  Moore,  one  of 

November  27 to.  ,.       . 

the  gunners  crew,  die  intestate.  Their  goods 
were  sold  by  public  auction  and  the  money  paid  into  the  Company's 
cash  account. 

130. -DISPUTES    IN   THE   UNITED   C0UNCIL.1 

Quarrels  arose  between  servants  of  old   and  New  Companies  now 

joined  in  Council  on  the  following  question. 
November  and  December.  i      ,,  ro   •  on        t-t    . 

Although  the  altairs  or  the  United  Company 
were  flow  managed  by  the  United  Council,  there  etill  existed  two  other 
Councils  in  Calcutta.  There  was  a  separate  Council  for  winding  up 
the  separate  affairs  of  the  Old  London  Company,  of  which  Mr.  Beard 
was  President,  and  there  was  another  separate  Council  for  winding  up 
the  affairs  of  the  New  English  Company,  of  which  Sir  Edward  Littleton 
was  President.  Neither  of  the  Presidents  had  a  seat  in  the  United 
Council.  If  Beard  were  to  go  away  for  a  short  time  from  Calcutta, 
Mr.  Halph  Sheldon,  who  was  next  in  succession  to  him  among  the  Old 
Company's  servants,  would  officiate  for  him  as  President  of  the  separate 
Council  for  the  Old  Oompan5''s  affairs.  Would  he  then  for  the  time  cease 
to  be  a  Member  of  the  United  Council  ?  Similarly,  in  the  temporary 
absence  of  Sir  Edward  Littleton,  Mr.  Robert  Hedges  would  become 
President  of  the  separate  Council  for  the-  New  Company's  affairs. 
Would  he  then  temporarily  cease  to  be  a  Member  of  the  United 
Council?  After  much  discussion  it  is  settled  that  neither  Hedges  nor 
Sheldon  need  resign  his  seat  in  the  United  Council.  Many  letters 
are  sent  to  the  Court  of  Managers  at  home  from  both  parties,  each 
accusing  the  other  of  not  wishing  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  Court  of 
Managers  at  home. 

1  Of  this  Governor  Pitt  writes :  "  In  Bengal  all  things  are  pretty  quiet,  only  jangling  in  the 
Rotation  Government,  all  talkers  and  no  hearers."  (Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.  22,  848,  No.  70.) 
And  two  months  later  to  the  Secretary  at  the  East  India  House  :  "For  the  Rotation  Government 
in  Bengal  'tis  become  the  ridicule  of  all  India,  both  Europeans  and  Native."  (To  John  Styleman, 
Dec.  1704.)    See  Hedges'  Diary,  II,     .  106. 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1704.  265 

DIARY    AXD    CO.XSULTATION    BOOK 

OF   THE 

UNITED  TEADE  COUIfCIL  AT  FOET  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL. 


From  December  ITO-i  to  the  end  of  November  1705. 


131.— BAD  LANGUAGE  FINED. 

Benjamin  Walker  ^vas  fined  twenty  rupees  for  abusing  Mr.  Hedges 
December-Srd,  1704.        bj  using  bad  language  to  him. 

132.— FRIENDLY  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  DUTCH  AND  ENGLISH. 

"  Passed  by  the  Dutch  Commissary  to  repair  on  board  his  own  ship 

December  11th.         when  was  fired  21   guns  as  usual." 
*'  Passed  by  the  Dutch  Dii-ector  who  came  ashore  to  take  leave  of 
President  Beard  before  the  President  departed  for  Madras." 

133.— BEARD  GOING  TO  MADRAS. 

*'  President  Beard  departed  down  the  river  in  order  to  go  board  the 
December  17th,         CMmbiTS  frigate  for  Madras." 

134.— FRESH  SITE  FOR  THE  CHURCH. 

*'  The  ground  pitched  on  for  building  the  church  on  being  objected 

against  by  many  inhabitants  of  the  town,  who 

are  so  dissatisfied  about  it,  that  they  who  have 

not  already  paid  their  contributions  refuse,  and  resolve  not  to  pay  it, 

except  the  ground  be  changed ;  it  is  therefore  agreed  that  it  be  built 

opposite  to  the  west  ^  curtain  at  a  convenient  distance  from  the  wall  of 

the  Fort." 

135.— SENT  TO  ENGLAND  TO  BE  TRIED. 

Captain  Delgardno^  who  was  imprisoned  for  murder  in  1702,  was  now 
sent  to  England  to  be  tried.    He  was  first  sent  on 
™   ^  board  ship  Tavistock  as  prisoner,  but  refusing  to 

go  that  yi&y,  was  allowed  to  go  as  passenger.- 

^  This  should  be  east .  Had  the  church  been  built  opposite  the  vest  curtain,  it  would  have 
been  in  the  river. 

2  On  August  14th,  1704,  Captain  Delgardno  was  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Fort  St.  George, 
Madras,  to  be  tried. 


266  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1705. 

136.— HARD  TERMS. 

Eajarama   arrives  from  the  Diwan's  camp.     He  states  that  the 
22nd  January  1705.  ^'^^'^    positively   insists    on    twenty   thousand 

rupees.  The  United  Company  think  it  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  procure  the  Diwan's  sanadj  as  without  it  they  cannot 
have  the  benefit  of  the  mint,  nor  yet  work  the  Cassimbazar  factory. 
They  therefore  resolve  to  agree  to  demand,  and  order  Eajarama  to 
return  to  the  Diwan's  camp  at  Burdwan  to  acquaint  the  Diwan  of 
their  decision. 

137.— FRENCH  CRUISERS  AT  FORT  ST.  DAVID. 

They  hear  news   that  five  French  ships  have  arrived  at  Fort  St. 
David's    roads  probably  designed  to  cruise  for 

12th  February.  -n      ,.  ,       ,  .       . 

Jiinglish  shipping. 

138.— ROBBERIES  IN  CALCUTTA. 

"  There  having  been  several  robberies  committed  in  the  Black  Town, 
ordered  that  a  corporal  and  six  soldiers  be  sent 
to  lodge   in   the  Catwall's  [iTo^w^a/'s]  house,  to 
be  upon  call  to  prevent  the  like  in  future." 

139.— ALLOWANCES. 

The  Company's  servants  complain  of  the  bad  table  kept,  and  ask 
for  diet  money.     It  is  agreed  that  they  shall  be 
allowed  twenty  rupees  each  per  month.    They 
are  also  to  be  allowed  oil  for  lamps,  but  not  candles. 

140.— THE  ABUSE  OF  DASTAKS. 

*'  Ordered  that  a  paper  be  fixed  to  the  factory  gate  prohibiting  any 
man  procuring  dusticks  [e.e.  dasfaks]    for  goods 
not  for  his  own  account  or  for  account  of  some 
Englishman  under  the  Company's  protection*" 

141.— PUNCH-HOUSE  LICENSES. 

"  Ordered  that  the  licensed  punch  houses  do  pay  their  license  money 
out  of  hand,  they  being  most   of  them  behind 
'^^'  band  more  than  12  months." 

142.— A  FRESH  SURVEY. 

"Ordered  that  Mr.   Bowcber,  jemidar,  [zamindnr,']    take  a  fresh 
account    of  every  house  under   the    Company's 
lethJuiy.  government,   and  survey  all  the  ground  that  is 

occupied  either  in  tillage,  gardens,  or  any  other  plantation." 


FORT    WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER   1705.  267 

143.— BEARD    DIES;   SHELDON    TAKES    HIS    PLACE. 

"  Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon,  one  of  the  Chairmen  in  the  Cunncil  of  United 
Trade  and  second  in  Council  of  Old  Company,  ia 
promoted  to  be  President  of  Old  Company, 
President  Beard  ^  having  died  away  from  Calcutta."  In  consequence 
of  this  promotion,  Sheldon  has  to  give  up  his  place  in  the  United  Trade 
Council,  as  neither  the  President  of  the  Old  Company  nor  the  President 
of  the  New  Company  can  sit  in  United  Trade  Council.  The  Directors 
in  England  had  sent  orders  that  if  either  President  died,  the  second  in 
the  Council  was  to  succeed  him,  until  orders  arrived  from  England 
either  ratifying  or  annulling  his  appointment. 


144,— A  PUNCH-HOUSE  LICENSE. 


August  14th. 


One  hundred  rupees  are  paid  for  a  punch-house 
license. 


145.— NEW  DOCTOR. 

"  The  place  and  season  being  very  sickly  renders  it  impossible  for 
one  Doctor  to  attend  all  the  sick,  and  that  none 
may  perish  for  want  of  due  attendance  in  sickness, 
there  being  no  mates  or  assistants  to  Dr.  Warren,  and  he  very  sick,  'tis 
unanimously  agreed  that  Mr.  Gray,  who  was  Surgeon  to  Metchlepataa 
Factory  for  the  New  Company,  be  taken  into  the  United  Trade  Service 
at  the  same  salary  that  Dr.  "Warren  has,  but  Dr  "Warren  to  have  pre- 
cedence, having  served  the  longest  time  in  India." 


146.— A  DUTCH  SHIP  PASSES. 

"  A  large  Dutch  ship   passed  by  in   order  to  proceed  to  a   town 
,     „  ,  below  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  ffene- 

SeptemberSrd.  i,      ,i     .      i  i  •        i  6  "'" 

rally  their  large  ships  lades." 

147.— THE    SATURDAY    COURT   OF   JUSTICE, 

It  is  ordered  that  Mr.  Winder  and  Mr.  Pattle  do  sit  in  Court  every 

Saturday  after  this   week   to   do  justice  there. 

^^^   '  This    Saturday    Court    had    been   discontinued 

owing   to  illness. 


'  Further  details  about  Beard  are  given  in  the  introduction  to  these  sur 


268  FORT   WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1706.         ♦ 

148.— NEW  ZAMlNDlR. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Bowcher,  the  Zammddr,  died  of  fever  at  10  o'clock 
last  niffht.     Mr.  Jonathan  Winder  is  to  officiate 

September  24th.  .,-, 

as   Zamlnddr,  till  a  new  one  can  be  appointed. 
They  must  wait  for  full  Council  for  that,  some  of  them  being  away. 
October  8th.  Mr.  John  Cole  is  appointed  Zamlnddr. 

149. -FOR   THE  BETTER    DESPATCH   OF   SHIPPING. 

In  consideration  to  provide  for  the  despatch  of  shipping,  'tis 
resolved  that  we  meet  in  consultation  on  Mondays 
and  Thursdays  at  7  o'clock  and  finish  consultation 
at  9  o'clock,  and  go  to  the  warehouse  to  price  goods.  A  summons 
to  be  sent  out  by  the  Secretary  the  evening  of  the  day  before  the 
Counsel  to  put  men  in  mind.  This  rule  is  to  be  in  force  till  after  the 
autumn  shipping  is  d.spatched. 

150.— SHALL  WE  PAY  THE  DlWAN  1 

Another  long  discussion  takes  place  as  to  whether  Rajarama  shall  be 

authorized  to  pay  thirty  thousand  rupees  to  the 

Diwan  at  Hugli  for  his  sanad.     The  question  is 

still  left  open  till  they  hear   further  news.     If  they  decide  that  the 

money  is  to  be  paid,  Eajarama  is  to  pay  it  at  once,  and  so  prevent  the 

saltpetre  boats  being  stopped  on  their  way  down  the  river. 

151.-SALTPETRE  BOATS. 

They  had   news  from   Mr.  Chitty  and  the  others  who  had  gone 
with  him    to    procure   saltpetre    that   they   had 
°^  ^^    ^ '  already  started  for  Calcutta,  so  that  they  might 

any  day  arrive  at  Hugli. 

News  arrives  from  Mr.  Chitty  of  the  grounding  and  sinking  of  four 
of  the  saltpetre  boats  on  the  sands  at  Barr ;  the 
other  boats  were  "  saved  with  much  pain." 


October  21st. 


152.— MILITARY  APPOINTMENTS. 

Woodville    is    appointed   Lieutenant    of  the 
soldier  in  the  garrison. 
November  5th.  Dalibar  is  appointed  Ensign. 


November  2ad. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1705.  269 

153.— DESPATCHING  SfflPS. 

They   order  all  captains  to   bring  tkeir    ships  up  the   river   and 
anchor  near  the   Fort  for   the   quicker  despatch 
of  business.     The  great  month  for    despatching 
the  winter  European  shipping  seems  to  have  been  November. 


270  FORT    WILLIAM,    MARCH    1706. 

DIARY  AND  CONSULTATION  BOOK 

OF  THE 

UNITED  TEADE  COUNCIL  AT  FOET  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL. 


From  December  1705  to  December  1706. 


154.-BUYING  SILENCE. 

A  couple  of  sailors  belonging  to  the  ship  Heme,  then  lying  in  the 
harbour,    attacked   some   natives  and  killed  one 

January  14th,  1706. 

peon,  who  was  in  the  Company's  service.  The 
Council  directly  they  heard  of  the  affair  sent  for  the  relatives  of  the 
murdered  man,  and  bought  their  silence  about  it  for  50  rupees ; 
being  afraid  that  if  it  came  to  the  native  Grovernor's  ears,  he  would 
make  it  an  excuse,  not  only  for  forcing  the  Company  to  pay  a  heavy 
fine,  but  also  for  stopping  their  trade. 

155.— THE  PATNA   FACTORY. 

Two  members  of  the  Council,  Maisters  and  Chitty,   are  to  be  sent 
to  the  Patna  Eesidency  with  money  and  presents. 

January  14th,  •    ,       ^  .-i       i>     ■ 

ihey  are  to  supermtend  the  factory  and  trade  at 
Patna.  The  Council  at  Calcutta  seem  most  anxious  to  keep  the  Patna 
factory  going. 

156. -NEW    DUTCH    CHIEF. 

"Passed  by    the    New    Dutch    Chief ^  with 
several  servants  for  Hugli." 

157.— ZAMINDARI  ACCOUNTS. 

*Mr.   John   Cole    brought    in    the    account 
and  revenue  of  the  three  towns   balance   being 


January  27th. 


March  4th 

Es.  614-10-0. 


158.— PRECEDENCE. 

The  Council  received  a  letter,  dated  February  18th,  from  Mr.  Arthur 
King,  a  factor  in  the  Company's  service,  who 
considers  himself  insulted  because  the  Surgeon's 

'  Willem  de  Rov. 


FORT    WILLIAM,    APRIL    1706.  271 

wife  has  taken  her  place  in  church  above  his  wife.  He  asks  the  Council 
to  order  that  his  wife  shall  be  placed  above  the  Surgeon's  wife  in 
future.  This  letter  was  opened  by  the  Ohairman,  Mr.  Russell,  who 
persuaded  King  to  withdraw  it,  that  the  matter  might  be  settled 
privately.  King  now  writes  again  to  say  that  the  Surgeon's  wife  con- 
tinues to  "  squat  herself  down  "  in  his  wife's  place,  and  that,  if  they 
would  not  see  to  it,  he  would  let  them  know  that  they  as  well  as 
he  "  had  masters  in  England,"  and  that  they  must  hold  themselves 
responsible  for  any  disturbance  or  unseemly  conduct  that  may  arise 
in  church  in  consequence. 

159.— DOUETS  ABOUT  THE  SAN  AD. 

The  Council  still  hesitates  to  take  out  the  sanad  at  Hugli,  because 
,,    ,  ,,,^  they  are  waiting  to  be  advised  from  Surat  how  the 

March  11th.  ° 

affairs  of  the  Dutch  are  settled.  The  Dutch  are 
there  with  a  fleet,  and  are  threatening  to  burn  the  town,  which  "  if  they 
should  do,  would  be  of  ill  consequence  to  all  Europeans." 

160.— PROVISIONS. 

"Being   a  cheap   season  for  grain,"  it  is  ordered  that  the  charges 

A  rii2nd.  general    keeper    do  provide  a  thousand  rupees 

worth  of   wheat   and  "  100  maunds   of  oil,  and 

that  it  lie  by  for  garrison  stores,  which,  if  no  occasion  for  use  here, 

may  serve  for  provisions  for  the  coasts." 

161.— IRON  FOR  CHURCH  BUILDING. 

The  overseers  of  the   church  send  five  hundred  rupees   worth   of 
April  4th.  copper  to   Balasor  to  provide  iron  for  buildine 

the  church. 

162.— KING  MADE  ZAMlNDAR. 

Mr.  Arthur  King  is  ordered  to  act  as  Zamlndar  instead  of  Mr.  Cole. 

April  8th.  ^^'  ^°^^  ^^^  ^^^  ordered    to  take  charge  of  the 

Import  "Warehouse,  but  the  execution  of  the 
order  was  delayed  till  April,  as  the  books  were  all  adjusted  each  year 
in  that  month,  and  it  was  easier  to  move  oiEcers  then. 

163.— ENCOURAGING  POOR  TENANTS. 

"  It  formerly  being  a  custom  for  all  people  who  sold  small  houses  or 

April  ifith.  compounds  to  pay  one-fourth  part  of  the  money 

they  sell  them  for  to  the  Company :  and  that  the 

merchants  or  others  that  sold  large  houses  or  compounds  paid  but  2  per 


272  FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1706, 

cent.  Considering  this  is  very  hard  upon  the  poor  people,  ordered  that 
all  people  pay  for  the  future  5  per  cent.,  which  we  think  to  be  reason- 
able and  an  encouragement' to  the  poor  tenants  who  paid  in  proportion 
a  great  deal  more  than  the  richer  sort." 

164.— THE  OLD  FACTORY. 

"  The  old  factory  house  having  for  several  years  been  decaying,  and 
more  especially  of  late  with  the  great  storms,  has 

April  18th.  .  .  i      -i  . 

given  way  m  several  places  insomuch  that  those 
gentlemen  that  lie  in  it  declaring  it  dangerous  to  stay  any  longer  there. 
We  have  had  the  chief  carpenter  and  bricklayer  with  several  others  to 
survey  it,  whose  opinions  are  that  if  it  not  soon  taken  down  it  will  fall 
of  itself,  ordered  therefore  that  lodgings  be  prepared  for  the  gentle- 
men that  lay  in  it,  and  that  the  house  be  pulled  down  to  prevent  any 
mischief  that  may  happen." 

165,— PESHKASH. 

They  send  the   Government  of   Hugli   three   thousand   siccas  as 
April  22nd.  peshlittsh  for  the  past  year. 

166.— RETURN  TO  CASSIMBAZAR. 

"Send  a  letter  to  King's  Duan  at  Muxodabad  to  the  effect  that 
upon  the  encouragement  he  has  given  we  design 
to  settle  Cassimbazar  on  the  arrival  of  our  ship- 
ping, and  in  the  meantime  we  shall  send  up  our  people  to  repair  our 
factory." 

167.— MR.  ADAMS  ADVISED  TO  BE  MORE  PEACEABLE. 

A  quarrel  arose  between  Mr.  Benjamin  Adams  and  Mr.  Eussell. 

Mr.  Adams's  native  servant  attacked  one  of  the 

native   servants  of  the  Company  and  beat  him- 

For  this  Mr.  Russell  orders  him  to  be  imprisoned ;   but  Mr.  Adams 

shuts  him  up  in  his  own  house,  and  refuses  to  give  him  up.      Both 

Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Russell  appeal  to  the  Council,  who  decide  that  the 

"said  servant  was  justly  punished. for  beating  one  of  the  Company's 

officers  who  was  merely  doing  his  duty."     The  Council  then  send  for 

Mr.  Adams,  and  advise  him  to  be  of  a  "  more  peaceable  temper,  and 

to  be  civil  and  respectful  to  the  Government  for  the  future." 

168.— JOHN  CALVERT. 

Mr.  John  Calvert  is  ordered  to  be  assistant  to  the  cashier  and  regis- 
Aprii  26th.  trar  of  the  Court  of  Justice. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   jrLY    1706.  273 

169.— REPAIRS    AT    HUGLI    AND    CASSIMBAZAR. 

"The  house    at   Hugly,  formerly   the  new   Company's    Factory, 
beffinninor    to  decay,    and     considering  the   use 

May  2nd.  o  o  .  »  o 

made  of  it  by  the  United  Company's  servants 
when  ordered  up  thither  about  the  Company's  affairs,  agreed  that 
it  be  kept  in  repairs,  as  the  United  Company  have  the  use  of  it  till 
the  rigbt  owners  lay  claim  to  it." 

*'  Send  a  man  to  repair  Cassimbazar  Factorvi 

May  20th.  ^  "^ 

also  timber  for  same." 

170.— OUR  OWN   WEAVERS. 

Last  year  they  employed  several  weavers  in  their  own  towns,  but 
the  men  proved  to  be  so  poor  that  they  could  not 

May  20th.  ,     .  .      ^ .  „,  . 

carry  out  their  contracts  m  time,     inis  year  they 

agree  to  still  employ  their  own  weavers  as   they   wish  to  encourage 

weavers  to  settle  in  the  town,  but  they  decide  .that  the  weavers  must 

be  overlooked.     Accordingly  they  appoint  a  native  who  is  to  give  out 

the  orders,  and  see  that  he  has  security  that  the  men  can  carry  out 

what  they  undertake.     For   this  he  is  to  have  three  per  cent,  on  the 

said  orders. 

171.— TWO  LICENSES. 

Two  native  merchants  are  given  licenses;  the  one,  "  Gossa,"  to  sell 
ganja   for  which  he  pays   the  Company  Es.  180 

M&y  2Qtli« 

per  year,  and  the  other,  "  Sufferally,  Serong,"  to 
provide  the  ships  with  lascars  for  which  he  pays  Es.  65. 

172.— THREATENING    THE    GO'V'ERNOR    OF    HUGLI. 

The  Governor  of  Hugli  will  not  give  a  full  receipt  for  the  peshkash 
given  him,  but  stops  the  trade,  ho  ping  to  eet  a 

June  4tL  i      o         o 

larger  present.     They  agree  that  it  would  be   a 

very  bad  precedent  to  give  him  more.      They  therefore  send  Mr.  Ni^^ht- 

ingale  with  thirty  soldiers  to  Hugli  who  wiU,  if  possible,   compel  the 

Governor  to  let  trade  go  on  through  fear  of  hostilities  with  English. 

Mr.  Nightingale    returns  from  Hugli  having   extorted  a   promise 

from  the  Governor  not  to  obstruct  Enfflieh  trade 

June  17th.  ...  ""^lo 

in  future. 

173.— VISIT  FROM  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  HUGLI. 

"  This  day  the  Governor  of  Hugli  came  to  visit  us  and  was  received 
with  great  civility."  They  had  a  lodging  pre- 
pared for  him  in  town,  and  each  Chairman  visited 

T 


274  FORT   WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER    1706. 

him  in  turn.  He  stayed  till  the  14th  and  had  presents  of  cloth  and 
flintware  given  him  before  he  left.  Both  on  his  arrival  and  on  his 
departure  the  Fort  guns  and  the  guns  on  the  ships  in  the  harbour 
saluted  him. 

174.— MORE   PRESENTS. 

"We  have  received  advice  from  Mannick  Chund  that  the  King's 
Diwan  has  ordered  his  ndib  at  Patna  to  permit 

July  18th.  .  ^         . 

our  business  to  pass  as  formerly,  also  that  he  will 
give  his  sanad  for  our  free  trade  in  Bengal  upon  paying  him  piscash 
[peshkash]  of  Es.  3,000  {sic.)'^  The  King's  Commissioner  of  the 
Customs  of  Bengal  having  visited  us,  and  considering  it  lies  in  his 
power  to  obstruct  our  affairs,  it  is  agreed  we  present  him  and  his 
servants  in  European   goods  to  the  amount  of  Rs.  200. 

175.— BRANDING  THE  THIEVE^. 

"  A  few  days  ago  there  were  taken  several  robbers  and  thieves ;  the 
former  have  taken  and  murdered  several  people ; 

August  29th.  .     .       ,         „  r     r      » 

it  IS  therefore  agreed  what  persons  we  have  in 
custody  and  what  more  may  be  taken,  that  the  gentlemen  belonging 
to  the  Court  do  burn  such  persons  oji  the  cheek,  and  turn  them  on  the 
other  side  the  water." 

176.— LETTER  FROM  Mr,   ADAMS. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Adams  announces  that  he 
intends  to  resign  his  Chaplaincy  at  Michaelmas. 

"  To  the  Hon'ble  Council  of  Managers — 

"  Sirs, — This  is  to  acquaint  you  that  I  intend  to  officiate  among  you 
no  longer  than  Michaelmas,  •  so  in  the  interim  shall  give  Mr.  Anderson 
warning  which  yet  I  bind  myself  hitherto  not  to  divulge  that  I  might 
gather  what  money  I  could  for  the  Cliurch  before  I  left  you,  for  I 
found  Brother  Anderson  had  not  reputation  enough  among  gent,  here 
to  obtain  their  subscriptions.  But  now  since  matters  are  otherwise 
determined  I  am  lett  loose  from  restraint,  being  free  from  those  obli- 
gations I  was  under  before  to  raise  money, and  lam  glad  for  your  sakes 
and  the  Church  that  the  result  of  yesterday's  Conference  was  so  fortu- 
nate, for  absolutely  speaking  though  it  were  by  far  more  proper  in  itself 
and  withall  more  profitable  for  the  Church  that  the  Ministers  should 
gather  the  contributions,  yett  at  this  juncture  it  were  more  advisable  for 

»  This  is  obviously  a  mistAke  for  Rs.  30,000. 


FOJRT  WILLIAM,    SEFTBMBER    1706.  JJ75 

the  above  reason  that  the  election  Bhould  proceed  upon  mdifEerent 
Trustees,  and  I  wish  with  all  my  heart  they  may  collect  more  moDey 
then  I  did  last  year,  which  will  enable  them  to  do  what  is  useful  if 
not  omsmiental  to  the  church ;  and  that  in  any  comer  of  the  world 
would  be  acceptable  news  to  Yr.  friend  and  servant. — B.  Adams. 

«  Fort  Wm.,  7  bre  19,  1706." 

177.--DISPUTE3  ABOUT  PLACES  IN  COUNCIL. 

They  receive  another  letter  from  the  managers  in  England,  confirm- 
ing the  Council  of  the  United  Trade,  and  statinar 

September    21st.  ,  ,        ^  .,  ,,  ,  , 

that  the  Council  was  to  adhere  to  the  orders 
already  given  about  the  place  of  every  one  in  the  CounciL  A  long  and 
stormy  debate  follows.  At  last  they  pass  a  resolution  to  do  as  their 
masters  order ;  and  it  is  agreed  "  that  the  four  of  Council  for  Old  Com- 
pany do  take  their  station  as  1st,  3rd,  5th,  and  7th  in  the  United 
Council,  and  the  two  1st  do  take  the  chair  alternately  every  week  as 
formerly  established,  and  in  case  of  mortality  on  either  side,  the 
next  who  shall  succeed  must  be  the  8th  person  of  this  Council." 

Mr,  John  Cole  is  excluded  from  the  Council.  According  to  the  list 
sent  by  the  Hon'ble  Directors,  Mr.  Arthur  King  is  to  take  his  place. 

"  Agreed  that  the  undermentioned  persons  take  the  charge  and 
management    of   the    following    affairs    of    the 

September    23rd.  '^  ° 

Hon'ble  Company: — 

Mr.  Edward  Pattle     ...  '       ...  Accomptant. 

Mr.  Robert  Nightingale  ...  Export  Warehouse- keeper. 

Mr.  "William  Bugden  ...  Import             ditto. 

Mr.  John  Maisters     ...  ...  Buxie  iBakhs/ii], 

Mr.  WiUiam  Lloyd    ...  ...  Jemindar  [^Zaminddr] . 

Mr.  Arthur  King       ...  ,,.  Secretary. 

Maisters  and  Lloyd  were  away  settling  the  factory  at  Patna.  Till 
their  return  Mr.  Arthur  King  was  to  act  as  Bakhshl,  and  Mr.  Waldo 
as  ZamlnddVy  and  Mr.  Abraham  Adams  as  Secretary. 

178.— MORE   DISPUTES.     THEY    CAST    LOTS. 

They  receive  another  letter  from  England,  in  which  the  Grovemors 
of  the  Old  (Company  state  that  they  do  not  wish  for 

September    24th.  ^      •'  r\^  ^  r^ 

a  separate  President  for  Old  Company  affairs  now  . 

that  Mr.  Beard  is  dead.     Consequently  Mr.  Ealph  Sheldon  is  displaced. 

T  2 


276  rOET    WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1706. 

Now  begins  another  quarrel  in  Council.  Mr.  Ralpli  Sheldon,  not 
being  any  longer  President  of  the  Old  Company's  affairs,  wishes  to  take 
his  place  again  as  one  of  the  Chairmen  of  the  United  Trade  Council. 
He  sends  a  letter  to  the  Council  asking  to  be  reinstated.  Half  the 
Council  are  for  allowing  it,  half  against  it.  In  spite  of  much  stormy 
discussion,  they  cannot  come  to  any  decision.  They  therefore  "  agree 
to  cast  lots  as  our  masters  have  bidden  us  in  times  of  disagreement." 
The  lots  fell  for  Mr.  Sheldon,  who  was  accordingly  re-elected. 

The  Council  then  send  a  letter  offering  to  re-elect  as  the  other  Chair- 
man Mr.  Hedges,  the  President  of  New  Company,  who  had  been 
obliged  to  resign  for  the  same  reason  as  Mr.  Sheldon.  Mr.  Hedges 
writes  back  arguing  that  Mr.  Sheldon  should  not  have  been  re-elected, 
and  refusing  himself  to  be  re-elected,  unless  the  Council  own  that  they 
had  no  right  in  the  first  place  to  force  him  to  resign.  Many  letters 
pass  between  Mr.  Hedges  and  the  Council.  At  last,  in  his  final  letter, 
he  says  that  he  believes  he  was  justly  turned  out  on  becoming  Presi- 
dent of  the  New  Company,  and  that  he  cannot  see  that  the  recent 
orders  from  home  justify  the  action  of  the  Council.  He  therefore 
refuses  to  be  re-elected  and  adds  that  he  is  returning  home  to  England 
directly  to  lay  an  account  of  the  whole  affair  before  the  Managers  in 
London. 

"  Agreed  that  Mr.  Winder  is  therefore  to  continue  to  act  as  New 
Company  Chairman  on  United  Trade  Council." 

179.- THEY  AGAIN  ARRANGE  THE  COUNCIL. 

In  October  they  seem  again  to  alter  the  posi- 

October  3rd.  „    ,       _  ., 

tion  of  the  Council — 

Mr.  Ealph  Sheldon  ...  )  ^,    .  a  n    u- 

^  „_.    ,  .  \  Chairmen  and  Cashiers. 

Mr.  Jona.  Winder  ...  ) 

Mr.  John  Eussell  ...  Book-keeper. 

Mr.  Eobert  Nightingale  ...  Export  Warehouse-keeper. 

Mr.  Edward  Pattle  ...  Import  ditto. 

Mr.  William  Bugden  ...  Buxie  [Bakhahl']. 

Mr.  John  Maisters  ',.,  Jemindar  [Zamlndar']. 

Mr  Arthur  King  ...  Secretary. 

"  Mr.  Waldo  to  be  Jemidar  till  Mr.  Maister's  arrivall." 

180.— LICENSES. 

"Granted  licenses  to   Mingo   Ash  and  Covind  Sondee  [Govinda- 
Bundar  J  to  distil  ar-rack  and  keep  houses  of  enter- 

October  3rd.  .    .  .  ,, 

tamment. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1706.  277 

181.— PROSPECTS    AT    CASSIMBAZAR. 

They  agree  to  send  people  to  work  the  Cassimbazar  factory  if  the 
Kingr's    Diwan  will    give   them   a   good   sanad. 

October  18th.  -r.  .^  •      e      ^  .■>  i       1.  X     :.     . 

From  this  factory  they  seem  to  have  expected  to 
get  "  much  profit  for  our  masters,  though  present  expenses  be  heavy." 

182.— NO  GRATUITY    FOR     ADAMS. 

Mr.  Adams  ^  applies  for  his  salary  and  gratuity  money.  He  is  to 
be  paid  his  salary,  but  no  gratuity,  on  account 
of  his  "  behaviour  to  the  Council." 

183.  — JANARDDAN  SETT,  BROKER. 

On  this  day  Janarddana  Sett  was  appointed  Broker    in  place    of 
October  18th.  Dvipchand  Bella,  deceased. 

1S4. —WORRIED  ABOUT   PETRE  BOATS. 

They  are  as  usual  much  worried  about  the  saltpetre  boats  which  are 
stopped  over  and  over  again  on  their  way  down 

October  31st.  ,  .  ,  ,  .  ^    .  *^ 

the  river  by  the  various  officials.  They  send 
orders  to  pass  them  at  any  price ;  they  give  presents  everywhere. 

They  privately  receive  news  that  Mr.  Calvert  and  Mr.  Spencer, 
two  of  the  Company's  servants  who  had  been  sent  up  to  clear  the 
saltpetre  boats,  and  had  arrived  at  the  Rajmahal  river's  mouth,  were 
attacked  by  'chowkies'  in  their  passage  up  the  river.  The  Council 
determine  to  send  Mr.  Edward  Battle  with  an  ensign  and  twenty 
soldiers  to  help  Mr.  Calvert  and  Mr.  Spencer  bring  the  boats  down. 
Mr.  Battle  and  his  escort  were  attacked  by  chnukiddrs  ;  and  several 

men  wounded.     As  they  had  the  Diwan's  orders 

November  25th.  ^    ,    .t  ji       y-,  -i    i    i  •       -. 

to  let  them  pass,  the  Council  determined  to  send 
to  the  King's  Diwan,  and  demand  satisfaction,  and  also  to  send  a 
complaint  to  the  Brince  at  Batna. 

1S5.— A     FRENCH     SHIP    ON      THE    WEST    COAST. 

They  received  a  letter  from  the  Dutch  Governor  of  Negapatam, 
stating  that  one  of  his  vessels  had  been  chased 
by  a  French  ship  from  the  gulf  of  Moca  towards 
the  Malabar  Coast. 

186.— SANAD    FOR    CASSIMBAZAR, 

The  Diwan  of  Maqsudabad  gives  his  sanad  for  trade,  in  Cassimbazar, 

and  for  clearing  the  Company's  petre  boats.     The 

Diwan  will  send   his  passport  with  ten  horsemen 

and  footmen  to  attend  the  Englishmen  appointed  to  go  to  Cassimbazar. 

1  Further  details  about  Mr.  Adams  will  be  found  in  the  introduction  to  these  summaries. 


278  FORT  WTLLtAM,  FEBRUARY  1707. 


DIARY  AND  CONSULTATION  BOOK 


UNITED  TRADE  COUJSCIL  AT  FOET  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL, 


From  Jbecember  1706  to  December  1707. 


187.— BUGDEN    AND    FEAKE    TO    CASSIMBAZAR. 

They  agreed  to  send  Mr.  W.  Bugden  and  Mr.  Samuel  Feake  to 
^       ,      , ,  Cassimbazar  on  the  arrival  of  the  purwanna  and 

December  4tn,  ^ 

horeemen  from  the  Diwan. 

188.— POLICE. 

Several  robberies  having  been  committed  in  the  town  by  *  country 
robbers,'   who    killed  and    wounded    several  of 

December  27th.  j  i       /-•  »  .  ,        ,  .      . 

the  Company  s  native  servants  and  others,  it  is 
"thought  necessary  to  keep  greater  guard  on  the  towns  for  the  Com- 
pany's tenants'  safety,  wherefore  the  jemindar  [zamlnddr']  is  ordered  to 
entertain  31  pikes,  or  black  peons,  for  the  time  present,  to  prevent  like 
mischief  in  the  future." 

189.— ESCORT  TO    CASSIMBAZAR. 

The  King's  Diwan's  people  arrive  in  Calcutta  to  escort  Mr.  Bugden 
and    his  company   to    Cassimbazar.      They   are 

January  17th,  1707.  ,-,,'.,,/  n  <•  ,  L 

lodged  lu  the  town  for  a  few  days.  Then, 
Mr.  Bugden  and  his  people  being  ready,  they  all  set  out  for  Cassim- 
bazar. Mr.  Bugden  took  with  him  everything  necessary  to  start  the 
factory  well  at  Cassimbazar,  also  money  to  pay  the  Diwan  for  his 
sanad. 

190. — CH  URCH  '  BUILDING. 

The  new  Church  which  was  building  had  apparently  been  more 

or  less  at  a  standstill  for  some  time  owing,  says 

®  ^^  '         the  consultation  book,  to  want  of  proper  or  regular 

ptoceedings.    By  order    of  the  Council,  Messrs.   Edward  Battle  and 

John  Maisters  are  now  to  take  the  matter  in  hand.     They  are  to 

receive  subseriptions  for  the  building  fund,  to  see  that  the  work  of 


FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBRUARY    1707.  279 

building  goes     on   regularly,   and  to  give  a  monthly  account  to  the 
Council  of  what  they  do. 

19L— ABRAHAM  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Abraham  Adams  is  appointed  to  be  jemindar  [zamlnddr']  and  to 
look  after  the  three  towns  and  bazar.    He  is  also 
to  sit  in  the  Court   of  Justice  in  the  room  of 
Mr.  William  Bugden. 

192. -NEWS  FROM  Me.   BUGDEN. 

News  is  received  from  Mr.  Bugden  and  his  company.     It  appears 

that    when    they   arrived   at    Cassimbazar    they 

found  that  the   Diwan   would   not  give  them  a 

Banad  unless  the  25,000  sicca  rupees,  which  he  declared  the  Company 

had  promised  him,  were  first  paid.     Mr.  Bugden  therefore  sends  to 

enquire  of  the  Coimcil  what  answer  he  shall  give.     They  send  back 

a  message  to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Bugden  is  to  answer  that  as  soon 

as   the  Diwan's    sauad   is    in  his    (Mr.  Bugden's)  hands,  the  Diwan 

shall    receive    the    money,   but   not    before.     If  the   Diwan   will   not 

agree  to  this,  Mr.  Bugden  and  his  company  are  to  return  to  Calcutta. 

193.— THE  SUB-ACCOUNTANT'S  SALARY. 

The  Bub-aocountant  is  to  receive  £40  per  annum  above  his  salary 
to  encourage  him  to  keep  the  books   well,  this 

February  19th.  i     .  ii  >         -^ 

being    the    custom    at    Fort    St.    George    and 
other  leading  factories. 

194.— BIG  GUNS. 

Some  big  guns  had  been  sent  out  from  England  for  Fort  St.  George, 
Febru      2-th  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  found  a  very  difficult  matter  to  convey 

them  there.  They  were  therefore  in  the  factory 
at  Calcutta.  After  a  good  deal  of  correspondence  between  the  two 
forts,  it  was  agreed  that  Fort  William  should  l)uy  the  guns,  but  should 
undertake  to  sell  them  again  to  Fort  St.  George,  if  at  any  time  the 
means  of  conveying  them  there  could  be  found. 

195.— SLAVES. 

"There  being  slaves  often  ordered  for  sale,   and    they  desiring  a 

February  28th.  ^^^^^^  °^  *^®  ^^^^  ^°^*   ^*  ^^^^  ^°^^'  ^^^  just 

on  the  ships  going  they  are  not  to  be  had,  there- 
fore we  think  it  necessary  that  the  Buxie  [Bakhshl]^  Mr.  Arthur  King, 


280  FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1707, 

buy  up  what  slaves  he  can  get  from  time  to  time,  and  keep  them  in  a 
compound  with  a  guard  for  that  purpose,  giving  them  victuals  from  the 
Company,  and  make  them  work  at  the  house  or  otherwise  as  there 
may  be  occasion,  so  as  to  keep  them  in  health;  he  must  take  care 
that  they  are  most  men  and  boys,  and  few  women  or  girls,  and  see 
they  are  sound,  wholesome,  and  well  shaped  when  bought." 

196.— IRREGULAR  BUILDINGS  FORBIDDEN. 

Finding  that  several  of  the  inhabitants  had  built  walls  and  digged 
tanks  in  their  several   compounds  without  leave 

March    10th.  ^ 

from  the  Q-overnment  at  Fort  "William,  the 
Council  ordered  that  an  "  order  be  wrote  up  and  put  at  the  gate  to 
forbid  all  such  irregular  proceedings  for  the  future." 

197.— DEATH  OF  AURANGZEB. 

The  whole  town  and  factory  are  thrown  into  confusion  by  the 
.  news  that  the  Mogul  is  dead.     As  these  tidings 

were  received  from  several  sources  people  were 
found  to  credit  the  story,  and  great  was  the  consternation  at  the  Fort. 

A  hasty  Council  was  summoned  and  determined, 

To  stop  as  much  as  possible  all  paying  out  of  money,  and  as  a 
revolution  is  expected,  order  all  the  men  that  are  near  enough,  such  as 
Messrs.  Darrell  and  Spencer,  to  come  back  with  what  money  and 
charters  they  have  belonging  to  the  Company  ; 

To  send  out  a  sergeant  and  20  soldiers  to  meet  Messrs.  Darrell  and 
Spencer,  and  bring  them  home  safely  ; 

To  write  to  Messrs.  Bugden  and  Feake  at  Cassimbazar  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  come  to  Calcutta  and  bring  all  the  Company's 
effects  with  them. 

On  April  7th,  at  another  Council  meeting,  the  following  resolution 
.   ^  is  passed : — "  Considering  the   Emperor's  death 

and  the  scarcity  there  may  be  of  provisions,  and 
the  want  they  may  have  at  Madras,  agree  to  order  that  5,000  maunds  of 
rice  and  1,000  maunds  of  wheat  be  provided  by  Mr.  Arthur  King  for 
the  use  of  the  garrison,  and  to  supply  Fort  St.  George  if  they  should 
be  in  want  of  the  same." 

A  second  order  is  despatched  to  Messrs.  Bugden  and  Feake  to  come 
down  at  once,  and  bring  all  the  Company's  treasure  they  have,  also  the 
rupees  provided  for  payment  of  the  sanad.  What  broadcloth  and 
other  cloth  they  have  they  are  to  try  and  dispose  of,  but  if  they  cannot 
it  is  to  be  left  with  Herry  Kissen  [Rarikrishna],  their  banyan. 


FOKT    WILLIAM,    APRIL    1707.  281 

Fearing  that  the  neighbouring  zamindars  in  case  of  trouble  in  the 
country  may  prove  troublesome  and  rob  and  plunder  the  Company's 
towns,  unless  the  Company  have  a  force  equal  to  theirs,  they  "order  that 
sixty  black  soldiers  be  taken  into  the  company's  service  and  posted 
round  the  towns." 

198.— NEWS  FROM  PATNA, 

Letters  are   received  from  Messrs.  William  Lloyd  and   Cawthorp 
..,,,,  at  Patna,  confirming  the  news  of  the  Emperor's 

April   14th.  "  '■ 

death,  which  was  on  the  23rd  February,  1706,  and 
that  the  Sultan  had  seized  on  Assud  Khawn's  [Asad  Khan's]  and  the  ? 
Vinrahs  treasure  as  well  as  on  that  of  the  Emperor,  and  that  he 
designed  to  raise  a  contribution  on  the  merchants  to  levy  forces  in  order 
to  defend  the  country.  The  Council  sent  Messrs.  Lloyd  and  Cawthorp 
an  answer  immediately  telling  them  to  get  all  the  petre  in  as  fast  as 
they  can,  that  they  may  "  come  away  with  the  same."  If  it  is 
necessary,  they  are  to  bribe  to  get  the  petre  through.  If  they  are 
forced  to  leave  either  goods  or  money  behind  them,  they  are  to  leave 
it  in  charge  of  what  native  servants   they  can  trust. 

The  following  week  they  receive  another  letter  from  Messrs.  Lloyd 
and  Cawthorp,  to  the  effect  that  they  cannot 
come  down  as  there  is  little  or  no  water  in 
the  river,  and  that  should  they  make  the  attempt,  they  expect  the 
Diwan's  people  will  stop  them.  The  Council  send  them  back  an 
answer  that  they  must  do  all  in  their  power  to  come  down,  and  bring 
the  petre,  and  that  they  are  to  endeavour  to  sell  what  treasure  they 
have  to  the   Shroffs  if  the  Shroffs  wiU  have  it. 


199.— WITHDRAWING. 

The  Council  at  the  same  time  write  a  letter  to  Mr.  Bugden^  at 
Cassimbazar     ordering    him    to    dispose   of  the 

April    14th.  ,  11-.,  r^, 

treasure  he  has  m  the  same  way.  They  also 
register  an  order  that  only  merchants  round  Calcutta  are  to  be  dealt 
with,  as  owing  to  the  unsettled  state  of  the  country  they  cannot  trust 
any  money  out  in  the  far  provinces  such  as  Dacca,  Suntoos,  Hundiall, 

1  As  far  as  can  be  gathered  from  the  consultations,  Messrs.  Bugden  and  Feake  did  not 
come  back  to  Calcutta  from  Cassimbazar  until  May  22nd,  or  perhaps  later.  Mr.  Bugden  took 
his  place  in  Council  in  June.  * 


282  FORT   WILLIAM,   JUNE    1707. 

Malda,  etc. ;  no  place,  says  the  order,  that  is  more  thaa  "  two  or  at 
the  most  three  days'  Journey  off." 

200.— PUNCH-HOUSE  LICENSE, 

"  Two  hundred  rupees  received  from  Mr.  Wheatley  for  two  years' 
April  21st.  license  money  for  his  punch-house. '' 

201.— NEGLECTING  TO  REGISTER. 

"  Josiah  Jounsen    was  fined   Es.  25    for  neglecting  to  register  a 
Aiprii  21st.  house  he  had  bought  in  the  town." 

202.— NEW  WATERSIDE  BASTIONS. 

In  both  the  last  consultations  there  had  been  some  talk  as  to 
the  advisability  of  strengthening  the  Fort,  and 
on  the  28th  of  April  the  following  resolution  was 
passed: — "The  Emperor  being  dead,  and  now  being  the  properest 
time  to  strengthen  our  Fort,  whilst  there  is  an  interregnum  and  no  one 
likely  to  take  notice  of  what  we  are  doing,  it  is  therefore  agreed  that 
we  make  two  regular  bastions  to  the  water  side  to  answer  those  to 
the  land,  and  the  Buxie  is  ordered  to  see  it  well  performed  out  of  hand, 
and  to  that  end  to  take  all  the  materials  in  the  town  that  are  necessary 
thereto,  that  it  may  be  quickly  erected,  for  we  may  not  meet  with 
such  an  opportunity  again." 

203. -FORCED    CONTRIBUTIONS. 

Bad  news  was  received  from  Patna  on  May  12th  to  the  effect  that 
the  factory  there  was  being  watched.  The  Sul- 
tan, and  his  son,  the  Prince,  had  demanded  one 
lac  of  rupees  as  a  contribution  towards  raising  forces.  Messrs.  Lloyd 
and  Cowthorp  refused  the  money,  so  the  Prince  had  the  English 
Vakil  seized  and  also  the  other  native  servants  who  belonged  to  the 
Company. 

Decided  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Diwan,  desiring  him  to  write  to  the 
Sultan  at  Patna,  asking  him  "  to  give  favour  to 
the  English  there  and  to  stop  the  people  from 
interfering  with  trade."  At  the  same  time  a  letter  was  sent  to  the 
Company's  Vakil  at  Patna,  telling  him  that  if  the  Company's  people 
there  "are  plundered,  we  will  take  satisfaction  at  Hugli,  or  any- 
where we  find  it  convenient  so  to  do." 


PORT   WILLIAM,   JUNE    1707.  283 

204.— THE  NORTH-WEST  BASTION. 

In  building  the  nortli--vvest  bastion,  it  was  found  necessary  to 
build  on  land  that  beyond  to  the  trustees  of 
Governor  Beajd's  estate.  "  Having  occasion  for 
one-third  of  President  Beard's  (deceased)  compound  to  build  the 
north-west  bastion  upon,  and  to  keep  the  fort  clear  from  any  build- 
ing, and  since  it  will  not  be  very  much  prejudice  to  the  dwelling-house 
and  warehouse  for  which,  as  well  as  the  whole  compound,  he  has  a 
lease  for  31  years,  paying  a  quit-rent  for  the  same,  agreed  that  the 
trustees  for  the  deceased's  house  and  compound  be  allowed  300  rapees 
to  repair  the  damages,  rebuild  the  wall,  etc.,  and  what  ground  is  taken 
away,  so  much  quitt-rent  as  is  in  proportion  to  the  whole  to  be 
deducted  out  of  the  yearly  payment." 

205.— REGULATION  OF  THE  THREE  TOWNS. 

In  July  1705,  the  Company  had  ordered  a  survey  and  measurement 
of  the  three  towns ;  this  was  now  completed  and 

June  12th.  ,       .        ,  ^      /~^  -t        /-^ 

submitted  to  the  Council.  On  examining  it  they 
found  that  the  Company  was  being  cheated,  many  persons  not  paying 
for  half  the  ground  they  possessed.  They  agreed,  therefore,  to  pass  the 
following  resolutions— 

That  the  rent-gatherers  or  the  jemindar  [^zamlnddr']  do  give  the 
inhabitant  a  puta  [patd']  or  ticket  with  a  note  affixed  to  it  for  the 
amount  of  rent  he  shall  pay  annually. 

The  tickets  are  to  be  brought  in  monthly  when  the  rent  is  paid 
and  to  be  renewed  once  a  year.  The  rent-gatherers  are  to  keep  a  book 
and  duly  enter  each  ticket. 

The  tax-gatherers  are  also  to  give  in  a  yearly  account  of  the 
increase  or  decrease  of  the  inhabitants. 

206.— NEW  PATWlRlS. 

The  Council  also  discovered  that  the  black  rent-collectors  had  been 
June  12th  making  false  returns  and  farming  out  lands  for 

their  own  advantage,  so  they  issued  an  order  that 
**all  such  land  be  given  up  and  the  black  putwarries  [jpaticdris']  be 
turned  out  of  office  as  soon  as  possible,  and  new  ones  elected  in  their 
places,  and  to  encourage  the  new  putwarries.  Each  one  shall  have 
his  wages  increased  to  four  rupees  per  month." 


284  FORT   WILLIAM,   JUNE    1707. 

207.— THE    SURVEY. 

June  12th.  FOET  WILLIAM. 


June  1707. 

unt  of  Oround  in  Buzsar, 

,  and  three  Toions,  as  it  teas  last  i 

BUZZAR. 

B.     c. 

Houses 

...       401  lOf 

Wells 

15    3i 

Plantins 

7    4f 

Sunaporea  l?Quni/a-pora'] 

9    3 

Ditches 

3  12 

Gardens 

19    3 

Flowers 

0    6 

Cotton 

0    3 

Green  trade 

0  10 

Tobacco 

0  11 

Sursah  [_Sarshi/a2 

0  17=458-4 

458    4 

Bammons  \_Brahmans'\,  etc. 

26    8f 

Wells 

0  13 

B.  c.      B.     c. 

Sunalipurah  l?Quni/a-j)ora} 

1    0    458-4  +  30    5f 

Ditches 

17               =488    9| 

Gardens 

0  17 

B.    c. 

30     5f  =  488    9| 


GOVENPORE. 

B.    c. 

Houses 

67    9 

Paddee  [Padil 

...       510  U 

Green  trade 

35  14 

Beatle 

0    2 

Tobacco 

...       139  16 

Gardens 

69    2 

Plantins 

12    3 

Bamboo 

4  10 

Grass 

18    0 

Wells 

10    3 

Tancks 

0    9 

Ditches 

1    6 

Commer 

17     9 

866  14  =  866  14 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JUNE  1707. 


285 


GOVEN  ?OB£r— concluded. 
B.  c. 


Bommons  [^Brahmant'} 

Jungall 

Wast  ground 


57  16 

83  14 

169  12 


Houses 
Paddie 

Plantins 

Green  trade 

Tobacco 

Cotton 

Gardens 

Grass 

Samboos 

Flowers 

Ditches 

Assah  [?^4«f] 

Commer 


Bommons  IBrahmans],  &c, 

Jungall 

Waste  ground 


311 

13  = 

=  1,178     7 

TOWN  CALCUTTA. 

B. 

c. 

lis.  A. 

...       248 

6 

3  Rs. 

& 

2    0 

...       484 

17 

& 

1  12 

...       169 

18 

& 

2     8 

77 

18 

& 

2    4 

38 

7 

& 

2  12 

19 

15 

& 

1  12 

70 

1 

& 

2    0 

15 

9 

& 

0    4 

1 

16 

& 

3  12 

6 

2 

& 

1     4 

0 

9  to  pay 

into  the  ground 

11 

9 

measure, 

72 

10 

1,216 

17 

109  15 

363  15  to  be  bought  to  act  as 
27     3         inhabited. 

B.       c. 

500  13  =  1,717  10 


Houses 

Assah  [P^ttf  J 

Paddee 

Green  trade 

Plantins 

G  ardens 

Tobacco 

Sugarcanes 

Bamboos 

Grass 

Null  [PiVaia] 

Cotton 

Flowers 

Sunapurah  [rQunya-pora] 

Beeds  for  matts 

Ditches 

Commer  lKhamar\ 


SOOTA  LOOTA. 

B. 

c. 

...       134 

4 

2 

6 

...       515 

6 

32 

19 

60 

7 

...       147 

7 

8 

6 

0 

11 

at  Rs.  ; 

1 

I 

11 

16 

0 

18 

>>    >i 

14 

7 

2  17 

!             ...           2 

0 

0 

4 

10 

19 

76 

14 

B.      c 

1.022 

2  = 

1,022     ? 

3-14 


286  FORT  WILLIAM,  JUNE  1707. 

SOOTA  LOOT A^conclttded. 


Tancks  and  ways 

Jungall 

Bomiuons  IBrahmatui] 

Total— 
Buzzar 

Govenpore  ,.. 

Town  Calcutta 
Soota  Loota 


B.  0. 

72  6 

487  1 

111  3 

B.  c. 
:  1,692  12 

670  10  = 

488  9| 

1,178  7 

1,717  10 

1,692  12 

5,076  18i 


208.— PESIIKASH. 

The  Governor  of  Hugli  had  been  paid  his  peshkash  for  the  year, 

and  on  June  21st  his  receipt  for  three  thousand 
Saturday,  June  21st.  „  ^  i      ^      p       ,■  ,         , 

rupees  tor  peshkash  for  the  year  was  produced 
in  Council  and  ordered  to  be  put  "  in  the  chest  amongst  other  papers  of 
like  nature." 

209.— CAPTAIN  PERRIN  AND  THE  "SCEPTRE3. 

At  this  same  Council  Captain  Blair,  the  Commander  of  the  ship 
Sceptre,  lodged  a  complaint  about  the  treatment 

Friday,  July  4th.  i     \    a  •      A  V,  A'  .1 

he  nad  received,  as  he  was  proceedmg  up  the 
river  in  his  ship,  towards  Hugli.  A  boat  full  of  soldiers  and  officers 
from  the  Fort  had  been  sent  after  him  with  orders  to  bring  him 
back ;  and  the  reason  alleged  was  that  several  persons  in  the  factory 
■were  owed  money  by  Captain  Charles  Perrin  who  was  said  to  be 
the  owner  of  the  ship  Sceptre,.  In  his  complaint,  which  is  read  before 
the  Council,  Captain  Blair  protests  that  Captain  Charles  Perrin  sold 
the  ship  at  Madras,  and  is  not  now  her  owner.  Even  if  Captain 
Perrin  were  the  owner,  the  Council  of  the  Fort  would  have  no  right 
to  detain  his  ship  and  cargo  at  the  suit  of  private  persons.  The 
Court  dismiss  the  complaint.  They,  eay  they  fully  believe  the  ship 
belongs  to  Captain  Perrin.  No  evidence  has  been  brought  to  prove 
that  he  was  not  still  the  owner.  They  must  therefore  detain  the  ship, 
and  moreover  send  officers  and  men  to  unload  her  and  bring  the 
goods  into  the  Company's  warehouses,  there  to  be  sold  for  as  much 
as  they  will  fetch,  and  the  debts  paid.  When  that  has  been  done 
Captain  Blair  may  carry  out  his  owner's  orders  by  going  to  Hugli 
and  there  shipping  a  return  cargo.      The  Council  has  a  right  to  seize 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1707.  287 

and  stop  any  cargo  the  owner  of  which  is  a  debtor  in  their  Courts. 
The  unloading  of  the  ship,  however,  seems  to  have  been  pat  off  for  a 
few  weeks  to  allow  of  witnesses  being  brought  to  prove  that  it  is 
no  longer  Captain  Perrin's  ship.  The  ship  is  to  be  kept  under  a 
guard  until  further  orders  from  the  Council. 

210.— NEWS   OF    SHAH    'ILAM'S   VICTORY. 

The  Council  receive  a  letter  from  Messrs.  Lloyd  and  Cowthorp, 
^  ,  , ,,,  dated  the  28th  of  June,  from  Patna,  statinor  that 

July  l4th.  '  . 

the  native  merchants  had  received  advices  from 
Agra  to  the  effect  that  Shaw  Allum's  [Shah  'Alam's]  and  Azzemshaw's 
[A'zam  Shah's]  forces  had  met  and  fought  about  20  days  before  the 
date  on  which  Mr.  Lloyd  wrote,  that  "  Shaw  Allum  [Shah  ' Alam] 
had  obtained  an  entire  victory,  and  that  Azzem  Tarrah  [A'zam]  and 
his  two  sons  were  slain  in  the  battle.  This  being  only  merchants' 
advices  from  Agra,  therefore    can  give  but  litcle  credit  to  it." 

211.— THE  "  SCEPTRE"  RELEASED. 

The  Council  find  that  they  were  mistaken  about  ship  Sceptre.    - 
j^^  24th  "Ship   Sceptre,    David    Blair,   Captain,  was 

arrested  and  detained  in  the  Port  of  Calcutta  by 
Ralph  Sheldon,  in  behalf  of  Thomas  Pitt,  Esq.,  and  the  owners  of 
ship  Unity,  and  by  Robert  Nightingale,  in  behalf  of  the  orphans  of 
Benjamin  Bowcher,  deceased,  and  William  "Walker,  deceased,  his  estate, 
the  fourth  day  of  June,  on  which  the  Council  for  the  United  Trade  in 
this  place  gave  an  order  for  said  ship  being  detained  here  under  a 
guard  till  further  satisfaction,  whether  or  no  Captain  Charles  Perrin 
(whose  ship  this  was  formerly  and  was  supposed  to  be  concerned 
therein,  and  on  whose  account  the  arrest  was  lain)  wa3  directly  or  in- 
directly concerned  therein :  if  so,  that  his  creditors  might  have  satisfac- 
tion, and  now  there  appearing  before  us  Mr.  James  Peachy,  one  of  the 
owners  of  said  ship,  who  came  lately  from  Madras,  producing  his  cer- 
tificate from  the  Court  of  Madras,  and  Mr.  "William  "Wear's  hand 
register  of  said  Court,  that  the  demands  of  said  Thomas  Pitt,  Esq.,  etc., 
owners  of  the  Unity,  were  invalid  and  of  no  effect  as  per  copy  of  said 
certificate  here  annexed  appears,  and  the  demands  of  Mr.  Robert 
Nightingale,  on  his  own  and  several  accounts,  being  the  same  founda- 
tion as  the  owners  of  the  Unity,  it  is  therefore  agreed  that  said  ship 
Sceptre  with  her  cargo  and  tackling  be  delivered  to  Mr.  James  Peachy, 
part-owner  of  said  ship,  there  appearing  at  present  nothing  appertain- 
ing to  Captain  Charles  Perrin,  he  the  aforesaid  Mr.   James  Peachy 


288 


FORT   WILLIAM,    AUGUST    1707. 


giving  us  a  full  discharge  that  there  has  been  no  detriment  to  ship  or 
cargo  by  her  detention." 

212.— DEGREES   AND    OFFICES. 

Another  dispute  about  the  places  in  the  Council  arises  between  the 
Old  and  New  Companies'  servants.  This  time 
Messrs.  John  Maisters  and  Arthur  King  brought 
the  affair  before  the  Council,  complaining  that  the  old  Company's  men 
took  the  best  places.  Again  they  read  the  letters  on  the  subject  from 
the  Directors  in  London,  and  again  they  decide  that  the  Directors 
wished  the  places  to  be  as  follows : — 


August  7th. 


Old  Company's  servants    ... 
New         „                „ 

13        6        7 

2        4        6         8 

The  Council  is  to  stand  thus : — 

1.  Ralph  Sheldon. 

2.  Egbert  Nightingale. 

3.  John  Russell. 

4.  John  Maisters. 

5. 
6. 

7. 
8. 

Edw^ard  Pattle. 
Arthur  King. 
"William  Bugden. 
Abraham  Adams. 

Their  several  offices  are  to  be : — 

Ralph  Sheldon 
Robert  Nightingale 
John  Russell 
John  Maistebs 
Edw^ard  Pattle 
Arthur  King 
William  Bugden 
Abraham  Adams 


Cashiers. 

Book-keeper. 
Export  wareshouse-man. 
Import  „ 

Buxie  [^Bakhshl]. 
Jemindar  [Zamlnddr]. 
Secretary. 


In  spite  of  the  discussion  and  apparent  settlement,  the  New  Com- 
pany's men  still  feel  themselves  aggrieved.  Mr.  A.  Adams  enters  a 
protest  in  the  consultation  book,  objecting  that  "should,  there  now  be  a 
vacancy  on  the  old  Company's  side,  he  that  fills  it  comes  in  over  my 
head,  and  wiU  be  7th,  and  I  shall  continue  8th,  which  is  directly 
contrary  to  the  Hon'ble  Company's  order." 

213.— a  SUB-BAKHSHT. 

On  account   of   Mr.   King's   ill-health,  it   was  found  necessary   to 
appoint  a  Siib-Bakhshl.    Mr.  A.  Adams  was  there- 
Augufltidth.  ^^^^   ordered   to  act  in  that   capacity,  and   Mr. 

Waldo,  one  of  the  factors,  was  to  take  his  place  as  Secretary. 


FOBT  WILLIAM,   OCTOBER   1707.  289 

214.— THE  COURT  OF  JUSTICE. 

The  Council  decided  that  Messrs.  Pattle  and  Bugden  should  sit  in 
the  Court  of  Justice  instead  of  Messrs.  Maisters 

August  25th.  J  17- 

^  and  Kmg. 

215.— THE  SETTS  GARDEN. 
September  11th.  The  followiDg  resolution  was  entered — 

*'  In  consideration  that  Jonundun  Seat,  Gopaul  Seat,  Jadoo  Seat  Bon- 
narsjseat,  and  Jaykissen^  will  keep  in  repair  the  highway  between  the 
Fort's  land  mark  to  the  norward  on  the  back  side  of  the  town,  we  have 
thought  fit  to  abate  them  8  annas  in  a  bigha  of  their  garden  rent,  which 
is  about  Es.  55  in  the  whole  less  than  it  is  ordered  in  consultation  the 
12th  of  June  last,  and  they  being  possessed  of  this  ground  whicb  they 
made  into  gardens  before  we  had  possession  of  the  towns,  and  being 
the  Company's  merchants  and  inhabitants  of  the  place." 

216.— MONEY  WANTED  TO  CLEAR  SALTPETRE. 

Messrs.  Lloyd  and  Cawthorp  sent  to  Calcutta  for  money  to  clear  the 
saltpetre,  which  they  hope  to  despatch  at  the  end 

September  22iid.  n  ,f  ,  -^         t^  r 

of  the  month. 

217.— DEATH  OF  KING. 

Mr.  Arthur  King,  Member  of  the  Council  for  the  New  Company, 
died  on  the  27th.    At  the  Council,   held  the  next 

September  29th. 

day,  Mr.  Edward  Darell  of  the  New  Company 
was  appointed  eighth  in  the  Council.  He  is  to  act  as  Secretary 
instead  of  Mr.  Waldo.  Mr.  Adams  of  course  takes  King's  place  as 
Bakhshi,  he  having  really  filled  that   office  since  August   14th. 

218.— BUILDING  THE  HOSPITAL. 

The  Council  had  been  asked  two  or  three  times  to  put  up  a  hospital 

of  some  kind  for  the  soldiers.     They  now  pass  the 
October  16th.  ^  .  ,^.  .tx-, 

following  resolution: —  Having  abundance  of 
our  soldiers  and  seamen  yeaily  sick  (this  year  more  particularly  our 
soldiers),  and  the  doctors  representing  to  us  that  for  want  of  a 
hospital  or  convenient  lodging  for  them,  is  mostly  the  occasion  of  their 
sickness,  and  such  a  place  will  be  highly  necessary  as  well  for  the 
garrison  and  sloops  as  the  Company's  Charter  Party  shipping  to  keep 
the  men  in   health,  it  is  therefore  agreed  that    a    convenient  spot  of 

'  i.e.,  Janarddaaa  Sett,  Gopala  Sett,  Jadu  Sett,  Varanasi  Sett,  and  Jaikpsh^a. 


290  FORT  WILLIAM,  NOVEMBER  1707. 

ground  near  the  Fort  be  pitched  upon  to  build  a  hospital  on,  and  that 
the  cashiers  pay  out  of  the  Company's  cash  for  the  said  occasion 
towards  perfecting  it  the  sum  of  2,000  rupees,  and  what  more  may 
be  gathered  in  by  subscription  from  the  Commanders  of  European 
and  Country  shipping  and  the  inhabitants,  which  is  to  be  forwarded 
and  gathered  in  by  Mr.  Ab.  Adams,  who  is  to  look  after  the  buildiug 
of  the  same  under  the  direction  of  the  Council." 

219.— DEATH  OF  LITTLETON. 

"Sir  Edward  Littleton,^  late  President  of  the  New  Company,  de- 
parted this  life  on  the  24th  instant  at  niffht,  and 

October  27th.  ^  .  . 

was  decently  buried  on  the  25th  at  night.  Mr. 
Adams,  Bakhshi,  with  his  assistants,  Mr.  Hussy  and  Mr.  Cook,  sent 
the  next  morning  (the  doors,  &o.,  being  sealed  up  with  the  Company's 
seal,  and  a  guard  set  on  the  house  overnight),  to  overlook  his  papers  to 
see  whether  there  was  any  will,  which  does  not  yet  appear.  Ordered 
that  a  further  strict  search  be  made  by  them,  and  if  none  appears,  that 
they  take  an  inventory  of  all  his  goods  and  necessaries  and  bring  it  to 
the  Council  for  their  perusal  and  further  orders ." 

220.— ENSIGN  DALIBAR. 

Dalibar,  an  ensign  in  the  Company's  service,  was  tried  by  tlie  Coun- 
cil and  sentenced  to  be  kept  as  a  prisoner  on  the 
guard  for   one  month,  and  to  lose  two  months' 

wages   for  entering  the  house  of  one  Mr.  Harris,  Master-at-arms,  and 

abusing  and  ill-treating  Mr.  Harris's  wife. 

221.— MURSHID  QULI  TO  BE  DEPUTY  GOVERNOR. 

The  VaJiil  at  the  Diwan's  camp  wrote  that  the  Diwan,  Murshid 
Quli  Ithan,  "  is  ordered  by  the  present  King, 
Allum  Shaw  ['Alam  Shah],  to  be  the  Subah's 
Naib  \_Suhadar's  ndib']  of  this  province."  He  has  sent  to  tell  the 
VaJdl  that  he  would  like  the  English  to  settle  the  Cassimbazar  Factory. 
He  also  talks  of  sending  the  Vakil  to  Calcutta  with  his  fjori^awrt  to 
bring  up  the  English  merchants.'  The  Vakil  says  he  is  trying  to 
avoid  being  sent,  if  possible,  for  he  knows  the  Council  would  not 
wish  it,  and  he  asks  the  Council  to  send  him  orders.  They  agree  to  tell 
him  in  answer  that  they  will  write  him  an  excuse  to  delay  time  till 
the  year's  shipping  is  gone,  and  they  have  further  assurance  of  the 
Battlement  of  the  Government. 

1  More  details  about  Sir  E,  Littleton  will  be  found  in  the  intro  iuctJOD  to  ths  summaries. 


FOBT   WILLIAM,   NOVEMBER    1707.  291 

222.— LITTLETON'S  GOODS  SOLD. 

Proof  having  been   brought   in   that   Sir   E.    Littleton   bad   died 
without  a  will,  orders  are  given  that  his  goods  be 
sold  at  public  outcry,  and  the  money  paid  into 
the  Company's  cash. 

223.— GETTING  ANXIOUS  ABOUT  SALTPETRE. 

The  Council  was  getting   anxious   about   the   saltpetre   boats   for 
which  they  were  waitino:.     The  winter  shippins 

NoTember  6th.  ,  ,         /,         ,  ,      f    .,,      ,  %nr^ 

could  not  be  despatched  till  they  came.  "  We 
not  having  of  late  advices  from  Patna,  believe  our  cossits  [qasids'j  are 
miscarried,  and  we  are  advised  by  the  merchants  that  our  boats  have 
left  Patna.  Ordered  that  the  ensign  and  40  men  be  sent  up  to  clear 
the  boats,  and  bring  them  down  to  Calcutta  and  that  Mr.  Waldo  be 
sent  with  them." 


292 


FORT    WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1707. 


DIARY  AND  CONSULTATION   BOOK 


UNITED  TRADE  COUNCIL  AT  FORT  WILLIAM  IN  BENGAL. 


From  December  1707  to  December  1708. 


Court  of  Managers. 
At  beginning  of  this  year. 


1.  Mr.  B.  Sheldon. 

2.  „     Robert  Nightingale. 

3.  „     J.  Russell. 

4.  „    Maisters. 


5.  Mr.  Edward  Pattlb. 

6  „    Abraham  Adams. 

7.  „      W.  BUGDEN. 

8.  „     Edward  Darkll. 


December  2nd. 


Zamindar. — Mr.  W.  Bugden. 


224.— THE  PETRE   BOATS   ARRIVE. 

On  the  2nd  of   December,  Mr.  Cawthorp    reached   Calcutta  from 
Patna.     The  petre  boats  had  not  yet  arrived,  and 
Bome  anxiety  was  felt  about  them  as  they  had  been 
sent  off  before  Mr.  Cawthorp  started  from  Patna.     On  the  11th,  much 
to   the  relief   of   the  factory,   the  boats  arrived, 

December  11th.  *'  ' 

escorted  by  Mr.  Waldo,  and  the  soldiers  who  had 
gone  to  meet  them.  They  had  been  hindered  by  the  shallowness  of 
the  river  which  was  almost  dry.  Mr.  William  Cawthorp  had  come 
to  Calcutta  to  see  after  the  presents  that  he  had  promised,  in  the 
name  of  the  Company,  to  the  Governors  of  Rajraahal  and  Dustuck- 
maul  for  letting  the  saltpetre  boats  pass.  The  Governors  had  sent 
chohddn  to  receive  the  presents.  Mr.  Edward  Pattle  was  therefore 
ordered  to  deliver  twenty  yards  of  broadcloth,  six 
sword-blades,  and  six  hookahs  for  the  Governor's 
present  to  each  c/iobdnr  and  five  rupees  each  for  themselves. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBRUARY    1708.  29r3 

225.— GREETING  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR  OF  HUGLI. 

On  January  5th  they  hear  that  a  new  Governor  has    arrived  at 
Hugli,  and  they  agree  to  send  Mr.  John  Eussell 

January  5th,  1708.  ■•    -»r       -r\       n  •  -i     i  •  t      i     - 

and  Mr.  Uarell  to  visit  mm,  and  desire  ma 
friendship.  The  usual  ceremonies,  salams,  and  the  like  are  to  be  gone 
through  by  them  in  order  to  gain  his  favour. 

226.— WHAT  TO  DO   ABOUT  PATNA. 

They  are  much  exercised  in  their  minds  as  to  what  they  shall  do 
about  the  Patna  Factory.     In  the  present  state  of 

January  19th.  .      , 

country  it  is  not  safe  to  spend  much  money  in 
keeping  it  up,  and  yet  it  is  not  wise  to  abandon  it  too  suddenly. 

On  I9th  January  they  came  to  the  following  resolution  : — "Having 
considered  about  the  Patna  residence,  of  a  further  investment  for 
this  year,  finding  we  cannot  possibly  gather  all  the  Company's  effects 
there,  for  the  servants  to  come  away  this  season.  We  therefore 
deem  it  best  for  the  Company's  interest  to  continue  it  Eind  to  make  a 
small  investment  (not  venturing  too  much  money  at  a  time  up)  so  as  to 
get  all  things  together  to  come  away  the  first  of  next  season,  if  the 
affairs  of  the  Government  do  not  appear  better  than  at  present." 

227.— ZAMlNDlRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  NOVEilBER  1707. 

The  accounts  of  the  three  towns  and  buzzar  for  November  last  ■were 
brought  in  by  Mr.    Bugden,   zemindar,   at  this 

February  2n(L  r>  J  o         ^  > 

Council ;  they  amounted  to  Es.  976-13-3. 

228.— MORE  PETRE  BOATS  TO  BE  CLEARED. 

Some  more  saltpetre  boats  had  been  despatched  from  Patna  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  and  had  not  been  heard  of. 

February  9th.  -inn.  i        .       ii        /~« 

Hence  the  following  order  m  the  Consultation 
Book  : — "  The  Company's  saltpetre  boats  having  left  Patna  some  time, 
and  we  suppose  by  this  time  may  be  arrived  at  Bajmahal,  ordered  that 
Mr.  Calvert,  with  a  sergeant  and  35  soldiers,  proceed  to  Cassimbazar,  or 
f uther,  if  occasion  be,  to  clear  them  of  the  troublesome  ohowkies  and 
bring  them  down  to  us." 

229.— CAWTHORP  AGAIN  SENT  TO  PATNA. 

At  this  same  Council  they  decide  to   send  Mr.  Cawthorp  again  to 
Patna  to  help  Mr.  Lloyd.     Cawthorp  is  to  send 

February  9th.  ^  . 

a  letter  to  tell  Lloyd  to  be  in  readiness  to  come 
away  by  the  1st  of  August. 


294  FORT    WILLIAM,    MARCH    X708. 

200.  -  ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR    DECEMBER    1707. 

The  zamlndar's  accounts  for  the  three  towns  and  buzzar  for  Decem- 
ber were  brought  in  and  passed,  the  amount  being 
Es.  792-10. 

231.— PRESENT  FOR  THE  NEW  HUG  LI  GOVERNOR. 

They  receive  news  at  the  factory  that  the  Dutch  and  French  have 
both  sent  presents  to  the  new  Governor  of  Huffli, 

February  23rd.  .     .^     .   \  -         f        l,-  ,    t 

and  that  he  was  pressmg  icr  his  present  from 
the  English.  They  therefore  agreed  to  send  him  the  usual  present  of 
European  goods  by  Mr.  Darrell. 

2-32.— PILOTING  OUTSIDfJ  SHIPS. 

Antonio   de  Eota,  a  head  pilot,  was  brought  up  before  them  and 

charged  with  using  their  sloop  to  attend  a  ship 

that  belonged  to  outside  merchants.    They  resolve 

this   time   only  to  fine  him,   but  to   caution  him  that  for   the   next 

offence  he  will  be  turned  out  of  the  "  Company's  service,  towns,  and 

protection.'* 

233.— ABATEMENT  OF  RENT  IN  GOVINDPUR. 

The  following  resolution  was  passed  relating  to  the  rents  of  Govind- 
pur : — *'  We  having  bad  several  complaints  from 

March  25th.  o  ■  i 

the  inhabitants  of  Govenpore  that  they  are  not 
able  to  pay  the  rent,  we  last  ordered  in  consultation  and  desire  some 
abatement,  agreed  that  there  be  a  small  allowance  made  them  accord- 
ing to  the  list  that  was  brought  in  by  Mr.  William  Bugden,  Jemindar 
\_Zannnddr],  and  that  the  list  be  annexed  next  to  this  consultation." 

Acccw\t  qf  what  tJte  Govenpore  tenants  are  willing  to  pay. 

B.    c.                  Rs.  Rs.  A. 

57     9  Houses,  2,   and  some    S  8  per  bigah. 

510  1 1  Paddy,    1.                                    »  » 

35  J  4  Green  trade  I  8     „  ,, 

2  Beetle  3  0    „  „ 

1?9  16  Tobacco  -  .              2  0    „ 

59     2  Gardens  1  8     „  „ 

12     3  Plantains  2  0     „  „ 

4  lU  Bamboos  3  0,,  „ 

18    0  Grass  1  0    „  „ 

224,— ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR    JANUARY    1708. 

The  account  of    the  revenue  for  January  of  the  buzzar   and  the 
March  25th.  three  towns  amounted  to  Rs.  966-10*6. 


FOET   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1708.  295 

235.— KIM  BAKHSH  AND  SHAH  'ALAM. 

The  Council  received  a  letter  from    Madras,   telling   them   of  the 

unsettled   state   of  the   country.     "No   one  can 

be   sure   who  will  reign — whether  Shaw  AUum 

[Shah  'Alam]  or  Cawn  Bux  [Kam  Bakhsh."]     The  latter,  they  said, 

"  is  making  all  the  preparation  he  can  for   war,  and  taking  several 

strongholds." 

236.— PASSAGE  AND  LICENSE  MONEY. 

Messrs.  Darrell  and  Waldo   bring  in  an  account  of  the  passage  and 

license  money  paid  to  the  Company  for  the  year 

1707.     It  amounted  altogether  to  1,898  rupees. 

Of  this  sum  the  license  money  amounted  to  Rs.  1,300.     The  sums 

paid  by  the  three  punch-house-holders  were  at  follows : — 

Es. 
Domingo  Ash,  2  licenses     ...  ...      600 

Govinsunder  [Govindasundar],  2         „  ...  ...       500 

Charles  King,  2        „        at  Ea.  J  50  each    300 

1,300 

237.— TROUBLE    AGAIN    IN    HUGLL 

The  Governor  of  Hugli  had  sent  for  their  merchants  and  "  tried 

to  get  them  to  give  him  an  obligation  that  they 

^  '  will  not  trade  with  us."     On  hearing  what  had 

occurred,  the  Council  wrote  to  their  vaJcU  at  Hugli  telling  him  to  go  and 

ask  the  Governor  why  he  wishes  to  stop  the  trade,  and  also  to  find  out 

on  what  terms  the  Diwan's  sanad  may  be  obtained. 

238.— ZAMINDARI   ACCOUNTS    FOR    FEBRUARY    1708. 

The  zamindar's  accounts  for  the  month  of  February  last,  brought  in 
April  26th.  and  passed,  amounting  to  Rs.  1,340-9-9. 

239.— LETTER    TO    THE    GOVERNOR    OF    HUGLI.  »• 

They  write  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Hugli  acquainting  him  that 

"  according  to  the  Prince's  Husbulumers  \hashu-l' 
April  26th.  ^         °    .      ,    _^        ,    ^^     _    ,  _,       ,     • 

amn]  and  King  s  Duau  s  [Uiwan  sj  orders  to  our 

black   servants   at  Rajamahal,   we   are   now  despatching  a   Yacqueel 

[  Vakil]  there  to  tend  the  Prince  and  King's  Duan's  orders,  and  that 

we  desire  his    (the  Governor's)    recommendation  to   the  Duan  as  he 

promised  us."    As  they  are  sending  a  rakil,  Civacharan,  to  Rajamahal, 

they  will  not  need  the  Governor's  services  as  negotiant. 


296  rOBT  WILLIAM,   JUNE    1708. 

240.— HOSTILITY    OF   THE    GOVERNOR    OF    HUGLI. 

They  receive  anrotlier  letter  from  their  vahll  at  Hugli,  from 
which  they  gather  that  the  Grovemor  has  greatly 
changed  to  them,  and  is  anything  but  friendly. 
On  this  they  agree  to  send  the  vakil  to  Bajamahal  without  delay  lest 
in  case  the  Governor  should  manage  to  prejudice  the  Prince  and  Diwan 
against  them.  The  valcU  is  to  start  at  once,  taking  with  him  copies 
of  the  former  grants  to  the  East  India  Company  for  the  Prince  to  see. 
There  is  some  fear  that  the  Prince  and  Diwan  will  withhold  their 
parioanas,  because  the  new  King,  as  far  as  they  know,  has  not  yet 
given  his  parwana  for  the  whole  of  the  factories  of  the  East  India 
Company.  The  vakil,  if  he  questioned  on  this  subject,  is  to  say 
that  they  daily  expect  it,  and  will  send  the  imperial  order  for  the 
Prince  and  Diwan  to  see,  and  that  if  it  does  not  come  before  a  certain 
date,  they  will  pay  customs. 

241.— ADDITION   TO   THE  FACTORY. 

*'  We  being  in  great  want  of  a  warehouse  to  sort  the  silk  in,  agreed 

that  the  sorting  warehouse  to  the  south  be  carried 

out  to  the  point ;  there  being  one  wall  already, 

the  charge  will  be  but  small,  and  it  will  be  a  strengthening  of  the 

fortification." 

242.— BENJAMIN    WHEATLEY'S    LICENSE. 

"There  being  more  due,  Rs.  150  from  Benj.  Wheatley,  account 
revenues,  for  his  license  for  keeping  a  punch- 
house,  was  this  day  paid  into  cash.'' 

243.-   ZAMlNDlRI    ACCOUNTS    FOR   MARCH  1708. 

The  Zamindar's  accounts  for  March  were  brought  in  and  passed ; 
May  31st.*  they  amounted  to  Es.  968-13-9. 

244.-THREATS  OF-  RETALIATION. 

They  receive  a  letter  from  their  vakil,  telling  them  that  he  must 

have  more  money    to  give   amongst  the  vounsr 

June  30th.  ^  .        ,  ,  ^,      ^^  f      ^  „,,  J         & 

Frince  s  and  the  Diwan  s  officers.     They  send  the 

vakil  a  bill  of  exchange  for  fifteen  thousand  rupees  and  tell  him  that  he 

must  try  and  take  out  the  sanad  at  once,  and  that  they  send  him  such  a 

large  sum  in  order  that  he  may  do  so.    He  is  also  to  complain  to  the 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1708.  297 

Prince  that  the  "  delay  about  the  sanad  is  stopping  our  trade  and  that 
his  mutsuddis  also  stop  our  trade  and  do  us  injury."  If  the  Prince 
and  Diwan  do  not  redress  the  wrong  that  has  been  done  at  once,  the 
Company  will  take  measures  to  get  redress  in  some  other  way.  They 
wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  Governor  of  Sugli,  who  is  doing  all 
he  can  stop  to  their  trade,  and  tell  him  that  they  will  retaliate  when 
and  where  they  find  an  opportunity. 

245.— ZAMlNDlRI   ACCOUNTS   FOR   APRIL   1708. 

The  zamindar's  accounts  for  the  month  of  April  were  brought  in 
July  5th.  aiid  passed.     They  amounted  to  Rs.  1,948-3-3. 

246— ALARMING   ATTITUDE   OF    TEE    GOVERNOR    OF    HUGLL 

The  Governor  of  Hugli  refuses  to  redress  our  wrongs,  and  insults 

our  vakil  and  servants,  and  is  keeping  some  of 

our  black  servants  and  one  Englishman  in  prison, 

and  still  threatens  greater  severity.     This  letter  causes  great  uneasiness 

at  Calcutta.     The  Council  immediately  proceed  to  put  themselves  in 

an  attitude  of  defence,  fearing  the  Fort  may  be  attacked.    "  Therefore 

it  is  agreed  that  we  order  all  our  guards  vnth.  ships  Dolbon  and    Success 

(having  none  of  the  Company's  ships  here)    to  be  in   readiness,   lest 

this   hot-headed  Pousdar  \_FauJddr]  should  endeavour  to  commit  any 

outrage  on  oiu:  towns-people  or  settlement."    They  also  agree  "  that 

forthwith  we  give  an  account  of  this  matter  to  the  Prince  and  King's 

Duan  by  the  hands  of  our  Yacqueel  at  Eajmahal  by  two  expresses 

on  purpose,  ordering  him  out  of  hand  to   make  complaint   to   them 

that  we  may  have  relief  and  justice  in  this  affair." 

Things  look  serious  for  the  Fort.     They,  therefore,  decide  that  they 

will  acquaint  all  the  European  and  Christian  in- 
July  10th.  ,,..,. 

habitants  in  their  towns  with  what  has  happened. 

"Having  summoned  all  the  European  and  Christian  inhabitants 

and  the  masters  of  ships  acquainting  them,  we  expect  some  trouble 

from  the  Governor  of  Hugli,  he  having  imprisoned  our  people  and 

stopped  our  goods.     TVe  ordered  that  they  forbear  to  go  to  Hugli  for 

some  time,  and  that  they  are  in  readiness  under  arms  on  summons  to 

prevent  any  insolence  he  may  design  us,  or  in  case  there  should  be 

occasion  to  act  anything  against  him,  that  they  are  ready  thereto." 

"They  all,"  adds  the  Consultation  Book,   "showed  a  readiness  and 

declared  they  would  be  ready  on  all  summons."    The  Council  also 


298  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1708. 

order  the  black  Cliristians  to  be  trained  for  arms  by  the  factory  ensign. 
"  The  ensign  having  got  all  the  black  Cliristians  together,  we  ordered 
that  they  appear  under  arms  once  a  week  to  exercise.  That  they  may 
be  in  readiness  till  further  orders." 

247.— MEDIATION    OF    THE    PRINCE'S    QlSIDAR. 

Two  days  after  these   preparations   for  war  had  been  made  they 
,,    _,  receive  a  letter  from  Mir  Muhammad  Dafar,  the 

July   J  2th.  Tt  •  •  ' 

Prince's  Qasidar.  "  I  have  been,"  he  said,  "  to 
the  Grovernor  at  Hugli  and  I  told  him  that  it  was  not  well  to 
interfere  with  the  English  and  stop  their  trade,  and  that  if  he  per- 
sisted in  it  he  would  repent."  The  Governor  answered  that  the 
English  trade  had  been  stopped  by  order  of  the  Diwan,  and  that  as  for 
imprisoning  their  servants  and  gumashtdhs  it  was  not  done  by  his  orders 
nor  with  his  knowledge.  Mir  Muhammad  Dafar  advises  the  English 
to-  stop  sending  up  ships  to  Hugli  for  a  day  or  two,  by  which  time 
he  hopes  to  make  things  smooth.  The  Council  in  reply  write:  "  We 
will  gladly  take  your  advice.  Will  you  ask  the  G-overnor  of  Hugli  to 
dismiss  from  his  service  the  officers  who  imprisoned  our  men?" 

248.— ZAMINDAKI  ACCOUNTS    FOR    1707, 

An  account  is  brought  in  showing  that  the  revenue  to  the  Company 
from  the  rents  of  the  buzzar  and  three  towns  for 
'^''^^       '■  the  year  1707  amounted  to  Rs.  792-11-4  (sic). 

249. -MORE   RUPEES    FOR  RAJMAHAL. 

They  receive  another  letter  from  the  vakil  ok  Rajmahal,  telling  them 

that  he  must  have  still  more  money  before  he  can 

'^  ^         "  get  the  mnad.     They  agree  to  send  him  another 

fifteen  thousand  rupees.     The'raAv^  also  asks  for  three  looking-glasses  to 

be  sent  him,  one  for  the  Prince  and  two  for  the  Diwan. 

250.— INCREASE    IN    THE    REVENUES. 

The  Company's   revenues   for  the  year  past  being  collected   and 

adjusted,   it   was    found    that  the     year   dating 
July  15th.  ^^^^   ^^^   ^^^^    ^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^j  ^p^,.j  ^^Qg^    ^^^ 

increase  in  income  amounted  to  Rs.  5,756-5-6. 

251.-FARMAN    FOR    MADRAS, 

They  receive  a  letter  from  Madras,  telling  them  tliat  the  "  Pher- 

maund  that  the  Empei-or  had  sent  them  for  Fort 

July  26th.  g^^  George  by   the   hands  of  one  Mulla  Abdull 

Phasill  \_Mulld  'Abdu-1-Fa?l]  would  come  by  way  of   Bengal."     The 


FORT   WILLIAM,   SEPTEMBER    1708.  299 

letter  asked  the  Council  to  make  inquiries  after  tlie  messenger  and  to 
assist  him  hy  sending  him  on  by  ship  to  Madras. 

252,— MUHAMMAD    RAZA. 

Some  of  their  business  at  Hugli  is  cleared  by  means  of  a  friendly 
July  aist.  merchant  named  Muhammad  Ea?a. 

253.— ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR   MAY  1708. 

The  Zammdar's  accounts   for   May   last   brought   in  and  passed, 
August  9th.  amounting  to  E,s.  816-9-5. 

254. -INCREASING    DEMANDS. 

They  receive  notice  from  their  vakil  at  Rajmahal  that  the  Prince 
and  Diwan  have  now  increased  their  demands  to 

August  9th. 

thirty-five  thousand  rupees  for  their  sanad.  The 
Dutch  had  already  given  this  sum,  and  so  the  Prince  and  Diwan  wish 
to  force  the  English  to  do  the  same.  The  Council  decide  that  they 
cannot  give  such  a  sum.  They  write  to  their  vnkll  telling  him  to  offer 
twenty  thousand  rupees.  If  the  Prince  and  Diwan  refuse  to  accept 
it,  the  rakil  is  to  come  away,  and  when  he  comes  to  Calcutta  the 
Council  will  again  consider  the  matter. 

255.— COPY    OF   THE    NEW    MADRAS    HASBU-L-AMR. 

They  receive  a  long  letter  from  Madras,  sending  them  on  a  copy  of 
August  24th.  the  New  King's  Hashu-l-amr  for  Madras. 

256.— ZAMINDARI   ACCOUNTS    FOR   JUNE   1708. 
The  Zammdar's  accounts  for  the  month  of   June  were  brought  in 
August  30th.  and  passed,  amounting  to  Es.  806-13-9. 

257.— NEW    BRICK    STABLES. 

The  Company's  stables  falling  down,  "being  only  mud,"  the  Council 
^     ,  ^  give  an  order  to  Mr,  Adams,  Bakhshi.  to  have  one 

September   1st.  ... 

built  of  brick  "  that  may  be  durable ;"  he  is  to 
build  it  in  a  convenient  place." 

258.— CIVACHARAN'S    NEGOTIATIONS. 

They  receive    a    letter    from  Qi^'^acharan,   the  rak'il  at  Eajmahal 
„    ,    ,      „„  stating  that  he  had  paid  the  Diwan  and  the  Prince 

September  6th.  .  .  * 

thirty -six  thousand  rupees  for  the  sanad,  and  had 
drawn  a  bill  of  exchange  on  the  Company  for  that  amount.    The  Council 


300  FORT   WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1708. 

is  very  angry  abolit  this  as  they  had  ordered  him  on  no  account  to  give 
more  than  twenty-five  thousand  rupees.  At  first  they  thought  of 
refusing  to  honour  the  bill;  but,  after  a  long  consultation,  considering 
that  the  time  of  year  for  despatching  the  winter  shipping  was  at  hand, 
and  that  it  would  injure  their  trade  not  to  have  the  sanad,  and  to  be 
on  bad  terms  with  the  Prince  and  the  Diwan,  they  agreed  to  pay  it.  In 
his  letter  the  vaJcll  assures  them  the  sanad  of  the  Prince  and  the  Dlwan 
is  such  that  now  they  will  not  need  the  Emperor's  Far  man.  Though 
the  Council  had  decided  to  honour  the  bill  when  it  came  to  hand,  they 
resolved  to  send  some  trusty  person  up  to  Rajmahal  to  look  into  the 
vak'iVs  affairs,  as  they  felt  sure  he  was  not  dealing  fairly  with  them. 
At  this  Council  they  resolve  to  send  up  their  akhund^  by  name 
Fazl  Muhammad,  to  Rajmahal.  He  is  to  take 
with  him  a  new  vahil  and  to  send  Civacharan 
to  Calcutta  under  a  guard  to  answer  to  the  Council  for  his  conduct. 
The  akhund  is  to  make  enquiries  as  to  how  the  money  sent  up  to 
^ivacharan  has  been  spent. 

259.-OUT   OF   LIQUOR. 

"  The  Company's  European  ships  having  not  yet  arrived  and  their 
covenanted  servants  being  out  of  liquor,  ordered 

September  16th.  ^,     ^   ^,  .  j    n     -^  •      j   r  -d       •      v 

that  the  wine  and  iruit  arrived  from  Persia  be 
divided  amongst  them  as  customary." 

260.— OVERTURES    FROM   THE   GOVERNOR    OF    HUGLI. 

The  Governor  of  Hugli  sends  them  word  that  if  they  will  again 
ojffer  him. for  his  grant  the  sum  of  three  thousand 
Septem  er  .  gicca  rupees,  he  will  accept  it.  and  their  trade  can 
be  free  in  his  domains.  The  Council  send  for  the  vakil  who  was  at 
Hugli  before,  and  tell  him  to  start  for  Hugli,  taking  the  money 
with  him.  He  is  not  to  pay  the  money  to  the  Governor  before  he  has 
received  a  receipt  entitling  the  Company  to  all  their  former  privilege 
at  Hugli. 

261.— ZAMINDARI   ACCOUNTS    FOR  JULY  1708. 

The  Zamindar's  accounts  for  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for 
the  month  of  July  were  brought  in  and  passed. 
September  28th.  ^^^^  amounted  to  Rs.  911-13-9. 


FORT  WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1708.  301 

262.— UCENSES. 

"Mr.  Edward  Darrell  paid  into  cash  1,000  rupees  for  two  licenses 

granted  to   Domingo  Ash   and   Black  Jack  for 

October  4th.  j^^^^  ^^  ^^^p  ^  Punch-house  and  distil  arrack, 

due  29th  of  September." 

263.— SERIOUS    NEWS    FROM    RAJMAHAL. 

The  dkhund  returned  from  the  Dlwan's  camp  and  told  the  Council 
that,  after  having  promised  their  sanad,  the  Prince 
and  Diwan  now  refuse  to  give  it  for  less  than  fifty 
thousand  rupees  as  a  present  for  the  Diwan  and  Prince  and  a  hundred 
thousand  rupees 'to  be  paid  into  the  Emperor's  treasure  at  Surat.  The 
dkhund  had  tried  every  means  he  could  to  lessen  their  exorbitant 
demands,  but  had  not  succeeded.  The  Diwan  and  the  Prince,  he 
said,  were  determined  to  have  a  large  sum  from  the  English.  After 
much  consultation  the  Council  agree  to  write  to  the  Governor  of  Hugli 
and  tell  him  that  they  will  now  accept  his  former  offer  of  acting  as 
negotiant  between  them  and  the  Prince  and  the  Diwan.  They  ask 
him  on  what  terms  he  will  agree  to  try  and  procure  their  sanad  for 
them.  "This,"  says  the  consultation  book,  "is  a  very  unaccountable 
method  of  doing  our  business  at  the  Prince  and  Duan's  camp  by  the 
Governor  of  Hughli :  but  the  Dutch  have  iutroduced  this  unaccountable 
method,  which  we  are  obliged  to  follow,  but  we  doubt  not  they  will 
find  a  great  inconvenience  to  attend  their  master's  affairs  by  it,  the 
Government  having  already  obliged  them  to  give  a  bill  of  exchange 
to  Surat  for  100,000  rupees." 

264.— ZAJIINDARI   ACCOUNTS   FOR   AUGUST   1708. 

The  Zamindar's  accounts  for  the  month  of  August  were  brought  in 
October  25th.  and  passed,  amoimting  to  Es.  950-15-7. 

265.— DEATH  :0F    JOHN    MAISTER 

Mr.  John  Maister,  the  second  in  the  Council  on  the  Xew  Com- 
pany's side,  having  died   on   the  18th  instant. 

October    2oth.  -«r       t      •    i    r-n  •  •  -I 

Mr.  Josiah  Chitty  was  appointed  to  the  Council  to 
fill  up  the  vacancy.  He  was  to  take  his  place  as  eighth  of  the  Council. 
**  Mr.  Maisters  being  export,  warehouse-keeper,  and  now  the  place 
being  vacant,  Mr.  Abraham  Adams  is  ordered  to  take  the  charge  upon 
him,  aiid  Mr.  Edward  Darrell  the  Buxie's  charge  and  Mr.  John  Chitty 
to  be  Secretary." 


302  FORT  WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1708. 

2fi6.  -DIET  MONEY  INCREASED  TO  MEET  THE  GROWING  EXPENSES  OF 
CALCUTTA  LIFE. 

The  diet  money  allowed  to  the  Council  was  found  not  to  be 
sufficient  now,  so  the  Council  agree  to  increase 
it.  They  enter  both  their  reason  for  so  doing 
and  the  amount  to  which  it  is  to  be  increased  in  a  letter  sent 
to  London.  "The  inhabitants  of  the  town  increasing,  by  which 
provisions  grow  dearer,  and  the  allowance  of  diet  to  the  Chairmen 
and  Council  not  near  defraying  their  expenses,  it  is  therefore  judged 
equitable  that  a  larger  allowance  be  given,  so  that  it  may  at  least 
defray  the  charges  of  their  table  for  eating,  and  considering  that  the 
Chairmen  are  at  a  far  greater  expense  than  the  others  by  entertaining 
strangers,  it  is  thought  fit  for  each  Chairman  sixty  rupees  per  month, 
and  the  other  six  of  Council  30  rupees  per  month,  which  the  Buxie  is 
ordered  to  pay  monthly." 

267.— PROVING  MAlSTEuS'  WILL. 

*'Mr.  Robert  Nightingale  and  Mr.  Edward  Darrell  being  appointed 
Mr.  John  Maisters'  executors  and  having  accepted 

November    1st.  ,  -ii.i 

the  same,  produced  nis  last  will  and  testament, 
and  the  witnesses,  Mr.  John  Calvert  and  Dr.  Lewis  Demenny,  appear- 
ing and  taking  their  oaths  on  the  Holy  Evangelist  that  they  were 
present  when  Mr.  John  Maisters  signed  his  last  will  and  testament, 
ordered  that  the  same  be  registered." 

268.— AN  ORPHAN. 

"Mrs.  Susanna  Child  being  dead  some  time  and  left  no  will;  and 

there  being  only  one  child  and  no  one  to  take 

care  thereof,  agreed  that  Mr.  Adams  looks  after 

what  effects  she  has  left  behind,  and  take  care  that  the  rents  of  the 

houses  be  paid  towards  maintaining  the  child  to  Mrs.  Eose," 

269.— CAPTAIN  HAMILTON  MORTGAGES  HIS  HOUSK 

"Captain  Alex.  Hamilton  having  made  over  or  mortgaged  his 
dwelling-house  in  this  town  for  the  sum  of 
Rs.    2,902   appearing  before    us    and    agreeing 

thereto,  ordered  that  the  said  overture  be  registered  in  the  book  for 

that  purpose." 


FORT   WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1708.  303 

270.— DARRELL  DIES, 

November  8th.  Mr.  Darrell,  sixth  in  Council,  died. 

271.— PETRE  BOATS  TO  BE  CLEARED  BY  FORCE 

As  the  boats  were  being  stopped  on  their  way  down  the  river  owing 

to  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  Prince  and  Diwao, 

the   Council  resolved  to  send   and  tell   Captain 

"Woodville  and  Mr.    Spencer  to  take   a  good  force  of  about    twenty 

soldiers  and  ten    gunners  and  bring    down  with  them  all  the  boats 

carrying  goods  that  have  the  Company's  dastak. 

272.— THREATENING   THE    MOGUL    GOVERNMENT. 

They  hear  from  the  Governor  of  Hugli  that  he  cannot  get  the  mnad 
for  them  at  the  rate  they  offer.     The  Prince  and 

NoTember  22nd.  ^^^    -, 

Diwan  are  still  determined  to  have  an  enormous 
sum.  Rather  than  comply  with  these  exorbitant  demands  the  Council 
resolves  to  retaliate  on  the  Prince  and  DiwSn,  in  two  ways.  They  will 
stop  all'the  shipping  subject  to  the  Mogul  Government  as  it  passes  their 
port;  and  they  will  command  all  English  subjects  to  repair  at  once  to 
Calcutta.  This  last  step  would  affect  the  entire  shipping  of  Hugli  and 
Rajmahal,  as  nearly  all  the  best  Captains  in  the  employ  of  the  Diwan 
and  the  Prince  were  Englishmen. 

Through  the  native  merchants  the  Governor  of 
Hugli  made  them  the  following  overtures  : — 

"  That  if  we  would  give  Rs.  35,000  sicca,  he  will  procure  us  the 
Prince's  Nishaun  \_Nishan]  and  Kings  Duan's  grant  the  same  as  we 
formerly  had  in  every  respect,  and  that  we  shall  be  at  no  further  charge 
for  any  expenses  to  the  mutsuddies  [mutamddi8\  or  others  and  no 
demands  for  the  bill  of  exchange  to  Surat,  and  that  we  shall  have  a 
seerpaw  \^sar-o-pa'\  and  horse  as  usual  with  all  the  other  customary 
signs  of  friendship." 

They  agree  to  what  he  proposes,  attributing  his  coming  to  terms  so 
soon  to  "  our  former  resolution  of  sending  a  good  force  to  clear  our 
boats  in  the  country  and  our  declaration  of  stopping  Moorish  ships." 

273.— ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR    SEPTEMBER    170S. 

The  Zamindar's  accounts   from  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for 

September  were  brought  in  and  passed,  amount- 
November  27th.  .        i.     T>      o-n  1^   1 
mg  to  us.  8o0-14-l. 


304  FORT   WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1708. 


DIARY    Am    CONSULTATION    BOOK 


AFFAIES  OF  THE  Et.  Hon.  COMPANY  IN  BENGAL  KEPT  BY 
EALPH  SHELDON,  Esq.,  AND  THE  COUNCIL.^ 


Commencing  January  1708. 


274.— SALARIES. 

"Account  salary  due  to  the  Company's  covenant  servants  amounting 
to  rupees  400  sicca,  as  per  account  broiight  in, 

September    1708.  ,       ^  .  *&  > 

being  due  the  26th  instant.  Agreed  that  the 
cashier  pay  the  same." 

275.--OLD    COMPANY'S    DEBTS. 

"  Having  received  a  general  letter  from  the  Hon'ble  Old  Company 
^  ,  ,      ^,^  the  4th  instant   per  ship   Dispatch  of    the   16th 

October  oth.  _  i.  r  -t 

April  1708,  wherein  they  acquaint  us  that  they 
have  directed  the  Governor  and  Councill  of  Madrass  to  clear  all  our 
debts  and  send  us  money  to  invest  what  shall  remain  of  these  stock 
there,  which  we  account  will  be  considerable,  since  the  Governor  and 
Councill  of  Madrass  writes  us  that  they  have  more  than  double  the 
amount  of  the  Company's  debt  in  Bengali  due  from  the  United  Com- 
pany, which  by  the  United  Generall  letter  to  Madrass  we  observe  is 
ordered  to  be  paid  out  of  the  stock  that  is  coming  out  for  that  place 
this  year.  So  we  judge  it  highly  necessary  that  we  agree  for  what  fine 
goods  we  can  get  ready  to  be  sent  home  this  season,  on  the  best  terms 
we  can,  since  it  is  so  late  in  the  year  that  we  cannot  expect  to  have 
them  cheap." 

1  Fort  William  Diary  and  Consultation  and  Charges  General.  Commencing  January  1707-8. 
Ending  December  1708.  Receiyed  per  Howland,  31st  August  1709.  Bird  wood  Records, 
RRa8. 


FOKT   WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1708.  305 

276.— NO    MORE   SALARIES   OX   THE   SEPARATE   ACCOUNT. 

**TIie  Hon'ble  Company  in  their  general  letter  seeming  to  disap- 
^    ,      ^ ,  prove  of   the  charge  we  are  at  for  salary,  &c., 

October  6th.  -"^  ,  °  .7 '  » 

on  their  separate  account,  and  we  are  willing 
to  give  them  satisfaction  (notwithstanding  we  have  now  and  shall 
have  their  business  to  negotiate)  in  all  things,  we  therefore  do  agree 
and  resolve  that  no  further  charge  of  salary  or  anything  else  be 
charged  or  paid  on  their  separate  account  form  this  day  forward, 
except  Mr.  Deane's  allowance,  who  has  no  benefit  of  the  United 
Service,  and  what  usual  reward  is  given  to  the  accountant." 


806  FORT   WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1708. 


DIARY  AND   CONSULTATION  BOOK 


UNITED  TEADE  COUNCIL  AT  FOET  WILLIAM  IN  EEISGAL.' 


Dece?nber  1708  to  December  1709. 


The  United  Council,  December  1708. 

Mr.  Robert  Nightingale. 
„    Abrahim  Adams. 
,,    JosiAH  Chitty. 
„    James  Love. 


Mk.  Ralph  Sheldon. 

„     John  Russell. 

„     Edward  Pattle. 
•    „     William  BuGDEN 


„  Ralph   Sheldon  and  Mr.  Robert  Nightingale,  Chair- 
men and  Cashiers. 

,,  John  Russell,  Book-keeper. 

„  A.  Adams,  Ua-port  Warehouse-keeper. 

,,  Edward  Pattle,  Import  Warehouse-keeper. 

„  JosiAH  Chitty,  Secretary/. 

„  William  Bugden,  Zamlnddr. 

„  John  Love,  Baklishi. 

277.— LOVE   SUCCEEDS    DARELL. 

Mr.  Love  is  appointed  to  the  Committee  to  succeed  to  eighth 
place,  Mr.  Darell,  the  fourth  man  for  the 
New  Company,  having  died  last  month. 

278.— rent. 

The  rent  for  the   three  towns   being   due,   the    Council  ordered 
December  2ad.  485  lupees  to  he  paid  to  the  Ilugli  Government. 

1  Received  in  England  by  SLip  Sirelham,  September  1st,  1710. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   DECEMBER    1708.  307 

279.— LITTLETON'S    ESTATE, 

Mr.  Adams  brought  in  the  account  of  estate  left  by  Sir  Edward 
Littleton,  the  balance  of  his  estate  being  14,455 

December  7th. 

rupees  8  annas. 

280.— FOURTEEN  THOUSAND  RUPEES  TO  CLEAR  THE  BOATS. 

A  letter  was  received  from  Mr.  Oawthorp,  who  was  at  Rajmahal, 
statinsr  that  he  had  drawn  a  bill  on  the  Company 

December   13th.  ,         ,        ,  j^,  ,       •  . 

for  fourteen  thousand  sicca  rupees  m  order  to 
clear  the  boats.  He  had  been  forced  to  pay  this  sum  to  the  Prince,  who 
had  stopped  the  Company's  boats  and  imprisoned  him  until  the  money 
was  paid.  On  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  the  Council  was  very  angry. 
They  had  already  paid  a  large  sum  for  the  sanad  of  the  Diwan  and  the 
Prince  ;  they  therefore  refused  to  honour  the  bill,  and  wrote  as  follows 
to  Mr.  Cawthorp :  — "  We  having  agreed  with  the  Grovernor  of  Hughli 
for  the  Priuce's  Ne^hawn  \_n\shdn\  and  the  Duan's  sunnud  and  for  clear- 
ing our  goods  from  all  parts  of  Bengali, we  think  we  shall 

sufficiently  pay  for  the  Prince's  favour  without  this  great  imposition.'* 

2S1.— MORE  TROUBLES  WITH  THE  NATIVE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  native  G-overnment  was  so  very  troublesome  "at  Patna  and 
all   the  way  up"  that  they  agree  to   write    to 

December  13th.  ■»  r      t  i       n 

Mr.  Lloyd  to  come  away  with  all  the  Company's 
effects  as  soon  as  possible.  They  also  agree  to  write  to  the  Faujdar 
of  Hugli,  and  to  send  up  the  akhund  to  tell  him  that  the  boats  are 
stopped  at  Rajmahal  and  that  the  Prince  and  Diwan  want  twelve 
thousand  rupees  to  clear  them,  which  makes  the  Council  "suspect 
that  the  phousdar  [i.e.  faujddr'\  has  not  acquainted  the  Prince  with  the 
agreement  between  the  Company  and  himself.  Therefore  we  request 
the  favour  of  him  forthwith  to  give  us  a  letter  to  the  Prince  or  Duan 
that  he  has  agreed  the  business  with  us  here  and  that  our  boats  may  be 
cleared  immediately." 

282.— LITTLETON'S    MONEY   PAID   TO    THEj  NEW    COMPANY. 

It  is  ordered  that  all  the  money  that  Sir  Edward  Littleton  had  left 
^       ,     „„ ,  be  paid  to  the  New  Company,  who  claimed  it 

December  20th, 


under  a  bill  of  debt  for  23,808  rupees  3  annas 
signed  by  Sir  Edward  Littleton,  and  dated  April  1704. 

n  2 


308  FORT   WILLIAM,    ])ECEM»ER    1708. 

283.— NEWS    FROM    BANJAR    AND    BENCOOLEN. 

Mr.  Cunningliam,  latePresidentof  Baajar,  andMr.  Edwards,  second  * 

arrived  in  the  Company's  ship  Anna.     They  had 
December   21st,  ,  .         ^  ,   ,     ; ,       -r>       •      o  r. 

been  trying  to  settle  tne  Banjar^  factory,  but  had 
failed.  A  Council  was  called  immediatelj''  on  their  arrival  to  hear  what 
news  they  brought  and  to  give  them  a  welcome.  They  told  of  their 
failure  to  re-establish,  the  factory  at  Banjar,  and  that  now  even  their 
endeavours  to  get  a  cargo  for  their  ship  had  been  frustrated  by  the 
hostile  Government.  They  said  that  the  Managers  in  England  were 
expecting  their  vessel  home  witb  the  rest  of  the  winter  shipping,  and 
they  begged  of  the  Council  to  find  her  a  cargo  and  despatch  her 
at  once.  They  also  brought  a  message  from  the  factory  at  Bencoolen, 
to  the  effect  that  that  factory  was  greatly  in  need  of  stores,  and  not 
able  to  buy  rice,  because  of  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country.  The 
Council  order  the  hakhshl  to  provide  suitable  lodgings  for  Mr.  Cunning- 
ham and  Mr.  Edwards  and  also  to  see  after  getting  a  cargo  for  the 
ship,  so  that  she  may  be  despatched  with  the  otKer  winter  shipping. 
They  order  rice  and  grain  to  be  got  ready  to  send  to  Bencoolen 
at  once. 

284.— SHAH  'ALAM  NEAR  GOLKONDA. 
They  receive   a   letter  from  Madras,  containing  letters  from  Mr. 
Hastings  at  Vizagapatam.     The  letter   "advises 
us  that  Shaw  AUum  is  advanced  near  Golcondah 


1  Mr.  Cunningham  and  Mr.  Edwards  appear  to  have  wished  to  take  service  in  Calcutta,  but 
this  the  Council  would  not  allow  till  they  had  their  master's  orders  on  the  subject.  The 
matter  could  not  be  decided  quickly.  It  would  take  at  least  a  year  to  write  to  their  Hon'ble 
Masters  in  England  and  have  an  answer  back.  So  Mr.  Edwards  and  Mr.  Cunningham  seem  to 
have  settled  down  in  Calcutta,  calmly  waiting  for  an  answer. 

2  Banjar,  or  Banjarmasin,  in  the  south-east  of  Borneo,  was  long  regarded  by  the  English  as 
a  desirable  place  for  an  intermediate  station  to  facilitate  the  exchange  of  European  and  Chinese 
produce.  In  1614,  1615,  the  old  Company  kept  agents  there  for  a  short  time  ;  and  in  the  years 
1699  to  1702  the  new  Company  made  various  efforts  to  get  a  footing  there.  At  last,  in  1704, 
events  seemed  to  take  a  favourable  turn.  The  King  granted  the  English  permission  to  erect 
a  fortification  for  the  protection  of  their  establishment.  Accordingly  on  the  union  of  the 
two  Companies  the  Court  decided  to  concentrate  their  trade  at  Banjarmasin,  where  a  strong 
fortification  was  to  be  erected.  Soon,  however,  'in  consequence  of  disputes  with  the  natives 
a  war  broke  out,  in  which  the  English  took  five  Banjarese  villages.  Of  these  four  were  restored 
in  consideration  of  three  thousand  dollars  ;  the  fifth,  Banjarmasin,  was  retained  for  the 
residence  of  the  English.  Here  they  built  a  factory,  and  soon  began  to  carry  matters  with  a 
high  hand.  But  the  Chinese,  being  jealous  of  the  proportion  of  trade  in  pepper  which  the 
English  had  acquired,  and  foreseemg  that  tlieir  fortifications  would  enable  them  to  overawe 
the  inhabitants,  stirred  up  the  Banjarese  to  make  a  sudden  attack  on  the  English  on  the  27th 
June  1707.  After  a  severe  struggle  the>  were  driven  off,  but  the  loss  of  the  EnglisH  was  so 
♦.great  that  the  survivors  escaped  with  difficulty  on  board  the  ships,  carrying  with  them  the  Com- 
pany's treasure,  but  leaving  some  fifty  thousand  dollars  on  shore.  The  death  of  Agent  Barr^ 
left  them  without  a  head,  and  it  was  resolved  to  abandon  the  place. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1709.  309 

and  like  to  get  the  better."     They  also  "  ask  us  for  sundry  things  for 
present,  for  Shaw  Allum  if  our  ships  be  come." 

2S5.- CAW  THORP  STILL  DETAINED  AT  RAJMAHAI- 

They  receive  another  letter  from  Mr.  Cawthorp  saying  that  he  cannot 
come  down  till   they   seud   the   money   for  tho 

December   27th.  .  t      •  ,  t    i  •         i  •       ami 

Prince.  They  decide  to  delay  answering  liim  till 
they  hear  again  fiom  the  Goveruor  of  Hugli. 

2S6.— FOUR    BAD    CHARACTERS    SENT    TO    ENGLAND. 

"Hana  Ffoert,  Peter  Harnalston,  Simon  Jausea,  and  John  Van  Eok 
be  sent  to  England  on  board  the  ship  Harlandj 
they  working  for  their  passage  home.  They 
having  committed  several  robberies  at  this  place,  and  that  they  have 
protected  several  other  thieves,  and  have  received  goods  from  tbem  j  aa 
has  been  plainly  made  appear  to  us ;  therefore  we  think  it  very 
convenient  to  rid  the  town  of  such  troublesome  persons ;  agreed  we 
advise  the  Company  thereof." 

2S7.— THE    FOURTEEN    THOUSAND    RUPEES    MUST    BE    PAID. 

They  again  receive  a  letter  from  Mr.  Cawthorp,  and  also  one  from 

Captain  ^^oodville,  who  had  gone  up  to  help  to 
Janoary  3rd,  1709.  ■,    •  -,  i        i  •  i  i  i 

bring  down  the  boats,  saying  that  the  saltpetre 
boats  are  all  detained  at  Rajmahal  because  the  Prince  has  not  received 
the  fourteen  thousand  sicca  rupees  he  demands.  As  far  as  Mr.  Cawthorp 
and  Captain  Woodville  can  gather,  the  Faiijdar  of  Hugli  has  not  done 
anything  in  their  favour,  nor  has  he  the  power  so  to  do.  The  Council 
agree  to  write  to  Mr.  Cawthorp  and  to  the  shroffs  to  say  that  they  will 
pay  the  money.  Tlie  shroffs  are  to  supply  it  and  draw  a  bill  on  the 
Company. 

288.— NIGHTINGALE    RESIGNS   THE   SERVICE. 

Mr.  Nightingale,  the  Chairman  on  the  New  Company's  side,  finding 
his  health   failing   bim,  and   wishing   to   jro  to 

January  6th.  .  o  e 

England,  applies  for  and  receives  his  discharge 
from  the  Company's  service.  He  is  allowed  to  go  to  England  in 
one  of  the  Company's  ships  on  the  payment  ninety-six  rupees,  the 
equivalent  of  £12,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  usual  amount  of 
passage  money  from  India  to  England  at  that  time.  He  has  the 
entire  use  of  the  great  cabin. 


310  FORT   WILLIAM,    T'EBRUAR'Y    1709, 

289.— REARRANGEMENT   OF    THE   COUNCIL. 

Mr.  Adams  is  to  "become  Chairman  for  the  New  Company  in  Mr. 
Nightingale's  place ;  Mr.  Josiah  Chitty  is  to  be 

January  6th.  .^ 

Export  Warehouse-keeper ;  Mr.  James  Love, 
Buxie ;  and  Mr.  Samuel  Blount  is  to  be  elected  to  fill  the  vacant 
place  left  in  the  Council,  that  is  the  fourth  place,  in  the  New 
Company,  or  eighth  in  the  Council.     He  is  also  to  be  Secretary. 

290.— JOSIA    TOWNSEND    FINED    FOR   DISOBEDIENCE. 

"  Josiah  Townsend  having  brought  up  the  Company's  vessel  {Marij 
Smack)  contrary  to  his  orders  received  from  us, 

January  10th.  _  .         „       ,  . 

and  now  having  present  occasion  for  him,  think  it 
not  convenient  to  give  him  any  bodily  punishment ;  ^  agreed  that  for 
the  present  we  fine  him  three  months'  pay  and  return  him  with  all 
expedition  with  the  vessel  into  Ballasore  road,  for  fear  the  Company's 
shipping  should  be  there  and  want  one  to  bring  them  into  the  river." 

291.— UNSETTLED    STATE    OF    THE    DECCAN, 

They  received  a  letter  from  Madras,  telling  them  that  the  country 
is  as  unsettled  as  ever,  and  that  the  competitx)rs 
anuary       .  ^^^  ^^^   throne  have  not  yet   met,  but  that  a 

battle  i's  daily  expected. 

292.— ZAMINDlRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  NOVEMBER. 


The  zamindar  brought  in  the  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  the  three 
towns  for  the  month  of  November,  the  balance 
being  Rs.  837-9-2. 


February   4th. 


293.-MRS.     HILL    SELLS    HER    HOUSE. 


"  Mrs.  Hill  being  desirous   to   sell  her  dwelling-house,  and  there 
having  been  public  notice  given  by  bills  on  the 
^  "^^         '  gates,  and  no  demands  appear,  agreed  that  Captain 

Herbert  have  liberty  to  buy  the  same  and  that  the  sale  be  registered." 


1  Was  this  Townsend  connected  with  Josepli  Town^^hend  who  died  the  26th  June,  1738,  and 
whose  tombstone  is  still  to  be    seenin  St.  John's  Churchyard,  Calcutta. — 

"  Here  lies  the  body  of  Joseph  Townshend,  Pilot  of  the  Ganges.  Skilful  and  industrious, 
a  kind  father  and  useful  friend,  who  departed  this   life  the  26th  June,  1738,  aged  85  years." 

This  Townsend  also  figures  in  a  local  ballad  which  connects  him  with  Job  Charnock. 


FOBT  WIIXIAM,    FEBRUARY    1709.  311 

294.— DEATH    OF    KAM    BAKH3H. 

On  "Wednesday,  the  16th,  they  received  advices  from  several  shroffs 
of  note  and  from  the  Hugli  Government  of  an 
e  ruary  „  engagement   between  the   King  Shaw   Allum 

[Shah  'Alam]  and  his  brother,  Cawn  Bux  [Kam  Bakhsh],  near 
Golgondah  [Golconda],  about  40  days  since,  wherein  the  King  had 
an  entire  victory  and  slew  his  brother  and  one  or  two  of  his  sons,  and 
vanqnished  his  party ;  so  that  'tis  now  believed  the  kingdom  will  soon 
be  at  quiet  and  the  government  more  orderly." 

They   receive   from   Madras   confirmation   of  the   death   of    Kam 
Bathsh.    The  Madras  Council  also  tell  them  that 
e  ruary  ^-^qj  are  sending  up  a  present  to  the  Kiog  in 

order  to  procure  the  necessary /ar»wdw«. 

295.— ILLNESS  OF  SHELDON. 

"  Mr.  Sheldon  being  very  much  indisposed,  and  has  been  for  these 

last  two  months  without  relief,  and  the  Doctor 

roary  —    •  advising  him  to  take  the  sea  air  for  which  end 

he  desires  the  2Iary  Smack  with  Mr.  Adams,  the  gunner  (who  is  a 

navigator),  with  the  Doctor  to  send  him  out  to  sea  for  ten  or  fifteen 

(lays. Agreed  that  the  Master   of  the  Smack  be  ordered  to  get  her 

ready  and  to  take  care  that  all  necessaries  and  stores  are  on  board  to 
send  Mr.  Sheldon  out  and  in  as  he  may  direct." 


296.— DIGGING  THE  GREAT  TANK. 

"The  Company  ha^ing  given  us  liberty  and  directions  to   mako 

drains  and  necessaries  for  the  Fort,  and  we  having 

February  28tli.  ^  ^^^^^   ^^^^   ^^   ^^^   eastward  which   in    somo 

measure  defends  our  bastion  and  yields  good  water,  when  in  tho 
months  of  March  and  April  the  river  water  is  brackish,  which  being 
necessary  to  be  enlarged  and  deepened  to  keep  the  water  good  and 
constantly  in  it. — Agreed  that  we  lengthen  the  same  what  may  be 
thought  convenient  and  deepen  what  is  made,  so  that  the  next  season 
at  least  we  may  reap  the  benefit,  and  the  Buxie  is  ordered  to  pay 
the  charge  and  enter  it  under  the  head  of  drains;  also  that  he  fill 
up  the  earth  between  the  two  waterside  bastions  even  with  the  earth 
of  the  said  bastions,  and  throw  rubbish,  ballast,  etc.,  to  face  it  which 
holds  very  well  and  answers  the  end." 


312  FORT   WILLIAM,   MARCH    1709. 

297.— INCREASING  THE  REVENUE, 

They  come  to  the  conclusion  at  this  time  that  the  towns  did  not 
yield  the   profits  they   ought,   so   they  ordered 

February  28th.  ^,     . 

that — 
"The  Zamindar  or  Bent-gatherer  is  to  consider  of  the  best  means 
and  easiest  ways  possible  to  raise  the  revenues  and  see  that  all  our 
former  orders  of  consultations  for  the  benefit  thereof  be  put  in  exe- 
cution and  that  he  bring  his  report  in." 

298. -THEY    CONTINUE   THE   PATNA   FACTORY. 

After  much  consultation  they  agree  to  continue  the  Patna  factory, 
"  now  the  Grovernment  is  more  settled,  and  now 
that  the  Grovernment  and  Council  of  Madras  are 
hoping  to  get  a  phirmaund  for  the  whole  of  the  Company's  factories 
from  the  King."  A  letter  had  been  received  from  England  a  few 
days  before  this,  ordering  them  to  keep  on  the  Patna  factory  if  they 
possibly  can.  They  therefore  send  a  letter  to  Mr.  Lloyd  telling  him 
still  to  continue  the  factory,  and  to  see  about  buying  in  goods  for  the 
coming  season. 

299.— ZAMINDlRI   ACCOUNTS    FOR    DECEMBER. 

The  accounts  of  the  revenues  from  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns 
for  December  were  brought  in   and  passed,  the 
March  5th.  uUnoB  being  Rs.  1,010-7-10. 

300.-REBUILDING   THE    PRICING    WAREHOUSE. 

The  import  warehouse-keeper  gave  notice  that   the  warehouse  used 
for  pricing  the  goods  was  in   a   very  bad  state. 
On  the  following  resolution  was  passed  .• — 
«  The  warehouse  we  price  goods  in  being  very  much  out  of  repair, 
the  timber  rotten,  and  the  water  in  the  rains  falling  down  and  damag- 
ing the  goods,  and  the   outward  wall    of  both   godowns  being  cutcha, 
agreed  that  we  build  that  pucka  and  repair  the  whole  out  of  hand,  that 
it  may  be  fit  for  sorting  goods  the  ensuing  season." 

301.  -HUNTING. 

March  12th.  "Mr.  Chitty  gone  a  hunting." 


FORT   WILLIAM,   MARCH    1709.  313 

302.— PIRATES. 

The  Council  receive  a  letter  from  Madras,  telling  them  that  the 
King  is  not  willing  to  grant   the   Company  a 
March  23rd.  farmdn  unless  they  will  undertake  to  secure  their 

ships  from  pirates  at  sea. 

803.-ZAMIND1RI   ACCOUNTS   FOR   JANUARY. 
The  January  accounts  of  the  hazar  and  the  three  towns  were  passed, 
March  2Sth.  the  balance  heing  Es.  l,6Q9-3-l. 

304.— REDUCTION    OF    THE    GARRISON. 

March  31st.  It  is  agreed  to  reduce  the  garrison. 

"Shaw  Allum  [Shah  'Alam]  heing  now  entire  victor  and  sole 
King,  and  we  having  a  prospect  of  peaceable  times,  'tis  agreed]  that 
we  reduce  the  soldiery  to  less  number,  i.e. — 

I  Captain. 

1  Ensign. 

60  Soldiers. 

66  Drummers  and  Corporals  included. 
66  The  second  Company. 

1  Master  of  Arms. 

2  Portuguese  Armourers. 
2  Bengal  Armourers. 

137  Men  in  aU." 


"  Ordered  that  they  are  reduced  to  the  above  number,  and  the 
Buxie  is  ordered  to  see  he  pays  no  more  from  this  time  forward,  and 
will  save  the  pay  of  30  men  per  month." 

305.— TWO    ASSISTANTS    SENT   TO    PATNA. 

Mr.  Lloyd  wanting  help  at  Patna,  it  is  agreed  that  "  Mr.  Cawthorp 
and  Mr.  Gibbon  do  proceed  to  Patna  so  soon  as 

March  31st.  ,  i         i       -i     j  .,-,,. 

they  can  by  land  to  assist  in  the  investment 
there,  and  that  Mr.  Frankland  be  sent  afterwards  with  the  boats] with 
what  goods  we  send." 

306.— THE  BLACK  ZAMINDAR, 

Apparently  the    Company  had  some  difficulty  in  finding  a  man 
to  fill  the  post  of  Black  Zamlndar,  who  was  likely 

April  4th,  ,.,,., 

to  prove  nonest,  as  some  time  baok  m  last  year 


314  FORT   WILLIAM,    APRIL    1709. 

they  were  looking  for  one,  and  according  to  the  following  notice  had 
only  Just  found  such  a  man : — 

"The  Black  Zamindar's  place  in  taking  care  of  the  bazar  and 
the  three  towns  being  void  for  several  months,  during  which  time 
Nunderam  has  acted,  we  having  now  found  a  fit  person  to  fill  it  up, 
one  Rambudder  having  given  under  his  hand,  and  Santose  Mullick 
being  bound  for  his  well  and  honest  performance,  agreed  that  forthwith 
he  enter  upon  that  business  and  have  wages  as  the  former  man  had  in 
his  place." 

307.— TONNAGE,  PASS-MONEY,  FINES  AND  LICENSES. 

The  account  of  the  last  year's  tonnage,  pass-money,  English  fines 
and   punch   license   money   was   brought   in   by 
Mr.  Blount,  the  Secretary ;  it  was  passed  and  paid 
into  cash,  the  amount  being  1,665  rupees. 

308.-SOLDIERS  FOR  CALCUTTA. 

The  ship  Recovery  arrived  from  England  having  on  board  soldiers 

for  Calcutta  sent  out  by  the  London   Directors. 

^"         '  Only  nine  private  soldiers  out  of  thirty  arrived 

in  Calcutta,  the  rest  having  died   on  the  voyage.     With  the  soldiers 

came  Captain  Child  and  one  Sergeant. 

309.— PUNISHING   THE   KIDDERPORE    CHAUKlS. 

Mr.  Josiah  Chitty  and  other  servants  of  the  Company  made  complaint 
against    the  chaulds.     They  said  that   they  had 
^"'    "^   *  been   "  affronted   and   abused  very  much  by  Kid- 

derpore  cJiaukl  in  their  going  down  aboard  the  ships."  The  chauku 
had  also  "  of  late  been  very  troublesome  in  stopping  the  Company's 
boats  with  goods."  Accordingly  the  Council  agreed  to  "send  down 
thirty  soldiers  and  twenty  black  gun-men  to  fetch  some  of  them  up  to 
punish  them,  so  as  they  may  not  be  so  impudent  for  the  future." 

"Yesterday  the  soldiers  and  black  gun-men  as  was  ordered  in  that 
consultation    went    to    Kidrepore   chnukl :   when 
Apni  26th.  landed,  one  of  them   with  cutlass  cut  one  of  our 

sergeants,  almost  half  through  his  body,  but  before  he  fell  he  shot  the 
man,  that  wounded  him,  dead,  upon  which  our  men  took  several  of 
their  people  prisoners,  and  have  now  brought  them  before  us.  We  have 
found  six  of  them  that  actually  opposed  our  men  with  drawn  swords. 
We  have   considered   it   and   believe   it   will   be   for   the  Company's 


FORT   WILLIAM,   MAT    1709.  315 

interest  to  have  them  severely  punished  to  deter  the  other  troublesome 
chaukJs  from  committing  the  like.  Agreed  that  each  of  them  ba  tied 
to  the  post  and  have  21  strokes  with  a  split  rattan,  and  be  kept  for  a 
further  punishment." 

310.— DEATH    OF    SHELDON. 

They  receive  news  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon  *  at 
Hugli.  His  body  is  brought  down  to  Calcutta  to 
be  buried  there.  Mr.  John  Eussell  is  appointed 
Chairman  in  Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon's  place ;  Mr.  Edwin  Pattle  is  to  be 
Accountant ;  Mr.  Bugden  is  to  be  in  charge  of  the  Import  Warehouse ; 
and  Mr.  Lloyd  is  to  be  the  new  Member  and  Zamindar  ;  but  as  he  is  at 
present  in  Patna,  Mr.  Blount  is  to  take  charge  of  the  Zamindar's  place 
and  the  Secretary's  office  until  Mr.  Lloyd  comes  home. 

311.— DEPUTATIOX  TO  MiE  MUHAMMAD  RAZA, 

They  receive  notice  that  "  Mir  Muhammad  Raza,  Commissioner  of 
the  Prince's  treasury,  is  in  a  few  days  expected  to 
""  pass  through  Hugli  in  his  way  to  meet  Sher 
Buland  Khan,  who  is  coming  into  Bengal  as  chief  manager  of  the 
provinces  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa Now  this  Muham- 
mad Raza  being  the  treasurer's  friend  as  well  as  chief  officer  under  him 
for  his  private  affairs,  and  having  been  always  very  ready  to  serve  the 
Company,  agreed  that  we  send  Janarddana  Sett,  our  broker,  and 
the  AJihiirul  to  Hugli  to  wait  on  him,  and  present  him  with  a  present 
to  the  value  of  Rs.  500  which  present  we  promised  him  last  year  for 
accommodating  affairs  between  us  and  the  Hugli  Government.  If  so 
be  that  Muhammad  Raza  stay  at  Hugli  two  or  three  days,  then 
they  are  to  advise  us  of  it,  on  which  it  is  agreed  that  Mr.  Chitty  do 

proceed   to  Hugli  to  wait  on  him   from  the  Council Now 

the  favours  we  are  to  desire  of  them  are  these : — On  the  arrival  of  our 
people  at  camp  to  visit  Sher  Buland  Khan  in  order  to  procure  a  sanad, 
that  he  assist  us  all  he  can." 

312.— COJAH    SARHAD    IN    DEBT, 

"Cojah  Sarhad  being  indebted  to  the  Company,  and  he  having 
May  2nd.  considerable  value  of  goods  in  his  house,  agreed 

that   we    get   two    peons   there,    that    there    be 
nothing  carried  away." 


»  Further  details  about  Sheldon  wiU  be  found  in  the  introduction  to  these  siunmaries. 


316  FORT   WILLIAM,    MAY    1709. 

313.— TROUBLE    BREWING    FOR    SHAH    'ALAM. 

A  letter  is  received  from  Madras  with  the  following  news  : — 
"They   say  the   Rashpoots  [Eajptits]  are  in  arms  and  design  to 
oppose  the  march  of  King  Shaw  Allum :  that  the 

May  2nd.  . 

Governor  [of  Madras]  daily  expects  an  answer  to 
his  letter;  wrote  to  the  Lord  High  Steward  ahout  getting  a  phirmaund  ; 
that  they  believe  there  will  be  greater  trouble  than  here  has  been  yet 
b.etween  the  father  and  his  four  sons." 

314.— ZAMINDARI    accounts    FOR    FEBRUARY. 

The  account  of  the  revenue  of  the  bazar  and  three  towns  for  Febru- 
ary was   brought  in    and    passed ;    the    balance 

May  2nd.  ''  ,        -rT     ,  J:'  ' 

amounted  to  Rs.  1,028-15-4. 

315.-THE   COURT    OF    JUSTICE. 

The  Council  ordered  that  "Messrs.  Bugden,  Love,  and  Blount  sit 
May  2nd.  in  Court,  there  having  been  none  of  late." 

316.— DISHONEST    TAX-GATHERER. 

They  agreed  to  write  to  the  Governor  of  Hugli  to  give  up  a  rent- 
gatherer  of  theirs  who  had  been  caught  cheating 
at  Calcutta  and  had  fled  to  him  for  protection. 
"Several  complaints  having  been  made  against  Nan darama,  that  was 
employed  in  gathering  in  the  Company's  rents.  He  going  with 
Mr.  Sheldon  to  Hugli,  and  bearing  thereof,  fled  from  justice ;  but 
since  we  hear  that  he  is  at  Hugli  and  he  has  given  money  to  the 
Government  upon  their  promise  of  protecting  him. — Agreed  we  write 
to  the  Governor  and  demand  him,  he  being  our  servant,  that  we  may 
have  satisfaction  for  the  abuse  to  the  Company." 

317.— MISBEHAVIOUR   OF   CAPTAIN    CHILD. 

Captain  Child  is  ordered  to  be  "confined  upon   the    guard  until 

further  consideration,"  because  "we  think  him  not 

^^       '  a   fit  person  to  be  trusted."     "  On  the    second 

night  being  on  duty  he  committed  a  great  disorder  and  disturbance  in 

the  town,"  and  also  "several  complaints  have  been  made  against  him," 

and  "  two  women  claim  him  as  husband." 


FORT   WILLIAM,    MAY    1709.  317 

318.-COMMISSION  TO  CONSECRATE  St.  ANN'S. 

"Mr.  William  Anderson,  the  Company's  Chaplain  at  this  place,  came 
before  us  and  produced  a  commission  from  the 

May    9th. 

Lord  Bishop  of  London  to  consecrate  the  church 
newly  built  in  this  place.  Agreed  he  be  permitted  to  execute  said  com- 
mission as  usual  on  such  occasions  " 

319.— KINDNESS  FROM    MUHAMMAD    RAZl. 

Janarddana  Sett   and  the    akhund  returned   from   Huo-li     where 
,    ,  Mir   Muhammad  Raza  had  received  them  verv 

May   12ta.  t  •     n  i  • 

kmdly,  and  promised  to  do  all  he  could  for  the 
Company.  Mir  Muhammad  also  writes  the  Council  a  letter,  wherein  he 
says  "he  will  make  the  Company's  business  his  own." 

320.— NANDARlMA  GIVEN  UP. 
They  receive  an  answer  from  the  Governor  of  Hugli.    He  gives  up 
Nandarama  to  them,  and  is   sorry  he  protected 
*^        ■  him  against  justice.     Nandarama  is   ordered  to 

be  imprisoned,  whilst  Mr.  Bugden  looks  over  his  accounts,  and  the 
bazar  drum  is  to  "  be  beat  about  the  town  to  give  notice  to  all 
the  black  inhabitants  that  whosoever  has  any  money  or  effects  of 
Nandarama  in  their  possession,  that  they  do  not  deliver  them  to  him 
or  to  any  of  his  family  till  such  a  time  that  we  have  inspected  into 
the  town  accounts,  and  find  out  what  he  has  wronged  the  Company 
of." 

321— NEW  BUDGEROWS. 
"  Some   of  the   Company's  budgerows   being  very  old  and  hardly 
May  i2tii.  ^"^^^    repairing   any   more,    ordered   that    Mr. 

Love  do  build  a  new  one,    and   when    that   is 
finished  that  he  dispose  of  one  of  the  old  ones." 

322.— DEPUTATION  TO  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR. 
They  send  a  vakil  to  meet  Sher  Buland  Khan,  the  new  Governor. 

May  20th.  "^^^.^  ^'^^   ^'^™   °^^®^^  *^  ^^^   entirely   on    the 

advice  of    Muhammad  Eaza.     As    soon  as   the 

Patna  rakll  can  be  got  down  to  Calcutta,  they  are  goino-  to  send  him 

as  he   is  acquainted  with   Sher  Buland  Khan,    and   with  him   they 

will  send  Mr.  Chitty,  one  of  the  Council. 


318  FOKT   WILLIAM,   JUJSE    1709. 

323,— ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR    MARCH. 

The  account  of  the  revenues  of  the  bazar  and   the  three  towns   for 
March  last  was  brought  iu  and  passed,  the  balance 

May   20tb.  ,     .         t-,       „_ .   o  ^ 

being  Es.  890-3-7. 

324.— CHITTY  REFUSES  TO  WAIT  ON  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR. 

Mr.  Chittj  refuses  to  go  to  wait  on  Sher  Buland  Khan,  so  Mr. 
Pattle    is   to    go    instead.      No    reason  is    given 
^^        '  for  Chitty's  refusal  to  obey  the  Council's  orders. 

In  the  Consultation  book  it  is  recorded  that  "  Mr.  Chitty's  reasons  for 
not  wishing  to  go  to  wait  on  Sher  Bulaud  Khan,  which  seem  to 
us  just  and  right,  are  annexed  next  after  this  Consultation."  But 
they  are  not. 

325.— BAPTISM    AT    CASSIMBAZAR. 

"  The  Dutch  Chief  of  Cassimbazar  having  several  times  desired  our 
Chaplain  to  go  up  there  and  baptise  his  child. 

May  30th.  j\      v  ^    1-  ^  nr 

and  he  has  now  renewed  his  request,  as  Mr. 
Anderson  has  now  advised  us  in  his  letter  to  us  of  this  day's  date,  and 
desires  we  would  give  him  liberty  to  comply  with  the  same. — Agreed 
that  he  go  after  the  consecration  of  our  church  is  over." 

326.— NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR. 

They  agree  to  send  Mr.  John  Eyre  with  Mr.  Pattle  to  meet  Sher 
Buland  Khan. 

*'  Yesterday  arrived  a  messenger  from  Sher  Buland  Khan,  and 
brought  us  a  pane  ana  for  our  business  to  go  on 
as  usual,  till  we  can  conveniently  send  one  to  him 
to  procure  a  sanad  which  we  design  as  soon  as  we  hear  he  is  arrived 
at  Maqsudabad.  Agreed  we  make  the  messenger  a  present  to  the  value 
of  120  rupees  being  necessary  for  the  Company's  affairs,  and  what 
is  customary. " 

327. —CO  J  AH    SARHAD    WILLING    TO    PAY. 
Cojah  Sarhad,  who  owed  them  money,  petitions  to  have  the  peons, 
who  are  watching  his  house,  taken  away,  as  he  is 
June  1st.  willing  to  pay  the  money  he  owes.     The  Council 

gives  an  order  accordingly. 

328.— CONSECRATION    OF    ST.   ANN'S. 

*'  The  church  lately  built  in  this  place  was  consecrated  and  called 

Monday,  June  6th,  1709.      gt.  Aun's.  " 


FORT   WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER    1709.  319 

329  — ZAMINDIRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  APRIL  AND  iL\Y. 

The  accounts  for  the  month  of  April  of  the  bazar  and  the  three 
towns  were  brought  in  and  passed,  the  balance 

'"^^  ''''•  beiog  Rs.  2,014-3-6. 

The   accounts  for  the  month  of  May  of   the  bazar  and  the  three 

July  11th.  towns  were  brought  in  aud  passed,  Rs.  2,014-3-6. 

330.— BOATS    STOPPED    AT    RAJMAHAL. 

'Jhey  receive  a  letter  from  Mr.  Pattle,  telling  them  that  the  boats 
are  stopped  at  Rajmahal  by  order  of  Sher  Buland 
Khan  because  the  Company  were  hesitating  about 
the  price  of  a  sanad.  Sher  Buland  Khan  asked  more  for  his  sanad 
than  the  Company  wished  to  give.  They  agree  to  write  to  Mr.  Lloyd 
telhng  him  to  get  the  sanad  on  any  terms  he  can,  *'  as  the  stopping 
of  boats  up  the  river  will  prevent  our  sending  off  ships  in  time." 

331.— STORES    FOR    BENCOOLEN. 

They  receive  a  couple  of  letters  from  Bencoclen,  asking  them  to 
send  stores  and  provisions  to  the  factory  there  as 

July  25th.  .,  , 

soon  as  possible. 

332.— A  PRESENT  FOR  THE  SUBAHDAR. 

Mr.  Battle  writes  asking  for  English  goods  to  give  as  a  present 
to  Sher  Buland  Khan.     In  answer  to  his  letter 

August  lOth. 

they  send  him  goods  worth  2,000  rupees. 
333.— ZAMINDARI   ACCOUNTS   FOR   JUNE. 

The  accounts  of  the  revenues  of  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for 
.       t  '>''  d  June  are  brought  in  and  passed,  the  balance  being 

""^  ^"°  '  Es.  1,129-12-3. 

334.— IRON  FOR  THE  CHURCH  WINDOWa 

"  The  Hon'ble  Court  of  Managers  ordering  us  to  give  iron  for  the 
church  windows,  and  there  being  now  due  on  that 
account  Rs.  1,310-9-3,  agreed  that  the  cashiers 
pay  the  same." 

335.— DISAPPOINTING    NEGOTIATIONS, 

They  receive  another  letter  from  Mr.  Pattle  at  Cassimbazar  telling 

Se  tember  3  d.  them  that  the  Subadar  had  received  him  kindly, 

and   promised  him   his  utmost  assistance  in  the 

Company's  affairs,  and  that  "he,  the  Subah  [Subadar],  had  wrote  to 

the  Governor  of  Hugli  not  any  ways  to  molest  our  business."     "  We 


320  FORT   WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER    1709. 

were  all  very  glad  at  this,  and  hoped  for  the  sunnud  Boon,"  says  the 
Consultation  Book.  But  their  joy  did  not  last  long,  for  on  the  very 
same  evening  they  received  bad  news. 

"  Last  night  late  received  from  Mr.  Pattle  a  letter  dated  the  30th 
of  August,  acquainting  us  that  the  Subah,  notwithstanding  all  his 
promises,  positively  demands  45,000  rupees  on  receipt  of  which  he  will 
give  us  his  perwanna,  and  when  the  present  Duan  is  confirmed  or  a 
new  one  sent,  that  lie  will  procure  us  his  sunnud,  without  which  he  is 
resolved  to  admit  of  no  more  delays  from  us  but  will  stop  all  our 
business  having  called  all  the  merchants  at  Muxodabad  to  give  in  an 
account  of  what  goods  they  have  provided  for  us  in  order  to  their 
paying  custom.  The  Subah  further  adds  that  the  Prince  last  year 
forced  from  our  Patna  boats  17,000  rupees,  and,  if  we  comply  not, 
that  we  shall  see  what  he  can  do."  .  .  .  .  "  On  these  advices  we 
meet  early  this  morning  to  consult  what  to  do  in  these  unsettled  times, 
and  cannot  find  any  remedy ;  for  since  the  new  King  is  come  to  the 
throne,  we  have  had  no  order  from  him  to  trade  as  usual  which  is  the 
advantage  the  Government  takes  hold  of.  Therefore  it  is  resolved  we 
write  immediately  to  Mr.  Pattle,  ordering  him  to  make  an  end  of  it 
the  best  way  he  can,  for  it  is  certain  if  we  comply  not,  the  Subah  will 
again  stop  our  Patna  fleet,  which  (as  the  year  before)  will  not  be  let 
loose  till  a  large  sum  is  extorted,  as  also  custom  to  be  paid  on  our 
goods,  which  we  have  bespoke  of  the  Cassimbazar  merchants,  which 
will  be  of  very  ill  consequence." 

336— NEWS    FROM    MADRAS. 

They  receive  a  letter  from  Madras  telling  them  that  the  Council 
there  Was  sending  presents  to  the  great  Mogul 
and  also  black  Ambassadors  to  negotiate  at  his 
Court  for  a  King's  phirmaund,  and  advising  them  to  do  the  same. 
*'  They  also  tell  us  that  a  French  ship  had  arrived  at  Pondicherry  and 
is  cruising  about  and  has  taken  a  Dutch  ship,  and  they  wish  us  to  keep 
a  vessel  cruising  about  off  Point  Palmiras  from  the  1st  of  November 
to  the  10th  of  January  to  advise  all  ships  to  avoid  them." 

337,— SHER    BULAND    KHAN'S    OHDEIl. 

"Received   a  letter  from    Mr.    Pattle   at   Cassimbazar,    enclosing 

^  Subah    Seer    Bullund    Cawn's   perwanna     [the 

,°^'  ^^  °         *  §Qbadar  Sher  Buland  Khan's  pancdna/i]  for  our 


FORT    WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1709.  821 

free  trade  in  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa,  and  the  Subah's  particular 
orders  to  Hugly  and  Eajamahal,  Dacca  and  Muxodabad,  acquainting 
them  that  he  had  given  us  a  general  perwanna." 

338.-WALI  BEG. 

The  letter  alsQ  goes  on  to  say  that  Wali  Beg,  the  ddrdgha  of  the 

King's  treasury,  who  haA  been  most  useful  in 

^  "  '  helping  Mr.  Battle  to  get  the  sanad,  was  coming 

to  Hu<yli  and  would  like  to  come  on  to  Calcutta  and  visit  the  English. 

Mr.  Battle  advises  them  to  offer  the  ddrogha  a  present  when  he  arrives 

at  Calcutta. 

Wali  Beg  visits  Calcutta,  is   "received  very  civilly,"    and  has  a 
present  of   1,000   rupees  value  made   to   him  in 

October   1st.  ^  ,.,,.,__ 

broadcloth,  and  the  like.  He  promises  to  do  all  he 
can  to  keep  the  peace  between  the  Hugli  Government  and  the  Company. 

339.— ZAMINDARI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  JULY. 

The  accounts  of  the  revenues  of  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for 
octobe    1st.  *^^  month  of  July  are  brought  in  and  passed,  the 

balance  being  Es.  1,352-3. 

340.-A  NEW  GUNNER. 

"  Mr.  William  Adams,  gunner  of  the  Fort,  having  been  indisposed 
in  his  health,  has  leave  to  go  to  England :  and 

October  3rd.  ,  ,     .  '  .      _       ®    „  ^  ,      "v* 

here  being  one  Captain  Henry  Harnett,  who  was 
sent  for  from  Madras,  and  is  a  very  ingeneous  man,  understanding 
fortifications,  etc.,  very  well,  agreed  that  he  be  gunner  and  have  the 
same  allowance  as  the  former  had,  and  he  take  charge  of  the  gunner's 
stores.  He  is  also  to  assist  the  Buxie  as  master  of  attendance  iu  taking 
care  of  the  sloops  in  fitting  them.  He  also  undertakes  to  make  the 
drains  about  the  town  as  our  masters  have  ordered.  In  consideration 
of  these  services,  agreed  he  have  further  allowance  of  30  rupees  per 
mensem." 


341.— PETRE  BOATS  ON  THEIR   WAY. 

Mr.  Surman  and  some  soldiers  are  to  go  up  the  river  to  meet  the 
October  3rd.  saltpetre  boats  that  are  coming  down  from  Batna. 

The   boats  have    been  released,    now   that   (he 
Company  have  the  Subadar's  sanad* 


322  FORT  WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1709. 


342. -SALARY    BILLS. 

The  account    of  the  half-yearly   salaries   due    to  the    Company's 
servants  was  brought  into  Council  and  passed  the 

October  3rd.  °  ^ 

sum  total  of  the   salaries   being   Rs.  4,345-3-7.^ 
The  cashiers  are  ordered  to  pay  the  same  forthwith. 

343.— MORE   NEWS  FROM  MADRAS. 

They  receive   another  letter  from  Madras  about  the  present   for 
the  great  Mogul.     The  Madras   Council  inform 

October  9th.  °  ° 

them  that  they  have  heard  rumours  that  the  King 

is  going  to  Delhi.    If  this  be  true,  the  Council  at  Calcutta  had  better 

not  send  the  present  to  Surat,  but  by  way  of  Patna  to  Delhi.     The 

letter  also  again  speaks  of  the  trouble  caused  by  the  French  cruiser  off 

the  coast  of  Pondicherry.    A  meeting  of  the  Council  was  called  to  know 

-what  should  be  done  about  the  Frenchman,  with  the  result  that  they 

"  ordered  Captain  Dan  Wilkinson  to  take  the  London  sloop  and  cruiser 

between  Point  Palmiras  and  the  sea  reefs,  the  place  where  our  pilots 

commonly  leave  ships  when  they  carry  them  out." 


344. -BLOUNT   MARRIES   WIDOW   WALDO. 
October  12th. 


Mr.  Samuel  Blount  was  married  to  Mrs.  Waldo, 
widow  of  Mr.  Henry  Waldo. 


345.— MADRAS    RUPEES. 

The  Company  was  losing  money  on  the  Madras 

October  17th.  .  ^      -^  a  J 

rupees. 
"  The  Government  having  often  refused  to  take  Madras  rupees  into 
the  King's  treasury,  has  caused  their  batta  to  fall  from  9  to  7  per  cent. 
Agreed  we  write  to  Madras  advising  them  thereof,  and  that  if  any  of 
our  master's  ships  should  arrive  with  them  belonging  to  Bengal,  they 
send  us  down  the  silver  uncoined,  which  will  turn  to  a  much  better 
account  than  Madras  rupees ;  and  now  we  have  got  the  Subah's  per- 
wanna.  We  design  to  coin  the  Company's  treasure  at  Muxodabad, 
which  will  be  much  more  advantageous  than  Madras  rupees  should 
they  ever  rise  again  to  9  per  cent." 

»The  sum  total  only  is  given. 


FORT  WILLIAM,   NOVEMBER   1709.  323 

346.— HOW  TO    ESCAPE    THE    FRENCH    SHIP. 

On  account  of  the  French  ship  cruising  about,  they  determined  to 
send  out  the  ships  two  together,  "  so  that  it  will 
not  matter  if  they  don't  meet  the  Dutch  fleet  till 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  be  reached." 

347.— ZAMINDARI    ACCOUNTS    FOR   AUGUST. 

The  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  August  were 
brought     in     and    passed,     the     balance     being 

October    27th.  ^^     1,198-1-10. 

348.— LLOYD    TAKES    HIS    SEAT. 

"Mr.  "William  Lloyd  arrived  here  the  29th  ultimo  with  the  Hon'ble 
Company's  boats   of    goods  from    Patna.      He 
being  eighth  person  in  this  Council  is  ordered 
to  take  his  place  accordingly.' ' 

349.— WALDO'S    DOCTOR'S    BILL. 

"Mr.  Blount  brought  in  a  Doctor's  bill  paid  by  Mrs.  "Waldo  for 
attendance  and  physic   to   her  husband    in    his 

November  3rd.  .  •  i        i     ji     .       • 

sickness,  our  Doctor  being   sick  at  that  time. 
Ordered  that  the  Buxie  pay  the  same. 

SoO.-ZAMINDlRI   ACCOUNTS    FOR    SEPTEMBER. 

The  accounts  cf  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  September  were 
brought  in  and  passed,  the  balance  amounting  to 

November  10th.  ^  -  o 

Rs.  1,111-3-1. 

351.— PROTECTION    AGAINST   THE    FRENCH. 

The  Council  agreed  to  send  two  soldiers  and  an  officer  with  each 
ship  "that  goes  out"  in  case  they  are  attacked 

November  lOtb.  c  o  j 

by  the  French  before  they  get  to  Madras.  The 
soldiers  are  to  be  put  on  land  again  at  Madias  and  to  return  to 
Calcutta  by  the  next  ship. 


Y  2 


324 


FORT   WILLIAM,    DECEMBER    1709. 


DIARY    AND   CONSULTATION    BOOK 

OF  THE 

UNITED  TEADE  COUNCIL  AT  FORT  WILLAM  IN  BENGAL. 


From  December  1709. 


Council. 


John  Eussell. 
Edward  Pattle. 
William  Bugden. 
William  Lloyd. 
Chairmen  and  Cashiers 
Accountant 

Export  Warehouse-keeper 
Import  ditto 

Buxie  [^Bahhshi] 
Jemindar  [^Zaminddr'] 
Secretary 


Abraham  Adams. 
Josiah  Chitty. 
James  Love. 
Samuel  Blount. 

John  Russell  and  Abraham  Adams. 
Edward  Pattle    (away  at  Cassim- 

bazar). 
Josiah  Chitty. 
William  Bugden. 
James  Love. 
William  Lloyd. 
Samuel  Blount. 


352.— EXACTIONS   AND   THREATS. 

On  the  29th  of  September  last  they  had  after  much  diflSculty 

obtained  the  Subadar's jt?ar«f awa/^     Sometime  in 

November  the  Siibadar  was  turned   out  of    his 

Governorship,  and  the  Dlwan  was  now  trying  to  stop  all  the  Company's 

boats  and  goods,  requiring  the  sum  of  Rs.  20,000  more  before  he  let 

them  pass,  which  "  unreasonable  demand  cannot  be  complied  to." 

Therefore  they  resolve  to  write  to  the  Governor  of  Hugli  and 
*'  acquaint  him  that  if  the  boats  of  goods  that  are  stopped  are  not 
cleared,  we  will  not  let  any  of  the  Moor's  ships  pass."  They  also  agree 
that  they  will  send  up  forty  soldiers  and  thirty  black  gunners  to 
clear  >the  "  boats  that  are  stopped  higher  up  the  country,"  and  that 
Mr.  Spenoer  and  Ensign  Dalibar  go  to  command  them. 


1 


FORT   WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1710.  325 

353.-CAPTAIN    CHILD    ORDERED"  HOME. 

**  Captain  Francis   Child  having  very  much  misbehaved  himself 
T^       ,-     ,«x.-         insomuch  that  we  can't  think  it  safe  to  trust  him, 

December  J  2th.  ' 

we  have  therefore  ordered  him  to  England  on  the 
ship  Heme  with  one  of  his  wives,  the  other  we  have  ordered  home  on 
board  the  Sfretham." 

354.— CHITTY   TO    OFFICL\TE   AS    ACCOUNTANT. 

"  Mr.  Edward  Pattle  being  still  at  Cassimbazar,  and  there  therefore 
_       ,      ,„,^  beina:  no  one  to  fill  the  accountant's  place,  it  is 

December  19th.  »  ^         ' 

agreed  that  Mr.  Chitty  fill  that  post  till  Mr. 
Pattle  returns." 

355.— CAPTAIN    HAMILTON'S   DEBTS. 

They  order  that  Captain  Alexander  Hamilton's  house  **  be  sold  at 
public  outcry  "  in  order  to  defray  his  debts.    The 

Monday,  December  26th.       ^^^^   ^^^  ^^^  ^^^   ^^    g^^Q^j^ 

356— DEATH    OF   THE    NEW   MADRAS   GOVERNOR. 

They  received  news  from  Madras  of  the  death  of  the  newly-appointed 
January  6th,  1710.      Q-ovemor  of  that  place,  Gulston  Addison. 


1 


357.— ZAMlNDlRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  OCrOBER  AND  NOVEMBER. 

The  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  the  two  months 
of  October  and  November  last  were  brought  in 
anuary      .  ^^^    passed ;    the    balance    being    for    October 

Es.  1,910-13-11,  for  November  Es.  1,025-1. 

1  Gulston  Addison,  bom  in  1673,  was  the  son  of  the  Very  Rev.  Launcelot  Addison,  Dean  of 
Lichfield,  and  of  Jane,  the  sister  of  the  Right  Rev.  William  Gulston,  Bishop  of  Bristol,  and 
was  a  brother  of  the  celebrated  Essayist.  Dean  Addison  had,  in  fact,  four  children  by  his  first 
wife,  "  each  of  whom  for  excellent  talents  and  singular  perfection  was  as  much  above  the 
ordinary  world  as  their  brother  Joseph  was  above  them."  Joseph  was  the  eldest,  and  Gulston 
the  Dean's  second  son.  Launcelot,  the  third  son,  bom  in  1680,  was  a  demy  and  afterwards  a 
Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford-  About  the  time  of  Gulston's  death,  he  visited  Fort  St. 
George,  and  died  there  in  1711. 

Thomas  Pitt  was  superseded  in  September  1709,  after  being  Governor  of  Madras  for  more 
than  eleven  years.  On  the  17th  September  the  Heathcote  arrived  wita  a  packet  from  England, 
The  next  day  the  packet  was  opened  and  found  to  contain  a  letter  dismissing  Ktt  from  the 
service  and  "constituting  Gulston  Addison,  Esq.,  in  his  room."  "He  immediately  read  the 
cash  and  tendered  the  balance  thereof,  ....  but  the  new  Governor  desired  the  payment  for 
that  time  might  be  deferred  for  that  he  was  very  much  indisposed."  Addison  died  the  17th 
October  1709,  while  Pitt  was  stiU  in  ifadras.  At  the  time  of  his  supersession  Pitt  says: — 
"  They  have  made  a  very  good  choice  in  him  for  (Jovernor,  but  God  deliver  us  from  such  a 
■candalous  Council." 


326  FORT   WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1710. 

358.— APPOINTING  EVERY  ONE  IN  THEIR  PROPER  STATIONS. 

"Agreed,  the  shipping  being  now  gone,  that  we  appoint  every- 
one of  the  Council  in  their  proper  stations,  viz., 
Mr.  Pattle  being  at   Cassimbazar,   ordered  that 
Mr.  Chitty  do  take  the  charge  of  the  accountant's  office,  and  Mr.  Bugden 
of  the  export  warehouse   and  Mr.  Love  of  the  import  warehouse,  and 
Mr.  Blount,  Buxie." 

359.— PATTLE'S    PROCEEDINGS. 

They  received  a  long  letter,  dated  14th  January,  from  Mr.  Pattle, 

telling  them  that  he  had  visited  the  Diwan  and 

was  promised  a  sanacl  "  which  is  written  out." 

TThey  determined  to  send  three  of  the  Company's  factors  to  assist 

Mr.  Pattle.   Mr.  Pattle  also  wrote  that  the  Diwan  had  sent  to  clear  their 

boats  at  Bidiepore,  so  there  is  "no   need  now  to  send  Mr.  Surman 

and  Ensign  Dalibar  to  clear  them." 

360.— NEW  SECRETARY  AND  NEW  ZAMINDlR. 

For  some  reason  not  given,  an  order  is  issued  that  for  the  present 
Mr.   Calvert    is  to   act   as   Secretary    and    Mr. 

January  17th. 

Spencer  as  Zamindar. 

361.— NEW  ARRIVALS  FROM  ENGLAND, 

A  ship  from  home   arrived  bringing  nine  covenant  servants  and 
„„  ,      ,  „  ,,       thirty     soldiers     for    Calcutta,    also    a    certain 

January  23rd,  and  26th.  "' 

Mr.  Grerard  Cook,  who  brought  papers  stating 
that  he  was  to  be  gunner  to  the  Fort.  The  Council  at  Calcutta  had 
already  made  Captain  Henry  Harnett  gunner.  Consequently  they 
determined  upon  keeping  two  gunners  "  as  there  is  so  much  to  be 
done  in  looking  after  the  Fort  drains,  etc.,"  and  by  way  of  giving  the 
gunner  something  to  do  they  agree  "  to  begin  upon  the  drains  at  once  " 
BO  as  to  do  what  they  can  "  before  the  rainy  season." 

The  work  allotted  to  the  other  nine  covenant  servants  who  came 

out  was  as  follows :  — 

.  .    r\ai  ( Michael  Cotsworth. 

Accompt.  Office  ...  { 

(  John  Lloyd. 

-r,         .  TTT      1  ( Waterworth  Collett. 

Export  Warehouse      ...  ?  _ 

^  I  John  Pratt. 

Import  Warehouse     ...     Edward  Crisp. 

Buxie's  assistant         ...     John  Cole. 

i  Thomas  Falconer. 
John  Farmer. 


(John  Cateral. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBRUAKT    1710.  327 

362.— SET  ON  BY  NAQDlS.i 
"  This  morning  we  received  advice  from  Mr.  Pattle  that  the  Duan 
was  dead  of  the  wounds  he  had  received  from  the 
NuggadeeB    [Naqdis]    when   they    set    on    him 
to  endeavour  to  procure  their  pay  and  having  not  yet  had  any  satisfac- 
tion continue  ten  thousand  of  them  in  arms  near  that  place." 

363.— SURMAN  SENT  TO  PATNA. 

They  order  Mr.  Surman  to  go  to  Patna  with  money  and  goods  for 
the  factory.     He  was  to  remsiin.  up  there  imtil 

January  80th.  »      n  j 

further  orders. 

864.— SOLDIERS  TO   MEET  THE  BOATS. 

They  send  soldiers  to  meet  the  Patna  boats 

February  9th.  ■,,■,■        ji  ■% 

and  to  bring  them  down. 

r 

865.— A   WARF  BEFORE  THE  FORT. 

""We  have  duly  considered  the  Company's  orders  in  relation  to 
building  a  warf  before  the  Fort,  and  find  it  will 

be  a  great  security  to  the  banks  and  a  strengthen- 
ing thereto;  it  is  therefore  agreed  we  instantly  set  about  it,  and 
make  it  with  brick  and  raise  a  breastwork  and  plant  cannon  there." 

366.— BARRACKS  IN  THE  HOSPITAL. 

"There  being  a  great  many  English  soldiers  in  the  garrison  who,  if 
they  lodge  about  the  town  as  usually,  will  create 

February  13th.  j      ii_         •  •  ,       ,, 

Sickness  and  otner  inconveniences  to  themselves 
and  others,  therefore  'tis  agreed  the  hospital  be  walled  rouod  and  that 
barracks  be  made  in  it  for  the  soldiers  to  lodge  in,  and  that  some  of 
the  officers  do  likewise  lodge  there,  and  see  a  good  decorum  kept 
amongst  them." 

1  The  Naqdi  regiments  of  horse  were  so  named  from  being  paid  in  money.  It  is  said  that 
on  a  previous  occasion,  'Abdu-1- Wahid,  the  commander  of  one  of  these  regiments,  tried  to 
waylay  and  assassinate  Murshid  Quli  Khan.  With  this  intent  he  and  his  troops  accosted  the 
treas\irer  in  the  street  while  on  his  way  to  pay  a  visit  of  ceremony  to  Prince  'AzIrau-sh-Shan. 
They  demanded  their  arrears  of  pay  in  an  insolent  mauner,  and  attempted  to  prevent  him 
from  proceeding.  But  Murshid  Quli,  perceiving  their  object,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
armed  retinue,  and  forced  his  way  to  the  palace.  He  accused  'Aamu-sh-Shan  of  being  party 
to  the  conspiracy,  complained  of  the  insult  he  had  received  to  the  Emperor  Aurangzeb,  and, 
considering  it  no  longer  safe  to  remain  in  the  same  place  with  the  Prince,  recnoyej  to 
Murshidabad. 


328  FORT   WILLIAM,    FEBRUARY    1710. 

367.— ZAMlNDiRl    ACCOUNTS  FOR  DECEMBER. 

Mr.  Blount,  acting  as  Zamindar,  brought  in  the  accounts  of  the 
revenue  for  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for 

February  16th.  -i-x  i 

December,  the  balance  being  Es.  1,084-14-11. 

368.— PATTLE   TO   BE   RECALLED. 

The  Council  resolve  to  recall  Mr.  Pattle  until  a  new  Diwan  be 
appointed,  as   nothing  can  be   done  about    the 

February  16th.  l  ^ 

sanad  before  that.  Thej  also  order  all  the 
native  merchants  to  deliver  their  goods  straight  to  the  Company's 
warehouses  in  Calcutta,  so  as  to  allow  trade  to  go  on  as  well  as  it 
oan  under  the  circumstances. 

369.- ROSE'S  WILL. 

*'  Mrs.  Rose,  widow  of  Captain  Eose,  who  died  some  time  ago,  has 
produced  her  husband's  will,  witnessed  by  Eliza- 
beth Browne  and  Thomas  Clausade  and  Charles 
Pittman ;  the  two  former  witnesses  are  dead  and  the  third  at  sea,  but 
Mr.  Browne,  who  was  husband  to  the  first  witness,  does  declare  that 
to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  it  was  her  signing,  ordered  this  will  be 
entered  next  this  Consultation." 

WILL. 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  I,  Eichard  Eose,  of  Calcutta,  in  the 
Bay  of  Bengal,  Mariner,  being  very  sick  and  weak  in  body  but  of 
perfect  mind  and  memory,  praised  be  God  for  the  same,  therefore 
knowing  'tis  appointed  for  all  men  once  to  die,  do  make  and  ordain  this 
my  last  will  and  testament,  that  is  to  say,  first,  I  recommend  my  soul 
into  the  hands  of  God  that  gave  it,  and  my  body  I  recommend  to  the 
earth  to  be  buried  in  a  Christian-like  and  decent  manner,  and  touching 
such  worldly  estate  wherewith  it  has  pleased  God  to  bless  me  with,  I 
give,  devise  and  dispose  of  in  manner  and  form  following. 

Imprimis — I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  loving  wife,  Sarah  Eose,  all 
my  estate,  goods,  and  chattels,  after  my  debts  and  funeral  charges  being 
paid  and  satisfied,  wherewith  at  the  time  of  my  decease  I  shall  be 
possessed  or  invested,  and  I  do  revoke  all  other  former  wills  or  deeds 
of  gift  by  me  at  any  time  made,  and  ordain  this  to  be  my  only  last 
will  and  testament,  and  1  do  make  and  ordain  my  said  loving  wife, 
Sarah  Eose,  my  sole  executor  of  these  presents. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  this 
eleventh  day  of  October  A.D.  1706. 


FORT   WILLIAM,   MARCH    1710,  329 

Memorandum. 
I  give  to  my  Cozen  "William  Mercer  my  seal  ring. 

Richard  Eose. 
Sealed  and  delivered,  published  and  declared  in  the  presence  of — 

Elizabeth  Browne. 
Thomas  CLArsADE. 
Charles  Pittman. 

370.— zamindari  accouxts  for  january. 
The  accounts  for  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  January  laat 
February  27th.        ^®^®  brought  in   and  passed,  the  balance  being 
Es.  1,386-2. 

371.— ZAINU-D-DIN  KHlN. 

The  Council  receive  a  letter  from  Madras  telling  them  '*  that  Zoody 
Cawne  [Zainu-d-Din  Khan1,  the  great    man  at 

February  27th.  j     y-,  •  i        ^     ~      /-,  tx 

the  Kmg  8  Court  with  whom  Governor  Pitt  was 
treating  withall  for  a  Phirmaund  [farmdn'],  had  wrote  them  a  kind 
letter,  and  that  he  was  coming  to  Bengal  to  be  Subah  [Subadar]  of 
Hugli  and  Admiral  of  aU  the  sea  ports  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel, 
and  that  they  would  have  us  on  his  arrival  here  keep  in  good 
friendship  with  him." 

372. -TAKING  A  HOLIDAY. 

"  The  shipping  being  now  aU  despatched  and  contracts  being  made 
March  13th-  ^^*^  ^®  merchants  for  goods  against  next  ship- 

ping, agreed  that  we  go  to  Eewhigh  for  a  few 
days  to  take  the  air  and  to  recreate  ourselves  with  hunting ;  ordered 
that  the  Buxie  [_£akkshl'\  get  boats  and  necessaries  for  our  going." 

373.— THE  PRINCE  AT  RAJMAHAL. 

"The  Prince  who  is  Subah  [Subadar]  of  Bengal  is  now  at  Eaja- 

March  29th.  mahal,    at   which    place    the   Company's    boats 

bound  to   Patna  are    stopped ;  agreed    to    send 

Mahmud  Assum  [Muhammad  A'zam] ,  our  Vacqueel  thither,  to  attend 

on  that  durbar." 

374.— REPAIRS  AT  CASSIMBAZAR. 

They  agree  to  repair  the  Cassimbazar    factory,  as  they    hope   to 
settle  there  next  season,    and  the   factory  was 

March  29th.  "' 

very  much  out  of  repair. 


330  FORT   WILLIAM,    MARCH    1710.  ' 

They  therefore  order  Mr.  Acton  to  go  up  to  Cassimbazar  and  remain 
there  to  see  the  work  well  done. 

375.— NEWS  FROM  LLOYD, 

They  receive  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lloyd,  who  is  at  Eajmahal,  telling 

March  31st.  *^®^  *^^^  "  *^®  Patna  boats  were  stopped  there 

by  reason  that  all  the  officers  of  the  Government' 
were  gone  from  that  place  to  meet  the  Prince,  who  was  coming  hither, 
and  that  there  was  none  to  give  passes.  Afterwards  when  they  arrived 
they  demanded  large  sums  to  clear  the  boats  ;  these  he  would  not  pay, 
but  he  must  pay  something.  He  told  them  too  that  Murshid  Quli 
Khan  was  made  Dlwan  of  Bihar  and  Bengal,  and  that  he  would  come 
through  Patna  on  his  way  to  Bengal,  The  Council  write  at  once 
directing  Mr.  Lloyd  to  try  to  procure  sanads  for  both  Patna  and 
Calcutta  from  Murshid  Q-uli  wheu  he  is  in  Patna. 

376.— NATHANIEL    JONES'S  WILL. 

■  The  will  of  Nathaniel  Jones  was  sworn  to  by  the  witnesses,  and 
the  Council  ordered  that  it  be  '*  entered  next  this 

March  31st.  ,,    ..        >< 

Consultation. 

WILL. 

"Will  of  Nathaniel  Jones,  dated  18th  Jannary  1709-10,  Calcutta. 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  I,  Nathaniel  Jones,  of  Calcutta, 
being  very  sick  of  body,  but  of  perfect  mind  and  memory,  thanks  be 
given  to  God  therefore,  and  calling  to  mind  my  mortality,  that  it  is 
appointed  for  all  men  once  to  die,  do  make  and  ordain  this  my  last 
will  and  testament  in  manner  and  form  following  : — 

First  of  all  I  give  and  recommend  my  soul  into  the  hands  of 
Almighty  God  that  gave  it,  and  for  my  body  I  recommend  it  to  the 
earth,  to  be  buried  in  a  Christian-like  and  decent  manner  at  the 
direction  of  my  executor,  nothing  doubting  of  a  blessed  resurrection  on 
the  last  day;  and  as  touching  such  worldly  goods  and  estate  wherewith 
it  hath  pleased  God  to  bless  me  in  this  life,  I  give,  devise  and  dispose 
of  the  same  in  the  following  manner  and  form  : — 

Imprimis — As  a  legacy  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  dear  mother, 
Sarah  Rose,  out  of  my  estate,  the  whole  garden  adjoining  the  house 
where  I  now  live  in  Amen  Corner  to  her  and  her  heirs  for  ever.  I 
also  as  a  token  of  my  filial  respect  do  leave  her  two  hundred  rupees 
and  a  free  possession  of  the  house  in  which  we  live  without  any 
charge  or  molestation  till  such  time  as  she  shall  think  fit  to  re- 
move, and  to  my  young  brother,  William  Rose,  I  give  all  my  wearing 


FORT  WILLIAM,  MAY  1710.  331 

apparel,  buckles,  buttons,  cane  and  guns,  as  a  token  of  my  love, 
and  to  my  friend,  Thomas  Hubbard,  my  best  buckanering^  piece,  to 
keep  for  my  sake,  and  to  my  dear  wife,  Sarab  Jones,  I  give  and 
bequeath  the  whole  remainder  of  my  estate,  to  be  possessed  and 
enjoyed  by  her,  bat  if  she  should  pro^e  with  child  by  me,  my  will  is 
she  possess  one-half  of  the  remainder  of  my  estate,  and  the  lawful 
heir  of  my  body,  the  other  half,  to  him  or  her,  for  ever ;  and  in  ease 
my  dear  wife  should  die  a  widow  without  an  heir,  then  it  is  my  desire 
my  remaining  estate  be  given  to  my  young  brother,  William  Rose, 
aforesaid ;  and  I  do  hereby  make  and  ordain  my  kind  friend,  Mr.  James 
Love,  my  only  and  sole  executor  of  this  my  last  will  and  testament. 
In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  in  Calcutta, 
this  eighteenth  day  of  January,  Anno  Domini,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  nine  and  ten. 

NaTHAKLEL  JoXES.      f  Seal 


Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  us.     (The  above 
interlinement  was  done  before  signing.) 
Sealed,  and  witness  hereof— 

John  "Watts. 
Charles  Middleton". 
Thomas  Hubbard. 
377.— zamindlri  accounts  for  february, 
Mr.    Spencer  brought    in    the    accounts   of    the  bazar   and   the 
three    towns    for    February,    the   balance    beinsr 

April  IStlu  „  «         ^   « 

^  Rs.  1,314-2-8. 

378.-COOKES  PAY. 
Mr.  Gerrard  Cooke  makes  an  application  concerning  his  pay;  he  is 
ordered  to  receive  the  same  pay  as  former  gunners. 

May   1st. 

Rs.  50  per  month. 

379.— PATTLE  ARRIVED  FROM  RAJMAHAL. 

Mr.  Pattle,  who  has  evidently  arrived  from  Eajamahal,   is  ordered 
to  "sit  on  Saturday  in  the  Comt  of  Justice  vrith 

May    8tb.  _  j     -ir        -r»i  jt         -n- 

Air.  Liove  and  Mr.  Blount.       He  is  also  ordered 
to  take  charge  of  the  general  books  for  1710. 

330.— ZAMlNDARI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  MARCH. 

The  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  three  towns  for  March  were  brought 
May  22nd.  iu  and  passed,  the  balance  being  Rs.  1,003-15-2, 

*  Buccaneering  piece  (K.  futil  boMcanier):  a  long  miuket  usad  in  hunting  wild  oxen  (Murray). 


332  FORT   WILLIAM,    JUNE    1710. 

381.— THE  NEW  GOVERNOR  OP  flUGLI. 

"The   new   G-overnor  of  Hugli  being  near  at  hand   at    Hugli 
„     „,,^        .     agreed  that  the  Broaker  do  go  up  to  meet  him  to 

May  zotb.  ,  ^  . 

compliment  him  on  his  arrival  in  his  new  govern- 
ment. He  has  wrote  a  very  civil  letter  promising  his  kind  assistance  in 
our  Masters  affairs ;  he  is  a  greater  man  than  has  ever  been  Governor  of 
Hugli ;  he  is  also  made  Governor  of  Ballasore  and  of  all  sea  ports  here 
and  on  the  coast  of  Coromandell ;  he  was  put  into  these  places  by  the 
King  himself,  and  is  independent  of  any  Duan  or  Subah."  "By 
Governor  Pitt's  advises  last  year,"  we  learn  "  that  he  has  been  always 
very  civil  to  our  nation  and  is  the  Prince  whom  Governor  Pitt,  &o.,  were 
treating  with  about  procuring  a  Phirmaund." 

382.— OLD  HORSES. 

"  Three  of  the  Company's  horses  being  old  and  wome  out  ordered 
May  30th.  the  Buxie  pui,  them  up   at  outcry." 

383.-ZAINU-D-DIN  KHlN. 

The  broker  they  had  sent  to  visit  Zainu-d-Din  Khan  returned  and 
told  them  that  he  had  been  received  with  marked 

June  5tti.  ,  . 

kindness  by    the    faujdar,  and  that  the  faujdar 

would  like  to  come  to  Calcutta  to  visit  the  Company ;  only  he  had  been 
told  that  it  was  customary  for  them  to  visit  him  first.  So  the  Coun- 
cil agree  to  send  Messrs.  Chitty  and  Blount  to  Hugli  to  "  visit  and 
discourse  with  him." 

384.-WILLIAM  WHITE'S  WILL. 

The  witnesses  swore  before  the  Council  to   the  authenticity  of  the 
last  will  and  testament  of  "William  White,  dated 

June  13th.  _^,,     _,         i>^in 

26th  May  1710. 

WILL. 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  I,  William  White,  merchant,  now  resid- 
ing in  Calcutta,  in  Bengal,  at  the  writing  hereof  am  of  sound  and  perfect 
memory  (though  not  of  health  of  body),  considering  the  uncertainty  of 
this  mortal  life,  do  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  in  the  manner 
fuUowing,  revoking  all  other  wills  by  me  heretofore  made,  and  first  and 
principally  I  commend  my  soul  unto  the  hands  of  Almighty  God,  my 
Heavenly  Father  and  Jesus  Christ,  his  only  son,  my  blessed  Saviour 
and  Redeemer,  trusting  by  and  through  his  merit,  death  and  passion  to 
obtain  everlasting  life.     My  body  I  commit  to  the  earth  to  be  decently 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JUNE  1710.  333 

buried  at  the  discretion  of  my  executors  hereafter  named,  and  for  the 
worldly  estate  it  has  pleased  God  to  bless  me  with,  I  give  and  bequeath 
the  same  as  follows : — 

First  my  will  and  mind  is  I  do  hereby  give  and  bequeath  unto 
my  sister,  Elizabeth  King,  one  hundred  rupees,  current  of  Bengal,  for 
mourning,  as  also  a  mourning  ring,  now  by  me  with  a  cypher  on  it. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  imto  Dr.  Philip  Eichardson  the  sum 
of  forty  rupees,  current  of  Bengal,  for  his  care  of  me  in  my  sickness. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  imto  Mr.  Thomas  Smyth  and  Mr.  John 
Cole  each  of  them  twenty  rupees,  current  of  Bengal,  to  buy  them  rings. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  niece,  Elizabeth  King,  all  my 
personal  estate  that  shall  be  found  remaining  and  to  appertain  to  me 
after  the  discharge  of  my  just  debts  and  legacies  aforementioned. 

Item. — My  humble  request  is  to  the  Hou'ble  Chairmen  and 
Council  of  this  place  that  my  body  may  be  entered  in  the  same  tomb 
my  deceased  brother,  Mr.  Jonathan  White,  lies.^ 

Item. — I  appoint  and  desire  Mr.  Thomas  Smyth  and  Mr.  John  Cole 
to  be  executors  of  this  my  last  WiU  and  Testament. 

Item. — I  desire  and  request  that  the  abovenamed  executors  do  take 
care  of  what  shall  be  found  remaining  of  my  estate  to  be  sent  to 
England  to  my  sister,  Elizabeth  King,  for  the  use  of  her  daughter, 
EHzabeth  King. 

Calcutta,         )  William  White.      [      Seal.     ) 

Witnesses. 

Signed  and  delivered  where  no  stamped  paper  is  to  be  had  in  the 
presence  of  us — 

Watt.  Collett. 
Thomas  Wright. 

•*  A  true  copy  from  the  orginall  examd." 

John  Calveet,  Secretary, 

385.— SCARCITY  OF  RICE. 

Rice  was  very  scarce  this  year,  not  only  in  Calcutta  but  in  Madras 
and  Bombay  too.  Two  or  three  ships  had  put 
into  Calcutta,   asking  for  supplies  of  rice.     The 

>  Tho  tombstone  of  Jouathan  White  is  still  to  be  seen  in  St  John's  Churchyard:  see  ante,  p.  4. 


The  26th  May  1710. 


} 


334  FORT   WILLIAM,   JUNE    1710. 

Company  therefore  regulate  the  price  at  which  it  is  to  be  sold  to  the 
poor  people. 

"  There  being  now  a  very  great  scarcity  of  rice  to  that  degree  that 
the  poor  are  ready  to  starve,  agreed  we  order  to  be  sold  in  the  bazar, 
the  fine  at  one  maund  for  a  rupee,  and  the  coarse  at  maunds  10  for  a 
rupee  and  to  encourage  the  same :  it  is  ordered  that  the  Buxie  sell  five 
hundred  maunds  of  the  Company's  at  that  price;  by  reason  a  great 
many  of  the  country  people  hoard  it  up  in  hopes  of  getting  a  great 
price  for  it." 

386.— PEESENT    TO  THE  GOVERNOR    OF    DACCA. 

They  agree  to   send  a  present  to  Khwajah  Muhammad  Mahmud 
Eaza,  Governor  of  Dacca,  "  where  a  great  part  of 
the  Company's   goods   come  from "  as  "  'tis  in 
his  power  to  do  the  Company's  affairs  a  great  deal  of  prejudice." 

387.— ROBERT  OWEN'S    WILL. 

The  will  of  Eobert  Owen,  sworn  to  before 
the  Council  by  the  witnesses. 

WILL. 

"  In  the  name  of  Q-od,  Amen.  I,  Robert  Owen,  in  Madras,  bora  in 
the  Parish  of  St.  Benedict,  London,  Mariner,  son  of  Thomas  Owen 
Yintner  and  Citizen  of  London,  being  in  perfect  health  and  memory, 
thanks  be  to  Almighty  God,  and  calling  to  remembrance  the  uncertain 
estate  of  this  transitory  life,  and  that  all  flesh  must  yield  unto  death 
when  it  shall  please  God  to  call,  do  make,  constitute,  and  declare  this 
my  last  will  and  testament  in  manner  and  form  following,  revoking 
and  annulling  by  these  presents  all  and  every  testament  and  testaments, 
will  and  wills,  heretofore,  by  me  made  and  declared  either  by  word  or 
writing,  and  this  is  to  be  taken  only  for  my  last  will  and  testament  and 
none  other,  and  first  being  pennitent  and  sorry  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart  for  my  sins  past,  most  humbly  desiring  forgiveness  for  the  same, 
I  give  [my  soulj  unto  Almighty  God,  my  Saviour  and  Redeemer,  in 
whom  and  by  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ,  I  trust  and  believe  assuredly 
to  be  saved  and  to  have  full  remission  and  forgiveness  of  my  sins,  and 
that  my  soul  with  my  body  at  the  general  day  of  Resurrection  shall 
rise  again  with  joy,  and  through  the  merits  of  Christ's  death  and  pas- 
sion possess  and  inherit  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  prepared  for  His  elect 
and  chosen,  and  my  body  to  be  buried  in  such  place  as  shall  be  most 
proper,  and  now  for  settling  my  temporal  estate  and  such  goods,  debts, 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JUKE  1710.  335 

and  chattels,  as  it  hath  pleased  God  far  above  my  deserts  to  bestow 
upon  me,  I  do  order,  give,  and  dispose  of  the  same  in  manner  and 
form  following.  That  is  to  say,  first,  I  wiU  that  all  those  debts  and 
duties  as  I  owe  in  right  and  conscience  to  any  manner  of  person  or 
persons  whatsoever,  shall  be  well  and  truly  contented  and  paid  or 
ordained  to  be  paid  within  convenient  time  after  my  decease  by  my 
executrix  hereafter  named.  In  witness  hereby  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  seal  this  fourteenth  day  of  July  A.D.  1709. 

Imprimis — I  give  unto  my  well-beloved  friend,  Mr.  Robert  Glessde, 
merchant,  in  Madras,  the  sum  of  20  pagodas,  current  of  Madras,  for  to 
make  mourning  and  ten  pagodas  for  a  ring. 

Item. — To  my  dear  and  well-beloved  friend,  Elizabeth  Browne,  of 
Madras,  whom  I  likewise  constitute  and  make  and  ordain  my  only  and 
sole  executrix  of  this  my  last  will  and  testament,  all  and  singular  goods, 
money,  and  whatever  else  it  has  pleased  God  to  endow  me  with  either 
in  England  or  any  other  place  after  my  debts  and  charges  of  my 
funeral  is  paid,  leaving  my  interment  to  the  discretion  of  my  said 
executrix,  and  I  do  hereby  utterly  disallow,  revoke,  and  disannul  aU 
and  every  other  former  testament,  wills,  legacies,  bequests  and  execu- 
tors by  me  in  any  way  before  this  time  named,  willed  and  bequeathed, 
ratifying  and  confirming  this  and  no  other,  to  be  my  last  will  and 
testament.  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal 
this  fourteenth  day  of  July  A.D.  1709. 

[Robert  Owen.] 

Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered,  where  no  stamped  paper  is  to  be  pro- 
cured, in  the  presence  of  us — 

Henry  Harxet. 

Jos.  Berners. 

Edward  Bogers. 

A  tme  copy  from  the  original  examined  per 

John  Calvert,  Secretary. 

388  —LAND  FOR  A  DRY  DOCK. 

"  Mr,  Samuel  Blount  desires  of  the  Council  to  give  him  the  small 

June  23rd.  P^^®  °^  ground  that  lies  between  Mr.  Russell's 

warehouse  and   the  house  built  by  Dr.  Warren 

which  for  the  benefit  of  shipping  he  is  to  make  a  dry  dock  of.     Agreed 

he  has  it,  paying  ground-rent  for  the  same." 


336  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1710. 


July  Srd. 


389.— Mes.  SINCLARE'S  WILL. 

The  will  of  Mrs.   Sinclare   sworn  to  bj  the 
witnesses  before  the  Council. 

WILL. 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  This  tenth  day  of  June  1710, 1,  Sarah 
Sinclare,  inhabitant  of  Calcutta,  being  very  sick  and  weak  in  body,  but 
of  sound  and  perfect  mind  and  memory  (praise  be  given  to  God  for 
the  same)  and  knowing  the  uucertaiuty  of  this  transitory  life  on  eai-th, 
do  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  in  manner  and  form  follow- 
ing, (viz.)  : — First  and  principally  I  recommend  my  soul  to  Almighty 
God,  my  Creator,  and  my  body  to  the  earth  from  whence  it  was  taken, 
to  be  buried  in  such  decent  and  Christian-like  manner  as  to  my  executors 
hereafter  named  shall  think  meet  and  convenient,  as  touching  my 
worldly  estate,  my  will  and  meauing  is  the  same  shall  be  employed  and 
bestowed  as  hereafter  by  this  will  is  expressed,  and  I  do  hereby 
renounce,  frustrate,  and  make  void  all  wills  by  me  formerly  made  and 
declare  and  appoint  this  my  last  will  and  testament. 

Item. — I  will  that  all  those  debts  I  owe  in  right  or  conscience  to 
any  manner  of  person  whatsoever  shall  be  well  and  truly  paid  or  caused 
to  be  paid. 

Item. — I  do  give  and  bequeath  to  Mr.  Josiah  Chitty  one  burial  ring, 
and  to  Captain  Henry  Harnet  one  more,  and  to  his  wife,  Elizabeth 
Harnet,  one  more  as  a  legacy. 

Item. — I  do  give  and  bequeath  to  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Harnet,  wife  of 
Captain  Henry  Harnet,  my  slave  girl,  named  Dianah,  during  her  life. 

Jtem. — I  do  give  and  bequeath  to  my  slave,  Jubell,  in  consideration 
of  her  true  and  faithful  service,  the  sum  of  thirty  pagodas,  and  her 
freedom,  together  with  the  freedom  of  all  the  children  during  their 

lives. 

Jtem. — I  do  likewise  give  to  my  slave  boy,  Cesar,  his  freedom. 

Jtem. — I  do  likewise  give  and  bequeath  to  my  dearly  beloved 
daughter,  Katherine  Maxwell,  the  one-halE  of  my  estate,  as  goods, 
chattels,  or  whatever  doth  or  may  appertain,  and  belong  to  me  now, 
or  at  anytime  hereafter,  likewise  all  my  wearing  apparel  and  chamber 
furniture  to  her  and  her  heirs  for  ever. 

Itim. — I  do  g\vQ  and  bequeath  to  my  dearly  beloved  sons  Robert, 
James,  and  Henry  Sinclare,  the  remaining  half  of  my  aforesaid  estate, 
they  allowing  out  of  said  legacy  ten  pounds  sterling  per  annum  to  toy 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1710.  337 

dearly  beloved  mother,  Johannah  Vixinbridge,  during  her  life,  and  if 
in  case  either  of  my  said  sons  should  die,  I  will  that  his  share  shall  be 
divided  amongst  the  rest. 

Item. — I  do  constitute  and  ordain  my  trusted  friends,  Mr.  Jos. 
Chitty  and  Captain  Henry  Harnet,  of  Calcutta,  to  be  my  sole  executors, 
to  see  this  my  last  will  and  testament  performed,  and  my  will  is 
that  they  continue  my  said  estate  belonging  to  my  sons  till  they  come 
to  the  age  of  21  in  their  custody,  allowing  them  what  they  shall  judge 
necessary,  but  if  in  case  they  shall  have  occasion  of  said  estate,  and 
my  said  executors  approve  and  think  proper  to  pay  it  them,  as  my 
executors  shall  think  convenient  and  most  for  their  advantage.  In 
witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  the  day  and 
year  above  written. 

Sarah  Slnclare.         [      Seal 


Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  us,  where  no  stamped 
paper  is  to  be  had,  being  the  last  will  and  testament  of  the  subscriber 
thereof. 

Samuel  Bltcher. 
Thomas  Hubbard. 
Egbert  Carye. 

890.— ZAMlNDlRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  MAY, 

The  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  the  month  of 

July  17th.  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  brought  in  ^d  passed,  the  balance 

being  Rs.  1,045-0-11. 

391.— arrival  of  governor  weltden. 
They  receive  a  letter  in  the   evening  from  the  Hon'ble  Antony 
July  18th.  Weltden,  telling  them  that  he  had  just  arrived  at 

Balasor  from  England,  being  sent  out  by  the 
Company  to  be  Governor  and  President  of  the  Council,  over  their  affairs 
in  Bengal.  The  Council  sent  off  a  letter  in  reply  at  once  congratu- 
lating him  on  his  safe  arrival.  The  bearer  of  the  letter  was  one  of  the 
Council,  Mr.  Blount,  who  was  to  take  down  various  "  conveneinces " 
and  the  like  for  the  new  President  and  his  family. 

In  the  afternoon  some  of  the  Council  and  several  of  the  Company's 
Jul    19th  servants  went  down  the  river  to  meet  the  new 

Governor. 


338  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1710. 

"  This  evening  arrived  the  Hon'ble  Antony  Weltden,  Esq.,  who 
Jul    20th,  ^^^  ^®^  ^^  ^^^  landing  by  most  of  the  Europeans 

in  town,  and  the  natives  in  such  crowds  that  was 
difficult  to  pass  to  the  fort,  where  he  was  conducted  by  the  Worshipful 
John  Eussell,  and  Abraham  Adams,  Esq.,  and  the  Council.  The 
packet  was  opened  and  the  commission  read.  After  which  the  usual 
ceremony  given  on  such  occasions  by  firing  guns  and  the  keys  of  the 
Fort  delivered." 

392.— THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT. 

"The  President  having  read  his  commission,   the  general  letter 
Th    da     Jul    20tii       ^^^  Opened,    which  commission   and  said  letter 
did    appoint   the   Government   of  this  place  as 
follows : — 

The  Hon'ble  Antony  Weltden,  Esq.,^  President  and  Governor, 
Messrs.  Robert  Hedges,  Ealph  Sheldon,  John  Russell,  Abraham 
Adams,  Edward  Pattle,  Jos.  Ohitty,  William  Bugden  and  John 
Calvert;  to  be  of  the  Council,  and  in  case  of  mortality  to  elect 
Messrs.  Plount  and  Love,  and  after  them  the  next  in  seniority  to 
succeed  without  favour  or  aSeetion." 

"  Mr.  Sheldon  being  dead,  agreed  Mr.  Blount  be  taken  into 
Council." 

"  Ordered  the  two  late  ChairmeD,  Messrs.  John  Russell  and  Abraham 
Adams  (it  being  now  late),  do  deliver  to  the  Hon'ble  President  the 
balance  of  the  Company's  running  cash  to-morrow  morning  at  which 
time  the  Council  are  agreed  to  meet  again  more  fully  to  look  over  our 
Hon'ble  Master's  orders  and  instructions." 

At  this  morning's  Council  there  were  pre- 


July   21st. 

sent— 

The  Hon.   Ant.   Weltden, 

Esq. 
John  Russell. 
Abraham    Adams. 


Edwt.  Pattle. 
Jos.  Chitty. 
John  Calvert. 
Samuel  Blount. 


The  Chairmen  delivered  up  the  Company's  running  cash  to  the 
President,  the  amount    of  balance  being  Rs.  29,469-13-6. 

1  Apparently  the  usage  at  this  time  was  to  give  the  President  alone  the  title  Esquire ; 
the  second  in  Council  is  styled  Afr.,  or  sometimes  all  the  other  Members  of  Council  are  so 
styled.  Similarly,  the  President  alone  is  styled  the  JTon'Me;  but  the  second  in  Council  is 
sometimes  styled  the  Worshipful.  Hero  the  two  Joint-Chairmen  are  called  <A«  Worshipfid, 
See  also  the  list  of  the  Old  Company's  sci-vants  on  page   17. 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1710.  339 

"Agreed  that  the  Council  be  stationed  as  follows:— 

The  Hon'ble  President  and  Grovemor — Cash-keeper. 

Mr.  Hedges  (on  his  arrival)  to  be  the  Chief  of  Cassimbazar 

factory. 
John  Russell        ...     Book-keeper. 
Abraham  Adams  ...     Export  Warehouse-keeper. 
Edward  Pattle      ...     Import  Warehouse-keeper. 
Josiah  Chitty        ...     Buxie. 
John  Calvert        ...     Jemindar. 
Samuel  Blount     . . .     Secretary." 

393.— FRESH   WRITERS. 

"  The  Company's  writers  which  came    out  on  ship  King  William 
GraUey  were   all  sent  for  and    produced    their 
counterpart    of     their    indenture.     They    were 
stationed  as  follows:— 

John  Barker         ...     Assistant  to  Export  Warehouse-keeper. 
George  Weslyd     ...     Buxie's  Assistant. 
Henry  Clare  ...     Under  the  Grovemor. 

.    Charles  Hampton .. .     Accompt.  Office. 
William  Spinks     ...  Ditto. 

James  Tokefield    ...     Secretary's  Office.'* 

394.— THE    COURT    OF   JUSTICR 

"  The  indisposition  of  some  of  the  gentlemen  belonging  to  the 
Court  of  Justice  having  prevented,  their  sitting 
for    some   time,    agreed  that   others  be  chosen 

(viz.)  Messrs.  Edward  Pattle,  Josiah  Chitty,   John  Calvert,  and  that 

Mr.  William  Spencer  be  register." 

395.— CLOTH  FOR  THE  SOLDIERS'  UNIFORMS, 

"  Ordered  that  Mr.  Edward  Pattle,  the  Import  Warehouse-keeper, 
deliver  Captain  Woodville  six  pieces  red  and  one 

July  31st.  .         Ill  TT1 

piece  blue  broadcloth  to   clothe  the  soldiers  and 
that  he  pay  the  same." 

396.— ZAMiSDARI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  JUNE. 

The  accounts  of  the  revenues  for  the  bazar  and  three  towns  for  the 
month  of  June  last  were  brought  in  and  passed 

July  31st.  ,      1    -I  1 

the  balance  being  Es.  1,129. 

z  2 


340  FORT    WILLIAM,    AUGUST    1710. 

397.— DEATH    OP    Mr.  LOVJi. 

Mr.  Love  "being  ill  desires  his  discharge  from  the  Company's  service 

and  leave  to  go  to  England  on  one  of  the  Corn- 
August  15th.  ,  . 

pany  s   vessels ;   this   was   granted  him,   but  he 

became  rapidly  worse  and  could  not  go,  and  died  at  Calcutta  on  Sep- 
tember 2nd. 

89^.— CLEARING    THE    GROUND    BEFORE   THE    FORT. 

"  The  Fort  being  very  much  choaked  up  and  close  set  with  trees 

and  small  country  thatched  houses  and  standinsr 
August  17th.  ,      .    X.   ,  .  ,  ,.-,,.  , 

pools  of  stmkmg   water,  which  having  maturely 

considered,  we  are  of  opinion  that  clearing  them  away  and  filling  the 

holes  to  level  ground  will  contribute  very  much  to  the  making  of  the 

town  wholesome  and  healthful." 

"  Therefore  re-order  the  Buxie  to  open  the  way  directly  before  the 

Fort,  continuing  the  present  walk  already  made  further  into  the  open 

field  filling  up  all  the  holes  and  cutting  small  trenches  on  each  side  to 

carry  the  water  clear  from  the  adjacent  places  into  the  large  drains." 

399.-OLD    PLATE. 

*'  There  being  among  the  Hon'ble  Company's  House  plate  belonging 

to  this  factory,  the  greatest  part  very  old,  broken, 

and  useless,  ordered  an  exact  account  be  taken  of 

the  weight,  and  that  part  of  it  be  melted  down  and  made  into  more 

useful  utensils  for  the  ser\'ice  of  the  table." 

400. -SLAVE    GIRLS. 

"  Mr.  Isaak  Berkley   havjng  complained  that  Captain  Payton  de- 
tained a  slave  belonging  to  him.  Captain  Payton 
was  sent  for  and  declared  that  Mr.  Berkley  had  in 
like  manner  had  a  slave  belonging  to  him ;  therefore  'tis  agreed  that 
Mr.  Berkley  deliver  Captain  Payton  his  slave  by  name  Barbara,  and 
that  he  return  Mr.  Berkley  his  slave  by  name  Lucretia." 

401.  -SELLING    OFF    OLD    RICE. 

"  There  being  in  the  Company's  store-house  a  quantity  of  rice  which 

is  in  a  decaying  condition,  and  rice  being  very 

scarce  among  the  inhabitants  of  this  place,  order 

the  Buxie  \_BaJchshl]  to  dispose  thereof  at  1  maund  10  seers  per  rupee, 

and  when  the  new   rice  comes  in   buy    up  more  for  a  store  and  to 

upply  the  coasts." 


FOKT    WILLIAM,    SEPTEMBER    1710.  341 

402.— ARRIVAL    OF   ROBERT    HEDGES. 

Mr,  Robert  Hedges  arrived  in  Calcutta,  also  five  covenant  servants, 
two  merchants  and  three  writers.  Mr.  Hedges 
took  his  place  as  second  in  Council. 


Augvist  29th. 


403.— RECEIVED  AS  A  WRITER. 

Mr.    Mathew    Delgardno,   son  of    Mr.   Alexander  Delgardno,   is 
received  as    one   of  the    Company's  writers :  he 

September   4th.  .  .  ,  i    •      .i        c  .         ,         ^  , 

is  to  be  employed  m  the   feecretary  s  office  and 
to  receive  the  customary  salary   of  five  pounds  per  annum. 

404.— COST    OF    CLEARING    THE  GROUND. 

"Mr.  John  Calvert,  jemindar  [zamlnddr'],  brought  in  an  accoimt  of 
the    charges    of    houses    pulled,    removed,    and 

September  4th.  ^■,    ■,     ■,  ,        •,  ^  ■,  ■ 

pulled  down,  to  clear  the  new  way  now  making, 
amounting  to  Rs.  109-14.     Ordered  that  the  Buxie  pay  the  same. ' 

405.— VISIT  FROM  THE  FAUJDAR  OF  HUGLL 

The  Faujdar  of  Hugli  comes  to  return  a  former  visit.     "  Resolved 
that  we  treat  him  with  all  the  respect  and  civiliiy 

September  lOth  and  11th.  .  '^  '' 

due  to  him  on  this  occasion  and  prepare  a  present 
for  him  suitable  to  his  quality." 

406,— ZAMTNDlRI  ACCOUNTS  FOR  JULY. 

The   July  accounts  of  the  bazar  and  the  three 

September  15th.  i     i      i    i  i     .        -i-k      ,      r. 

towns  were  passed,  the  balance  being  Rs.  1,431-4-5. 

407.— LOVES  HOUSE  AND  GARDEN. 

"  Mr.  James  Love,  lately  deceased,  had  a  garden  and  small  house, 
which   lies   very  convenient  for  the   Company's 

September    15th.  ,  ^ 

use.     Resolved   we   purchase  the   same   for    the 
Company." 

408.— REPAIRS  AT  HUGLL 

Mr.  "William  Spencer  and  one  of  the  Company's  writers  are  sent  to 
Hueli,  with  orders  to  repair  the  Company's  house 

September  25th.  °  ..... 

there  and  remain  m  it  till  further  orders  from 
tbe  Council. 

409.— A  REBELLIOUS  CREW. 

The  Council  decides  the  case  of  the  oflBcers  and  men  on  board  one  of 
their  ships  who  refused  to  obey  their  Captain  on 

October  2nd.  c    i  •      i  i 

account  of  his  brutal  treatment  of  them.     The 
Council  seem  to  have  thought  the  officers  and  men  in  fault;  but  if 


342  FORT    WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER   1710. 

they  were  punished  and  sent  away  from  the  ship,  it  would  be  impossible 
to  man  the  ships  again  in  Calcutta.  Hence  they  resolved  to  compromise 
the  matter.  All  the  ofifieers  and  men  agreed  to  go  on  board  again  if  the 
Captain  would  give  his  word  to  treat  them  better.  The  only  man  who 
held  out  was  the  second  mate,  who  was  ordered  to  be  kept  a  prisoner  in 
the  Fort  until  he  coidd  be  sent  to  England. 

410.— ESCORT  FOR  THE  PATNA  FLEET. 

Soldiers  are  sent  up  to  meet  the  Patna  Fleet  and  bring  it  safely  to 
October  26th.  Calcutta. 

411.— A  SAR-O-Pl  FROM  FARRUKH  SIYAR. 

"The  Governor  of  Hugli  advised  us  the  beginning  of  last  week 
that   he  had  received  a  favourable  letter   from 

November  oth.  -n  i  r  -n  i     •         i  i  t-i 

Furuckseer  [Farrukhsiyarj,  the  present  Em- 
peror's grandson  at  Eojamahal,  with  a  surpaw  [sat'-o-pd]  for  the 
Hon'ble  President,  which  he  desires  might  be  delivered  at  Hugli. 
Therefore  on  Wednesday  last  the  Hon'ble  President,  accompanied 
by  Messrs.  Hedges,  Cbitty,  Blount,  and  several  others,  went  up  and 
paid  the  Nabob  a  visit,  and  (the  President)  received  the  surpaw  and 
letter  with  a  fine  horse  of  Rs.  1,000  value  and  returned  again  on 
Friday." 

"When  the  Council  had  read  the  letter  from  the  Prince,  which  was 
very  favourable,  they  agreed  to  write  to  the  Prince,  and  send  him  a 
present,  as  he  is  the  son  of  the  favourite  son  of  the  Emperor  and  might 
therefore  help  them  procure  a  farm  an. 

412.— ZAMINDARI  accounts  FOR  AUGUST  AND  SEPTEMBER. 

The   accounts  for  the  bazar  and  the  three  towns  for  the  months  of 

August    and    September    were  brought   in   and 
November  9th.  °  •  a  -n 

passed,  the  balance  being,  August,  Es.  988-5-4, 

September,  Es.  1,415-11-2. 

413.— RELIEF  TO  THE  POOR. 

"Mrs.  Cary,  widow,  having  made  application  to  us  for  relief,  being 
very  poor  and  needy,  ordered  the  Minister  and 
Church  Wardens  pay  her  Es.  30  monthly  for  her 
subsistence,  and  to  Mrs.  Dorothy  King  (widow)  Es.  20  per  month,  and 
for  the  future  that  they  shall  give  no  stated  allowance  or  maintenance  to 
any  other  poor  person  without  the  consent  of  the  Hon'ble  President 
and  Council." 


ADDENDA. 


FORT    WILLIAM,   JANUARY    1703-4.  345 


ADDITIONAL   EXTRACTS 

FBOM     THE 

INDIA  OFFICE  RECORDS. 


414.— ADVICE  TO  THE  ROTATION  GOVERNMENT.  > 

Comultation. 
January  sisi,  1703-4.  At  a  consultation  present : — 

The  Hon'ble  John  Beard,  Esq.    ...     Presidt. 
Mr.  Ralph  Sheldon. 
„      John  Rtissell. 
„      Edward  Pattle. 

Messrs.  Hedges,  Sheldon  and  Counoill  for.  the  United  Trade 
signifying  their  readrness  to  receive  charge  of  the  Garrison  and  the 
United  Dead-Stock,  order'd  that  it  be  deliver'd  them  this  inomiDg,  and 
that  all  the  soldiers,  servants,  and  inhabitants  be  summoned,  which, 
was  accordingly  done,  they  also  signifying  their  intention  to  proceed 
for  Hugly  to  receive  the  Dead- Stock  of  that  Factory,  when  done,  that 
they  shall  acquaint  the  Moors  Grovemment  that  they  are  to  manage  the 
afiairs  of  the  English  in  Bengali,  and  if  we  had  anything  to  offer  thereon 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Old  Company  that  they  were  willing  to  prosecute 
it,  conformable  to  their  orders.  We  have  therefore  thought  fit  to  give 
them  the  following  Memoir  in  relation  to  their  making  application 
to  the  Government,  and  that  they  would  take  particular  care  of  the  Old 
Company's  afEairs,  not  to  detriment  them  in  anything  whatever. 

Letter. 

To  Messrs.  Robert  Hedges  and  Ralph  Sheldon  and  the  rest  of  the 
Councill  for  the  management  of  the  United  Trade — 

Gentlemen — 'Tis  our  opinion  that  you  be  not  over-hasty  to  go  to  the 
Government  but  let  each  Company's  Vacqll.  give  answer  when   they 

1  Old  Company's  Diary,  1703-4. 


346  FORT    WILLIAM,    APRIL    1704. 

are  askt  that  the  two  Company s  are  joyn'd  and  the  business  to  be  done 
in  Calcutta  that  all  priviledges  granted  to  either  party  is  now  become 
the  United,  and  the  affairs  of  this  shipping  is  left  to  the  Couucills  of 
both.  Expecting  a  President  to  be  instituted  by  next  shipping  which 
we  expect  to  arrive  in  three  or  four  months,  and  their  seal  is  to  be 
order'd  with  the  Company's  inscription  for  their  dusticks  and  passports 
which  shall  be  sent  them  with  the  Vacqll.  who  is  alone  to  tend  the 
Durbar,  least  by  other  appKcation  each  affair  may  be  embroiled. 

Vera  Copia. 

John  Calvert,  Secy. 

415. -TONNAGE    AND    PASS    MONEY,  i 

The  Secretary  paid  into   the   Eight  Hon'ble  Company's  cash,  viz. 

Charles   King  for  a  license  to     keep  a   public 

12th  April,  1704,  Wed-     houso  of   entertainment   one   hundred  and  fifty 

nesday.  •' 

rupees. 
To  two-thirds  of  a  pass  to  ship  St.  Martin^  burthen  one  hundred 
tons,  belonging  to  Cojah  Matroos,  bound  for  Acheen,  Francisco  Newins, 
master,  the  sum  of  ten  rupees.  To  two-thirds  of  a  pass  to  ship 
Bomencej  burthen  two  hundred  and  seventy  tons,  belonging  to  Mahmood 
Tuckee,  bound  for  Grombroon,  the  sum  of  fourteen  rupees.  To  tonnage 
of  ship  Monsoon  J  one  hundred  and  thirty  rupees,  and  two-thirds  of  a 
pass,  ten  rupees,  belonging  to  the  Hon'ble  President  bound  for  Gom- 
broon, Captain  Child,  Commander.  To  two-thirds  of  a  pass  to  ship 
Tawockallj  burthen  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  belonging  to  Allie 
Rajah,  bound  to  Persia,  ten  rupees.  To  tonnage  of  ship  Cotnmerce, 
burthen  fifty  tons,  fifty  rupees,  and  two-thirds  of  a  pass,  ten  rupees, 
belonging  to  the  Hon'ble  President,  Benjn.  Hemming,  Master,  bound 
for  Madras,  in  all  three  hundred  eighty-four  rupees. 

416.— THE  PILOT  SERVICE.2 

A  List  of  PylotUj  Masters,  Seamen  and  Lascars,  belonging  to  the 
Company^  Vessels  (viz.) 

April  16th,  1704. 

Es.  A.  p.     Es,  A.  p. 
45    0    0 


Stephen  Shaw  •#•  •••  ••■ 

JohnEainbow  ...  ...  ...         45    0    0 


-     90    0    0 


1  Old  Company  s  Diary,  1704-5. 

2  Diary  of  the  United  Trade  Council,  1704. 


J 


PORT  WILLIAM,    APRIL    AND  JULY   1704. 


347 


Es.  A.  p.    Es.  A.  V 
30    0    0 


30  0  0 

20  0  0 

12  0  0 

7  0  0 

35  0  0 


40 

0 

0 

30 

0 

0 

22 

0 

0 

7 

0 

0 

50 

0 

0 

35 

0 

0 

20 

0 

0 

20 

0 

0 

7 

0 

0 

45 

0 

0 

ICi    0    0 


149    0    0 


Thomas  Harris,  reserved  in  pay  to  send  him 
when  the  season  permitts  in  a  sloop  for 
Madras       ...  ...  •••  ••• 

London    Yacht. 

Thomas  Morris  [blaster] 

Timothy  Kissum  [Boatswain] 

Eichard  Dean 

1  Tindell 

7  Lascars      ...  .~  ..•  ». 


Mary  Buoyer. 

John  Mander  [Master] 
Thomas  Holbridge  [Boatswain] 
Daniel!  "Wilkinson 
1  Tindell       ... 
10  Lascars     ... 


Sloop   Kassimhazar. 

Josia  Townsend  [Master] 

Daniell  Holsteu  [Boatswain] 

Titus  Oakes  ... 

1  Tindell 

9  Lascars      ...  .t«  .m 

Bising  Sun,  1  TindeU  and  2  Lascars,  |  pay 

William,  Smack,        „  „  \    „ 

Charles  and  B&tty,     „  „  ^     „ 

Phillip  Finch  at  Es.  12  per  month    ... 


417.— MURDER  OF  RICHARD  NICOLI^.  i 
Complaint. 
Captain  Fincli  Reddall,  Coaimander  of  the  Samuel  and  Amui,  com- 

July  20ai,  1704. 


127    0    0 


6 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

12 

0 

0 

530 

0 

0 

plaining  that  last  night  his  third  mate,  William 
Harriot,  and  his  cooper,  Richard  Nicolls,  were 
assaulted  in  the  highway  by  some  Blackmen,  that  Harriot  got  oS  with 
little  hurt,  but  that  NicoUs  was  barbarously  mangled,  his  leg  broke  and 


1  Diaiy  of  the  United  Trade  Council,  1701. 


348  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1704. 

his  wound  so  desparate  that  his  discovery  [?  recovery]  is  dispared  of, 
on  which  we  thought  necessary  to  make  what  enquiry  we  could  into 
the  matter. 

Enquiry. 

Nathll.  Jones,  boatswain  of  the  Sloop  William^  Richd.  Dean,  a 
sailor  ahoard  the  sloops,  and  James  Harris,  late  a  soldier,  appeared 
as  witnesses.  Harriot  declares  that  about  midnight  or  a  little  after,  he 
together  with  Richd.  NicoUs  were  going  from  King's  punch-house, 
and  near  James  Harris  his  house,  he  saw  an  old  man  sitting  without 
his  door,  and  they  sat  down  by  them  to  enquire  if  any  of  the  shipsmen 
were  [Pthere],  but  not  hearing  of  any  they  rose  to  go  away,  but  had 
not  gone  far  before  they  were  assaulted  by  four  men,  three  of  which 
were  armed  with  swords  and  -staves,  thus  much  he  said.  Nathll. 
Jones  and  Richard  Dean  declare  that  they  were  in  bed  at  James  Harris 
his  house,  they  heard  a  noise  of  quarrelling  in  the  street,  and  went  to  see 
what  the  matter  was.  When  they  were  out  they  heard  Nicolls  groan 
and  call  out  he  was  murdered ;  they  also  saw  five  men  striking  at 
NiooUs  as  he  lay  on  the  ground  unable  to  rise. 

They  both  say  Assuria  was  one  that  assaulted  Nicolls  by  calling 
and  bidding  them  strike  him,  also  that  WoojoUe  ['Uj  'Ali]  was  in 
company  with  a  club  in  his  hand,  but  neither  of  them  saw  him  strike, 
also  that  Janne  [Jam],  a  peon,  not  taken,  was  one  of  them  that  struck 
him.  Richd.  Dean  says  that  AbduUreaheen  ['Abdu-r-Rahim]  was 
among  them,  and  he  saw  him  strike  Nicolk  as  he  lay  on  the  ground. 

Jeronima  says  he  saw  and  knew  Janne  (not  yet  taken)  also  AbduU- 
reaheen armed  and  strike  Nicolls ;  he  also  saw  Woojolle  with  a  staff 
in  his  hand,  but  did  not  see  that  struck. 

Woojolle  testifies  that  he  saw  Assuria  and  Janne  strike  Nicolls  as 
he  lay  on  the  ground. 

James  Harris  declares  that  he  had  been  abroad,  and  was  returning 
between  twelve  and  one  a  clock  to  bis  house,  but  near  his  own  house 
he  mett  three  men,  two  of  which  were  armed  with  clubs,  and  the  other 
with  a  lance,  but  he  did  not  see  their  faces  bo  as  to  know  them.  The 
man  with  the  lance  knockt  with  the  end  of  his  lance  at  the  door  of 
LoUen's  [Nalin's]  house  to  call  people  out,  Harris  was  not  long  within 
his  doors  before  he  heard  the  noise  of  quarrelling,  and  an  English  voice 
call  out  saying  '  0  Lord  !  0  Lord !  I  am  murdered,'  on  which  he  went  to 
the  Banksaul  not  far  from  his  house  to  call  for  assistance.     On  the 


FOET  IVIILLAM,   JULY    AND   NOVEMBER    1704,  349 

arrival  of  which  the  assaulters  ran  severall  ways,  escaped,  leaving  Nicolls 
with  a  broken  leg  and  very  much  bound  and  wounded. 

Jones  and  Dean  further  say  that  Janne  called  for  ropes  and  sayed 
he  would  cut  Nicolls  in  pieces,  then  bind  and  carry  him  to  the 
Governor  at  Hugly. 

Jones  says  that  when  he  saw  Nicolls  lie  on  the  ground,  as  he 
thought  he  was  dead,  he  desired  the  fellows  rather  to  strike  himself  than 
to  add  more  blows  to  the  man  they  had  so  much  abused  already,  and 
they  struck  at  him,  but  before  Jones  got  any  harm,  assistance  came 
from  the  Banksaul  which  frighted  the  rogues,  so  each  man  ran  a  several 
way  and  escaped  being  taken  at  that  time.  The  old  man  at  whose  door 
Harriot  and  Nicolls  sat  down  by  him  is  AUabux  ['All  Bakhsh],  the 
father  of  Abdullreahee,  and  he  was  the  beginner  and  fomenter  of  the 
assault.  Ordered  that  Allabux,  Assuria  Abdullreaheen,  and  Doud 
[Dasd]  be  kept  in  safe  custody. 

Examination  of  Jam. 

Jannee,  the  peon,  yesterday  accused  of  being  a  principal  actor  in  the 
assault  of    Richd.  Nicolls,  was  last   night   taken 

July  21st.  ,  -  .        .        ° 

and  now  brought  on  his  examination.  Richard 
Dean  knows  him  to  be  one  he  saw  very  active  in  striking  Nicolls 
when  down  for  dead. 

Nathll.  Jones  also  knows  him,  and  says  he  is  the  man  that  struck 
at  himself  when  he  endeavoured  to  perswade  him  to  forbear  striking 
Nicolls. 

WoojoUe,  a  Moor,  also  knows  him,  and  saw  him.  strike  Nicolls. 
Jeronima  says  he  saw  Janne  strike  Nicolls  on  the  breast  as  if  he 
designed  to  kill  him. 

Ordered  that  Janne,  Allabux,  Assuria  and  Abdullreaheen  be  secured 
in  irons;  but  Doud  be  secured  without  irons. 

418.— WILL    OF    JONATHAN    WHITER 

Mr.  Jonan.  White,  second  of  this  place,  deceased  the  23rd  Januaty 
last,  enquirey  was  made  whither  any   will   was 

November  14th,  1704.  ■,    o      i    i  •     i     ,  •    , 

left  behmd  to  appoint  any  person  or  persons 
to  look  after  his  affairs,  and  none  being  found  his  WTife  was  advised 
to  take  letters  of  administration  out  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  at 
Fort  St.  George.  But  there  being  a  paper  wrote  with  his  own  hand, 
as  very  weU  known  to  us,   but  without  date  interlin'd  nor  firm'd  or 

1  Old  Company's  Diary,    1703-4. 


350  FORT    WILLIAM,    NOVEMBER    1704. 

seal'd,  the  executors  mentioned    would  not  act,  however,  we  thought 
fit  to  have  it  enter'd  next  to  this  consultation. 

WILL. 

In  the  name  of  Grod,  Amen.  I,  Jonan.  White,  now  residing  in 
Calcutta  in  Bengali,  Factor  to  the  Rt.  Hon'ble.  Company  of  Mer- 
chants of  London,  trading  to  the  East  Indies  being  at  the  writing 
hereof  in  health  of  body  and  sound  memory,  but  considering  the 
uncertainty  of  this  mortall  life  doe  make  this  my  last  will  and  testa- 
ment in  manner  following,  revoking  all  other  wiUs  by  me  heretofore 
made.  And  first  and  principally  I  recommed  my  soul  into  the  hands 
of  Almighty  God,  my  heavenly  father  and  Jesus  Christ  His  only  son, 
my  blessed  saviour  and  redeemer,  trusting  by  and  through  his  meritts, 
death,  and  passion  to  obtain  everlasting  life,  my  body  I  commit  to  the 
earth,  to  be  decently  buried  at  the  discretion  of  any  executors  hereafter 
naihed,  and  for  the  worldly  estate  it  has  pleased  God  to  bless  me  with 
I  give  and  devise  and  bequeath  the  same  as  follows. 

First  my  will  and  mind  is  I  doe  hereby  give  and  bequeath  unto  my 
brother  William  White  as  a  legacy  the  sum  of  two  thousand  rupees 
currt.  of  Bengali. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  sister  Elizabeth  King  the  sume 
of  one  hundred  current  rupees,  and  to  brother  John  King,  her  husband, 
the  adventure  sent  in  his  hands  to  Mocha  and  the  profits  thereof. 

I(em.—1  give  unto  sister  Elizabeth  Bowridge,  her  daughter  Elizabeth, 
and  sister  Elizabeth  Meverell  each  fifty  rupees  to  buy  them  rings. 

Jtem. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  Mrs.  Boyd  forty  rupees. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  the  Hon'ble  John  Board,  Mr. 
Ealph  Sheldon,  Mr.  Benjamin  Adams,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Wright 
of  Fort  St.  George  a  ring  of  fifty  rupees  a  piece,  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Feake  of  Bengali  one  hundred  rupees. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  uncle  Abraham  Spooner, 
couzin  Richard  Glover,  and  his  lady,  couzin  John  Hungerford,  Esq., 
and  his  lady,  each  rings  of  twelve  rupees  vallue  a  piece. 

Item. — I  desire  and  appoint  the  Hon'ble  John  Beard,  Presidt., 
and  Ralph  Sheldon  of  Coimcill  for  the  Right  Honourable  Company's 
affairs  in  Bengali,  to  be  the  executors  of  this  my  last  will  and 
testament. 

Item. — I  will  and  appoint  that  my  body  be  interr'd  near  my  late  wife 
in  her  Father's  Q^oomb,  and  that  a  Toombstone  of  about  one  yard 
square  be  engraved  in  the  usuall  manner  and  sett  up  in  said  toomb. 


FORT  WILLIAM,  NOVEMBER  1704  AND  MAY  1705.        351 

Item. — I  give  unto  my  servants,  Killeram,  Annuntram  Siddo, 
Chunee,  Beatrice,  and  Maria  my  former  slaves  each  twenty  rupees. 

Item. — I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  Trife  the  other  one  Third 
part  of  all  my  personal!  estate  that  shall  be  found  to  remain  and 
appertain  unto  me  after  the  discharge  of  my  just  debts,  &c.,  as  above 
said,  includuig  therein  the  house,  household  necessarys,  plate  and 
Jewells  and  pallankeen  that  she  may  be  desirous  to  possess,  which  shall 
therefore  be  estimated  by  my  executors. 

Item. — I  give,  devise,  and  bequeath  unto  my  daughter  two-thirds  of 
all  such  estate  (debts,  legacies  and  funeral  charges  being  deducted)  as 
I  shall  at  the  time  of  my  death  dye  seiz'd  or  possessed  of,  interested  in 
or  entitled  unto. 

Hem. — If  it  please  God  to  give  my  wife  a  safe  delivery  of  a  child 
my  intent  and  meaning  is  and  I  doe  hereby  devise  and  bequeath  unto 
the  said  child  one-third  part  of  all  my  estate,  that  is  to  say,  the  moiety 
or  half  part  of  what  bequeathed  my  daughter  Katherine,  and  if  either 
happen  to  decease  during  their  minority  or  nonage  the  moiety  or 
portion  thus  bequeathed  shall  descend  to  the  survivor. 

Item. — My  will  and  request  is  that  my  daughter  Katherine  be  sent, 
for  England  for  education  with  good  attendance  and  provision  for  soe 
tender  an  infant  the  voyage,  and  that  the  executors  accept  of  soe  good 
an  opportunity  to  accompany  her  aunt  Bowridge  if  she  goes  for 
England  in  two  years  time,  otherwise  that  the  child  goe  by  such  good 
commanders  of  a  ship  as  my  executors  shaU  see  fitting,  and  then  if  it 
please  God  the  child  arrive  in  England  is  to  be  committed  to  my 
couzin  Mary  Hungerford  and  my  brother,  to  whose  care  and  guardian- 
ship joyntly  with  my  brother  William  White  I  recommend  the  child 
during  her  nonage. 

Vera  Copia. 

John  Calvert,  Sedy. 

419— DISPUTE   IN   THE   CURGENVEN  FAMILY.» 

Application  by  John  Curgenten. 

**  Eeceived  a  letter  from  Mr.  John  Curgenven  desiring  we  would  write 
to  his  sister  to  suffer  him  to  inspect  his  deceased 
brothers  books  and  papers  of  accounts,  etc." 

"  Wrote  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Rachell  Curgenven,  desiring  her  to  comply 
with  her  brother's  desire." 

'  Diary  of  the  United  Trade  Council,  1705  -Sae  also  pp.  20-3,  373. 


352  FOKT    WILLIAM,    MAY    1705. 

Rachel  Curgenven's  complaint. 

MrSi  Racliell  Curgenven,  the  widdow  of  |Mr.  Thomas  Curgenven 
deceased,  making  complaint  to  us  about  five  of  the 

May    23rd.  . 

clock  of  the  evening  that  the  house  she  lives  in, 
and  particularly  her  bed  chamber,  was  forcibly  entered  and  all  her 
clothes  and  necessaries  taken  out  by  Mr.  John  Curgenven,  brother  of 
the  deceased  Mr.  Tho®  Curgenven,  assisted  by  Mr.  John  Calvert  and 
Mr.  Hichard  Smith.  The  complaint  first  reaching  Mr.  Ben.  Bow- 
cher  he  went,  and  quickly  after  him  Mr.  Robert  Hedges  went  to 
Mrs.  Curgenven's  house,  where  Mr.  John  Curgenven,  Mr.  John  Calvert, 
and  Mr.  Kichard  Smith  aforesaid  were,  Mr.  Calvert  said  nothing  at  that 
time,  but  Mr.  Curgenven  and  Mr.  Smith  stood  on  the  justification  of 
what  was  done,  they  lockt  and  sealed  a  chamber  door  in  which  they 
said  all  that  Mr.  Curgenven  had  seized  was  put,  and  Mr.  Hedges  ordered 
two  soldiers  to  wait  in  the  house  and  see  nothing  be  removed  tiU  the 
Council  meet  and  direct  what  is  to  be  done.  And  being  now  mett,  'tis 
unanimously  agreed  and  ordered  that  Mr.  John  Curgenven,  Mr.  Jno. 
Calvert,  and  Mr.  Eich*^  Smith  be  immediately  sent  for  and  examined 
about  the  same. 

John    Curgenven^   statement. 

Mr.  John  Curgenven  being  first  called  for  says,  in  justification  of 
himself,  that  he  had  applyed  himself  to  us  for  justice  which  he  thought 
we  delayed,  therefore  would  right  himself,  which  obliges  us  to  insert  the 
application  he  speaks  of  and  'tis  in  substance  as  follows. — Mr.  John  Cur- 
genven in  a  letter  dated  and  deliv'd  to  us  in  Councill  on  Thursday  17th 
curr%  desires  his  sister  may  be  informed  that  he  has  as  much  power  as 
she  and  perswaded  to  have  the  books  of  his  brother  and  her  deceased 
husband  made  up  and  to  give  him  an  account  of  what  she  had  already 
disposed  of,  and  that  Councill  did  the  same  day,  in  complyance  with  his 
request,  write  to  Mrs.  Eachell  Curgenven,  declaring  he  ought  to  have 
the  inspection  of  the  books  of  accounts  and  all  papers  whatsoever  relat- 
ing to  the  estate  of  her  deceased  husband,  and  she  ought  to  give  him  a 
satisfactory  account  of  whatsoever  goods  she  had  disposed  of,  of  the 
estate  of  her  deceased  husband,  which  was  all  he  seemed  to  desire  at 
that  time. 

We  expected  an  answer  from  her,  but  he  being  impatient,  could  not 
wait  a  day  or  two  longer  till  her  answer  came,  but  violently  seiz'd  on 
evervthing  in  her  possession,  as  is  before  related. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    MAY    1705.  353 

Richard  Smith's  statement. 

Mr.  Smith  being  next  called  in  says  Mr.  Curgenven  oall'd  him  to 
take  account  of  and  wittness  what  he  removed,  but  both  Mr.  Hedges 
and  Mr.  Bowcher  do  testifie  he  was  very  active  in  couneilling  Mr.  Cur- 
genven ;  for  instance  he  said  he  ought  to  let  her  have  more  wearing 
cloathes  out  of  the  chest,  but  nothing  else.  Mr.  Bowcher  also  testi- 
fies, and  so  does  Mr.  Ralph  Woodriffe,  that  they  saw  Mr.  John  Cur- 
genven force  open  the  door  of  Mrs.  Curgenven's  bed-chamber,  which 
they  believe  was  lock'd  being  close  shut  and  a  spring  look  on  it,  but 
Mr.  Smith  affirming  the  contrary,  Mr.  Hedges  caused  the  door  to  be 
lock'd  to  try  if  it  could  be  forced  open  without  breaking  the  door  or 
lock,  and  was  twice  forced  open  without  breaking  either.  Mr.  Smith 
spoke  reflectingly  on  us  all,  saying  we  were  friends  of  the  widdow  and 
not  to  justice,  but  he  reflected  most  on  the  widdow,  telling  Mr.  Bow- 
cher if  he  believed  her,  nobody  would  beheve  him,  and  he  called  her 
a  notorious  lyar  with  much  more  such  ungenteal  expressions.  He  at 
last  told  us  he  would  not  answer  us  to  any  more  questions  till  we  were  a 
full  Councill. 

John  Calverfs  statement. 

Mr.  John  Calvert  was  called  in.  He  says  Mr.  John  Curgenven 
desired  him  to  go  with  him  to  be  a  witness,  but  he  absolutely  refuses  to 
answer  further  till  a  full  Councill  meets. 

Let  us  tcait  for  a   full  Councill. 

On  the  consideration  of  all  which  'tis  resolved  and  unanimously 
agreed,  that  Mr.  Bowcher  and  Mr.  Edw*^  Battle  do  take  Mr.  John 
Curgenven  with  them,  also  Mr.  James  Williamson  and  Mr.  Ealph 
Emes  for  witnesses,  and  in  their  presence,  take  an  account  of  all  they 
find  of  what  Mr.  Curgenven  seized  on,  and  after  that  account  is  taken 
and  attested  by  the  witnesses  present,  they  are  to  deliver  to  Mrs.  Rachell 
Curgenven,  her  wearing  clothes  and  such  other  necessaries  as  she  has 
present  occasion  for. 

Ordered  that  further  consideration  of  this  matter  be  deferr'd  till  the 
rest  of  the  Councill  oome  from  Hugly,  or  at  least  till  a  majority  is 
present. 

John   Curgenven  obstructive. 
Messrs.  Bowcher  and  Battle,  as  ordered  in  yesterday's  eonsultatioa, 
„     „,^^  sent  for  Mr.  Jno.  Curgenven  and  desired  him  to 

May  24tD.  •  1       -L 

go  along  with  them  to  take  an  account  of  the 

A    A 


854&  FORT   WILLIAM,    JUKE    1705. 

goods  he  had  seized,  but  he  declared  he  would  not  pei-mitt  them  to  open 
tlie  door  or  take  an  account  of  anything. 

Full   Councill. 

Mrs.  Curgenven's  letter  to  the  Councill  being  before  us,  the  person, 
accused  were  sent  for  and  examined.  Their  exami- 
nations are  annexed  to  this  consultation,  and  consi- 
dering that  the  widdow  has  been  abused,  for  her  present  satisfaction  'tis 
thought  fit  that  Mr.  John  Curgenven,  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Ben.  Bow- 
cher  and  Mr.  Edw.  Pattle,  do  deKver  the  plate  and  goods  taken  out  of 
her  bed-chamber  into  the  said  bed-chamber  again,  into  her  possessions 
according  to  the  list  already  taken,  and  that  she  deliver  up  the  books 
and  all  papers  relating  to  Mr.  Curgenven's  estate,  into  their  possession,  to 
be  seal'd  up  in  Mr.  Curgenven's  scrutore  till  persons  are  agreed  on  and 
appointed  to  adjust  the  said  Curgenven's  books,  by  which  all  things  may 
be  cleared  and  the  account  of  what  goods  belonging  to  said  Curgenven's 
estate  in  said  house  be  taken  by  them  and  that  she  as  speedily  as  possible, 
do  deliver  into  the  CouncHl  an  exact  account  of  everything  she  has  dis- 
posed of  belonging  to  the  said  Curgenven's  estate,  that  the  said  account 
may  be  delivered  John  Curgenven  for  satisfaction  according  to  his 
former  application  and  that  Mrs.  Curgenven  is  askt  immediately  on  deli- 
very of  each  chest  or  scrutore  whether  she  has  rec^  the  contents  of 
each,  and  if  she  makes  exceptions,  that  then  they  immediately  overlook 
such  chest  or  scrutore,  and  take  a  particular  account  of  everything 
therein,  and  when  the  whole  is  delivered,  she  is  to  acknowledge  the 
same  for  a  discharge  to  said  Curgenven,  but  in  the  case  she  makes 
exceptions  of  want  of  anything  of  value,  that  she  will  not  give  the 
said  Curgenven  a  discharge  for  the  whole  taken  away,  then  the  goods 
are  to  be  kept  entire,  as  they  are  and  not  to  be  deliver'd  her  till  farther 

order. 

Widoio   Curgencens  Idler, 

To  the  Hon''^°  Councill  for  affairs  to  the  United  Eng^  East  India 
Compy  in  Fort  William,  Bengali. 
Gentlemen, 

I  suppose  by  this  time  you  have  all  heard  the  story  I  am  going  to 
relate,  but  because  'tis  fitt  you  should  bo  acquainted  with  all  the  circum- 
Btances  of  it,  and  especially  from  me,  who  am  the  sufferer  in  it,  be 
pleased  to  take  it  as  follows,  viz*^  :  — 

On  Wednesday  about  4  in  the  afternoon,  being  in  the  house  of  my 
deceased  husband  Mr.  Tho.  Curgenven,  and  in  my  bed-chamber,  Mr.  Jno, 


FORT  WILLIAM,  JUNE  1705.  355 

Curgenven,  together  with  Mr.  John  Calvert  and  Rich**  Smith,  came  into 
my  said  bed-chamber,  and  then  and  there  the  aforesaid  John  Curgenven 
demanded  of  me  the^keys  of  all  my  chests,  boxes,  scrutories,  for  that  he 
Baid  he  must  take  an  account  of  all  that  I  had.  I  knew  of  no  authority 
that  obliged  one  to  satisfy  such  unreasonable  demands,  so  reftised  bfrn 
the  keys,  upon  which  Mr.  Calvert  and  Mr.  Smith  told  me  they  had  an 
order  to  remove  all  my  goods  into  my  brother's  possession ;  that  I  must 
not  think  it  hard,  he  must  have  the  use  and  possession  of  them  scince 
I  had  enjoyed  them  so  long,  so  to  work  they  went  as  fast  as  they  could 
to  remove  my  goods.  I  desired  them  to  forbear  till  I  could  get  Mr. 
Bowcher  or  somebody  to  take  an  account  of  what  they  carried  away,  but 
finding  nothing  would  prevail,  I  made  all  the  resistance  I  was  able. 
But  the  aforesaid  John  Curgenven  with  a  naked  sword  in  his  hand 
pointed  to  my  breast,  uttering  several  horrid  oaths,  said  that  if  I  touch'd 
or  meddled  with  anything  or  call'd  anybody  to  my  assistance  he 
would  stab  me,  and  if  Mr.  Bowcher  came  into  the  house,  he  would  run 
him  through.  Upon  this  I  went  to  Mr.  Bowcher  and  beg'd  him  for 
God's  sake  to  come  and  see  how  barbarously  I  was  used.  By  that  time 
I  came  back,  they  had  conveyed  away  all  my  plate,  jewels,  ready  money, 
bon'is,  bills,  and  other  writings,  to  a  great  amount,  almost  most  part  of 
my  other  household  goods,  insomuch  that  scarce  anything  was  left  me 
in  my  bedchamber  except  a  chest  of  drawers  lq  which  my  clothes  lay. 
Upon  Mr.  Bowcher  coming,  my  brother  and  he  having  some  dispute, 
I  got  possession  of  my  bed-chamber  and  lock'd  the  doors  in  hopes  keep- 
ing my  wearing  apparell,  but  John  Curgenven  soon  broke  open  my 
door  and  took  hold  of  my  chest  of  drawers,  and  because  I  opposed  bim 
carrying  of  it  away,  laid  violent  hands  on  me  and  gave  me  such  a  blow 
with  his  fist  as  almost  beat  me  backwards,  at  the  same  time  threatening 
with  a  horrid  imprecation  if  I  touched  anything  he  would  beat  my  brains 
out ;  after  this  they  lock'd  up  the  door  of  my  bed-chamber,  so  that  I  was 
forc'd  to  be  beholden  to  a  neighbour  for  a  lodging  that  night  and  ever 
since,  otherwise  must  have  lain  in  the  street.  Thus  I  have  been  robb'd 
of  all  I  had  in  the  house,  and  not  only  so,  but  have  been  violently 
assaulted  and  put  in  fear  of  my  life. 

Gen*  I  have  barely  related  matter  of  fact,  and  that  I  have  done 
without  the  least  aggravation  sev"  gen*  in  this  place  will  bear  me 
wittness.  These  are  crimes,  gent^  of  such  a  nature  and  consequence,  and 
call  so  loudly  for  justice,  that  I  can't  in  the  least  question  that  you,  who 
by  virtue  of  a  charier  from  the  Queen  of  England,  have  taken  upon  you 

AA    2 


866  roKT  WILLIAM,   JUNE    1705. 

the  civill  government  of  this  place,  will  do  me  the  Justice  which  I  have 
a  right  too  by  the  laws  of  our  Native  Country. 

I  am  gen*  yo'"  obliged  servant, 
Ea.  Curgknven. 
Calcutta,  May  26th,  1705. 

Examination  of  John  Ciirgenvcn. 

Mr.  John  Gurgenven  being  examined  by  Mrs.  Ra.  Curgenven's 
letter,  his  answer  thereto  is  as  follows,  viz'' : — He  acknowledges  he 
demanded  the  keys  (as  the  widdow  mentions)  in  presence  of  Calvert  & 
Smith,  and  she  refused  them. 

He  denies  that  Smith  and  Calvert  spoke  to  the  widdow  that  they 
had  orders  to  take  her  goods  and  give  them  into  his  possession. 

He  says  that  he  himself,  or  by  his  orders  the  Cooleys,  removed  the 
goods  out  of  her  bed-chamber  into  another  room.  He  farther  says  his 
sister  only  said  he  should  not  remove  them  but  that  she  would  send  for 
Mr.  Bowcher. 

He  denys  that  he  ever  threatened  his  sister  with  a  naked  sword  or 
presented  it  to  her  breast,  or  that  he  ever  thieattned  Mr.  Bowcher  to 
run  him  through.  He  acknowledges  that  he  removed  some  plate,  sev^' 
chests,  and  any  jewels,  bonds,  or  ready  money. 

He  says  that  after  Mr.  Bowcher  came  into  the  house,  she  went  into 
the  bed-chamber  with  one  slave  wench,  and  he  finding  the  door  shutting 
too,  he  set  his  foot  against  it,  and  forc't  it  open,  &  he  acknowledges  he 
took  the  chest  of  drawers  and  sev"  other  things  and  put  them  into  the 
chamber  aforesaid. 

He  denies  that  ever  he  set  violent  hands  on  her  or  struck  her  a 
blow,  or  ever  he  threatened  to  beat  her  brains  out,  with  any  horrid 
Imprecations. 

He  says  he  lockt  the  door  within  side  and  went  through  another 
chamber  and  lockt  the  outward  door,  but  had  not  the  key  of  her  bed- 
chamber. 

Mr.  Curgenven  was  askt  the  following  question,  viz*^ — 

Q. — Who  counselled  you  to  remove  the  goods  ? 

A. — 'Twas  on  my  own  head  and  my  own  act. 

Q. — By  what  authority  or  by  whose  instigation  did  you  seize  and 
take  away  the  goods  out  of  your  sister's  room  ? 

A. — 'Twas  to  secure  myself,  but  had  not  any  authority,  nor  was 
I  persuaded  thereto. 


FORT    WILLIAM,    JUNE    1705.  357 

Q. — Were  not  the  books  in  jour  possession  or  where  you  could  come 
at  them  when  you  wrote  to  the  Councill  about  getting  the  accounts,  ect., 
adjusted  ? 

A. — I  could  come  at  them  then. 

Examination  of  John  Cahert. 

!Mr,  John  Calvert  being  examined  by  Mrs.  Ea.  Curgenven's  letter, 
his  answer  thereto  is  as  follows,  viz** :  —  He  says  he  was  not  in  her  bed- 
chamber when  Mr.  Curgenven  demanded  the  keys  of  her  chest,  ect., 
but  that  he  heard  him  demand  them  and  said  he  came  to  take  an  account 
of  all  she  had,  but  she  denied  him  the  keys. 

He  denies  that  ever  he  told  her  he  had  orders  to  put  all  her  goods 
into  her  brother's  possession. 

He  says  he  never  heard  her  say  she  desired  him  or  them  to  stay  till 
Mr.  Bowcher  came  to  take  an  account  of  what  they  carried  away. 

He  denies  that  he  ever  heard  John  Curgenven  threaten  to  stab  her 
or  saw  him  present  a  naked  sword  at  her  breast,  or  that  he  said  if 
Mr.  Bowcher  came  he  would  run  him  through. 

He  also  says  he  saw  no  jewels,  ready  money,  bonds,  bills,  or  other 
writings,  carried  away,  only  some  plate,  chests,  ect.,  contents  not  knowa 
and  put  them  into  another  room  in  the  same  house. 

He  says  he  cannot  be  positive  whether  the  door  was  lockt  or  n  )t, 
but  Mr.  Curgenven  hearing  the  door  shutting  too,  turned  abo*  set  his 
foot  against  it  and  pushed  it  open,  a  slave  wench  standing  behind  at  the 
same  time. 

He  also  says  that  he  did  not  see  Mr.  Curgenven  strike  her  or  lay 
hands  on  her  or  use  any  imprecations,  saying  he  would  beat  out  her 
brains. 

Mr.  Jno.  Calvert  was  askt  the  following  questions,  viz^  : — 

Q. — Why  did  you  go  to  the  hoiise  with  Mr.  Curgenven  ? 

A. — At  his  request  to  witness  what  past. 

Q. — Who  took  an  account  of  the  things  that  were  moved  ? 

A. — I  took  an  account  of  everything  that  was  taken  out  for  my 
own  satisfaction,  being  not  desired  thereto,  the  chests  and  scrutores 
not  being  then  open 

Examination  of  Richard  Smith. 

Mr.  Smith's  answer  to  Mrs.  Curgenven's  letter : — He  says  he  was 
in  her  bed-chamber  with  Mr.  Curgenven  and  heard  him  demand  the 


858  FORT  WILLIAM,  JUNE  1706. 

keys  of  lier  chests,  act.,  saying  he  must  take  an  account  of  all  she  had, 
she  at  the  same  time  refusing  the  keys. 

He  says  he  never  assisted  or  helped  any  one  to  remove  any  goods 
out  of  lier  bed-chamber  or  elsewhere. 

He  never  heard  her  say  anything  to  desire  her  brother  or  them  to 
stay  till  Mr.  Bowcher  or  any  one  came  to  know  or  take  au  account  of 
what  they  carried  away. 

He  says  Mr.  Curgenven  did  not  present  a  sword  at  her  breast,  nor 
utter  any  oaths,  that  if  she  called  in  any  one  to  her  assistance,  he  would 
stab  her.  Neither  did  he  hear  him  say  that  if  Mr.  Bowcher  came  into  the 
house,  he  would  run  him  through.  He  also  says  he  saw  no  jewels,  ready 
money,  bonds,  bills,  or  other  writings.  There  was  only  some  plate,  chests 
and  scrutores  being  not  opened,  which  were  carried  out  of  her  bed- 
chamber and  put  into  another  chamber  in  the  same  house. 

He  says  that  the  widdow  with  her  slave  wench  went  into  the  room 
after  Mr.  Bowcher  came  there,  her  slave  wench  shutting  the  door. 
Mr.  Curgenven  sett  his  foot  against  the  door  and  forced  it  open,  but  he 
knows  not  certainly  whether  the  door  was  lockt  or  not,  but  to  what  he 
saw  he  thought  it  might  not  be  lockt. 

He  says  he  never  saw  Mr.  Jno.  Curgenven  strike  her  or  lay  violent 
hands  upon  her,  or  threaten  her  with  any  imprecations  to  beat  her  brains 
out  if  she  toucht  anything. 

Mr.  Smith  was  askt  the  following  questions: — 

Q. — Why  did  you  go  to  the  house  with  Mr.  Curgenven  ? 

A. — It  was  at  his  request,  that  I  might  see  what  past  that  there 
might  be  nothing  more  laid  to  his  charge  than  he  really  did. 

Q. — Did  you  take  an  account  of  any  goods  that  were  removed  or 
attested  that  an  account  was  taken  ? 

A. — I  took  no  account  myself,  but  witnessed  the  account  that  was 
taken  and  saw  'twas  right. 

Jilrs.  Curgenven  put  in  possession. 

Mr.  John  Curgenven  being  called  and  desired  to  go  with  Mr.  Bow- 
cher and  Mr.  Pattle  &  deliver  the  goods  back  into 
the  possession  of  Mrs.  Ea.  Curgenven  which  he 
irregularly  seiz'd  and  took  from  her,  he  seemed  resolv'd  to  stand  on  his 
own  justification  &  not  deliver  back  anything.  'Tis  therefore  unani- 
mously agreed  &  ordered  that  Mr.  Eob'  Nightingale  and  Mr.  Edward 
Pattle  do  put  her  in  possession  as  last  consultation  ordered,  tho' 
Mr.  Curgenven  should  refuse  to  consent  or  go  with  them. 


FORT    WILLIAM,    JULY    1705.  359 

Mr.  Robert  Nightingale  and  Mr.  Edward  Pnttle  according  to  ordw 
of  consultation  of  this  day  went  to  Mrs.  EacheU  Corgenven's  house  and 
sent  for  Mr.  John  Curgenven  to  be  present  at  tho  delivery  of  the 
goods  (he  had  seized)  to  Mrs.  Rachell  Curgenven. 

John  Curgenven  still  recalcitranf. 
Mrs.  EacheU  Curgenven  relict  of    Mr.   Tho*  Curgenven,  having, 
2Sth  ult.  sent  us  the  account  of  s-oods  left  in  her 

July  2nd.  ,  ° 

possession  by  her  deceased  husband,  that  is  to  say, 
of  what  she  had  disposed  of  and  what  still  remains  with  her,  the  account 
was  sent  to  Mr.  John  Curgenven,  brother  of  the  deceased,  by  Mj.  Pattle, 
Sect"^,  but  Mr.  Curgenven  refused  to  look  into  it,  pretending  the  Coun- 
cill  took  the  management  out  of  his  hands,  which  we  declare  we  neither 
did  nor  intended  to  do,  neither  did  we  any  action  tending  to  it, 
but  his  pretence  arises  from  our  opposing  his  seiziug,  without  any 
reasonable  pretence,  on  everything  that  she  had  wherever  he  could  find 
it,  not  excepting  her  weadng  apparell,  and  because  he  might  not  take  the 
violent  course  that  seemed  best  in  his  own  conceit,  resolves  not  to  trouble 
himself  with  any  of  the  accounts  &  there  being  sev"  debts  due  from  the 
deceased  Tho*  Curgenven  to  the  Old  Comp'^  Mr.  John  Johnson  deceased 
and  others,  which  are  demanded,  Mr.  John  Curgenven  was  askt  whether 
he  would  give  his  consent  to  the  dwelling-house  of  his  deceased  brother, 
ect.  goods  &  chatties  might  be  sold,  in  order  to  the  payment  of  the  debts, 
he  answered  he  would  have  nothing  to  do,  nor  give  any  orders  about 
it,  but  that  we  might  do  as  we  pleased. 

Mrs.  Rachell  Curgenven  having,  in  a  letter  delivered  to  us,  16th  of 
this  present  July,  requested  that  the  dwelling-house 
and  some  merchandize  of  Mr.  Thu^  Curgenven's 
deceased  (her  late  husband),  may  be  sold  in  order  to  the  payment  of 
debts  due  from  the  estate  of  her  deceased  husband,  §he  having  already 
desired  the  concurrance  of  Mr.  John  Curgenven  (Brother  of  the  deceas- 
ed) in  writing,  &  his  reply  to  her  that  he  would  give  her  no  answer, 
Mr.  John  C\irgenven  was  sent  for,  who,  appearing,  was  askt  whether  he 
would  consent  that  the  house  and  merchandize  of  his  said  deceased 
brother  be  sold  in  order  to  the  discharging  debts,  and  whether  ho  would 
take  any  care  to  appoint  anybody  to  make  up  the  books,  to  which  he 
refused  to  give  any  answer,  only  that  we  had  askt  him  the  same  ques- 
tion before,  and  we  knew  what  he  answered  then,  &  he  would  say  no 
more  now,  which  last  answer  was  the  second  of  this  last  July ;  in  these 
words,  he  will  have  nothing  to  do  nor  give  any  order  about  it,  but  that 


360  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1705. 

we  might  do  as  we  pleased,  that  Mr.  John  Ourgenven  might  have  time 
to  consider  very  well  whether  he  resolves  obstinately  not  to  give  any 
other  answer  about  the  disposall  of  his  deceased  brother's  house,  ect., 
goods,  resolved  that  he  be  sent  for  again  to  answer  before  us  next  Mon- 
day or  the  first  day  we  meet  in  consultation. 

They  dispose  of  the  property  in  spite  of  John  Curgenven, 

Mr.  John  Curgenven  sent  for  a  third  time  to  know  his  resolution 
whether  he  would  do  anything  in  the  disposing 
of  the  estate  of  his  deceased  brother  joyntly  with 
his  sister,  to  which  he  answered  as  before  that  he  would  not  concern  him- 
self with  it.  Agreed  that  since  Mr.  John  Curgenven  will  not  comply 
with  his  sister  for  the  selling  of  the  house,  ect^,  clearing  his  debts,  ect., 
depending  accounts  belonging  to  the  deceased  Thomas  Ourgenven  (not- 
withstanding our  perswations  [sic]  &  directions)  that  we  write  to  Mrs. 
Curgenven  a  letter  advising  her  to  sell  the  house  and  dispose  of  the 
goods,  ect.,  belonging  to  her  deceased  husband,  in  order  to  pay  the  black 
merchants  and  others,  adjusting  all  things  in  this  place  relating  to  said 
estate. 

It  being  ordered  the  23rd  day  that  Mrs.   Eachell  Curgenven  may 
dispose  of  the  late  dwelling-house  &  other  goods 
in  her  possession  of  her  deceased  husband,  ordered 
that  Mr.  Nightingale  and  Mr.  Pattle  do  take  the  seal  off  the  scrutore 
containing  the  writings,  which  -were  sealed  up  by  order  in  a  former  con- 
sultation and  deliver  the  same  up  to  her,  that  she  may  be  able  to  have  all 
accounts  relating  to  the  estate  of  her  deceased  husband  adjusted. 
Money  from  Mr,  Giihfon  Addison  of  Madras. 

A  letter  from  Mrs.  Rachell  Curgenven,  complaining  that  her  brother 
John  Curgenven  had  detained  the  money  in  Cap' 
^  '  Bolton's  possession  that  came  from  Mr.  Addison  at 

Madrass. 
Wrote  a  letter  to  Cap'  Bolton,  Commd"'  of  the  *  Loyall  Cook,'  to 
deliver  what  money  he  has  brought  from  Madrass  (belonging  to  the 
estate  of  Mr.  Thomas  Curgenven,  dec^)  to  the  widdow,  Eachel  Curgen- 
ven." 

420— THE  BLACK  SERVANTS  UNDER  THE  ZAMINDAR.1 

Mr.  Ben.  Bowcher  having  delivered  in  a  paper  desiring  it  may  be 
entered  in  the  consultation  book,  ordered   it  be 
^^       *       '  entered  after  this  consultation. 


1  Diary  of  the  United  Trade  Council,  1705. 


TORT   WILLIAM,   JULY    1705.  361 

To  the  Hon"*  Council  for  affairs 
of  the  Hon**^*  United  English 
East  India  Company. 

Gextlemex, 

Since  there  has  been  so  many  abnses  proved  in  the  Black  Servants 
with  relation  to  the  Revenues  of  the  three  Towns  and  Buzzar  under 
my  care  I  should  be  wanting  to  myself  if  I  did  not  say  something  in 
my  own  justification,  be  pleas'd  therefore  to  take  the  following  account. 
Upon  my  first  coming  into  the  United  Councill  I  was  appointed  Jemi- 
dar  and  to  take  care  of  the  Comp'*  Eevenues,  bat  being  altogether  a 
strano^r  to  that  affair  Mr.  Sheldon  recommended  to  me  two  persons,  one 
as  a  gen^  bookeeper  and  the  other  as  a  generall  supervisor,  and  these 
two  he  told  me  were  able  and  would  give  me  such  an  account  of  aU 
matters  as  that  the  Comp^  should  not  be  cheated  or  imposed  upon.  I 
then  took  Mr.  Sheldon  to  be  my  friend,  so  I  accepted  of  his  offer,  but 
not  being  an  absolute  master  of  the  Language  for  my  better  informa- 
tion I  employed  a  person  as  a  Linguist  and  ordered  the  Black  fellows 
under  me  to  let  him  inspect  the  Books,  and  be  acquainted  with  all  affairs, 
tho'  at  the  same  time  I  took  a  strict  account  of  the  rest  also ;  thus  the 
business  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  went  currently  and  fairly  on,  and  I 
had  the  more  reason  to  think  so  because  the  increase  of  the  revenues  is  con- 
siderable more  than  the  proportion  arising  from  the  new  rents  amountts 
to ;  however  it  seems  there  have  been  abuses  comitted,  and  my  Linguist 
has  had  a  hand  in  them :  but  pray  gentlemen  let  us  trace  this  matter 
up  a  little  higher,  and  you  will  then  see  r£  it  was  in  my  power  to  prevent 
what  has  been  done,  let  us  examine  then  upon  what  terms  these  two 
creatures  of  Mr.  Sheldons  were  imployed.  The  bookeeper  purchases  his 
place  with  a  bribe  of  fifty  rupees,  and  who  does  not  see  whither  this  tends, 
this  fellow's  place  could  not  afford  such  a  bribe  iinless  he  was  connived 
at  in  his  Eogueries,  and  tis  plain  he  was  connived  at  tiU  the  spleen  got 
uppermost  I  mean  above  all  consideration  of  justice  and  honour, 
the  other  feUow  had  a  task  assigned  him  which  looks  very  odly,  he  was 
to  give  Mr.  Sheldon  an  account  what  money  the  Comp^  was  cheated, 
of,  what  share  he  got  of  it,  and  how  the  rest  was  divided.  This  feUow 
then  was  originally  designed  to  have  a  share  in  the  booty,  in  order  to 
which  he  must  make  it  his  business  to  tempt  others,  and  my  linguist 
among  the  rest,  to  be  as  great  rogues  as  himself,  and  we  are  none  of  us 
ignorant  how  easily  any  of  these  black  fellows  are  tempted  to  play  the 
rogue,  well  but  pray  why  is  Mr.  Sheldon  to  know  of  these  abuses  and 
nobody  else :    why  was  not  the  Council  acquainted   with  this  matter 


362  FORT  WILLIAM,  JULY  1705. 

sooner  ?  If  the  design  had  been  to  servo  the  Company  the  sooner  the 
discovery  had  been  made  the  better,  for  we  all  know  that  when  these 
black  fellows  get  money  into  their  hands  tis  a  hazard  whether 
it  be  recovered  again,  and  truly  tis  my  opinion  we  had  never 
known  but  for  what  I  am  going  to  acquaint  jou  with.  The  gen" 
bookeeper  was  grown  so  impudent  as  to  write  letters  in  my  name 
without  my  knowledge,  for  which  I  discharged  him  about  six  months 
ago,  and  tho'  I  then  enquired  of  all  the  people,  and  perticu^arly  of 
Nunderam,  the  gen'^  supervisor,  whither  they  knew  of  anything  he  had 
cheated  the  Comp^  of  that  so  I  might  take  satisf miction  before  he 
went  off,  yet  I  could  hear  of  nothing  to  charge  him  with. — The 
other  fellow,  what  with  the  encouragement  he  had  from  others, 
and  what  with  the  power  was  given  him  by  me  to  enable  him  to  have 
a  thorough  insight  into  everything,  grew  so  insolent  that  I  could  not 
bear  with  him  no  longer,  so  about  the  begining  of  this  month  I  dis- 
charged him  also,  and  now  out  comes  all  the  murder,  for  the  next 
consultation  after  turning  out  the  last  fellow  Mr.  Sheldon  falls  upon 
me  with  all  the  violence  imaginable  for  having  done  it  without  his 
leave,  and  then  he  tells  you  that  my  Linguist,  the  Oattwall,  and  the  other 
two  which  I  turned  out,  together  with  the  Rent  gatherers,  had  cheated 
the  Company  to  the  amount  of  about  Us.  3,000,  two  hundred  whereof 
he  says  the  gen^^  supervisor  had  brought  him  in  severals  parcells  as 
he  shared  it  with  the  rest,  and  Mr.  Sheldon  says  it  is  in  his  possession. 
Gentlemen,  this  is  two  \_sic]  much  money  for  the  Comp^  to  loose  for  want 
of  timely  care  to  prevent  it,  and  tis  to  be  feared  a  good  part  of  it  will  be 
lost.  I  know  not  what  Mr.  Sheldon  or  others  may  think  of  this  kind  of 
management,  but  I  fancy  that  when  our  Hon''^'^  Masters  come  to  know 
that  Mr.  Sheldon  was  all  along  from  the  begining  acquainted  with 
those  abuses  which  were  carrying  on  to  th«ir  prejudice,  and  never  opened 
his  mouth  about  [it]  till  his  spleen  came  to  be  moved,  and  that  upon 
so  triviall  an  occasion  as  the  turning  out  of  a  Black  servant,  they  will 
give  hJTn  but  little  thanks  for  his  pains.  If  Mr.  Sheldon  had  consulted 
either  the  interest  of  our  Hon*"^®  Masters  or  his  own  reputation  he 
would  have  made  the  Councill  privy  to  those  abuses  before  they  were 
gone  so  f arr,  and  then  he  had  fairly  acquitted  himself  in  doing  what  was 
reasonable  to  have  been  expected  from  him,  but  such  clandestine  prac- 
tices will  sooner  or  latter  leave  a  blot  behind  them.  I  shall  not  go 
about  to  purge  myself  from  these  abuses  any  further  than  I  have  done 
it  but  I  think  I  have  some  reason  to  complain  I  have* been  treated  as.  if 
I  had  had  a  hand  in  them,  upon  this  discovery  Mr.  Sheldon  desired  that 


FORT   WILLIAM,    1705    AND    1710.  363 

the  goveTnment  of  the  Black  people  might  be  taken  out  of  my  hands, 
then  I  am  excluded  from  having  any  share  in  examining  the  informa- 
tion ;  tis  true  I  made  no  opposition  to  either  of  these  because  I  "would 
leave  them  no  room  to  say  that  while  I  was  in  power  none  would  dare 
to  inform  against  me,  but  still  these  proceedings  are  to  my  dishonour, 
they  lessen  and  disgrace  me,  and  this  is  all  that  has  been  aimed  at,  for 
the  Comp-^*  interest  had  been  much  better  provided  for  by  the  way 
of  prevention,  and  I  believe  if  they  loce  any  of  the  money  which  they 
have  been  cheated  of  they  will  charge  the  fault  upon  him  that  delayed 
the  discovery,  when  he  both  could  and  ought  to  have  made  it  sooner. 

Gent.,  the  reason  why  I  have  chosen  to  lay  these  matters  before 
you  in  writing  is  because  of  the  great  disorders  that  are  in  our  consul- 
tations, I  mean  our  debatts  are  not  free  as  they  ought  to  be,  particularly 
for  my  own  part  1  have  seldom  or  never  had  a  fair  hearing  among  you, 
80  I  desire  this  paper  may  be  entred  in  the  consultation  book. 

I  am. 
Gentlemen, 
Your  most  humble  servant, 

Ben.  Bowcher. 


Fort  William,  the  2Qth  July  1705. 

"  Mr.  Benj.  Bowcher  wanting  a  Banian  to  serve  under  him  in  the 

jemidar's    office,  agreed  that   Jaorurdass  may  be 
August  16th.  1705.  1        ,,      1-      •"   1     .  .      „  ^ 

employed  by  rum  m  that  set  vice. 


421.— WILLLA.M  BUGDEN'S  WILL.' 

Mr.  John  Calvert,  one  of  the  Trustees  of  Mr.  William  Bugden, 
deceas'd,  presented  his  last  Will  and  Testament, 
wittnessed  by  Thomas  Woodvill  Eichard  Acton 
and  Tho.  Tymme.  Mr.  Acton  being  absent  the  other  two  were  sent 
for  and  swore  that  they  saw  Mr.  Wm.  Bugden  signe,  seal,  and 
publish  his  last  Will  and  Testament  in  their  presence,  and  that  they 
wittnessed  the  same  in  the  presence  of  each  other. 


»  Diary   of    tho    United  Trade   Council,    1710. 


364  FORT   WILLIAM,   OCTOBER    1710. 

WILL, 

In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  I,  William  Bugden,  in  the  service  of 
the  Hon''!^  United  English  East  India  Company  in  Bengal,  being  of 
perfect  mind  and  memory,  knowing  the  uncertainty  of  life  and  cer- 
tainty of  death,  do  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  in  manner 
follows. 

First  I  recommend  my  soul  into  the  hands  of  the  Allmighty  God 
that  gave  it  and  for  my  body  to  be  buried  in  a  Christian  and  decent 
manner  as  my  overseers  shall  think  fitt.  Touching  such  wordly  concerns 
were  in  it  has  pleased  God  Almighty  to  bless  me  with  in  this  life  I  give 
and  bequeath  as  follows.  I  give  to  Mrs.  Eliz''  Turner,  my  most  Hon''^® 
Aunt  in  England,  a  gold  ring  of  thirty  Shillings  valine.  I  give  to  Mr. 
James  Hunt  and  wife  in  England  to  each  a  gold  ring  of  twenty 
shillings  valine,  to  Mr.  James  Taylor  a  ring  of  the  like,  and  if  married 
to  his  wife  of  the  same  value.  To  my  brother,  Mr.  Edw  Bugden,  to  his 
wife'  Theophila,  and  my  brother  Charles,  his  widdow,  Mrs.  Cornelia 
Bugden,  to  each  a  ring  of  fifteen  shillings  value  and  to  each  of  them 
mourning.  The  remainder  of  my  estate  or  what  shall  be  found 
belonging  to  me  I  give  to  the  four  children  of  my  dec^  brother, 
Mr.  Chas.  Bugden,  to  be  eaqually  divided  amongst  them,  or  to  the 
survivors,  and  this  to  be  improved  as  my  trustees  shall  think  fitt  for  their 
advantage  and  not  to  be  paid  them  untill  they  come  to  years  of  discre- 
tion. Lastly  I  do  appoint  Mr.  John  Calvert  and  Mr.  Stephen  Shaw  to 
be  trustees  to  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  and  to  each  of  them  I 
leave  fifty  rupees  as  a  legacy,  in  witnness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett 
my  hand  and  seal.     This  11th  of  March  1709-10. 

William  Budgen  (Seal). 

Signed,  sealed,  published,  and  declared  by  W™  Bugden  to  be  his 
last  Will  and  Testament  in  the  presence  of  us, 

Tho.  Woodvill. 
KicH^   Acton. 
Tho.  Tymme. 

I  do  attest  this  to  be  a  true  copie  of  the  orign'  examined  and  ent* 
by  me. 

S.  Blount. 


FORT   WILLIAM,    JANUARY    1710.  365 

422.— LETTER    FROM    CAPTAIN    FRANCIS   CHILD,  i 

Fort  William  in  Ben  gala  ^ 

the  5th  of  January  1709-10. 

Hon"  Sir, 

Upon  the  recomendations  of  several  persons  of  quality,  members 
of  Parliament  who  have  known  me  for  some  years,  and  also  of  His  Grace 
the  Duke  of  Beaufort  in  a  particular  manner  to  Sir  Thomas  Cook  I 
obtained  a    comison   as  Lieut"*  to  comand   one  of  the  Companies  at 
Benjar,  but  upon  the  news  of  the  distraction  of  the  settlement  I  was 
order'd  to  Bengala  with    ouly    one   serj'    and  twenty  men.    The  rest 
of  my   Company,    consisting   of   104   men,  were  dispers't  to  all  the 
other  factories  in  India,  yet  doe  not  blame   any  person  but  my   own 
misfortunes    in  being  obliged    to  part    with    above    80    brave    men 
which  were  turned  over  to   me  by  my  friends  in  her  Maj^*  service. 
On  or  near  the  first  of  May  1708   I  was  called  before   their  Honn" 
at  Skinner's  HaU,  Mr.   Bull  then  in  the  chair,  who  assured   me  of  the 
favour  of  the  Hon^'^  Court,  and  that  they  had  a   due  regard  to  my 
deligenee   and  industry  in  raising   such   a  number   of  men,  and  the 
care  I  had  in  readily  obeying  all  the  oiders  I  had  from  time  to  time 
and  that  as  soon  as  I  arrived  at  Fort  "William  I  should  be  put  at  the 
head  of  a  Company  as  usual  in  such  cases.     The  Hon^^®    Court  exprest 
themselves  so  much  in  my  favour  that  when  I  was  askt  if  I  would  if  I 
desire   anything  more  of  the  Court,  I  could  not   make  any  answer 
for    the  Hon^^^    Court  had    assigned  me   all    that    my  station   could 
desire ;   and   as    a  farther   mark    of   their  favour  presented  me  with 
25  guineas  over  and  above  all  other  equal    gratuities,    as   the  Hon"* 
Committee  of  shipping  did  £60  more  in  consideration  of  my  raising  64 
men  over  and  above  the  40  1  was  obliged  to  raise.     Gentlemen,  I  must 
confess  I  had  as  much  favour  from  the  Hon*'^^  Court  of  Managers  as  I 
could  wish  for  ;  which  was  the  maine  encouragement  I  had  to  proceed 
Boe  long  and  tedious  a  voyage,  not  thinking  or  doubting  of  anything  but 
the  like  treatment  at  Bengali,  which  I  have  found  to  be  quite  contrary. 
I  know  that  the  Board  here  (I  suppose  in  it  to  excuse  their  dl-treating 
of  me)  have  characterized  me  but  indifferently ;  their  objections  I  think 
to  tedious  to  answer,  only  in  generallthat  I  have  had  the  honour  to  bear 
Lieu"^^  comision   in  the  Q,ueen's  service,  and  think  I   have  had  very 


•  India  Office  Records.     Unbound  Papers  (Packet  32.)    To  go  with  ranee  446 
Vol.  Xr      October  1715  to  May  1716. 


366  FORT   WILLIAM,    OCTOBER    1710. 

hard  usnage  here  from  a  board  of  gentlemen,  when  they  have  not 
ohej'ed  the  orders  and  the  comision  you  gave  me.  Your  Honours  I 
hope  will  pardon  my  plainesse  when  I  acquaint  you  that  I  never  had 
any  command  of  a  company  since  I  have  been  here ;  therefore  of  conse- 
quence guilty  of  no  fault  in  my  post ;  and  as  to  my  studdying  to  please 
any  private  persons  it  was  never  my  great  care,  only  in  the  faithful 
discharge  of  my  duty  and  the  trust  of  it  reposed  in  me ;  and  as  to  my 
capacity  I  leave  it  to  the  world  to  judge.  I  can  only  acquaint  your 
Honn""^  that  I  am  suhplanted  by  those  persons  that  never  had  any 
comision  before  the  honour  of  yours.  When  I  first  arived  at  Fort 
William  the  Councill  told  me  that  if  I  had  arived  before  Capt""  Miners 
I  should- have  procurred,  but  as  matters  were  there  was  but  two 
Companies,  and  desired  me  to  act  as  Ensign  till  they  could  have  other 
opertunities  to  give  me  a  company  which  I  could  not  but  resent,  when 
I  had  your  commison  as  well  as  your  word  for  the  performance  of  all, 
which  was  the  occasion  of  all  our  future  diif erences ;  for  no  person  can 
believe  that  the  Hon^^®  United  East  India  Company  will  trappan  or 
ensnare  any  gentlemen,  but  will  perform  their  premisses  in  everything, 
and  that  no  Englishman  can  be  so  base  as  to  act  in  such  a  plot,  that  has 
been  Ensign  Lieut*  and  Capf*  in  Her  Maj^^^  service,  but  would  rather 
go  to  his  native  country,  where  he  is  sure  of  justice  from  so  many 
Honourable  and  Worthy  gentlemen.  I  humbly  begg  pardon  for  send- 
ing this  long  letter,  and  pray  your  Hon''^  to  consider  my  case  and 
to  make  me  full  satisfaction  for  all  that  I  have  suffer'd  and  lost  by  the 
Company's  not  performing  their  promises,  and  your  orders  that  I 
command  an  entire  company  for  the  future,  and  to  take  post  of  every 
comision  if  it  is  not  of  an  older  date,  I  thinking  it  my  right  to  preceed 
every  other  person  that  never  had  a  command  in  the  army,  as  is 
customary  in  all  such  cases,  even,  in  her  Majesty's  service.  Which  if 
your  Honours  will  please  to  grant  I  will  serve  you  faithfully.  If  your 
Honn"  think  me  unieasonable  I  pray  to  be  put  for  home  by  the  first 
Bhipping. 

I  am, 

your  Honn"  most  humble  and 
most  obed*  servant, 

Fr.  Child. 

To  the  Hon^^®   the  Court  of  Managers  of  the  United  East   India 
Company  at  the  East  India  House  in  London. 


SniPPlXG    LISTS. 


?67 


SHIPPING  LISTS' 


OP  THB 


EAST  INDIA  COMPANY. 

SHIPS  TAKEN,  LOST,  BXJENT,  OE  OTHEEWISE  DESTEOYED. 
Fbom  1702  TO  1710. 


Date. 

Ship's  name. 

Tons. 

By  what  means. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

1702 

Queen 

320 

Taken, 

1703 

Neptune 

275 

Lost. 

Dover 

180 

Taken. 

1704 

Hester 

b50 

Lost. 

Albemarle 

320 

Lost. 

1705 

Edw.  and  Dudley 

300 

Taken. 

Bombay 

300 

Blown  up. 

1707 

Herbert 

210 

Taken. 

Dispatch 

110 

Blown  up. 

1708 

Godolphin 

280 

Lest, 

New  George 

4<X) 

Taken. 

1709 

Sherborne 

400 

Lost. 

Dutchess 

430 

Taken. 

Phoenix 

400 

Lost, 

1710 

Jane 

180 

Taken. 

'  Reprinted  from  the  Register  of  Ships   of  the  East  India   Company   by 
Charles  Hardy,  a  rare  publication  in  the  India  Office  Library, 


368  SHIPPING    LISTS. 

EAST  INDIA  SHIPS  WITH  THEIE  COMMANDEES,  etc. 
Season  1708-1709.. 


o 
be 

OS 

Ship's  name. 

03 
O 

H 

Commanders. 

Consignments. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

6 

4 
4 
4 
4 
1 
8 
3 
4 
4 
2 

Godolphin 

New  George 

Tankerville 

Halifax 

Heathcote 

Frederick 

Loyal  Bliss 

Loyal  Cook 

Carlton 

Nathaniel 

280 
400 
425 
350 
400 
350 
350 
330 
275 
250 

S.  A.  Eice    ... 
James  Osborne 
Ch.  Newman 
Hen.  Hudson 
Joseph  Tolson 
Eich.  Phrypp 
Rort-  Hudson 
Jonathan  Clarke 
Geo.  Littleton 
Jonathan  Negus 

Bombay. 

Surat. 

Surat. 

Coast  and  Bay. 

>»                   9> 
>)                   >l 
>>                   1> 

China. 
1  Bombay  and  Bene. 
j  Bencoolen. 

1709-1710. 


Blenlieim 

King  William 

Europa 

Susannah 

Bouverie 

St.  George 

Eochester 

Mead 

Sherborne 

Stringer  Galley 

Dutchess 

Catharine 

Phoenix 


260 

400 
300 
3(J0 
420 
450 
3350 
310 
250 
250 
4:::0 
450 
4(0 


Abraham  Parrot t 
Nicholas  Winter 
Humph.  Bryant 
Eichard  Pumell 
Hugh  Eaymond 
Sam  Goodman 
Francis  S tames 
Daniel  Needlrtm 
Henry  Cornwall 
Isaac  Pyke 
John  Blacon 
Edward  Godfrey 
Edward  Pierson 


Mocha. 

Coast  and  Bay. 


China. 

St.  Hel.  and  Bene. 

Bencoolen. 

China  and  Mocha. 

Surat  and  Persia. 

Surat. 


1710-1711. 


Success 

Windsor 

Hester 

Howl  and 

London 

Dartmouth. 

Aurengzebe 

Averilla 

Derby 

Juno 

Toddington 

Thistleworth 

Litchfield 

Montague 

Heathcote 


180 

200 
250 
450 
600 
440 
450 
300 
450 
180 
230 
250 
400 
375 
400 


Thos.  Clapham 
ZacP-  Tovey 
Charles  Kefar 
George  Cooke 
William  Upton 
Thos.  Beckford 
Edmund  Stacey 
Eobeit  Hurst 
Thomas  Wotton 
John  Austin 
Thomas  Blow 
Daniel  Small 
James  Lee 
James  Stoakes 
Joseph  Tolson 


Coast  and  Bay. 

Mocha. 

China. 

China  and  Mocha. 

Persia  and  Bom. 

Coast  and  Bay. 


Madras  and  Bene. 
St.  Hel.  and  Bene. 

Ditto. 
Bombay  and  Surat. 


PlTl-'s  OORRESPONDENCK.  369 


BElSrO^IL. 


GOVERNOR  PUTS  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  letter-books  of  Thomas  Pitt  ^  have  been  abeady  extensively 
used  by  Sir  Henry  Yule  in  his  edition  of  Hedges'  Diary.  I  have 
however  gone  through  them  again,  not  so  much  with  a  view  to  discover 
materials  for  a  life  of  Pitt,  as  to  gain  additional  light  on  the  history 
of  the  English  in  Becgal.  The  following  is  all  that  I  have  found 
worth  noting. 

1.  Writing  on  the  4th  May,  1700,  to  John  Beard,  Pitt  says: — 
'*I  send  your  Lady  (to  whom  I  give  my  service)    [one   p.  of  China 

silk  mark'^  J.  B.]  -  four  potts  of  tea  four  jars  of  China  sweetmeats 
two  gammons  of  bacon  and  20  potts  of  hogsue  and  if  she  please 
at  any  time  to  hon"  me  w*''  her  command  for  anything  she  wants 
iu  these  parts  I  shall  be  very  ready  to  serve  her." 

2.  On  the  8th  May,  1 700,  Pitt  writes  the  following  letter  to  Khojah 
Sarhad : — 

♦*  Fort  St.  George,  May  8th,  1700. 

To  Cojah  Sarade,  Merch', 
in  Bengale 
The  small  accquaintauce  I  have  w'*"  yo''  uncle  Calender  &  you 
in  England  having  seen  you  sev"  times  at  Mr.  OngJeys,  makes 
me  request  yo'  favour  and  assistance  to  Mr.  Griffith  and  Cap*  Hornett 
in  the  Sedgeicick  in  which  I  am  concerned,  wee  designing  her  for 
Persia,  and  hope  by  yo""  means  to  gett  a  good  ffreight,  she  is  a  very 
good  ship,  and  sails  excellent  well  and  good  defence,  she  is  but  small  soe 
must  carry  none  but  fine  goods  and  hope  there  may  be  enough  procured 
to  lade  her  y'  she  may  depart  in  Septemb""  w'^'  will  be  of  great  advan- 
tao-e  to  the  freighters  getting  there  early,  and  carrying  soe  small  a 
quantity. 

'  British  Museum.  Add.  MS3.,  22342  to  22853. 

'  The  words  within  square  brackets  are  written  in  the  margin. 

B  B 


370  Pitt's  corkespondence. 

I  allsoe  am  sending  downe  a  email  ship  for  Moco  when  shall 
write  you  more  att  large.  If  I  can  serve  you  in  any  thing  here  you 
may  att  any  time  command  y'  assured 

friend  to  serve 

you  T.  Pitt." 

3.  On  the  10th  April,  1700,  Pitt  wrote  to  Captain  Alexander 
Delgardno  asking  him  to  pay  back  the  money  which  he  owed.  On 
the  13th  March,  1701,  he  writes  to  Thomas  Curgenven  saying  that 
Delgardno  is  to  he  seized  by  the  native  government  at  Hugli. 

4.  On  the  20th  May,  1701,  writing  to  Beard,  he  says : — 

"  If  the  interest  of  the  Armenians  cannot   fill  a   ship  for  Manilla 

'tis  a  sign  that  trade  is  little  worth Your  son  is  very  well  but  has 

boils  which  is  a  sign  of  health.     A  letter  from  your  mother  Ivry  I  here 
inclose." 

5.  Writing  on  the  20th  May,  1701,  to  Curgenven,  he  says  : — 

"  I  wish  you  may  go  to  Dacca  w"''  I  take  to  be  as  advantageous 
a  post  as  most  in  the  Comp^'^  service." 

6.  On  the   30th  June,  1701,   he  sends  a  letter  to  Curgenven  by 

*' your  brother  who   came   out  a   soldier  on  the  Bedford I  wonder 

y*"  uncle  would  not  send  him  out  under  better  circumstances." 

7.  On  the  9th  July,  1701,  to  Robert  Hedges  :— 

"  Y'  brother  Raynes  sent  me  by  the  adventure  from  Surat  some 
snuff  for  you." 

8.  On  the  same  date  to  Beard : — 

"  Y'  mother  and  son  is  pretty  well  tho.  uneasy  un^er  the  present 
excessive  hot  weather  wee  now  have  &  so  am  I  too." 

9.  On  the  26th  July,  1702,  writing  to  Beard,  Pitt  hopes  he  will 
"  make  a  tolerable  end  of  that  troublesome  business,"  i.e.,  the  quarrel 
with  the  Mogul  government...."  My  kinsman  Halsey  was  very  much  in 
the  wrong  when  he  pressed  the  giving  of  money  but  a  man  in  troubles 
is  like  one  that  is  sick  take  anything  for  the  present  case  without  con- 
sidering the  consequences  and  that  has  been  the  unhappy  temper  of 
some  of  our  predecessors  and  as  to  what  you  wrote  that  if  the  trade  is 
not  opened  there  may  be  a  trade  carried  on  underhand  by  the  con- 
nivance of  the  Oovernment  who  will  be  p*^  for  it  and  always  ready 
to  create  us  troubles  for  that  end  and  doubtless   'twill   raise   a  good 


Pitt's  correspondence.  371 

rerenue  to  the  Gov'  of  Hugly  if  he  can  have  four  rup.  a  chest  for  ophium 
and  80  in  proportion  for  bales." 

10.  On  the  24th  September,  1702,  to  Ourgenven  : — 

"I  rec**  a  letter  from  y"^  uncle  per  the  Colchester  in,  w'*  was  two 
parhs.  I  now  send  you  in  a  paper  apart.  I  suppose  they  are  grounded 
from  somewhat  y*  you  wrote  the  reasons  thereof  I  desire  to  know  y* 
Boe  I  may  justify  myselfe  for  I  have  reason  to  fear  you  have  not  dealt 
fairly  by  me,  nor  have  made  such  due  representation  of  my  repeated 
kindnesses  to  you  as  I  have  justly  deserved." 

11.  On  the  25th  September,  1702,  writing  to  Beard: — 

"Tour  mother  Ivory  has  been  out  of  order  some  time  butt  your  son 
is  well  and  lusty." 

12.  On  the  5th  November.  1702,  to  Beard  again : — 

"  Wee  are  all  beholding  to  you  for  the  care  you  have  taken  in  the 
Rubies  business.  T  am  glad  the  management  of  your  ship  Monsoon  is 
to  your  satisfaction  having  done  thereio  as  if  it  had  been  all  my  own 
as  alsoe  in  the  sale  of  your  peper  &  the  returns  thereof....!  observe 
what  you  say  was  said  in  Bengala  by  Coja  Surhaud  about  letting  out 
the  Fhenix,  &  I  am  of  his  opinion.... Tour  mother  Ivry  is  indisposed 
but  your  son  well." 

13.  On  the  7th  November,  to  Sheldon : — 

"  The  balance  of  your  account  with  Mr.  Whistler  is  paid  to  ]!d>. 
Affleck  as  advised. 

I  observe  what  you  write  about  your  government  &  'tis  much  the 
same  here  all  matters  standing  as  when  I  last  wrote  having  not  as  yet 
released  our  goods  nor  asked  for  a  penny  of  money  &  if  they  do'nt 
do  the  former  speedily  I  am  thinking  to  fetch  the  goods  from  St. 
Thomas.... Sir  Ed.  I  believe  is  convinced  by  this  time  that  there 
will  be  a  union  between  the  two  comp**-  The  new  Comp*  nicked 
it  in  their  uniting  for  here  is  a  whole  catalogue  of  misfortunes  gone 
home  to  'em.  I  hear  that  you  are  the  top-gardener  in  Bengali  aud 
I  am  as  well  as  I  can  imitating  of  you  bere  for  in  our  last  trouble  we 
extiemely  wanted  garden  trade,  so  am  now  contriving  to  have  all  within 
ourselves  and  should  be  extremely  obliged  to  you  if  you  would  yearly 
furnish  me  with  what  seeds  your  parts  afford.  Beans,  pease  &e.  they 
must  be  new  &  the  best  way  to  send  'em  is  in  bottles  well  stopped 
for  no  manner  of  seed  thrives  here  if  it  be  the  growth  of  the  place 
for  it  dwindles  to  nothing." 

B  B  2 


372 


PllT  S    CORRESPOMDEKCE. 


14.  On  tie  8th  November,  to  Halsey: — 

"I  was  glad  to  hear  that  you  &  y^  lady  Lad  gott  clear  of  the 
Gov*  who  I  wish  may  not  make  it  their  practice  for  the  future  to  seize 
our  persons  &  estates  upon  all  light  pretences  soever  but  now  the  two 
Compa.s  are  united  hope  they  will  call  'em  to  account  for  the  same." 

15.  On  the  8th  December,  1702,  to  Beard  :— 

"  Sir  Ed.  may  talk  of  a  Phirmand,  tho.  1  am  pretty  sure  he'l  never 
get  any....Dowd  Oawn  is  come  again  withiu  3  leagues  of  this  place 
designing  as  is  reported  to  go  against  some  Po  Hi  gars....  The  3rd  instant 
your  mother  Ivory  died.  ^  Before  when  there  was  no  probability  of  her 
recovery  I  enquired  whether  you  had  given  any  orders  about  your  son 
&  found  you  had  to  Mr.  Affleck  otherwise  I  would  have  taken  charge 
of  him  till  your  further  order.  I  also  recommended  to  Mr.  Affleck  the 
care  of  your  mother's  concerns  &  write  you  fully  thereof  by  this  cossed 
which  comes  on  purpose....!  have  wrote  to  Mr.  Haynes  about  the 
Blimderbusses  but  to  this  day  have  had  no  answer  to  it  but  have 
lately  refreshed  his  memory  with  another  letter." 

16.  On  the  5th  January,  1702-3,  to  Beard  :— 

"Mr.  Haynes  acknowledges  that  he  has  had  the  11  blunderbusses. 

Dowd  Cawn  is  gone  about  12  leagues  distance  into  the    country 

ransacking  all  where  he  comes....!  should  be  extremely  obliged  to  you 
if  you  w*^  send  me  by  all  conveyances  good  store  of  garden  seeds 
such  as  pease  beans  turnips  carrots  cabages  water-melons  &c.  they 
must  be  new  &  the  best  way  of  putting  them  up  is  in  bottles.  The 
Armenian  in  the  Johanna  sent  me  a  few,  which  !  believe  he  had  from 
Patna  which  proved  veiy  good." 

17.  On  the  7th  January,  1702-3,  to  Samuel  Ongley,  London : — 

"  My  liesure  time  !  generally  spend  in  gardening  and  planting  and 
making  such  improvements  which  !  hope  will  tend  to  the  Oompa's 
advantage  and  the  good  of  the  whole  place  for  tliat  in  a  little  time  ! 
hope  the  place  will  be  able  to  subsist  of  itself  without  much  dependance 
from  the  country  for  that  in  the  late  long  siege  we  were  not  a  little 
pinched  for  provisions." 

18.  On  the  28th  January,  1705-G,  to  Mr.  John  A.ffleck,  London  :— 
"  You'l  hear  that  there  has  been  a  great  mortality  in  Bengal  and 

those  escaped  hither  with  their  lives  look  most  dismally  more  parti- 

1  The  Madras  Jiurial  Eegister  gives:  "Elizabetli  Ivory,  buried  December 
2nd,  1702,  by  George  Lewis." 


I 


Pin's   C  >RRFSPONDKNCE.  373 

cularly  brother  Harris.  Poor  Stratford  died  in  Bengal.  Mr.  Boucher 
&  Mr.  Bedshaw  &  Mr.  Harris  that  man-ied  the  widdow  dyed  here 
lately.  Mr.  Wright  is  married  to  Mrs.  Beard  &  the  other  Mr.  Wright 
goeing  to  marry  Mrs.  Hart  which  is  all  the  news  I  now  think  of."  ' 

19.  On  the  10th  March,  1701-5,  to  Wm.  Dohyns  Esq",  Lincoln's 
Inn,  London  : — 

"  Few  days  past  we  had  the  ill  news  from  Bengal  of  Mr.  Curgen- 
ven's  death  who  married  y'  daughter  in  law,  who  as  'tis  said  have 
lately  met  with  misfortunes  in  trade  so  I  fear  has  left  hm  widdow  but 
in  poor  circ'." 

20.  On  the  same  date  to  Mr.  Ourgenven  : — 

*'  The  Dutchess  did  not  sail  till  Fehr^  when  I  advised  you  of 
your  nephew's  death  in  Bengali  and  doe  now  of  your  Dephew  Thomas 
who  died  the  25th  Dec*",  &  as  reported  his  affairs  involved  by  over- 
trading himself.  The  other  two  brothers  are  n""  Acheen  &  speedily 
expected  here  to  whom  I  will  give  my  utmost  assistance  as  also  their 
brother's  affairs  to  extricate  them  out  of  any  trouble." 

21.  On  the  27th  September,  1705,  to  Wm.  Dobyns  of  Lincoln's 
Inn  : — 

"  I  reo*^  y"^  of  the  29th  Dec.  last  by  the  Fl^ci  frigate  who  arrived 
here  the  27th  of  June  &  know  not  how  to  answer  every  particular 
clearly  relating  to  your  son's  affairs  unless  Mrs.  Ourgenven  was  here 
whom  I  expect  in  a  little  time.  Her  husband  dying  after  I  wrote  you 
by  the  last  ships  copy  of  w''^  comes  inclosed  the  account  I  sent  you 
attested  by  my  accountant  is  as  authentic  as  if  subscribed  by  myself. 
I  can  give  you  no  other  account  of  your  son's  estate  but  as  it  came  to 
my  hands  for  his  transactions  of  it  before  was  unknown  to  me.... I  wrote 
you  formerly  that  the  ace*  y'  son  sent  you  was  a  sham  ace*  &  so 
declared  by  him.  I  believe  his  outcry  was  fair  &  just,  for  'twas  sold 
at  the  sea  gate  where  those  sort  of  shams  can't  be  practised  &  I  believe 
if  the  arrack  had  been  worth  a  fanam  more  Grermain  had  not  had  it. 
Your  son  in  his  sickness  was  pressed  several  times  to  make  a  will  but 
could  never  be  persuaded  to  it  and  I  believe  the  widow  delivered  up  all 
his  effects  to  which  she  took  her  oath  as  advised  in  my  last  letter." 

^  The  Register  of  Marriages  at  Madras  in  the  India  Office  give?  :  "January 

6th,  1706,  Thomes  Wright  and  Mary  Beard February  1st,  Robert  Wright  ani 

Eligabeth  Hart." 


374  Pitt's  coRrtESPoxDENCE. 

22.  On  the  20th  January,  1706-7,  to  John  Dolben  :  — 

"  Since  you  went  hence  we  have  heard  of  a  very  great  mortality 
amongst  our  Europeans  at  Bengal  when  Mr.  Sheldon  was  very  near 
aging  w*^  we  believe  is  the  only  reason  that  has  prevented  his  sending 
us  any  of  yours  or  our  own  accounts." 

23.  On  the  Ist  February,  1708-9,  to  Eobert  Hedges,  in 
England : — 

"  I  rec*  the  favour  of  yours  of  the   5  Jan.  1707-8  by  the  Somer 

who  arrived  here  the  18th  past, the  Lichfield  and  Montague 

have  been  very  near  to  falling  into  the  French  hand.  I  am  heartily 
glad  that  you  escaped  and  arrived  safe  in  England  and  'tis  reported 
here  that  you  are  hastening  out  to  the  Presidency  at  Bengal,  if  so 
I  wish  you  good  success....  Shealem^  w*'^  his  army  is  now  at  Golconda 
having  killed  in  two  battles  two  of  his  brothers  &  3  of  their  sons  so 
have  hopes  that  all  now  will  be  quiet  but  some  doubt  it  fearing  there 
will  be  speedily  fresh  troubles  between  his  sons  &  he'll  also  meet 
with  trouble  from  the  Bashboots  with  whom  he  has  broke  his  word. 

Mr.  Nightingale  will  acquaint  you  with  the  news  of  Bengal  and 
those  paxts  where  the  Gov*  is  very  troublesome  we  are  sending  some 
persons  with  a  present  to  the  King " 

24.  On  the  21st  October,  1709,  to  Robert  Nightingale,  in  Eng- 
land : — 

"  I  have  by  thii  ship  Seathcote  wherein  I  take  my  passage  wrote 
to  Sir  Stephen  Evance  &  yourself  jointly  and  sent  you  by  the  hands 
of  the  Oap"^  four  bulws.  of  Diamonds  am^  to  Pag.  3639  :  35 :  40  wherein 
you  are  interested  Pag.  1069:  2:  42  the  ball**  of  y''  ace', which  I 
here  iaclose  I  shall  not  enlarge  hoping  to  be  with  you  as  soon  as  this." 

1  Shah  'Ham. 


EARLY   BNGLISH   ACCOUNTS  OF    BENGAL.  375 


REPORTS  AND  LETTERS 

COlTCEBlTINa  THE 

COMPANY'S  AFFAIRS  IN  BENGAL.' 

1661  TO  1685. 
Cassimbazab. 

Mr.  Kenns,2  etc.,  advices  about  Bengali,  etc.,  in  the  year  1661,  being 
writt  from  Cassumbuzar. 

Goods    vendible. 

The  commodities  chiefly  vendable  in  this  place  are  Silver  and  Gold  ; 
Silver  either  in  Coin  or  Bans  according  to  its  fineness.  The  best  time 
of  the  year  to  sell  it  in  is  in  December  except  the  Dutch  should  have 
no  more  silver  from  Japan,  and  the  best  time  for  sale  will  be  in  May. 
Eialls  of  I  are  esteemed  weighty,  when  50  of  them  w^  120  sicca  (which 
are  new  Rupees  of  that  year's  coin)  Rupees.  The  weight  of  each  sicca 
is  10^  mass,  8  of  which  mass  is  equall  to  the  full  weight  of  a  20*  piece 
in  gold ;  Gold  either  in  Coin,  wedge  or  sand  vendable  at  all  times,  there 
being  much  less  difference  in  the  price  than  in  silver,  which  rises  and  falls 
a  great  deal  more.  The  first  of  these  three  sorts  is  most  vendible  to 
proffit,  whether  5,  10,  20,  or  22*  ps.  or  8  Spanish  Doublons,  or  Yenice 
Chequeens.  The  next  sort  vendible  is  in  the  Wedge.  The  sand  Gold  is 
in  somewhat  lower  esteem,  tho'  of  the  same  fineness,  the  reason  is  because 
the  coined  gold  of  the  sorts  abovementioned  is  generally  known  as  to 

^  This  forms  the  ninth  and  last  section  of  a  manuscript  volume  in  the  isntisli 
Mnseum,  (Add.  MSS.  34,123)  called  a  Megister  of  papers  relating  to  the  English 
and  Dutch  East  Indies,  1632-1735.  The  volume  seems  to  have  belonged  to 
Henry  Vansittart,  Governor  of  Bengal.  It  has  fifty  pages.  The  extract  here  given 
begins  on  p.  42.    There  are  other  scattered  notices  of  Bengal  in  the  earlier  pages. 

J.  Marshall,  a  superstitious  sailor  with  an  enquiring  mind,  has  also  something 
to  say  about  Bengal  at  this  time  in  a  Journal  headed  "Laus  Deo,  Sept.  3  Anno 
Dmi  lfc'68.  An  account  of  some  pts.  of  India  and  w*  remarkable  therein  taken 
by  me,  J  3^"  British  Museum,  Harl.  MS.  42-54.  He,  however,  speaks  rather 
of  the  Indian  language,  religion  and  science.  In  Harl.  M3.  4253,  we  have 
a  dialogue  beween  J.  M.  and  a  Brahmin  at  Cassimbazar,  In  dari.  MS.  4255 
J.  M.  gives  us  the  Sanscrit  alphabet.  Harl.  MS.  4252  is  the  journal  of  the 
voyage  of  the  Unicorn,  330  tons,  leaving  Blackwall,  29th  December,  1667. 

-  Joan  Kenn  was  appointed,  in  1658,  Chief  at  Cassimbazar,  salary  £40.  Seo 
above  p.  33,  and  R'.dges  Diary,  III,   pp.  189,  192,  193. 


376  EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OF  BENGAL. 

its  fineness  by  all  merchants  without  further  tryall  than  inspection  as 
for  its  value,  that  is  as  the  gold  is  in  fineness,  yet  you  may  note  that 
a  20'  ps.,  that  is  weight  sells  allways  from  10  to  10 1  rupees,  never  under 
nor  over.  The  merchants  buy  Gold  and  Plate  pay  always  ready 
money,  when  it  is  weighed  to  them,  then  they  presently  send  it  up  to 
Rajamaul  (where  mint  is)  to  be  coined,  which  costs  them  about  3|  po. 
the  charges  of  coining,  but  if  the  English  send  up  any  it  will  cost  them 
more.  Silver  rises  and  falls  generally  according  as  the  Batty  [bat^a] 
goes  on  Sicca  Rupees. 

Othsr  Commodities  are  vendible  here,  but  not  in  great  quantities 
except  Ohank  [CawiM]  or  Tinn. 

Goods  procurable. 

Commodities  procurable  here  are  silk  TafPaties  long  and  short, 
women's  Clouts  of  silk  about  11  Coveds  long  and  severall  sorts  of  striped 
Stuffs  and  Striped  Girdles.  The  silk  is  bought  at  the  best  hands,  it 
must  be  bought  in  the  Putta  [?  pafa],  or  short  skean,  which  is  first 
wound  ofE  from  the  Bag  of  the  worm,  which  commonly  is  worth  from 
15  to  19  ans,  the  half  Seer,  70  Tolas,  each  Tola  being  the  just  weight 
of  a  Rupee  making  a  Seer,  in  this  silk  we  commonly  wind  it  into  above 
3  Sorts,  Viz*  head,  Belly,  and  foot.^  When  we  buy  it  of  them,  we  buy 
only  the  head  and  belly,  and  its  Customary  that  we  have  5  Seer  of  the 
head  to  every  4  Seer  of  the  Belly. 

There  is  another  soit  of  Silk  which  is  superfine   called  Puttany 

[?paiam^^  which  is  usually  worth  from  5j  to  6^  Rupees  per  seer.  This 

silk  is  in  short  skeans  like  the  Putta. 

There  is  another  sort  of  Silk  which  the   Merchants  buy  for  Agra, 

called  Dolleria  [? Dil/ieriol,  which  is  head,  belly,  and  foot  mixt  together. 

According  as  this  silk  sells  in  Agra,  so  the  price  of  silk  in  Cassumbuzar 

riseth  or  falleth.     The  exchange  of  money  from  Cassumbuzar  to  Pattana 

and  Agra  riseth  and  falleth  as  the  said  silk  findeth  a  vent  in  Pattana 

01  Agra. 

The  exchange  to  Patna, 

To  pay  money  in  Cassumbuzar  and  receive  it  in  Pattana,  upon  biU 

of  Exchange  a   month  after  date,  always  yields  proffit.     I  have  known 

it  from  1  to  6  per  cent.,  when  the  silk  sells  well  at  Agra,  the  produce 

is  usually  sent  to  Cassumbuzar  in  money  overland,  which  is  the  reason 

tliat  when   great   sums   of  money  come  from  thence  the  exchange  of 

money  to   Pattana  in  one   day    doth  sometimes  fall  2\   to   3   p.  o. 

'  What  would  now  be  called,  first,  second,  and  third  quality  silk. 


EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OF  BENGAL.  377 

The  ordmary  Long  Taffaties  of  20  Cov''^  long  an'l  2  broad  are  always 
betwixt  4  to  5  Rupees  per  piece,  the  short  of  10  Cov*^"  long  and  14 
broad  from  8  to  23  Rupees  per  Gorge  [CorjaJ. 

At  Maqsuddbad. 
At  Muxadavad,  above  3  leagues  from  Cassumbiizar,  there  are  made 
several!   sorts   of  silver  and  gold  Girdles  from  10  Rupees  to  60  Rupees 
each,  also  fine  Taffaties  from  9  to  12  Rupees  per  piece;  but  none  of 
those  goods  are  near  so  fine  or  good  as  those  that  come  from  Persia. 

The    Monsoons. 
The   Monsoons  Serve  to  Yoyage  to  and  from  several  parts  in  India 
as  foUoweth,  viz^ — 

From  Bantam  to  Macassar  from  October  until  Aprill. 
From  Bantam  to  the  Coast   of  Cormandell  all  the  months  of  the 
year,  thro'  the  Straights     of   Sunda,   except  September,   October,   and 
November,  and  those  3  months  thro'  the  straights  of  Mallaca. 

From  Surat  to  Bantam  in  Aprill,  and  so  arrive  at  Bantam  the  latter 
end  of  May. 

From  Bantam  to  Surat  in  the  latter  end  of  August,  and  so  arrive 
at  Surat  the  end  of  September. 

From  Surat  to  Persia  in  the  months  of  October,  November,  and  De- 
cember, and  return  from  Persia  to  Surat  in  February  and  arrive  in  March. 
From  Surat  to  England  the  best  time  is  in  December,  and  so  to  fall 
with  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  February  or  March  and  arrive  at 
St.  HeUena  in  Aprill,  from  whence  the  common  passage  to  England  is 
three  months. 

From  Bantam  to  Japan  in  the  month  of  Aprill  and  May,  and  so 
return  in  November  and  December. 

From  the  coast  of  Cormandell  to  Bantam  all  the  months  of  the 
year  either  by  the  Streights  of  Sunda  or  the  Streights  of  Alalacca,  except 
January,  February,  and  ^Nlarch,  those  being  the  3  worst  months  in  the 
year,  the  wind  lying  at  S.-E.,  and  so  that  a  ship  cannot  get  off  the 
coast. 

No  ship  can  winter  upon  the  coast  of  India,  but  if  they  depart 
from  Surat  in  Aprill  they  must  either  go  for  Bantam,  the  Mauritius  or 
Augvistine  Bay,  which  is  upon  the  Island  of  S*  Lawrence. 

HUGLI. 

Hugly  the  best  time  to  buy  Goods  in  this  place  is  as  followeth 
viz* — 

In  March   and  April,  "Wheat,   Gunneys,  and  Sugar. 


378  EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OP  BENGAL. 

In  May  and  June,  Butter,  Ginghams,  White  Cloths,  and  several 
sorts  of  striped  stuffs. 

In  July  and  August,  Rice,  Hemp,  Flax. 

In  December  and  January,  Long  Pepper,  Oyle,  and  Rice  of  the 
second  growth. 

In  September,  October,  and  November  all  things  are  very  dear,  being 
the  time  of  Shipping,  and  in  which  we  receive  in  those  goods  for  which 
money  was  given  out  in  the  months  afore  written. 

Patna.^ 

Commodities   procurable. 

A  List  of  what  goods  procurable  at  Pattana  and  the  season  when  to 
be  had  at  the  best  rates,  viz* — 

Musk — the  greatest  quantity  is  bought  in  tlie  cold,  some  out,  but 
that  not  considerable  from  Buttim  [Butan],  a  Raja's  country  towards 
the  Coast  of  China,  3  months'  journey  from  Pattana;  it  usually  comes 
thither  in  the  month  of  November.  Sooner  they  cannot  come  by  reason 
of  the  heats,  which  encounters  them  to  their  Destruction,  from  thence  its 
carried  to  Agra,  and  so  to  Persia,  Yenice,  etc.,  the  price  usually  from 
Rupees  35  to  40  the  Seer,  the  Seer  being  16  pice  weight  (16  pice  is  lOy^j- 
ounces  Troy)  Sawjahaun  [Shah  Jahan]  such  as  go  at  Surat  and  all  the 
King's  Dominions.  Musk  out  of  the  Cold  sold  by  the  Tola  from  rupees 
3  to  6  if  high  price,  then  its  all  in  small  hard  Knobs  round,  if  about  3 
then  dust  without  them.  Ophium  to  be  bought  in  March,  before  which 
Time  they'll  make  no  absolute  bargain,  because  they'll  see  what  crop  they 
may  expect,  and  accordingly  it  governs  in  price,  in  the  year  58  we  had 
it  from  Rupees  50  to  60,  but  since  it  hath  been  dearer  from  80  to  100 
Rupees  prime  Cost,  by  reason  bf  a  scarcity  of  it  about  G-Qzzarat,  for  if 
they  have  sufficient  of  their  own  growth  thereabouts,  then  its  cheap  with 
us,  but  for  these  3  years  they  have  had  little  there,  which  hath  caused  the 

^  An  attempt  was  made  from  Surat  through  Agra  to  establish  the  English 
trade  at  Patna  ia  1632.  See  Peter  Mundy's  Travels,  British  Museum,  Add. 
MSS.,  2286.  P.  M.  left  Agra  on  the  6  Aug.  carrying  "8  carts  laden  with 
Barrels  of  Quicksilver  and  parcills  of  virmillioa  for  the  HonWo  Companies 
account  to  bee  there  sold,  and  the  money  to  bee  there  Invested  :  as  alsoe  to  see 
the  state  of  the  Countrie  what  hopes  of  benefitt  by  tradinge  into  these  parts." 
He  reached  Patna  the  17  Sept.  and  left  again  for  Agra,  the  16  Nov.  1632,  He 
reports  against  trading  there.  It  is  his  opinion  "that  the  sendinge  of  mee  to 
Pattana  with  the  Companies  goods  may  not  only  prove  to  theire  losse,  but  is  alsoe 
against  the  intent  and  meaning  of  the  President  and  Counsell  at  Suratt.'* 
Stewart  in  his  History  of  Bengal  (pp.  140,141)  records  a  still  earlier  attempt  made 
by  Hughes  and  Parker  ia  lt>20. 


EARLY   ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 


37d 


advance  in  price  with  us ;  if  you  buy  in  March  to  receive  in  2  or  3  months 
after  for  1  md.  they'll  allow  you  but  38  seers,  because  of  its  dryings,  if 
yon  receive  it  green  by  wheight,  or  when  first  made  you  may  expect  to 
dry  8  seers  in  each  maund,  and  accordingly  make  your  account. 

Tumerick  to  be  had  in  June  if  then  bought  li  maund  may  be  had 
for  a  E.upee. 

Tincall  [tinkar]  usually  from  9  to  11  Eupees  per  maund. 

Gumlack  or  Sticklack  very  dear,  from  9  to  11  Rupees. 

Drugs  great  store  of  all  sorts,  that  come  from  Buttim  or  Buttun 
[Butan],  and  the  Coast  of  China. 

Silver  thread,  the  best  procurable  Re.  1-1  per  Tola,  which  is  11  mace, 
called  the  Agra  Tola,  when  as  the  other  tola  is  12  mace,  by  which  all 
massee  silver  and  gold,  amber,  etc.,  are  sold  by  ;  Grold  Thread  Rs.  2-2. 

English  Cloth  sold  by  the  Plush  Yai-d,  which  is  about  |  more  than 
the  English  Tard,  so  are  Taffaties  and  all  other  things  measurable  at 
Pattana,  you  may  buy  in  the  Bazar  anything  by  the  yard  vending 
much  by  retail. 

All  manner  of  Gazratt,  Banara,  Jehaunpore,  etc.,  commodities  are  to 
be  had  there,  as  Gold,  Sashes,  Umey  Girdles,  Elatches,  Remerrys,^  etc., 
all  sold  by  weight  the  11  mace  Tula,  and  usually  about  Re.  1-15  to 
Hs.   2-1  per  Tola. 

The  Staple  commodities  that  come  from  Buttim  [Butan]  are  Musk 
and  sand  gold,  whoever  goes  theither  cannot  return  above  twice  in  3  years, 
for  he  must  barter  the  goods  he  carrys  theither  in  Iron,  Butter,  Oyle, 
Hemp,  Come,  etc.,  before  he  can  attain  either  Musk  or  Gold,  or  other 
Transportable  Commodities  not  to  be  bad  there.  At  Baaares,  12  course 
from  Pattana  andLachore,  16,  theres  white  cloth  fitt  for  Persia  to  be  had 
called  Umbertees  and  Camcomp,-  from  Re.  1-8  to  3  rupees  per  piece 
in  which  commodities  are  invested  by  Armenian  and  Mogull  merchants 
at  least  ten  hundred  thousand  rups.  per  ann.  Transported  by  Ijand 
to  Surat,  and  thence  by  shipping  to  Persia.  Good  proffits  are  made  of 
them  from  thence  to  Siu-at. 

There  are  better  Tafiaties  made  at  Pattana  than  Cassumbazar,  which 
are  sold  from  9  to  10  as.  the  long  yard,  but  no  great  quantities,  but 
if  followed  a  good  quantitie  might  be  procured. 

Measures  in  use. 

The  Gold  Moor  is  10  mace. 
The  Sicca  Rupee  10 i  mace. 
Great  Tola  12  mace. 

'  ?  Urna  girdles,  Altdchas,  and  Eeshmts, 
*  ?  Amritis  and  Kincob. 


380  EARLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 

Agra  Tola  II  mace. 

70  Sicca  Rupees  make  a  seer. 

40  King's  Pice  a  seer. 

40  Seers  a  Maund. 

304J  Ounces  Troy  makes  by  Calculation  Seer  30  of  .16  Pice. 

The  Yard  things  are  sold  by  retail  is  almost  |  more  than  the  English 
Yard. 

16  Pice  is  a  seer  of  musk. 

There  is  three  weights  goods  are  sold  by  there,  one  they  call  the 
small  weight,  which  is  pico  28  to  the  seer.  The  2  the  middle  weight, 
which  is  pice  36.     The  3  the  great  weight,  which  is  pice  40. 

FURTHEB    ACCOUNT    OF    HuGLI. 

Hugly  sugars  to  be  bought  at  Chandracona  and  Tania.  The  best  time 
to  give  out  money  in  iu  Xber  to  merchants  that  live  at  Hugly  who  will 
undertake  to  deliver  it  you  there  in  August  following  at  Bupees  6  to  7 
per  Bale,  the  Bale  being  m'^*  2  and  13  seers  the  40  Pice  Seer,  its  much 
better  to  contract  with  them  than  to  send  or  go  ourselves,  for  we  have 
found  it  come  out  cheaper  than  we  could  ever  make  it  come  out  oar- 
selves,  tho'  we  pay  no  Custome  and  they  do  its  usually  sold  in  shipping 
time  from  9  to  10  Hupees  per  bale. 

Long  Pepper  to  be  bought  at  said  time,  it  grows  about  16  course 
thence,  it  may  be  had  at  4  to  5  Rupees  per  maund,  and  in  the  shipping 
its  usually  woith  9  to  10  Rupees,  but  much  of  it  must  not  be  bought 
because  Bulkey,  and  will  not  vend. 

Butter  to  be  had  what  quantitie  you  desire,  its  to  be  had  in  Xber 
at  4  and  5  Rupees  per  maund  and  is  old  from  8  to  10  Rupees  per  maund. 

Oyle  to  be  bought  in  Xber  at  If  to  2  Rup*  and  sells  at  3  to  4 
Bupees  p"^  maund  at  Ballasore ;  since  this  new  King's  [Aurangreb's] 
Government  the  weights  are  there  as  in  Pattana  formerly  somewhat 
less  than  £70  English  the  Maund  now  £75.^ 

List  or  Chiefs  in  Bengal.^ 

Chiefs  iu  Orixa  and  Bengali  since'  the  Company  getting  tliere,  viz* — 
Oiixa. 
Mr.  Cartwright  \ 
Mr.  Joyce  [  At  BaUasore.' 

Mr.  Yard  ' 


1  Evidently  Kenn's  account  ends  hore. 

2  I  have  put  in  the  dates  given  by  Danvers  in  op  cit. 

3  This  again  confirms  Bruton's  account  of  the  coming  of  the  English  to 
Bengal,  and  the  foundation  of  the  factories  at  Uariharpur  and  Balasor  in  1633  by 
Ualph  Cartwright. 


EARLY  ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS    OF    BENGAL.  381 

Bengali. 
Capt.  Brukehaven. 
Mr.  Bridgeman  [1650— 1653]. 
Mr.  Walgrave  [?1653— ]. 
Mr.  Gawding    [P1658]  and  Mr.  Billiugsley. 
Agent  Treveza  [1658—1663]. 
Mr.  Blake        [1663—16691. 
Mr.  Bridges     [1669,  70]  subordinate  to  the  Fort. 
Mr.  ClaviUi      [?  1670-1677]. 
Mr.  Vincent     [1677—1682]. 

Agent  Hedges  [1682—168-1],  directly  from  the  Company. 
Agent  Beard    [1684,  85],  subordinate  to  the  Fort. 

Bai.asok.2 

Ayreeineni  beticeen  Masters  and  the  Merchants. 

The  agreement  made  between  the  Agent  and  Councill  for  affairs  of 
Ih^  Hon**'^  English  East  India  Company  upon  the  Coast  of  Cormandell 
and  in  tlie  Bay  of  Bengali  and  the  said  Comp^'*  Merchants  Chim- 
chamsaw,  Chittamundsaw  and  Company  at  BaUasore,  the  3  day  of  Sep- 
tember Anno  1679. 

Is^. — That. the  Investments  for  goods  to  be  bought  for  the  Hon^'* 
English  East  India  Company  in  this  Factory  of  Ballasore,  being 
divided  into  10  eqnall  parts,  shall  be  subdivided  and  allotted  or  propor- 
tion'd  as  follows  : — 

Four  of  the  10  parts  to  Chimchamsaw,  Two  of  the  10  parts  to 
Chittamundsaw,  and  the  other  4  of  the  Tern  parts  to  the  rest  of  tho 
(ompas.  Merchants,  such  of  them  and  in  such  proportions  as  the  chief 
of  this  Factory  and  the  said  Chimchamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw  shall 
agree  from  time  to  time. 

2nd. — The  said  Chimchamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw  for  and  in  con- 
sideration  of  their   said  respective  shares  in  the  investments  do  hereby 

^  The  list  omits  Henry  Powell  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  Shem  Bridge 
by  a  letter  from  the  Court  dated  7th  December  1669.  Probably  he  never 
succeeded.     See  Danvers  op  cit.  p.  9. 

2  J.  Marshall  arrived  at  Balasor,  5  July  1669,  "  where  the  English  have   a 

factory  a  little  way  from  the  riverside Ballasore  is  a  very  great  straggling 

town  but  scarce  a  house  in  it  but  dirt  and  thatched  ones."  Marshall  went  over- 
land with  Mr.  Bridges  to  Hugli.  On  23  Febr.  1670,  at  the  crossing  of  the 
Pipli  river  they  were  stopped  by  the  soldiers  of  a  local  grandee,  in  number  about 
sixty  or  seventy,  daubed  with  turmeric  and  armed.  The  Chief,  Mr.  Bridges,  gave 
them  seven  ruix?es. 


382  EARLY   ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL 

promise  and  obleige  themselves  severaUy  and  proportionably  to  their 
paid  shares  to  be  security  and  responsible  for  all  the  goods,  Treasure, 
moneys  and  effects  •whatsoever  which  shall  be  paid  and  advanced  or 
delivered  unto  them,  or  either  of  them,  or  to  any  of  the  other  merchants 
by  their  consents  upon  account  of  the  said  Investments,  that  is  to  say, 
Cbimchamsaw  is  responsible  for  his  own  four  Tenths  and  2  thirds  of 
the  four  tenths  for  the  merchants,  and  Chittamundsaw  is  responsible 
for  his  own  two  Tenths  and  for  one  third  of  the  four  Tenths  for  the 
other  merchants. 

Zrdly. — It  is  agreed  that  the  full  summs  which  the  Investments  shall 
amount  unto  shall  be  yearly  paid  or  delivered  to  the  said  Merchants 
in  Curr*  Money,  or  in  Treasure  within  one  month  after  the  arrivall 
of  the  ships  to  an  anchor  in  the  Road  from  England  and  no  part  of  it 
before  the  arrivall  of  the  ships,  and  if  upon  making  up  the  accounts 
after  the  ships  departure  or  after  the  full  investments  are  deliver 'd 
and  sorted,  there  shall  remain  &ny  money  in  arrears  in  the  merchants 
hands  the  said  Chimchamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw  do  hereby  promise 
and  oblige  themselves,  according  to  their  proportions  beforementioned, 
to  repay  the  same  within  one  month  after  the  ships  departure  within 
Tenn  days  af f^er  demand  thereof  by  the  chief  of  the  factory,  and  in 
Case  of  non-payment  of  such  arrears  they  promise  and  agree  to  pay 
I5  p.  c.  per  mensem  for  interest  tmtill  payment,  and  shall  forfeit 
and  loose  their,  and  each  of  their  respective  shares  and  proportions 
allotted  to  them  in  the  Companys  investments  as  aforesaid,  if  it  shall 
be  thought  fitt  not  to  employ  them  afterwards. 

^tlily. — The  orders  for  the  investments  shall  be  given  to  the 
merchants,  and  agreed  upon  between  the  Chief  and  Councill  of  the 
Factory  and  them  some  time  in  the  month  of  March  yearly  and  the 
said  merchants  do  promise  and  agree  to  provide  all  such  goods  as  the 
Company  or  the  Agent  and  Councill  or  the  Chief  and  Councill  of  the 
Bay  shall  require  to  be  provided  at  this  factory  of  Ballasore,  at  as 
reasonable  and  cheap  rates  and  as  good  goods  as  any  other  merchant 
can  provide  or  sell  to  the  same,  and  they  promise  and  oblige  themselves 
(severally  and  proportionable  to  their  said  shares  to  be  security  and 
res-nonsible  for  all  the  Goods,  Treasure,  mcnys,  and  effects  whatsoever 
which  shall  be  paid,  advanced,  or  delivered  unto  them  or  either  of  them 
or  to  any  of  the  other  merchants  by  their  consents  upon  account  of 
the  said  Investments,  that  is  to  say,  Chimchamsaw  is  responsiljle  for 
his  own  four  Tenths  and  for  two  Thirds  of  the  four  Tenths  for  the 
merchants,   and   Chittamundsaw   is  repponsible  for  his  own  two  Tenths 


EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OF  BENGAL.  383 

and. for  one  Third  of  tlie  four  Tenths  for  the  other  merchants)  to  deliver 
all  the  said  goods  at  the  Company's  house  by  the  25  day  of  November 
yearly,  and  what  goods  come  in  too  late  to  be  fent  home  upon  the  ships 
are  to  be  returned  upon  the  merchants. 

bthly. — If  the  said  merchants  shall  desire  any  of  the  Company's 
money  before  the  arrivall  of  the  ships,  and  the  Chief  and  Councill 
BhaU  think  convenient  to  pay  it  to  them,  the  said  merchants  do  agree 
to  allow  1^  p.  c.  per  mensem  for  the  same,  for  so  long  time  as  it 
shall  remain  in  their  hands  before  the  arrivall  of  the  ships. 

Qthly. — If  any  merchant  shall  fall  short  of  his  proportion  of  the 
Goods  allotted  to  him  to  provide,  and  the  Company  be  thereby  dis- 
apointed  of  tbe  full  return  of  their  investments,  that  merchant  so 
falling  short,  shall  forfeit  and  loose  his  part  and  share  in  tlie  invest- 
ments for  ever  after,  provided  it  were  not  caused  through  trouble  and 
stopage  of  the  goods  in  the  Country. 

7thly. — This  agreement  shall  remain  and  be  in  force  untill  the 
honourable  Company  from  England  shall  give  order  for  alltering  or 
voiding  the  same,  unless  the  merchants  thro'  their  default  shaU  cause 
ft  breach  thereof.  In  witness  whereof  the  Agent  and  Coimcill  have 
sett  their  hand  and  the  Hon''*  Company's  scale  to  one  part,  and  the 
said  merchants  have  sett  their  hands  and  seales  to  one  other  part,  which 
are  interchangably  delivered  in  the  Company's  Factory  house  in 
Ballasore  the  Day  and  Year  first  above  written. 


Chimcham.      \     J       f  \  Stryensham  Masters. 

(  Com?.°^ale.  )  ElCHARD   MoHUN. 

Chittamund.    C^,       V  /  Eichard  Edwards. 


It  ifl  declared  that  Chinchamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw  are  jointly 
responsible  for  all  fresh  mony  or  effects  that  shall  be  paid  and  delivered 
to  the  other  merchants  upon  the  four  Tenths  allotted  to  them  as  they 
the  said  Chimcbamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw,  shall  underwrite  or  pass 
receipts  for  in  the  Company's  Receipt  book,  and  not  otherwise. 

Stryensham  Masters. 
Eichard  Mohun. 
Eichard  Edwards. 


384 


EARLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 


Contract  for  1679. 
A  Contract  made  by  Mr.  Masters,  etc  ,  at  BaUasoro,  1679,  with  tlie 
merchants  there  for  the  goods  following,  viz* — 


1,000  ps.  Sannoes,  whited  and  cured  3i)  Covdg. 
long,  2  do.  broad. 


Suro     Sannoes 


Head  No.  A  at  74J 
Bel  ly  No.  B  at  «!»■ 
Foot  No,  C  at  64 


re  '' 


Rups. 

pi^r 

Gorge. 


Herapore  Sannoes  Head  No.  A  at  674 
Belly  No.  B  at  62J 
Foot  No.  C  at  67i 

Mohunpore  Sannoes  Head  No.  A  at  59^5 
Belly  No.  B  at  61, 


Bup. 

per 

Gorge. 

Rnp. 


Foot  No.  C  at  49/i  J   Gorge. 


■^  Rv 

)  Go] 


1,000  ps.  Gingham  colour'rt  20  Covds.  long  and 
2  do.  broad. 

Head  No  A  at  56  ") 

Belly  No.  B  at  51J  f-Rup.  per  Gorge. 

Foot  No.  Gut  45    ) 

1  000  ps.  Nillaes  20  Govds.  and  2  do  broad. 
(  Head  No.  A  at  80  , 
Fine    ...  J.  S  Rup.  per  Corjie. 


Belly  \o.  B  at  75 
C  Head  No.  A  at  70" 


(■  Head  No.  A  at  70") 
Ordinary  <  Belly  No.  B  at  61  >■  Rup.  per  Gorge. 
(.Foot  iNo.  G  at67U 


The  difference  in  the  prices  of  these  very  sorts  of  Goods  bought  in 
Anno  1679,  viz^ — 

The  Sannoes  about  20  p.  c.  cheaper,  the  Gingham  12  p.  c  aud  the 
Nillas  about  16  p.  c. 

At  Cassimbazar, 
Advices  from  Balasor. 


Upon    reading 

1679,  October. 


advices  from  Ballasore  concerning  Salt  Petre, 
Eomalls,  Cossaes,  Mulmuls  and  Hummums,  which 
the  merchants  there  desire  to  put  off  to  the 
Hon^^'  Company,  it  was  resolved  not  to  buy  any  of  these  goods  at  that 
place,  better  and  Cheaper  being  provided  in  the  other  factorys. 

Fine  Taffaties  were  prised  and  the  prices  sett  down  in  the  Weavers 
books  at  4  to  5  Eups  per  piece  of  20  Ooveds, 
they  arose  well. 


November. 


Bates  of  Exchange. 

Some  of  the  Company's  Merchants  and  Shrofs  of  this  place  that 
have  dealt  much  in  buying  tlieir  silver  and  gold,  haveing  been  Beverall 
days  treated  with  about  making  a  firm  and  lasting  Contract  for  all  the 
Silver  and  Gold  that  should  be  sold  in  this  Factory,  at  Ihe  last  Chitter- 
mull  was  brought  to  agree  to  give  210  Eupees  Sicca  or  212  Pe.t'  for  100 
Eialls  of  Eight  weighing  240  rupees,  and  ihe  same  price  for  Silver  in 
Ingots  of  the  same  Essay  with  Eialls,  but  differing  upon  the  Essay  of 
Eyalls  of  Eight,  which  are  said  to  be  6|  Euttees,  and  he  says  but  5^ 
Euttees  waste  in  a  Eupee  weight,  the  bargain  was  dofer'd,  and  this 
evening  Essays  were  made  of  Eialls  of  eight  Mexico  and  Sivill  and  of  a 


'  Apparently  jt?eM,  market-rate. 


EARLY   ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS   OF   BENCfAL. 


385 


standard  silver  which  came  out  at  5|  Euttees,  6  Ruttees,  and  6^  Ruttees 
in  the  Rupee,  a  Rupee  is  accounted  fine  silver  and  weighs  10|  mace,  the 
last  year  Rialls  of  Eight  were  sold  here  at  210  and  20 9 1  Rups.  peet, 
and  this  year  they  were  sold  at  209  and  208^  Rupees  peet,  for 
240  Rupees  weight,  and  the  silver  in  Ingots  was  sold  last  year  at  209 1 
Rupees  Peet  for  240  rupees  weight,  and  2  dwt.  finer  than  Standard 
allowed  to  make  it  Equall  with  the  Essay  oi  Rialls  of  Eight,  1  dwt.  being 
to  a  pound  2|  Chaul  to  a  Rupee.  The  Gold  sold  last  year  at  15  rupees 
per  Tola  fine  the  waste  upon  Standard  ^^  Mace  in  a  Tola  and  Pistols 
at  13i  Rup.  per  Tola ;  this  year  Pistols  sold  at  13  Rupees  per  Tola, 
iloora  last  year  worth  13  Rup.  and  this  year  1244  ^^V-  P^^  P^- 
the  Moor  is  accounted  to  be  fine  Gold  and  weighs  9|  mace.  Chitter- 
mull  was  brought  now  to  give  13|  Rupees  per  Tola  (Peet  that  is 
currant  money)  for  Pistols  and  for  Gold  of  Pistoll  Essay  the  same 
price,  to  return  Moors  at  13  Rups.  a  piece  or  to  pay  mony,  and  if 
the  price  of  Moors  shall  rise,  the  price  of  Gold  to  rise  accordingly. 
Note  8  chaul  is  a  Ruttee,  8  Ruttee  is  a  Mace,  and  12  Mace  is  a  Tola, 
the  Charges  about  6  p.c. 

Regulations  for  the  Bay  of  Bengal. 

For  the  better  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  Hon**^^-  Company  in 
the  Bay  of  Bengal  that  the  same  may  be  managed  in  good  order  and 
method  in  the  respective  Factorys,  it  is  resolved  and  ordered. 

Books  of  acoounU  to  be  regulary  kept. 

That  the  Chief  of  each  respective  Factory  shall  keep  a  receipt  book 
wherein  he  shall  take  receipts  for  all  money  paid  or  issued  out,  and 
shall  also  pass  receipts  for  all  money  jeceived  upon  the  Companys 
account :  Whereas  it  was  ordered  in  the  regulations  made  the  third  of 
November  1676  at  Cassumbazar  that  the  Bills  and  attestations  for 
mony  paid  out  of  the  Cash  should  be  read  and  passed  in  Councill  every 
week  and  noted  in  the  Consultation  Books,  in  regard  the  amount  Cash  is 
since  orderd  to  be  enterd  at  the  end  of  every  months  Diary ;  it  is  thought 
best  and  ordered  that  the  account  Cash  be  read  and  passed  in  Council] 
the  next  CoTinciU  day,  that  is  upon  the  next  Monday  or  Thursday  after 
the  last  day  of  every  month,  and  the  sum  of  the  Ballanee  or  Rest  of 
the  Cash  sett  down  iu  every  such  consultation,  and  whereas  it  was 
orderd  in  the  foresaid  Regulations  made  at  Cassumbazar  that  fn  the 
Book  of  Accoimts  each  factory  should  be  charged  with  what  was  imme- 
diately sent  or  received  to  or  from  thence ;  it  is  now  order'd  that  for 

c  c 


388  EARLY   ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS    OF    BENGAL. 

of  Dacca,  tlie  Charges  of  the  Sloopes,  and  the  extraordinary  Charges  of 
Hugly  in  respect  it  is  the  head  Factory  for  governing  the  rest  for  which 
Durbar  and  Port  Charges  fchall  he  made  Dr.  to  Charges  generall  such  a 
Bumm  as  the  Charge  of  Hugly  exceeds  the  Charge  of  Cassumhazar  or 
Ballasore  factorys  at  so  much  p.  °./q  in  the  Invoices  (besides  the  factory 
charges)  for  which  Darbar  and  Port  Charges  shall  be  credited  in  the 
Books,  and  the  foot  of  the  Account  shall  be  cleared  liy  proffit  and 
loss  as  in  the  foot  of  Charges  Grenerall. 

General  letters. 

The  Coppys  of  all  generall  letter?  from  one  Subordinate  Factory  to 
another  shall  be  sent  to  Hugly  to  be  entered  in  the  Coppy  Books  to  be 
kept  there  and  sent  for  England  and  the  Fort,  and  in  writing  of  Letters 
it  is  to  be  observed  to  mention  the  day  upon  which  the  L'etters  are 
received.  The  Letters  from  the  Hon'^'"-  Comp.  and  also  the  letters 
from  the  Agent  and  Councill  shall  (as  soon  as  they  can  be  coppyed) 
be  sent  to  all  the  Factorys  for  their  parusall,  and  better  understanding 
the  Company  a  business,  and  the  said  Letters  with  all  other  writings 
received  from,  and  sent  into,  England  and  the  Fort  siiall  be  coppyed 
into  Books,  and  kept  in  the  Pegisters  at  Hugly. 

Office  rooms. 

In  everyone  of  the  Subordinate  Factorys  there  shall  be  a  hansome 
convenient  Eoom,  large,  light,  and  well  situated  near  the  Chiefs  and 
seconds  Lodgings,  which  shall  be  sett  apart  for  the  office,  and  never 
diverted  from  that  use,  in  which  Poom  shall  be  placed  Desks  or  Tables 
to  write  upon  and  presses  with  Locks  and  Keys,  wherein  the  Pegister  of 
the  Letters  shall  be  kept  and  locked  up  with  the  accounts  and  all  other 
writings  of  the  factory,  which  upon  the  remove  of  the  Chief  are  to  be 
deliver'd  over  by  a  Roll  or  List  to  the  succeeding  Chiefs,  that  none  may 
be  imbezled,  and  at  Hugly  the  said  Lists  are  to  be  kept  by  the  Second 
in  the  Accomptants  office,  and  by  the  Secretary  in  the  Secretarys  office. 

The  public  table. 
A  Publick  Table  shall  be  kept  as  the  Hon^'*-  Company  have  appoint- 
ed, at  which  all  single  persons  of  the  Factory  are  to  dyet,  and  no  Dyet 
mony  shall  be  allowed  to  single  persons,  only  to  those  that  are  married 
and  do  desire  to  dyet  apart.  Dyet  mony  is  to  be  paid  as  the  Company 
have  appointed,  and  the  Steward  for  the  charge  of  the  Table  at  Hugly 
and  at  Cassnmbazar  shall  be  the  employment  of  one  of  the  young  men. 


EAKLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 


389 


a  writer  or  factor,  by  which  they  may  gain  experience,  and  the  third 
in  the  others  [sjc]  factorys  is  to  take  charge  thereof  as  appointed  in 
Cassambazar  in  November  1676. 

Establishment  charges. 

As  to  the  expense  of  the  table  and  all  other  charges  the  Chiefs  of 
the  Factorys  are  to  take  due  care  to  order  the  same  in  the  most  frngall 
manner  that  can  be,  that  no  extravagancy  be  practised,  and  no  more 
peons  or  Servants  kept  than  is  necessary  for  the  dispatch  of  the  Com- 
panys  business,  and  whereas  the  Company  in  the  12th  section  of  their 
Letters  of  the  3rd  January  1676  do  order  an  establishment  of  charges 
to  be  settled,  in  everyone  of  the  Factorys,  which,  though  it  cannot  be 
perfectly  d  me,  yet  so  farr  as  it  can  be  done  conveniently.  We  do 
order  and  appoint  as  followeth. 

The  establishment  at  Hugli. 

Es. 

At  Hugly —  Per  mensem. 

Servants  wages  for  the  Chief  ...       12 


For  the  second 
For  the  Minister 
For  the  3rd  of  Couneill 
For  the  4th  of      do. 
For  the  Surgeon 
For  the  Secretary 
For  the  Steward 


2  Pallankeens,  one  for  the  Chief  and  one  for  the  Second,  7  horses,  2 
Cammells,  none  of  -which  are  to  be  lent  by  any  but  the  Chief,  Grurrials 
[ghariyd/s],  Cooks,  Mussalls,^  Washings,  Dog-keeper,  Barber,  etc., 
Servants,  as  usual. 

The  establishment  at  subordinate  factories. 

Rs. 

At  the  Subordinate  Factorys —  Per  mensem. 

Servants  wages  for  the  Chiefs  ...  ...         6 

For  the  Second  ...  ...         4 

For  the  Thirds  ...  ...         3 

Charges  Q-eneral  Keeper  ...  ...        2  at  Cassum- 

buzar  only. 

*  i.e.  mash'als,  torches.     Perhaps  here  it  is  used  for  mash'alchis,  torch  bearers. 


388  EARLY   ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 

of  Dacca,  the  Charges  of  the  Sloopes,  and  the  extraordinary  Charges  of 
Hugly  in  respect  it  is  the  head  Factory  for  governing  the  rest  for  which 
Durhar  and  Port  Charges  &hall  be  made  Dr.  to  Charges  genepall  such  a 
summ  as  the  Charge  of  Hugly  exceeds  the  Charge  of  Cassumbazar  or 
Ballasore  factorys  at  so  much  p.  °!^  in  the  Invoices  (besides  the  factory 
charges)  for  which  Darbar  and  Port  Charges  shall  be  credited  in  the 
Books,  and  the  foot  of  the  Account  shall  ba  cleared  hy  proffit  and 
loss  as  in  the  foot  of  Charges  Generall. 

General  letLrs. 

The  Coppys  of  all  generall  letter*:  from  ons  Subordinate  Factory  to 
another  shall  be  sent  to  Hugly  to  be  entered  in  the  Coppy  Books  to  be 
kept  there  and  sent  for  England  and  the  Fort,  and  in  writing  of  Letters 
it  is  to  be  observed  to  mention  the  day  upon  which  the  Lfetters  are 
received.  The  Letters  from  the  Hon^'^-  Comp.  and  also  the  letters 
from  the  Agent  and  Councill  shall  (as  soon  as  they  can  be  coppyed) 
be  sent  to  all  the  Factorys  for  their  parusall,  and  better  understanding 
the  Companys  business,  and  the  said  Letters  with  all  other  writings 
received  from,  and  sent  into,  England  and  the  Fort  si i  all  be  coppyed 
into  Books,  and  kept  in  the  Registers  at  Hugly. 

Office  rooms. 

In  everyone  of  the  Subordinate  Factorys  there  shall  be  a  hansome 
convenient  Boom,  large,  light,  and  well  situated  near  the  Chiefs  and 
seconds  Lodgings,  which  shall  be  sett  apart  for  the  office,  and  never 
diverted  from  that  use,  in  which  Room  shall  be  placed  Desks  or  Tables 
to  write  upon  and  presses  with  Locks  and  Keys,  wherein  the  Register  of 
the  Letters  shall  be  kept  and  -locked  up  with  the  accounts  and  all  other 
writings  of  the  factory,  which  upon  the  remove  of  the  Chief  are  to  be 
deliver'd  over  by  a  Roll  or  List  to  the  succeeding  Chiefs,  that  none  may 
be  imbezled,  and  at  Hugly  the  said  Lists  are  to  be  kept  by  the  Second 
in  the  Accomptants  office,  and  by  the  Secretary  in  the  Secretarys  office. 

The  public  table. 
A  Publick  Table  shall  be  kept  as  the  Plon^^*-  Company  have  appoint- 
ed, at  which  all  single  persons  of  the  Factory  are  to  dyet,  and  no  Dyet 
mony  shall  be  allowed  to  single  persons,  only  to  those  that  are  married 
and  do  desire  to  dyet  apart.  Dyet  mony  is  to  be  paid  as  the  Company 
have  appointed,  and  the  Steward  for  the  charge  of  the  Table  at  Hugly 
and  at  Cassumbazar  shall  be  the  employment  of  one  of  the  young  men. 


EARLY   ENGLISH   ACXX)UNTS   OF    BENGAL. 


389 


a  writer  or  factor,  by  which  they  may  gain  experience,  and  the  tliird 
in  the  others  \_sic]  factorys  is  to  take  charge  thereof  as  appointed  in 
Cassumbazar  in  November  1676. 

Establishtnent  charges. 

As  to  the  expense  of  tbe  table  and  all  other  charges  the  Chiefs  of 
the  Factorys  are  to  take  due  care  to  order  the  same  in  tbe  most  frugall 
manner  that  can  be,  that  no  extravagancy  be  practised,  and  no  more 
peons  or  Servants  kept  than  is  necessary  for  the  dispatch  of  the  Com- 
panys  business,  and  wbereas  the  Company  in  the  12th  section  of  their 
Letters  of  the  3rd  January  1676  do  order  an  establishment  of  cbarges 
to  be  settled,  in  everyone  of  the  Factorys,  which,  though  it  cannot  be 
perfectly  dme,  yet  so  farr  as  it  can  be  done  conveniently.  We  do 
order  and  appoint  as  foUoweth. 

The  establishment  at  Hugli. 


Es. 

At  Hugly— 

Per 

mensem 

Servants  wages  for  the  Chief 

12 

For  the  second 

8 

For  the  Minister 

6 

For  the  3rd  of  Councill 

5 

For  the  4th  of      do. 

5 

For  the  Surgeon 

4 

For  the  Secretary 

2 

For  the  Steward 

2 

2  Pflllankeens,  one  for  the  Chief  and  one  for  the  Second,  7  horses,  2 
Cammells,  none  of  which  are  to  be  lent  by  any  but  the  Chief,  Grurrials 
[ghariyd/s],  Cooks,  MussaUs,i  Washings,  Dog-keeper,  Barber,  etc., 
Servants,  as  usual. 


The  establishment  at  subordinate  factories. 

Rs. 
At  the  Subordinate  Factorys —  Per  mensem. 

Servants  wages  for  the  Chiefs  ...  ...         6 

For  the  Second  ...  ...         4 

For  the  Thirds  ...  ...         3 

Charges  G-eneral  Keeper  ...  ...        2  at  Cassum- 

buzar  only. 


*  i.e.  mash'als,  torches.     Perhaps  here  it  is  used  for  mash'alchis,  torch  bearers. 


390  EAKLY   ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS   OF   BENGAL. 

A  Pallankeen  for  tlie  chief. 

3  horses  not  to  be  lent  out  but  by  the  Chief. 

3  Gurrials. 

1  Cooke  and  a  Mate  :  assistant]. 

2  Mussallches  [niasJi'alchis]. 
For  Barber  2  Rupees  per  month. 

For  Washing  what  it  costs  for  all  the  Factory. 
No  Dog  keeper,  nor  dogs  at  the  Company's  charge. 

No  Candle  nor  bottle  to  be  allowed  as  hath  been  used  under  the 
denomination  of  settlement  Charges.  Candles  are  only  allowed  to  the 
Chiefs,  and  to  those  of  the  Councill  in  the  respective  factorys,  to  the 
Chaplain,  and  to  the  Chyrurgeon. 

Lamps  are  allowed  to  every  chamber. 

The  resjpomibility  of  Chiefs  of  Subordinaie  Factories, 

No  Chief  of  a  Subordinate  Factory  is  to  remove  from  thence  to  any 
other  Factory  without  leave  first  had  from  the  Chief  and  Counoill  of  the 
Day  under  the  penalty  which  the  Hon.  Comp.  have  appointed,  and 
when  a  Chief  doth  remove  from  the  Factory  he  shall  first  see  that  the 
Books  of  Accounts  be  brought  up  to  the  day,  that  the  remains  of  the 
Warehouse  and  other  accounts  do  agree  with  the  books  and  the  rest 
of  cash  he  is  to  deliver  up  to  the  second  and  third,  and  if  these  things 
be  not  done,  he  is  not  to  remove,  neither  the  Chief  of  Hugly  nor  of  a 
Subordinate  Factory,  notwithstanding  the  licence  from  the  Chief  and 
Councill  of  the  Bay  upon  pain  of  being  suspended  the  Hon.  Comp. 
Service,  and  when  upon  the  j*eniovall  of  the  Chief  to  another  Factory, 
there  is  occasion  of  leaving  orders  in  the  business  of  the  Factory,  the 
aid  orders  and  directions  shall  be  made  in  consultation,  and  not  of  the 
Chiefs  single  authority. 

The  Chief  and  Council  at  Hiigli-  to  exercise  general  control  over 

the  trade. 

The  Chief  and  Councill  at  Hugly  must  appoint  the  investments 
to  each  factory  and  summ  up  the  whole  together  in  one  consultation 
every  year  that  it  may  appear  how  and  where  the  severall  goods  are 
to  be  provided,  which  the  Hon.  Company  do  in  order.  The  price 
of  all  goods  provided  for  the  Hon.  Comp.  shall  be  agreed  upon 
by  Musters,   and    the  goods   Sorted    by    those  Musters,  and  in  such 


EARLY   ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS  OF   BENGAL.  391 

Factorys  where  there's  no  mony  to  to  be  given  out  upon  dadnee^ 
or  impress  upon  goods,  there  the  Chief  and  CouncLll  shall  take 
care  to  agree  with  the  Merchants  for  such  Goods  (or  some  part  of  them) 
as  the  Hon^'^-  Company  require  in  the  months  of  February,  March  or 
Aprill,  and  that  the  mony  shall  be  paid  upon  bringing  in  the  goods  in 
September  or  October  following. 

The  Company^s  treasure. 
And  in  regard  the  Companys  Treasure  is  a  long  time  converting 
into  currant  mony  so  that  they  are  at  the  charge  of  interest  mony 
taken  up  to  carry  on  their  investments,  therefore  'lis  thought  fitt  and 
orderd  to  be  observed  in  all  the  Factory s  that  upon  all  Peet  or  Currant 
Eupees  which  shall  be  paid  to  the  Merchants  upon  the  Investments  or 
Dadnee^  or  afterwards,  they  shall  allow  1^  p.  c.  upon  Sicca  Eupees 
never  less  than  2  p.  c.  and  as  much  more  as  the  batta  shall  hereafter 
rise  above  1  p.  c.  and  upon  gold  mohars  two  annas  and  an  half  a  pice 
more  than  the  bazar  rate. 

Special  contracts  with  native  merchants. 

Whereas  there  is  a  contract  made  by  the  Agent  and  Councill  with 
Chittermulsaw  at  Cassumbazar  for  all  the  Silver  and  Gold,  which  shall 
be  sent  to  be  sold  in  that  Factory,  and  there  is  a  contract  made  with 
Chimchamsaw  and  Chittamundsaw  at  Ballasore  by  the  Agent  and  Coun- 
cill that  they  shall  be  paid  the  full  summ  for  that  investment  in  trea- 
sure one  month  after  the  arrival  of  the  English  Ships,  but  at  no  certain 
rate,  for  the  Treasure,  therefore,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  Eialls 
of  eight  must  be  paid  to  Chimchamsaw,  etc.,  at  Ballasore  not  under 
212  Eups.  p.  %  Rials  |  and  the  gold  pistols  not  under  2  ans.  per  Tola, 
above  tho  Bazar  rate  for  gold  Mohars,  and  the  allowing  that  rate  the 
1*  p.  Vo  upon  mony  paid  on  the  investments  is  not  to  be  charged  on 
them  in  respect  it  will  reqiiire  a  month's  time  or  more  to  convert  the 
treasure  into  mony,  and  notwithstanding  the  agreement  made  with 
Chittermulsaw  it  will  be  convenient  to  try  what  more  can  be  made  of 
the  treasure  in  other  Factorys,  as  at  Pattana,  and  at  Maulda,  when  that 
Factory  is  settled,  being  near  the  mint  at  Eajamaul ;  there  being  some- 
times difference  of  1  or  2  p.  °/q  between  the  mony  of  Cassumbazar, 
Hugly  and  Balasore,  care  is  to  be  taken  in  remitting  mony  by  exchange 
or  in  specie.  And  also  in  paym**-  in  specie  to  allow  the  Com  p.  the  Batta 
that  shall  arise  thereby  in  every  one  of  the  Factorys. 

*  dddni,  an  advance  made  to  the  weaver  or  craftsman. 


392  EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OF  BENGAL. 

No  old  mcrcJiant  to  he  dismissed  without  a  special  order  in  Consultation. 

And  it  is  to  "be  observed  to  keep  the  Compa*-  old  merchaiits  employ- 
ed in  providing  their  goods  so  long  as  they  do  well  that  the  Hon'hle 
Company  may  upon  enquiry  be  satisfied  in  their  dealings,  therefore  no 
old  merchant  shall  be  put  out  of  employment  nor  any  new  man 
employed  without  order  in  Consultation,  and  the  reasons  expressed 
therein  for  so  doing,  but  if  any  old  merchant  fail  in  bringing  in  his 
goods  in  Time  or  not  according  to  Muster,  he  ought  to  be  discharged, 
and  the  Merchants  Accounts  must  be  adjusted  once  a  year  without  fail. 

The  Company's  native  servants. 

The  like  is  to  be  observed  in  the  house  servants,  especially  the 
Yackeels,  Bauians,  and  wiiters,  that  none  of  them  be  turned  off  or 
removed,  nor  new  ones  taken  in  without  order  of  Councill  signifying 
the  reason  for  the  discharge,  being  observed  to  be  of  bad  consequence 
to  turn  off  old  Servants,  and  the  Yackeels,  Banians,  Mutsuddys,  Tagad- 
geers  and  Podars  shall  from  this  time  forward  be  allowed  no  monthly 
wages,  but  they  shall  be  content  with  the  Dustore  of  a  quarter  of  an 
Anna  upon  a  rupee,  which  the  Merchants  do  allow  them,  and  they 
are  not  to  take  nor  the  Merchants  allow  anything  more  upon  pain  of 
being  discharged  the  employment,  both  the  payer  and  receiver,  and  the 
said  Dustore  mony  shall  be  divided  by  the  Chief  and  Councill  of  the 
respective  Factorys  to  the  said  house  Banians,  Writers,  Podars,  Tagad- 
geers  and  Yackeels,  if  they  do  not  agree  it  among  themselves,  except  at 
Dacca,  where  there  being  occasion  of  great  expence  for  a  Yackeel  the 
chief  Yackeel  there  shall  be  allowed  what  the  Chief  and  the  Councill  of 
the  Bay  shall  Judge  convenient  in  case  the  Dustore  mony  on  that 
investment  be  not  sufficient  for  his  maintenance. 

Saltpetre. 

The  Saltpetre  provided  at  Pattna  is  to  be  dryed  before  weighed  off 
from  the  Merchants,  and  not  to  take  moist  with  allowance  for  it,  and 
it  is  to  be  sent  down  as  it  comes  in  by  3  or  4  boats  Loaden  at  a  time, 
and  not  at  all  kept  to  the  last,  which  hath  proved  very  prejudicial!,  the 
like  to  be  observed  in  sending  the  goods  from  other  Factorys,  that  all  be 
not  kept  to  the  last,  but  sent  away  as  soon  as  they  are  packed  to  prevent 
the  ill  consequence  of  a  stop  or  any  loss  of  time  upon  the  dispatch  of 
the  ships. 


BAKLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL.  393 

Packing  and  packing  iiuf. 

The  packing  stufE  is  in  all  the  Factorys  to  be  bought  at  the  Cheapest 
to  hand  with  the  Compa'-  mony,  the  account  thereof  to  be  kept  as 
appointed  in  the  orders  of  the  3rd  November  1676,  and  neither  the 
Warehouse  Keeper  or  any  other  is  to  have  any  advantage  thereby.  The 
tickets  put  into  the  bales  by  the  Warehouse  Keepers  are  to  be  attested 
by  such  persons  as  are  in  the  Factorys  that  can  be  spared  to  see  that 
the  quantitie  therein  packed  be  according  to  the  ticket. 

The  ricer  sloops. 

The  sloops  and  the  vessells  that  bring  up  the  treasure  from  the  ships 
are  to  be  orderd  not  to  sail  in  the  river  in  the  night  time  when  there  is 
treasure  on  board  of  them. 

Regulations  for  Civil  Ser  cants. 

It  being  necessary  to  settle  and  appoint  orders  for  the  CiviU 
Government  of  the  Factorys  a  paper  of  such  orders  as  are  made  at  the 
Fort  [i.e.,  Madras]  to  be  observed  by  people  in  civill  employments  there 
is  now  with  some  alterations  agreed  upon  as  enterd  hereafter  and 
orderd  to  be  observed  in  all  the  Factorys  in  the  Bay  under  the  pains 
and  penaltys  thereiu  expressed,  with  orders  signed  by  the  Agent  and 
Councill,  are  to  be  sent  to  the  respective  factorys  enterd  in  the  Con 
saltation  Books  affixed  up  in  the  offices  there,  and  in  the  Chappell  here.* 

The  places,  stations  and  employments  of  all  the  Comps.  servants 
in  the  severall  factorys  in  the  Bay  being  debated,  is  agreed  and  orderd  as 
in  the  List  to  be  enterd  hereunder,  and  every  person  that  is  not  now  in 
the  employment  as  is  therein  appointed  is  to  be  order'd  to  remove  and 
take  charge  of  the  same  immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  ships 
and  within  the  month  of  January  next. 

Copies  of  these  regulations  to  be  sent  to  out-stations. 

The  Begulations  and  orders  are  to  be  coppyed  and  sent  to  there 
respective  Factorys  for  their  punctuall  observation  and  complyance 
therewith,  and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  these  orders  are  not  intended 
to  invalidate  those  regulations  made  at  Cassumbazar  in  November  1676 
otherwise  than  is  expressed  here,  and  these  orders  with  those  made  at 
Cassumbazar  1676  if  not  allready  done  are  to  be  enter'd  in  the  diarys 
of  the  respective  Factorys. 

^  i.e.  in  Hugli.     For  these  regxilations,  see  ante  pp.  68,  69. 


894  early  english  accounts  of  bengal. 

Further  Eegulations  for  the  Bay  of  Bengal. 
At  a  consultation  held  in  Cassumbazar,  December  2nd,  1679. 

Silk  of  '"Europe"  dye. 

For  the  regulating  the  Hon^^-  Gompanys  affairs  in  this  factory  it 
is  resolved  and  order'd  that  the  books  kept  for  the  Account  Silk  of 
Europe  dye  shall  be  so  kept  no  longer,  but  that  the  accounts  thereof 
be  included  in  the  books  of  accounts  kept  for  the  factory  except  the 
mony  given  on  Badnee  to  ths  Weavers,  the  particular  account  of  which 
shall  be  kept  in  the  Weavers  books. 

The  second  in  the  Cassimhazar  factor y  to  keep  the  silk  accounts. 

That  the  second  of  the  Factory  shall  keep  the  books  wherein  the 
accounts  of  the  Weavers  and  Silk  Merchants  are  distinctly  kept  (as  well 
as  the  Factoiy  Books)  and  ballance  the  same  yearly,  at  the  same  time 
the  factory  books  are  ballanced,  and  one  journall  of  the  said  Weavers 
books,  shall  be  copyed  every  year  and  sent  to  Hugly  to  be  sent  to 
England. 

The  third  at  Cassimhazar  to  he  warehouse  keeper. 

That  the  third  of  the  factory  shall  keep  all  the  warehouses  and 
have  all  goods  under  his  care  and  charge  as  well  as  the  taffaties  and 
silks,  etc.,  relating  to  Europe  dye  as  all  other  goods,  and  that  in  the 
Warehouse  Books  he  do  sett  down  the  Eates  and  prices  of  all  goods 
received  and  delivered,  and  summ  up  the  same  except  the  prises  of 
taffaties  which  are  sett  down  in  the  journall  of  the  weavers'  books. 
That  the  prices  of  the  taffaties  ^hall  be  written  on  every  piece  by  the 
warehouse  keeper  (if  he  be  otherwise  employed  by  some  other)  as  the 
Chief  prises  them,  that  thereby  he  may  gain  experience  iu  that  affair 
and  the  Hon'^^®-  Company  be  fully  informed  of  the  price  paid  for  those 
goods,  and  that  the  price  may  not  be  known  to  others  the  figures  of 
the  annas  may  be  placed  fi.rst  and  the  figures  for  the  Eupees  last  and 
some  alterations  made  afterwards,  aa  shall  be  thought  fit,  or  as  the 
Hon^''^*  Company  may  advice. 

Pricing  raw  silk. 

That  the  raw  silk  brought  in  by  the  Picars  shall  be  sorted  in  the 
Factory  before  it  be  prized,  and  at  the  prizing  thereof,  which  is  allways 
to  be  done  by  the  Chief,  second  and  third,  the  warehouse  keeper  shall 


EARLY    ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL.  396 

look  well  to  the  putting  of  it  back  into  the  baggs,  and  to  "vmte  upon 
the  bags  the  number  of  the  sortment,  and  the  name  of  the  Merchant 
that  so  the  weight  of  each  sort  as  received  in  and  deliver'd  out  may 
agree,  and  the  warehouse  keeper  shall  keep  columns  of  the  weight  of 
each  sort  in  the  Leidger. 

Entrance  to  the  warehouse. 

That  the  warehouse  keeper  shall  suffer  none  to  go  into  the  ware- 
house where  the  raw  silk  is  kept,  but  such  as  are  in  the  Company's 
service,  and  no  natives  to  go  in  there  at  auy  time  without  an  English- 
man, and  no  more  of  the  Merchants'  servants  than  one  at  a  time  whose 
silk  is  weighed  off  to  prevent  theft,  and  also  deceit  in  changing  and 
mixing  the  severall  sorts  of  silk,  the  course  with  the  fine,  and  therefore 
in  shifting  the  bags  before  it  is  weighed,  but  one  sort  must  be  open'd 
at  one  time. 

Weighing  raw  silk. 

That  the  Eaw  Silk  shall  be  weighed  out  and  packed  for  England  at 
the  same  weight  it  is  received  in,  that  is  at  71  Eups.  sicca  per  seer,  and 
that  some  English  of  the  Factory  do  assist  at  the  weighing  of  the  silk 
in.  and  out,  and  of  all  other  fine  goods. 

Packing. 

That  all  the  packing  stuffs  and  materials  for  packing  the  Hon'ble 
Company's  goods  shall  be  bought  with  the  Companys  mony,  and 
charged  at  the  true  price  and  an  account  of  packing  stuff  be  kept  in  the 
Books  as  was  orderd  in  the  regulations  made  the  3rd  November  1676, 
and  neither  the  "Warehouse  Keeper  (although  he  hath  disbursed  his  own 
mony  for  such  things,  nor  any  other)  shall  have  any  advantage  therein 
either  this  year  or  hereafter.  An  account  of  packing  of  65  Xts  [?]  ^ 
Taffaties  amounting  to  Es.  238-7,  and  490  Bales  of  Silk  amounting  to 
Es.  1,262-13-7  and  1  Bale  raw  Taffaties  Es.  6-12-9  for  this  year  being 
now  examined  is  approved. 

Deducticns  on  payments  in  current  coin. 
In  regard  the  Hon''^-  Companys  Treasure  is  a  long  time  coinino- 
and  they  are  in  the  intrim  at  the  charge  of  interest  for  mony  to  carry 
on  their  investments,  therefore  to  save  the  said  charge  it  is  resolved  and 
ordered  that  upon  all  Peat  (or  currant  mony)  liups.  which  shall  be  paid 
either  upon  Dadnee,  or  afterwards  out  to  the  Silk  Merchants  or  to  the 

*  Probably  the  word  intended  is  "  bales." 


tJ96  EABLY   ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS    OF    BENGAL. 

Weavers  in  full  of  Accounts  shall  be  deducted  R.  1  an.  j  out  of  every 
100  Eupees  at  the  time  of  the  said  payment,  upon  Sicca  Eupees  shall 
be  deducted  2  Eups.  per  cent,  and  as  much  more  as  the  Batta  shall 
hereafter  rise  above  1  p.  c,  and  gold  mohars  shall  be  charged  2 J  ans. 
a  piece  more  than  the  Bazar  rates.  ,   _ 

A.nd  in  regard  its  fitt  to  settle  the  summs  to  be  impress'd  or  given 
for  Dadnee  upon  goods  it  is  order'd  that  for  the  first  Dadnee  upon  every 
Bale  of  silk  of  80  seer  shall  be  given  out  200  Eups.  upon  every  Bale  of 
Mucta  [;mogfa]  100  Eups.  and  upon  every  ps.  of  fine  TafEatie  4  Eupees, 
and  no  new  Dadnee  to  be  given  before  the  former  be  brought  in  by  the 
person  indebted,  and  if  any  merchant  or  weaver  that  hath  received  the 
Company's  dadnee  shall  deliver  his  goods  to  any  other  he  shall  not  be 
further  employed. 

Payment  of  native  agents. 

It  is  also  order'd  that  the  Vackeels,  the  Mustuddys  or  writers,  and  the 
Tagadgeers,  Dunneers  or  Overseers  of  the  Weavers,  and  Pioars  and 
Podars  ^  shall  from  this  day  forward  have  no  Monthly  wages  paid  them 
upon  the  Honble  Company's  account,  but  they  shall  be  contented  with  the 
Dustore  mony  of  a  quarter  of  an  anna  upon  a  Eupee  which  the  merchants 
and  weavers  are  to  allow  them,  and  they  shall  not  allow  anything  more 
upon  any  pretence  whatsoever,  and  the  said  Dustore  mony  shall  be 
divided  every  year  twice  or  of  tener  by  the  Cbief  and  Oouncill  of  the 
Factory  amongst  the  said  writers,  Tagadgeers,  Podars  and  Vackeels,  and 
there  shall  be  kept  5  or  6  writers,  one  to  write  and  keep  the  Charges, 
a  Taffatie  measurer  and  weigher,  two  podars,  four  or  five  Tagadgeers, 
basides  Poons  imployed  therein,,  one  Vackeel  for  Persia  writing,  and  one 
to  go  fco  and  fro  of  messages  upon  occasion,  and  these  and  others  more 
or  less  as  shall  be  found  necessary  by  the  Chief,  etc.,  are  to  be  paid 
out  of  the  Dustore  mony. 

Information  of  these  regulations  to  he  given  to  the  native  agents. 

And  that  the  Merchants,  etc.,  may  know  what  to  trust  to  and  not 
surprised  or  think  they  are  imposed  on  by  the  Chief  of  the  Factory, 
when  they  shall  come  to  receive  the  Dadnee,  it  is  thought  fit  to  send 
for  such  of  the  Merchants,  Weavers,  Writers,  etc.,  as  are  in  and  about  the 
Factory  and  acquaint  them  with  what  herein  concerns  them,  and  that 

>  i.e.,  vakils,  mutasaddls,  and  the  tagSdagirs,  and  paikara  and  podars.  The 
rigin  of  the  word  dunneei'  or  dumier  is  obscure. 


EARLY    ENGLISH   ACCOXTXTS   OF    BENGAL.  397 

from  this  day  forward  these  orders  are  to  be  observed  in  this  Factory, 
which  was  done  accordingly. 

New  Buildings. 
The  throwing  House  being  made  of  mud  walls  and  coTcrd  with 
Thatch  is  falling  do^s^-n  although  but  lately  set  up,  and  there  being 
many  other  buildings  about  the  factory  of  mud  and  thatch  ■which  put  the 
Company  to  continual  great  Charge  of  repairs  often  falling  and  oftener 
burning  down,  and  endanger  the  goods  and  whole  buildings,  it  is  order'd 
that  the  throwing  house  and  the  Weaving  house  be  built  of  brick 
within  the  compound  of  the  Factory,  and  not  at  such  a  distance  as  the 
further  end  of  the  garden,  that  the  Factory  be  walled  about  with 
a  brick  wall,  and  the  Kitchen,  and  as  many  small  outhouses  as  are 
necessary  for  the  accomodation  of  married  People  be  built  of  bricks, 
which  are  now  cheap,  and  that  convenient  room  be  sett  apart  for  an  office 
for  writing  busings  in  which  books  and  papers  are  to  be  carefully  laid 
up  in  presses  made  for  that  purpose,  and  the  said  room  is  never  to  be 
diverted  to  any  other  use. 

Measures  for  Cassumbazar  eilk. 

The  Weights  of  Cassumbazar  the  Company  buys  silk  by  are  vizt. — 
By  the  Seer  which  is  71  Sicca  Rups.  and  40  Seers  in  that  weight,  as 
well  as  in  all  other  makes  a  maund,  but  the  silk  called  Bunga,  which 
is  bought  by  the  Surat  merchants,  is  bought  by  the  Seer  77  Tolas  or 
Sicca  Eups.  The  sort  of  silk  bought  by  the  Comp.  is  called  Tanna 
[?  Tassarj. 

At  Cassumbazar  they  have  3  crops  or  Bunds  wliich  are  in  November,  - 
March,  and  July. 

Note,  the  June  or  July  Bund  for  raw  Silk  is  aUways  course. 

Note,  that  most  or  all  the  Silks  in  Cassumbuzar,  that  is,  all  the 
Taffaties  are  bought  by  the  piece  of  20  Coveds  long  and  2  broad,  and 
the  first  soit  to  weigh  48  to  5u  Sicca  Kups.  and  so  they  go,  declining 
about  2  or  3  Sicca  Rupees  in  a  sort  for  5  or  6  sorts. 

EXPOBTS   FEOM   BeNGAL. 

From  Bengal.^ 
Rice,  Ojl,  Butter,  Cassumber,  Cummin  seeds,  white. 
1  Bambo  for   8  ms.  is  accounted  dear,  when  shijs  come  from  Surat 
may  yield  3  ms.  [mace]  this  place  may  spend  40  Bahar.- 

1  British  Museum,  Add.  MSS.  34,  123,  p.  29. 
'  i.e.,  bahar,  a  load. 


398  EARLY   ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF   BENGAL. 

Quentry,  Metty,  Saffron^  dry,  worth  3  bamboos  per  1  mace. 

?  Herba  Doce  10  Bebar.i 

Dry  Ginger  worth    1  Bamboo  per  mace. 

?  CoUonghee  worth  3       „        per  mace. 

?  Adjevan,  8  Bamboos  per  mace. 

Mustard      4        „         per  ms. 

Cotton  1  ms.  per  Bamboo. 

Lack  worth  3  Tale^  per  Bahar  when  plenty. 

Iron  2^  Tale  per  Bahar. 

Cossaes  1  yd.  and  4  fingers  broad  fine  and  ordinary  50  Gorge 
May  vend. 

Elatches  40  or  50  Gorge. 

Tafiates,  red,  most  esteemd  20  Oovds.  long  and  as  broad  as  Cossaes 
150  Gorge  or  200  Gorge. 

Chucklaes  about  50  Gorge. 

Doreas  about  15  Gorge. 

Hummums  of  all  sorts,  if  [you]  sell  30  Gorge,  [it]  is  much. 

Sannoes,  fine,  etc.,  about  30  Gorge. 

Ophium  when  no  ships  go  from  Bengali  to  Malacca.    Sells  well. 

Gingerlee  \_jinjali\  OyP  more  esteemed  than  Mustard  seed. 

Soosies  from  15  to  20  Tale  per  Gorge. 

Bomalls  60  or  70  Gorge,  ordinary  sort  best. 

Eaw  silk,  white,  125  Tale  per  Bahar,  about  2  Bahars  may  sell. 

Goods  from  Bengali prqoer  for  the  Coast  of  Cormandell,^ 

Anno  1684.  Es.  as. 

Ophium  Cost       ...                ...  ...  80    0  per  md. 

Canch                   ...                ...  ...  2    8  „      „ 

Bees'  Wax           ...         '        ...  ...  19    0  „      „ 

P  Elgaram               ...                ...  ...  12    0  „       „ 

Cummin  seeds     ...                 ...  ...  2     8  „      „ 

Black  Cummin  seeds              ...  ...  10  „       „ 

Dry  ginger           ...                ...  ...  2    0  „      „ 

Turmerick           ...                ...  ...  10  „      „ 

Wheat                  ...                ...'  ...  0    8  „      „ 

Taffiteaa  20  Covds.  long  and  2   do.  broad  6    0  „  piece. 
Ditto    ordinary  18  Covds.  long  and  If 

do.  broad          ..,                ...  ...  4    8  „      „ 

*  I  do  not  understand  this  passage. 

*  Tael,  the  Chinese  ounce,  also  a  coin  which  was  onco  worth  6*.  Sd. 
'  Oil  of  the  sesamum  indicum. 

*  Add.  MSS.  34,  123,  pp.  36,  37. 


EARLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 


899 


Anno  1684. 
Gold  flower' d  Jemmewars     ...  ••• 

Silver  flower'd        ditto 
Silver  Rasters  8  Covds.  long  3  do.  broad 
Gold  Basters  8  Covds.  long  3  do.  broad 
Silver  Rasters  2  J  Covds.  broad  and  8  long 
Gold  Easters       ...  ...      •  ... 

Atlasses     Striped    I5    Gov.     broad     J4 

Gov.  long 
Birds'  Eye  Atlass  9  Gov.  long  1|  broad... 
Butter  ...  M* 

Ojle  of  Mustard  seed 
Pittumbers  15  Gov.  long  and  2   do.  broad 
Chunder  bannies,  1^  Co.  broad  and  10  Co. 

long 
Pittumbers,  10  Gov.  long  and  11  broad   ... 
Chunder  bannies,  14,  Co.  long,  If  broad... 
Drys,  14  Co.  long  and  2  do.  broad 
Pegu  Clouts,  Spotted  ...  ... 

Silk  Lungees       ...  ... 

Boys'  Sashes,  6  Go.  long,  f  Go.  broad     .,. 

Do.  ,,  4     ,t         ,1         ^     ,«  yy  ... 

Drys,  10  Co.  long,  1|  broad  ... 
Eudder  bannes   Clouts,  14   Co.   long,  2 
do.    broad        ...  ... 

Lunge[e]  Elatches 

Floretta  Yarn  or  Mucta  Imogtd]  first  sort 

Second  Sort  ditto  ...  ... 

Punga  Silk,  Head  and  Belly  ... 
Mugga  Silk  (will  not  do.)      ... 


Rs.  , 

A.3. 

12 

0 

per  piece. 

10 

0 

f> 

11 

4 

8 

» 

„ 

6 

8 

»» 

>• 

3 

8 

» 

n 

4 

0 

» 

»» 

2 

8 

s> 

>» 

1 

4 

11 

11 

7 

0 

11 

maun 

3 

0 

11 

» 

40 

0 

11 

corge 

20 

0 

•» 

II 

22 

0 

l> 

fi 

36 

0 

11 

i» 

35 

0 

11 

11 

80 

0 

>f 

11 

20 

0 

J> 

II 

12 

0 

»> 

.  II 

6 

0 

II 

»» 

25 

0 

» 

II 

40    0      „      „ 

5    8  per  seer. 
4  12      „      „ 
2  14      „      „ 
1    8      „      „ 


Goods  proper  to  send  from  the  Bay  of  Bengali  to  the  Coast  of 
Cormandel,  Anno  1684.^ 

Eaw  Silk  is  a   staple  commodity  all  along  the  Coast ;   300  bales 
of  2  maunds  each  may  vend  yearly. 

Sugar  Tissindy^  3,000  bales  of  2  maunds  5  seer  will  vend  yearly. 

Long  Pepper  7,000  maunds  per  ann. 

Salt  Petre  2,000  to  3,000  maunds  per  ann. 

Tumerick  1,500  maunds  per  ann. 

Cotch,^  a  commodity  which  seldom  fails,  400  maunds  per  ann. 

>  Add.  MSS.  34,  123,  p.  37,  reverse. 
"  Tissinda  or  fine  sugar. 

^Apparently  the   cosfus   or    putchock,    a    fragrant  root  exported  to  Malay 
countries  and  China  where  it  is  used  to  make  jostles. 


400  EARLY  ENGLISH  ACCOUNTS  OF  BENGAL. 

Dammer  or  Pitch  400  maunds  per  ann. 

Ophium  50  to  60  maunds. 

Several  sorts  of  pieoe-goods  from  Cassumbazar,  i.e- 
* 
Petarabers. 

Deryeyes. 

Chamberbann  ?s. 

Taliiteas  of  several  sorts. 

riowerd  Lungees. 


Taramandeis, 
Several  sorts  of  Silk. 
Grirdles. 
Soosies,  a  few. 
Elatches,  a  few. 


Imports  to  Bengal. 
Goods  proper  for  the  Bay  from  the  Coast.  Anno  1684,  viz.— 

Copper,  Tutanague,^  Tyn  in  Pigs  and  Grants.^ 

Chank  '^Camkh'],  a  vast  quantity  will  sell. 

Betle  nut. 

Peper. 

Some  sorts  of  Chints. 

Girdles  and  Sasbes  of  Maslepatam. 

The  first  Dutch  ships  arrive  in  the  Bay  about  the  latter  end  of 
June.  They  come  from  Batavia  with  Spices,  Copper,  Tutanague,  Tinn, 
and  Sandalwood,  and  are  dispatch'd  in  October  to  Batavia  with  goods 
proper  for  Europe  to  send  on  other  ships. 

The  second  fleet  comes  in  September  from  Batavia  and  Zelone. 
Those  from  Zelone  with  Chank,  Beetlenut,  and  Cinamon ;  they  are  dis- 
patch'd the  latter  end  of  November  and  December,  partly  with  the 
remaining  goods  of  that  year's  -  investments,  and  to  compleat  the  rest 
of  their  loading  with  Eice,  Wheat,  Butter,  Oyl,  Gram^  and  several 
sorts  of  Grain,  and  Hoggs,  etc.,  for  their  Garrisons. 

The  third  fleet  comes  through  the  Straights  of  Malacca  and  arrive 
in  January.  These  come  coraonly  from  Jappan  and  load  back  with 
provisions  for  their  garrisons. 

'  Port  tutenaga,  xised  to  mean  Chiaese  "  white  copper,"  also  to  mean  zinc  or 
pewter. 

2  Ganza,  fr.  Malay  gangsa,  fr.  Sansk,  kansa,  bell-metal.  The  metal  which 
constituted  the  inferior  cuxTency  in  Pegu,  which  some  call  lead  and  others  a 
mixed  metal. 

'  Port  grdo,  grain.  In  India  it  is  used  to  mean  the  kind  of  vetch  which  is 
the  common  j;rain-food  of  horses. 


EARLY    ENGLISH    ACCOUNTS    OF    BENGAL.  401 

Buildings  in  Bengali} 

At  Bengali  they  want  builders,  not  having  near  so  good  as  upon 
the  Coast,  they  want  here  good  planks,  but  have  good  knee  timber  and 
indifferent  good  iron. 

Bakon's  Accovnt  of  Bengal  and  Madras.' 

"  Fort  St.  George,  June  1695/' 

The  presidency  of  Fort  St.  George  (including  Bengali)  is  at  present 
the  most  considerable  to  the  English  nation  of  all  their  Settlements 
in  India,  whether  we  respect  it  in  reference  to  the  trade  to  and  from 
Europe,  or  the  Commerce  from  one  part  of  India  to  the  other.  The 
usual  Cargo  from  China  is  Tutanague,  Sugar,  Sugar  Candy,  China 
Hoot,  Quick  Silver,  China  Ware,  Copper,  Gold,  AUom,  Some  few  Silks, 
and  Toys.  Their  price  in  Madras  this  year,  viz. — Tutanague  24  to  25 
pag*-  per  Candy ,^  Copper  60  to  62  pags  per  Candy,  China  Eoot  12  to  18 
pag*-  per  Can^-,  last  year  worth  30  to  40  do..  Sugar  12^  to  13  pag" 
per  Can^  ,  Sugar  Candy  21  to  22  pags  per  Can^-,  Allom  Nankeen 
10  pag  to  12  do.,  Amoy  8  to  10  pags  per  Candy,  Quick  Silver  60  to  65 
pags  per  pecull.*  The  Coast  and  Bay  are  so  well  provided  with  China 
goods  that  I  believe  upon  the  arrival  of  next  ships  they  will  hardly 
yield  so  much  by  10  p.  cent.,  for  which  I  ascribe  the  following  reasons, 
viz. — That  Bengali  is  glutted  with  metalls  of  all  sorts,  that  the  last 
troubles  and  famine  on  the  Coast  of  Gingerlee  discourages  sending  any 
down  thither,  and  that  the  continuing  devastations  committed  daily  by 
the  Moors  and  Morattaes  hinder  their  free  passage  into  the  Inland 
Countrys  on  this  side.  The  usual  freight  from  China,  viz.,  Sagar, 
Allom,  Sugar  Candy,  Gallingal,  China  Eoot,  Cubebs,^  Anniseeds,  &c., 
are  accounted  Gross  goods  and  pay  25  p  c,  Tutanague  and  Copper 
20  p.  c.  Baw  and  wrought  silk.  Quicksilver,  Vermilion,  Musk,  and 
Camphor  are  fine  goods  and  pay  15  p.  c.  and  Gold  7  or  8  p.  c. 

The  scarcity  of  rain  hath  increased  the  trade  to  Bengal,  but  the 
plentifull  season  of  rain  will  (its  hoped)  put  a  stop  thereto,  for  surely 
there  can  be  no  advantage  more  uncomfortable  than  that  which  arrises 

»  Add,  MSS.  34,123,  p.  39,  reverse. 

'  ii  ,  p.  40,  reverse. 

'  Candy,  a  weight  equal  to  about  600  lbs.,  fr.  Mar.  ihandi. 

*  PiJcul,  a  man's  load. 

*  The  fruit  of  the  pifer  cuheba  used  as  a  spice. 

DD 


402  EARLY  ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS  OF   BEKGAL. 

from  the  poverty  and  misery  of  the  poor,  tho  it  may  be  as  well  charity 
as  interest  to  deal  therein  at  some  time. 

The  usual  freight  and  price  of  Bengali  goods,  viz. — Fine  Piece 
Goods,  which  are  Mulmuls,  Tanjebs,  Cossaes,  Doreas,  Talfiteas,  Jemewars, 
Soosees,  Sanoes  &c.,  pay  4  and  4|  p.  o  freight,  and  seldom  gain 
above  10  p.  c.  clear  of  charges,  many  times  not  that.  Gurrahs, 
Sailcloth,  and  Cambays  pay  8  p.  c.  This  year  Sadcloth  sold  for 
pags  13  per  Gorge,  Gurrahs  of  36  Ooveds  Pagodas  15|  to  16.  Tatfiteas 
of  18  Coveds  32  to  35  pag  per  Gorge,  ditto  of  20  Ooveds  37  to  38. 
Soosees  of  50  Coveds  from  50  to  55  (the  last  year  worth  60),  but  no 
man  can  proportion  these  which  rise  and  fall  according  to  fancy  and  use, 
but  the  most  rational  and  probable  method  is  judging  by  the  foregoing 
rate  as  a  medium.  Sugar  pays  f  Pagoda  freight  per  bale.  Butter  and 
Oyl  pag*-  1,  and  sometimes  I5  per  jar.  The  camp  in  our  neighbour- 
hood and  countries  adjoining  alters  the  price  of  goods  very  much. 
But  should  there  be  brought  up  any  large  quantity  of  goods  of  sugar 
this  year,  upon  the  anival  of  the  expected  ships  from  China,  the  market 
would  be  glutted  so  as  to  occasion  the  sending  a  vessel  or  two  to  Persia 
in  September,  which  indeed  often  proves  a  happy  necessity  ;  for  being 
the  first  that  can  arrive  by  two  mouths,  they  have  a  double  advantage 
in  the  sale  of  their  goods  there  and  the  return  hither.  Because  the 
sugar  in  Bengali  coming  from  the  country  so  late  as  November  prevents 
an  early  dispatch  and  cannot  in  any  wise  disappoint  those  that  go 
immediately  from  Madrass. 

Freight  of  goods  from  Madrass  to  Persia,  viz.,  Tissinda  or  fine 
Bengali  sugar  and  Sugar  Candy  18  p.  cent.  China  and  Java  Sugars 
20  p.  0.  and  all  Bussora  or  Course  Bengali  Sugars  23  p.  c.  Eomalls,, 
Cossaes,  etc.  Fine  goods  7  to  10  p.  c.  Pegu  stick  laque  yields  a  great 
price,  but  cannot  be  permitted  on  freight  being  so  extremely  bulky. 
The  returns,  viz..  Gold  (being  either  Chequeens,  Goldbars,  Ibrains  [?]) 
pay  freight  per  cent.  Syrash  wine  of  Abassees  per  cheat.  Fruit  of 
abassees  per  matt  bagg  each  qt.  38  Mds.  Tabrees,  each  Md.  Tabrees 
being  6f  lb.  and  where  it  exceeds  to  allow  per  rate.  The  general  custom 
is  to  pay  the  said  freight  in  Persia. 

Our  correspondence  with  Aoheen  is  in  a  manner  broke  of,  for  since 
the  scarcity  of  rice  first,  and  now  of  slaves,  the  dearness  of  cotton  and 
the  manufactures  of  this  country  (that  place  being  supplyd  from  Surat 
at  much  cheaper  rates  than  can  be  afforded  from  hence)  its  accidental 
that  any  vessel  goes  from  this  coast  thither ;  except  when  having  had 
arge   quantitys  of  ophium  from  Bengal  and  worth  but  12  or  13  pags 


EAELT    ENGLISH   ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL.  403 

per  md.,  it  may  be  adventured,  tho  it  is  a  very  uncertain  commodity. 
The  great  gains  or  disappointment  depending  upon  the  Java  fleet's 
arrival  and  the  quantity  they  shall  have  occasion  to  buy  up  to  carry  with 
them  to  their  respective  ports. 

From  Fort  St.  David  and  this  place  have  gone  two  or  three  small 
vessels  to  Queda,  carrying  blew  commissees,  morees,  and  long  cloth  and 
some  of  each  sort  white  with  a  small  parcel  of  ophium,  tho  I 
believe  they'll  make  but  a  poor  voyage,  considemg  that  the  staple 
commodity  of  the  port,  tin,  is  hardly  worth  28  pags  per  Candy  and 
for  dammer,  rattans,  etc.,  notwithstanding  the  profit  is  great,  yet  in 
respect  of  the  small  \alve  and  bulkiness  of  these  goods  are  hardly  worth 
the  bringing. 

The  trade  to  Pegu  is  not  very  great,  the  chief  design  of  sending 
ships  thither  being  to  repair  them,  though  the  goods  they  carry  many 
times  turn  to  account ;  but  on  the  returns  if  the  merchant  can  save 
himself  he  fares  very  well.  Thin  Betteelaes,  commonly  call'd  Pegu 
Batteelaes,  are  the  proper  commoditys  for  that  courtry,  as  are  likewise 
Madrass  paintings,  the  price  differing  according  to  the  fineness  and 
goodness  of  their  several  sorts,  of  the  Bettelaes  we  commonly 
proportion  three,  the  first  20  to  22  pag.  per  corge,  the  second  or 
middle  13  to  14,  and  the  ordinary  course  sort  8  to  10  pag  per  corge. 
Of  the  paintings  are  various  sorts  and  fineness,  the  ordinary  clouts 
are  double  chequer'd  Cambays  and  popleys  being  either  red  or  mixt 
red  black  or  blew,  and  cost  from  18  to  20  pag.  per  corge.  The  better 
sort  are  good  [?]  dray  or  colours  on  fine  longcloth,  Morees,  or  Percollaes, 
and  we  proportion  them  at  1  and  1 J  more  than  the  value  of  their  respec- 
tive cloth  when  brown,  and  cleared  from  the  choulky,  according  to 
the  notes  received  from  thence.  Freight  paid  out  and  home  is 
generally  5  p.c,  and  returns  this  year  yielded  viz.  Tyn  27  pags  per 
Candy,  Elephant's  teeth  small  45  pag  per  Candy,  from  30  to  20  teeth 
to  the  Candy,  50  pags,  of  16  to  20  teeth  60  pags,  from  16  to  10 
teeth,  65  pags.,  and  under  that  number  70  to  75  pagodas  per  Candy. 
HartolU  or  arsenick  32  pagodas  gants  of  the  best  sort  13,  do.  ordinary 
7,  and  lead  6.  The  gants  as  being  the  country  money  is  prohibited 
exportation  under  severe  penaltys,  therefore  very  seldom  in  any 
quantities  brought  away.  How  be  it  this  year  there  was  found  a 
contrivance  to  run  and  conveigh  £0  much  as  never  was  known  before 
to  come  over  in  one  season. 

'  Harial  or  haritalf  yellow  arsenic. 


404  EARLY    ENGLKSH   ACCOUNTS   OF    BENGAL. 

I  have  little  occasion  to  speak  of  the  trade  on  the  west  coast  of 
Sumatra,  where  you  are  far  better  acquainted  than  I  can  pretend  to ; 
therefore  shall  only  offer  that  prosperous  voyages  may  be  made  thither 
both  from  Surat  and  hence  as  well  by  the  manufacture  of  both  places 
sold  there  as  the  returns  in  pepper,  gold,  Benjamin,^  camphir,  etc. 

Samuell  Baron. 

'  A  kind  of  incense  got  from  the  resin  of  the  styrax  benzoin. 


Beg.  No,818J— 500—28-11-95. 


INDEX, 


Abassees,  402. 
'Abdu-1  Fa?l,  298. 
'Abdu-1  Gani,  96,  97. 
'Abdu-r-Rahim,  348,  349. 
Abu-1  Fa?!,  4. 
Accountant,  62,  805. 
Accounts,  385,  386. 

-  of  the  Company's  servants,  387. 

of  English    Company,   2:J0,    227, 

229    231 

of  Old  Company,  219,  226,  229, 


231 

Acheen,  346,  402. 
AchUles,  100. 

Acton,  Richard,  330,  363,  364. 
Adams,  Abr.,   186,  191,  240,  275,   279,   288, 
289,  290,  292,    299,    301,  302,  306,  307, 
310,  324. 
Adams,  Rev.  Ben.,  200,  201,  203,  204,  214, 
215,    229,  235,   256,  258,  262,  263,  272, 
274,  275,  277,  350, 
Adams,  Wm.,  31L  321. 
Addison.  Gulston,  325,  360. 
Adi  Ganga,  129,  130,  133,  134,  135. 
/Abdu.B  Samad,  108,  110,  114. 
Admii-al,  329. 
Agamemnon,  100. 
Agarpara,  133. 
AfBeck,  371,  373. 
Afghans,  147,  148,  149. 
Agha  Muhammad  Zaman,  7,  8,  241 . 
Agra,  23,  172,  173,  178,  287,   376,  378,  879, 

380. 
Ahmadnagar,  I7l. 
Ain-i-Akbari,  4,  137. 
Akbar,  134, 135. 
AJchbdrnavlt,  news-writer,  259. 
Akhund,  teacher,  instructor,  300,  301,  307, 

315,  317. 
Akna,  131. 

*llam  .Shah :  tee  Shah  'Alam,  290. 
Albermarle  Ship,  ^&J. 
'Ali  Bakhsh,  349. 
'Ali  Raza,  242,  346. 
Allahal»d,  80, 

Alleja  or  Aldcha.sHYk  cloth  from  Turkestan, 
with  a  wavy  line  pattern    down   either 
Bide,  17,  398,  400. 
Alley,  Capt.,  74. 
Allowances,  239,  249. 
Alum,  401. 

Alodtu,  shawl  cloth,  255. 
Amber,  379. 
Ambua,  130. 
Amethyst  trade,  125. 
Amen  Corner,  330. 
Amiru-l-Umara,  premier  prince,  241, 
Amoy,  401. 


Amusements,  64. 

Anantarama,  the  Company's  broker,  55,  85, 

Anantarama,  a  slave,  351. 

Anderson,  Rev.    Wm.,  214,    215,    256,    257, 

258,  274,  317,  318. 
Anna  Ketch,  239. 
Anna  Ship,  3C8. 
Anniseed,  401. 
Antelope  Ship,  154. 
Arabia,  123,  140. 
Aracanese,  18. 
Arreanes,  53. 

Arakan,  34,  49,  54,  119,  121,  122,  134. 
Arbuthnot,  Capt.,  96, 
Ariadaha,  131. 
Armagaon,  20. 

Armenians,  125,  137,  144,  150,  205,  370,  379. 
Arrack,  17.  66,  146,  256,  276. 
Asad  Khan.  125,  172,  241,  281. 
Asalat  Khan,  23. 
Ash,  Mrs.  Domingo,  146,  207,  256,  276,  295, 

301. 
Athdri,   money   due   in  the  month  of  Ashdr 

or  July,  221,  222. 
Ashby,  Capt.  Steph.,  115. 
Ashe,  Sir  Joseph,  67. 
Assam,  8,  35. 
Assuria,  348,  349. 
Atlas,  satin,  399. 
Aw^,  early  rice,  285. 
Augustine  Bay,  377. 
Augustinians,  143. 
Aurangabad,  174,  184. 

Aurangzeb,  8,  34,  48,  78,  90,    93,  99,   101 
107,  122,  139,  140,  141,  148,  153,    160. 
168,  171,  180,  184,  212,  232,  241,  280. 
281,  380. 
Aurungzele  Ship,  368. 
Austin,  John,  368. 
Austin,  W.,  16. 
Averilla  Ship,  368. 
A'zam,  78. 
A'zam  Shah,  171,  172,   173,    174,  177,    178 

241,  281,  287. 
'A8imu-8h  Shan,  148,  149,  150,  161,  168, 173 
177,  178,  180,  181,  182,   186,   190,    200* 
233,  240,  282.  296,    297,  298,  299,  300 
301,  307,  309,  320,  329,  342. 


Bad  language  fined,  265. 
Bafta,  woven,  a  kind  of  fine  calico,  255. 
Bahadur  Khan,  105,  118,  119,  121,  122   123 
Bahar,  a  load,  397,  398.  ' 

Baihtkbandar,  Happy  Harbour,  a  name   for 

the  port  of  Hagli,  259. 
BakhshI,  military   paymaster,  236,  238  247 

275,  279,  299,  329,  332,  340. 
Bakuya,  137. 


u 


INDEX. 


Balasor,  12,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  23,  24,  25,  27, 
31,  32,  33,  34,  47,  48,  53,  55,  56,  57,  58, 
66,  73,  84,  90,  99,  106,  107,  115,  120, 
121, 137,  154,  170,  186,  242,  245,  254, 
332,  381,  382,  383,  384,  388,  391. 

Balasor,  old,  106. 

Balchand,  74,  75,  79,  82,  89. 

Balikuda,  2,  4, 

Balkh,  8. 

Bamboo,  397,  898. 

Bandel,  61. 

Bandoleer,  95. 

Banjar,  308,  365. 

Bankibazar,  130. 

Banksall,  office  of  the  Harbour  Master,  348. 

Banister,  16. 

Banquet  to  the  English,  12,  13. 

Bantam,  10,  33,  377. 

Banyan,  broker,  59,  392. 

Baptism,  318. 

Baqir  Khan,  8. 

Baramal,  98,  99. 

Barabati  Fort,  2,  7. 

Baranagar,  54,  98,  133,  205. 

Barbakpur,  137. 

Barbara,  340, 

Barber  for  the  factory,  389. 

Barker,  John,  339. 

Barker,  Richard,  86. 

Baron,  Samuel,  401,  404. 

Baruipur,  131. 

Barr,  268. 

Barracks,  197,  214,  327. 

Bassorah,  402. 

Bastion,  N.  W.,  211,  212,  282,  283. 

Bastion,  S.  W.,  214,  212,  282. 

Batavia,  400. 

Bateman,  Thos.,  48. 

Batta,   discount  on  short  weight  coins,  220, 

221,  223,  224,  225,  376,  391,  396. 
Battelaes,  piece-goods,  403. 
Battery,  96,  106,  107,  108. 

Bay,  19,  24,  31,  32,  56,  58,  61,  66,  68,  71, 
72,  86,  87,  88.  89,  91,  107,  114,  115, 
120,  124,  137,  368,  385,  392,  393,  400, 
401. 

Bayne,  Boskell,  211,  212. 

Bazar,  Calcutta,  193,  196,  220,  223, 284,  286. 

Beard,  Charles,  160. 

Elizabeth,  160. 

John,  1, 83,  84,  86,  87, 88,  89,  93,  94, 

381. 

John,  II,  146,   160,    154,  156,  157, 

169,    160,  161,  162, 163,  167,  187.  211, 

222,  232,  233,  235,    236,   238,  248,  265, 
267,  345,  346,  350,  369,  370,  371,  372. 

Mary,  160,  369,  373. 

Beatrice,  301. 

Beaufort,  D.  F.,  365, 

Beaufort  Ship,  94,  96,  97,  106,  109. 

Beaufort  Sloop,  115. 

Beckford,  Thomas,  368. 

Bedar  Bakht.  172,  173, 174,  242. 

Bedford  Ship,  370. 

Beer,  63. 

Bees- wax,  53,  58, 398. 


Beetle,  226,  284,  400. 

Belda,  104. 

Belly,  second  quality  silk,  26,  376. 

Benares,  379. 

Bencoolen,  308,  319,  368. 

Bengal,  1,  3,  16,  17,  20,  21,  23,  24,  25,  29, 
31,  32,  S3,  34,  35,  38,  39,  41,  45,  46,  47, 
48,  52,  56,  57,  58,  59,  65,  71,  79,  83,  84, 
88,  89,  94,  95,  98,  99, 102, 113, 114, 115-, 
116,  117,  118,  123,  124, 130,  134,  136, 
139,  143,  144,  155,  161,  168,  169,  178, 
180,  182, 185,  206,  321,  365,  398,  401, 
402. 

Benjamin,  a  kind  of  incense,  404. 

Berkley,  Isaac,  340. 

Berners,  Joseph,  335. 

Betai  Chandi,  131. 

Betor,  54,  128,  130,  131,  133,  134,  135,  137. 

Bhadre9var,  130. 

Bhagalpur,  130. 

Bhagwangola,  149. 

Bhang,  108,  109. 

Bhatpara,  130. 

Bhutan,  378. 

BibiPerl,  81. 

Bidipore,  326. 

Bihar,  53,  93,  182,  321. 

Bijapur,  171,  174. 

BiUedge,  Thos.,  28,  381. 

Billiard  Table,  141. 

Bindrabun,  199. 

Binns,  Elizabeth,  201. 

Bipradas,  130,  131,  133. 

Black  Collector,  195,  196. 

Black  subordinates,  313,  314,  345. 

Blacon,  John,  368. 

Blair,  Capt.,  386,  387. 

Blake,  Wm.,  I,  25,  27,  28. 

Blake,  Wm.,  II,  38,  41,  45,  381. 

Blenheim  Ship,  368. 

Blount,  Samuel,  186,  190,  310,  314,  323, 331, 
332,  337,  338,  339,  342,  364. 

Blow,  Thomas,  368. 

Blunderbusses,  74,  372. 

Blunt,  John,  115. 

Boats  obstructed  by  local  rulers,  34,  80,  146, 
168,  169,  182,  277,   307,  319,  330. 

Bolton,  360. 

Bombay,  41,  42,  89,  90,  122,  320,  368. 

Bombay  Ship,  367. 

Books  of  the  Companies,  244. 

Boone,  Charles,  235,  240. 

Boro,  130. 

Boucher,  Benjamin,  162,  191,  227,  237,  238. 

243,  245,  246,  247,  248,   249,   250,  252, 

-     258,  266,  268,  352,  353,  355,  356,   357, 

358,  360,  361,  362,  363,  373. 
Boughton,  Gabriel,  23,  24,  26,  27,  28. 
Bouverie  Ship,  368. 
Bowridge,  229,  247. 
Bowridge,  Elizabeth,  I,  92,  350,  351. 
Bowridge,  Elizabeth,  II,  350. 
Boyd,  350. 
Braces,  53,  89. 

BraddyU,  117,  119, 121,  141,  146. 
Brahmans,  284,  285,  286. 


INDEX. 


lU 


Bridgeman,  Ja3.,  24,  25,  27,  28,  32,  381. 

Bridges,  381. 

Bridges,  Shem,  45. 

Brightwell, 

British  Law,  38. 

Broad  Street,  214. 

Broker,  18,  27,  52,  55,  63,  250,  332. 

Brooke,  Capt.,  124, 

Brookhaven,  Capt.  J.,  24,  381. 

Browne,  Elizabeth,  328,  329,  335. 

Bruton,  Wm.,  2,  3,  7, 16, 18. 

Bryant,  Humphrey,  368. 

Buccaneering  piece,  331, 

Budgero,  80,  317. 

Bugden,  Charles,  364. 

.. Cornelia,  364. 

Edward,  364. 

Theophila,  364. 

William,  170,  191,  235,   275,  276, 

278,  279,  280,  281,  288,  289,  292,  294, 
306,  315,  316,  317,  324,  326,  338,  363, 
364. 

Builders  wanted  in  Bengal,  401. 

Buildings  inside  Fort  William,  213. 

Buildings,  irregular,  forbidden,  280. 

Bull,  Mr.,  365. 

Bund,  a  crop  of  silk,  397. 

Burabalang  R.,  106,  120. 

Burdwan,  147,  148,  149,  150. 

Borhampur,  153. 

Buriganga,  81. 

Busby,  3, 

Butcher,  Samuel,  337. 

Butter,  16,  61,  378,  379,  380,  399,  400. 

Bysack,  G.  D.,  129. 

Bysacks,  54,  59,  128,  134,  137,  189,  199. 


C. 


Cabul,  171. 

Csesar,  a  slave  boy,  336. 

Cajsar,  Frederick,  54,  132. 

Calcutta,  31,  54,  56,  59,  92,  99,  102,  104, 
116,  117,  118,  127,  129,  130,  131,  134, 
140,  147,  149,  150,  154,  162,  164, 
169,  170,  174,  177,  179,  183,  186, 
187,   190,  191,  192,  193,  205,  206. 

Calvert,  John,  181,  223,  235,  272,  277,  293, 
302,  32G,  333,  335,  338,  339,  341, 
346,  351,  352,  353,  355,  356,  357, 
363,  364. 

Cambays,  piece-goods,  403. 

Camels  for  the  Chief,  889. 

gamkh,  a  large  kind  of  shell  prized  bv  the 
Hindus,  376,  389,  400. 

Camphor,  401,  404. 

Candles  allowed  only  to  the  Chief,  Council, 
Chaplain,  and  Surgeon,  390. 

Candlesticks  as  presents,  226. 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  203,  323,  377 

Carlton  Ship,  368. 

Camatic,  29,  31. 

Cartwright,  Ralph,  3,  4,  6,  11,  16,  17,  19,  31, 
241,  380. 


Cary,  Mrs.,  342. 

Carye,  Robert,  337. 

Cash  balances,  387. 

Cassimbazar,  28,  33,  39,  48,  52,  53,  55,  56^ 
57,  71,  72,  79,  85,  86,  88,  92,  93,  94, 
118,  148,  161,  170,  178,  183,  272,  273, 
277,  278,  290,  293,  318,  320,  329,  375, 
376,  377,  379,  385,  388,  391,  393,  394, 
397. 

Cassimbazar  Sloop,  251. 

Cassumber,  397. 

Qastri,  Pandit  Haraprasad,  130. 

Cateral,  John,  326. 

Catherine  Galley,  368. 

Cawthorpe,  181,  233,  235,  281,  282,  287, 
289,  293,  306,  309,  313. 

Ceylon,  400. 

Chdbuk,  whip,  168. 

Chakravarti,  Babu  Manmohan,  5. 

Chanbal,  R.,  172. 

Chamberlain,  53. 

Champdapi,  130. 

Champion,   William,  240. 

Chinak,  131. 

Chanakiad,  101,  102. 

Chandannagar,  54,  96,  101,  147,  148, 

Chandrakona,  380. 

Chand  Sadagar,  130,  131,  133. 

Chapel  at  Hugli,  393. 

Chaplain,  62,  67,  68. 

Charges,  general,  387, 

Charlemagne,  100,  101. 

Charles  I„  19. 

Charles  II.,  38,  41,  42, 

Charles  II.  Ship,  144. 

Charles  and  Betty  Sloop,  227,  229,  231,  347. 

Chamock,  Job,  33,  71,  72,  79,  81,  83,  85,  86, 
87,  89,  90,  92,  93,  94,  95,  97,  98,  99, 
100,  101,  106,  108,  109,  110,  113,  114, 
116,  117,  118,  120,  121,  123,  124,  125, 
127,  140,  141,  143,  143,  189,  203, 

Chamock,  wife,  92,  93. 

Charter,  32,  38,  145,  151. 

Chauki,  watch-house,  often  the  watch  itself, 
277,  314,  403, 

Chequeens,  375, 

Chhatrabhog,  131, 

Chief  and  Council  at   Hugli,   their   responsi- 
bilities, 390, 

Chiefs  of    subordinate  factories,  their  respon- 
sibilities, 390. 

Child,  Capt.,  346. 

Child,  Capt.,  Francis,  314,  316,  325,  365, 
366. 

Child,  Mrs.  Susan,  302. 

Child,  Sir  Josuah,  84. 

China,  125,  368,  378,  401,  402. 

China  root,  401. 

Chinchamsaw,  381,  382,  383,  391. 

Chinsurah,  54,  61,  74,  137,  147. 

Chintz,  400. 

Chitpur,  129,  131,  133. 

Chittagong,  49,  89,  90,  114,  115,    116,    117 
118,  119,  121,  122,  132,  134,  136. 

Chittamundsaw,  381,  392,  383,  391. 

Chittermulsaw,  39].. 


IV 


INDEX. 


Chitty,  Josia,  186,  240,  26'^,  301,  806,  310, 
312,  314,  315,  317,  318,  324,  325,  326, 
332,  336,  337,  338,  339,  342. 
Chohdar,  beadle,  236,  240,  292. 
Chowringee,  129, 
Chucklaes,  piece-goods,  398. 
Chundm,  prepared  lime,  used  for  fine  polish- 
ed plaster,  222. 
Chnnderbannies,  piece-goods,  399,  400. 
Chunee,  a  slave,  351, 
Churaghat,  131. 

Church,  214,  215,  216,  256,  263,   264,   265, 

271,  274,  275,  278,  317,  318,  319. 
Churchwardens,  342. 
Chuseman,  40,  43. 
Cinnamon,  400. 

giva,  5,  128,  199. 

Qivacharan,  180,  181,  298,  299,  300. 

Clarke,  Jonathan,  368. 

Clapham,  Thomas,  368. 

Clare,  Henry,  339. 

Clavell,  Walter,  42,  45.  57,  78,  381. 

Clansade,  Thomas,  3:^8,  329. 

Clerk,  74. 

Clive.-Robert,  118. 

Cloth  as  a  present,  253.  259,  260,  261,  292. 

Clothes  worn  by  the  English,  65,  206. 

Coaches  drawn  by  oxen  used  by  the  English 
at  Hugli,  65. 

Coast,  368. 

Coinage,  255,  322. 

Colchester  Ship,  371. 

Cole,  John  I,  191,  268,  269,  270,  275. 

Cole,  John  II,  326,  3a3. 

Collector  of  Calcutta.  190,  191,  192,  193,  194, 
195,  196.     See  Zamlnddr, 

Collet,  Waterworth,  326.  333. 

Colley,  Thomas,  3,  4, 15, 17. 

Company's  garden,  54,  64,  79. 

Cook,  Mr.,  290. 

Cook,  Sir  Thomas,  365. 

Cooke,  George,  368. 

Cooke,  Gerard,  326,  333. 

Cooking  in  the  English  factory  at  Hooghly, 
63,  389,  390. 

Copper,  its  price,  219,  401. 

Corge.  a  score,  398,  402,  403. 

Cornell,  Edward,  146. 

Cornwall,  Henry,  368. 

Coromandel  coast,  10,  19,  20,  23,  29,  31, 
39,  41,  87,  183,  377. 

Cossaes,  see  Khd?a. 

Costus,  399. 

Cotsworth,  Michael.  326. 

Cotta  warehouse,  pricing  warehouse,  per- 
haps from  Jcutdv  estimating,  263,  312. 

Cotton  yarn,  58,  255,  398. 

Court  at  London,  21,  24,  82,  38,  39,  42.  45, 
46,  47,  48,  51.  57,  58,  68,  71,  72,  78, 
89,  90,  93,  95,  113,  114,  115,  117,  118, 
124,  125,  145, 168. 

Court  of  Admiralty  at  Madras,  349. 

Court  of  Judicature  to  be  established  in  Cal- 
cutta, 147. 

Court  of  Justice,  197,  253,  254,  267,  316, 
331,  339. 


Courten,  Sir  William,  19. 

Covid,  a  cubit,  16,  376,  384,  402. 

Cowcolly  Light-house,  104. 

CowcoUy,  R.,  105. 

Coxe's,  237. 

Cromwell,  29,  32,  137. 

Crisp,  Edward,  326. 

Crown  Ship,  73. 

^uieb,   fruit   of    the  piper   cuhela   used  as 

spice,  401. 
(?ubha  Singha,  139,  147,  148,  211. 
Cummin  seeds,  397. 
Cumneer  Merchant,  115. 
Cunningham,  308. 

Cunya-pord,  land  lying  waste,  284,  285. 
Curgenven,  John,  351  to  360,  370. 
Curgenven,  Rachel,  351  to  360. 
Curgenven,    Thomas,    235,    240,    263,   352, 

359,  360,  370,  371,  373. 
Customer,  79. 

Customs,  4,  20,  34,  74,  79,  82,  220,  223,  232. 
Cutcherrie,  221. 
Cuttack,  2,  4,  6,  7,  15. 


Dacca,  35,  45,  49,  53,  58,  74,  75,  78,  79,  80, 
81,    62,90,94,  93,99,    111,    117,    119," 
120,  121,  123,  136,    145,    147,  183,  246, 
321  334,  370,  388,  392. 

Dadni,  an   advance  made   to   tbe  weavers,  or 
craftsmen,  391,  395,  396. 

Ddk-chaukl,  a  posr,  114. 

Dakhinegvar,  133. 

Daksha,  128. 

Dalibar,  Henry,  290,  326. 

Dammer,  Javanese  damar,  pitch,  400,  403. 

Damodar,  R.,  104,  132. 

Danes,  9. 

Barhdr,  a  court  or  levee,  9,  10, 12,  168,   219, 
226,  234,  243,  24S,  329,  387. 

Dariapur,  104. 

Ddroghah,  an  inspector,  259,  260,  261,  321. 

Darrel,  Edward,   240,    280,   289,   292,    293, 
294,  301,  302,  303,  306. 

Dartmouth  Ship,  368. 

DastaJc,  a  passport  or  permit,  239,  246,  266. 

Dasturi,  the  customary  commission,  392,  396. 

Daud,  349. , 

Daud  Kban,  100. 

Davies,  Thomas,  33. 

Dawes,  William,  40,  41,  43. 

Day,  Francis,  13,  20. 

Dean,  Richard,  347,  348. 

-Deane,  John,  235,  305. 

De  Barros,  132. 

Debt,  254,  258. 

Ueccan,  101,  300. 

Defence  Ship,  73,  84,  115,  )20.  121. 

Delgardno,  Alexander,  254,  265,  370. 

Delgardno,  Matthew,  341. 

Delhi,  34,  93,  102,  105,  322,  172,  174,  184. 

Demeney.  Dr.  L.,  302. 

Denham,  Capt.,  109. 

Derby  Ship,  308. 

Deryeyes,  piece-goods,  400, 


INDEX. 


Dhalanda,  131. 

Dhanasthan,  131. 

Dhoha,  a  washerman,  59. 

Diamond  Harbour,  104. 

Diamond  Ship  I,  20. 

Diamond  Ship  II,  115. 

Diamond  Ship  III,  149. 

Diamonds,  374. 

Diana,  a  slave  girl,  336. 

Diaries,  236. 

Diet,  63,  205,  219,  226,  229,  231, 232,  234, 302, 
388. 

Dilasa,  heart-hope,  comfort,  18. 

Diligence  Ship,  47. 

Dimity,  255. 

Dinner  at  midday,  63. 

Dvipchaud  Bella,  250. 

Diseors^  Ship,  17. 

Dispatm  Ship,  304,  367. 

Disputes  about  places  in  Council,  275. 

Dlwdn,  Chief  Financial  Minister,  Treasurer, 
222,  241,  242,  247,  252,  25S,  263,  266, 
268,  272,  274,  277,  278,  279,  282.  295, 
296,  297,  298,  299.  300,  301,  303,  307, 
324,  326,  327.  *' 

Dolhdsh,  interpreter,  59, 
Dobson,  John,  3,  4. 
Dobyns   William,  373. 
Dodd,  Joseph,  83,  80. 
Dc^keeper  for  the  Factory,  389. 
Dolben,  John,  374. 
Dolbon  Ship,  297. 
Dolleria  perhaps  Dilleria,  silk   for  the  Delhi 

market,  376. 
i>an>a  double  thread,  striped  muslin,   255 

:i59,  260,  261,  321,  398,  402. 
Domll,  Captain,  73,  74,  144,  145 
Double  stock,  21, 
Doubloons,  375. 
Dover  Ship,  367. 
Drinking,  QQ^  69. 
Drum,  317. 

Drummer,  220,  223,  224,  225 
•  >ry  dock,  205. 

Drys^perhaps  the  same  as  deryeyes  399 
Durai,  a  prohibition,  15. 
Dunneers,  396. 

DuStUckmau],  292 

Dutch,  9,  19;' 24,  26,  27,  29,  32,  39  41  42 
47,  49,  54,  61,  66,  89,  97,  98,  137  148 
170.  180,  251,  258,  265,  270,  271 '  .sm' 
318,  32.),  323,  375,  400.  ' 

Dutch  garden,  73. 

Dutchess  Ship,  237,  244,  254,  367,  368,  373. 


Edward  and  Dudley  Ship  367 

Edwards,  308. 

Edwards,  Richard,  383. 

Eikon  Basilike,  33. 

Elatches  probably  allejas,  which  see,  379. 

l!-l  lott,  Captam,  47. 

Elliott,  Eev.  Richard,  57,  63. 


Ellis,  Francis,  83,  84,  85,   86,   87,   89,  124, 
140,  143,  144. 

Ems,  Ralph,  240,  249,  353. 

Bnergie  Ship,  115, 120. 

English,  1,9,  10,  11,  12,  19,  20,  25,  ?9,  31, 
32,  37,  38,  39,  48,  49,  52,  53,  65, 
84,  94,  97,  9^,  99,  101,  107,  108,  109, 
110,  U!,  116,  119,  120,  121,  122, 123, 
137,  139,  141,  1 19,  150,  155,  158. 

English  Company,  152,  158. 

English  soldiers,  95,  96,  106,  107,  109,  143, 
197. 

Ensigns,  95. 

Escort.  278. 

Esquire,  338. 

Establishment  charges,  389. 

Europe,  as  an  adjective,  146,  394. 

Europa  Ship,  368. 

Evance,  Stephen,  374. 

Evans,  Rev.  John,  67,  89,  144,  145. 

Expenses  of  the  Factory,  259,  302. 

Eyre,  Charles,  afterwards  Sir  Charles,  92,  117, 
119,  121,  113,  144,  145,  146,  147,  150, 
157,  159,  160,  200,  211,  223,  230. 

Eyre,  John,  182,  240,  318. 

Eyre,  Mary,  92,  144. 

P. 

Factors,  16. 

Factory,  63,  64,  296. 

Fairfax,  William,  24. 

Falcon  Ship,  58,  59. 

Falconer,  Thomas,  326. 

Fanam,  a  small  coin  of  South  India,  a   silver 

Madras  fanam  being  worth  2  pence    17 
Farangi,  a  Frank,  G.,  132.  *      ' 

Farmdish,  requisition,  78. 
Farmdn,  a  grant  signed   by  the  Mc^ul,    15 
26.  27.  28,  82,  241,  300,  311,313,  329* 
Fiirmer,  3-i6. 

Farrukhsiyar,  186,  200,  342. 
Faujddr,     commanding     officer,       military 
governor,  8, 307,  309,  332, 341,  352,  373 
S97. 
Fazl  Muhammad,  181,  300.  301,  315,  317. 
Feake,  Samuel,  170,  235,  278,  280,  281,  350. 
Ferbome,  James,  48. 
Ferracute,  101.    " 
Ffoert.  Hans.  309. 
Fidai  Khan,  78. 
Fines,  6v<,  225,  314. 
Finch,  Philip,  347. 
Fire  in  President  Eyre's  time,  230. 
Fish  at  Saugor,  53, 
Fitch,  Ralph,  136. 
Flax,  378. 
Fleet  Frigate,  372. 
Floretta  yarn,  399. 
Floyd,  John,  48. 
Foot,  third  quality  silk,  26  376 
Fort,  2Q. 

Fort  St.  David,  266,  403. 
Fort  St.    Geoi^e,  20,  23,  32,  38,  39,  40  41 
42,  43,  47,  51,  56,  57,  58,    69,  72   122* 
125,163,214,386,393,401. 


VI 


INDEX. 


Port  WilHam,  102,  128,  139,  149,  157,  161, 
162,  169,  177,  178,  179,  183,  197,  198, 
210,  211,  212,  213,  238,  268,  280,  282, 
310,  311,  327,  365,  366. 

Poxcrof  t,  George,  39,  40,  41,  43,  44. 

Poxcroft,  Nathaniel,  39,  41,  43. 

Frances  Ship,  115. 

Frankland,  313. 

FredericTc  Ship,  368. 

Free  merchant,  262. 

Freight,  256. 

French,  47,  54,  124,  140,  233,  266,  320. 

Frigate,  94. 


G. 


Gandak,  63. 

Ganges,  24,  47,   56,  58,  80,  81,  89,  94,  103, 

115,  130,  132,  134. 
Gaiiruliii,  130. 

Oanza,  a  mixed  metal,  400,  403. 
Garden  Reach,  54,  59,  99,  128,  133,  137. 
Garrison,  197,  220,  245,  248,  313. 
Gary,  Capt.  Henry,  42. 
Gay,  George,  154. 
Gawton,  George,  33,  381. 
Germain,  373. 
Qhariyals,  389,  390. 
Ghoighat,  54,  62, 106,  251. 
Ghusuri,  131. 
Gibbon,  313. 

GifEord,  William,  72, 87,  88,  89,  140. 
Ginger,  255,  398. 
Gingerlee,  401. 
Gingham,  384,  378. 
Girdles,  379,  400. 
Glessde,  Robert,  335. 
Glover,  Richard,  350. 
Goa,  42,  132,  133,  134. 
Godfrey,  Edward,  568. 
GodolpUn  Ship,  367,  368. 
Gold,  375,  404. 
Gold  sold  for  rupees,  232. 
Gold  mohur,  379,  385. 
GoldsboTO,  Sir  John,  141, 143,  144,  145. 
Golkonda,  8,  19,  181,  308,  311,  374. 
Gombroon,  346. 
Oood  Hope  Sloop,  107. 
Goodman,  Samuel,  368. 
Gorbold,  John,  115. 
Gough,  Richard,  88. 
Godowns,  247. 
Government  papers,  241. 
Governor    of    Hugli,     161,    170,    179,  180, 

181, 185,  239,  273,  298,    300,    301,303, 

307,   309,  316,  317,  319,  320,  331,  341. 
Govinda  Sundar,  276,  295. 
Govindpur,  54,  59,  128,  129,  131,   135,    150, 

189,   190,   191,  194,  205,  222,  258,  284, 

286,  294. 
Gotoald,  a  cow-keeper,  a  guard  of  this  caste, 

which    was    reputed   to  be   strong  and 

brave,  236,  240. 
Gram,  a  kind  of  grain,  400. 


Gray,  267. 

Great   Thaua,    54,    99,  107,  110,    124,  148 

149. 
Griffith,  369. 
Gualior,  172,  174. 
Gullingah,  401. 
Gumashstahs,  delegates,  298. 
Gumlack,  17. 
Gunner,  326,  331. 
Gunny,  377. 
Guns,  232,  279. 
Gumey,  William,  21. 
Guzarat,  378,  379. 


Haidarabad,  107,  174.  ^ 

HajT  Sfifl  Khan,  78,  241.  • 

Hah'd-Jchor,  a  sweeper,  220,  223. 

Haldi  R.,  104. 

Ralifax  Ship,  368. 

Halsey,  Edward,  235,  240. 

Halsey,  Elizabeth,  229. 

Halsey,  1h"athaniel,  157,  370,  372. 

Halstead,  Matthias,  33. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  93,  192,  193,  200,  202, 

203,   204,   205,   206,  209,  210,  214,  302, 

325. 
Hampton,  Captain,  146. 
Hampton,  Captain  John,  115. 
Hampton,  Charles,  339. 
Harding,  James,  85. 
Hardy,  Joseph,  254. 
Hari9pur  Gar,  2,  17. 

Hariharapur,  2, 5, 6, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 137, 384. 
Hari  Krishna,  280. 
Harnalston,  309. 
Harnett,  Elizabeth. 

Harnett,  Captain  Henry,  321,  326,  335,  369. 
Harriot,  WiUiam,  347,  348. . 
Harris,  I,  373. 

Harris,  II,  373.  • 

Harris,  James,  348. 
Harris,  Mrs.,  290. 
Harris,  Thomas,  347. 
Harsapur,  i.e.  Hari9pnr,  2,  3,  4,  6,  18, 
Hart,  Mrs.,  373. 
Harldl,  yellow  arsenic,  408. 
Sashu-l-amr.,   "according  to  comjaand,"  an 

order   signed   by   the   vizier,   242,   243, 

295  299. 
Sashu-l-hukum,  "according  to  command," 

an  order  signed  by  the  vizier,  242. 
Hastings,  308. 
Hatch,  20. 
Hatiagar,  131. 
Haynes,  372. 

Head,  first  quality  silk,  26,  376. 
Heath,  Captnin  William,  737,   115,  117,  118, 

119,  120,  121,  122,  123. 
Eeathcote  Ship,  325,  note,  368,  374. 
Hedges,   William,    71,    72.    73,  77,  78,  79, 

80,  81,  82,  83.  84,  85,  86,  87,  88,    89, 

93,  94,  140,  381. 


INDEX. 


TU 


Hedges,  Robert,  154,  162,  164,  186.  187, 
188,  204,  227  238,  243,  245,  250, 
262,  265,  276,  338,  339,  341,  342,  345, 
352,  353.  370,  374. 

St.  Helena,  154. 

Hemminar,  Benjamin,  346. 

Hemp,  6,  378,  379. 

Herbert,  Captain,  310. 

Herbert  Ship,  3G7. 

Herron,  Captain  George,  48,  115. 

Herne  Ship,  325. 

Eester  Ship,  367,  368. 

Hewer,  200. 

HijUi,  19,  53,  97,  98,  99,  104,  105,  106,  107, 
108,  114,  116,  133. 

Hill,  J.,  1275,  141,  143. 

Hill,  Mrs.,  310. 

Hobbridge,  Thomas,  347. 

Hc^ga,  400. 

Holiday,  329. 

Holsten,  Daniel,  347. 

Holwell,  J.Z.,  192,  193,  196. 

Honor,  74. 

Honourable,  338. 

Eopeicell  Ship,  2,  23. 

Hopkins,  33. 

Hopkins,  Charles,  244. 

Horses,  332,  389, 

Hospital,  214.  289,  327. 

House-rent,  3i39. 

How,  87. 

Mcucland  Ship,  304,  368. 

Howrah,  129'. 

Hubbard,  Thomas,  331,  337. 

Hubble-bubble,  a  huka,  226. 

Hudson,  Henry,  368. 

Hudson,  Robert,  368. 

Suffl^  Ana  Ketch,  244. 

Hugli.  18,  24,  25,  26.  27,  31,  32,  33,  34, 
37.  39,  45.  46,  47,  48,  53,  54,  55,  56, 
57,  58,  61.  72,  73,  74,  75,  78,  79,  80 
82,  83,  84,  85,  86,  87.  88,  94,  96,  97*, 
98,  99,  101,  102,  107,  111.  116,  117, 
119,  124,  127,  130,  135,  136,  140, 
145,  148.  149.  163,  179.  181,  183,  185, 
186,  198,  203,  214,  239,  273,  283,  293, 
294,  295,  296,  297.  315.  316,  317.  321, 
341,  377,  380,  386,  387,  390,  391. 

Hugh  Point.  50,  104,  106. 

Hugli  River,  34,  47,  48,  53.  92.  98  101 
104,  105,  116,  127.  132,  136, '  139! 
179,  212.  »     -^  ". 

Huka,  292. 

Hummums,  piece-gooda,  384,  398. 

Hungerford,  John,  350. 

Hungerford,  Mary,  351. 

Hnnia,  131. 

Hunt,  James,  364. 

Hunt,  Mrs.,  364. 

Hunting,  312,  329. 

Hurst,  Robert,  368. 

Husain  Shah,   130. 

Hnssey,  Edward,   1 15. 

Hussey,  George,  240.  290  i 

Hyde,  Rev.  H.  B.,  215 


Ibrihim  Khan,  93,  123, 124,  140,  147,  148. 

Ichapnr,  130. 

'Iniiyat  UUah,  243. 

India,  4  (adj.),  19,  31,  34,  57. 

India  used  to  mean  the   Malabar  coast,   10, 

136. 
Indian  customs,  65. 
Indian  dress,  65. 
Indian  wives,  65. 
Indian  women,  66. 
Indraghat,  130. 
Ingot,  384. 
Innes,  Jane,  57. 

Interest  at  12  per  cent.,  231,  253. 
Interlopers,  57,  73,  74,  75,  79,  82,  85. 
Intestate,  262,  264. 
Iron,  379,  398. 

Islamabad,  i.e.,  Chittagong,  49. 
Islam  Khan,  8. 
Ivory,  403. 
Ivory,  Elizabeth,  160,  370,  371,  372. 


Jack,  Black,  301. 

Jagannatha,  18,  19. 

Jagat  Das,  195,  363. 

Jagat  Rai,  147. 

Jagatsinhpur,  2. 

Jagirdar,  one  who  holds  an  assignment  of 

land  or  revenue  on  account   of  military 

service,  240,  255. 
Jahangir,  8,  24,  152. 
Jaikrishna,  289. 
Jaju,  173,  178. 
Jambi,  10. 

James  and  Mairy  Sand,  104, 145. 
James  II.,  90,  95. 
James  Ship,  115. 
Jamuna,  80, 130,  132. 
Janardana  Sett,  see  Sett,  Janardana. 
Jane  Ship,  367. 
Jangal  Gir.  129. 
Jiini,  348,  349. 
Jansen,  Simon,  809. 
Japan,  203,  375,  377,  40O. 
Japara,  10. 
Jaunpore,  379. 
Java,  402,  403. 
Jay,  George,  154. 
Jayadhali,  131, 
Jellmghi,  80,  81, 

Jemmewars,  piece-goods,  399  402. 
Jeronima,  348.  * 

Jhdnp,  a  hurdle    of    matting    and   bamboo 

used  as  a  shutter,  190. 
JinjaU  oil,  398. 
Jitmal  Karon,  255,  256. 
Jizyah,  a  capitation  tax  levied  byMosnlman 

on  mfidels,  79,  241. 
Johanna  Ship,  372. 
Johnson,  James,  247,  253. 
Johnson,  John,  262. 


VUl 


INDKX, 


Johnson,  William,  79,  80,  81,  83,  84,  85. 

JoUard,  110. 

Jones,  Nathaniel,  330. 

Jones,  Sarah,  331. 

Jounsen,  Josia,  282. 

Joyce,  380. 

Jubal,  a  slave,  336. 

Julpha,  125. 

Junk,  a  large  eastern  ship,  3,  10. 

Junkaneers,  collectors  of  customs,  168. 

Junken,  customs,  11,  89. 

Juno  Ship,  368. 

Jute,  61, 

E. 

Kahan,  a  measure  of  value  equal  to  1,280 

kawri  shells,  or  eight  annas,  219. 
Kahar,  a   low    caste    employed    as    menial 

servants,  222,  225. 
Kali,  129,  130,  131,  134, 

Kalighat,  54,  129,  130,  131. 

Kalkapur,  81,  225. 

Katrunga,  131,  199. 

Kamarhat,  130. 

Kamarhati,  131. 

Kam  Bakhsh,  171,  174,  178,    182,  184,  295, 
311. 

Kanthi,  104. 

Kassimbazar  Sloop,  347. 

Kiitjuri,  R.  17. 

Kawri,  a  small  shell  used  as  coin,  219,  222. 

Kefar,  Charles,  368. 

Kenn,  John,  33,  375. 

Keys  of  Fort  William,  163,  239,  338. 

Khalanfchar,  Khojali  Phanoos,  125,  200,  369. 

Kh&lisah,  land  of  which  the  revenue  re- 
mains the  property  of  Government,  244. 

KTiamar,  lands  originally  waste,  but  which 
having  been  brought  into  cultivation  are 
not  leased  out  for  a  money  rent,  285. 

Khandl,  a  weight,  401,  403. 

Khardaha,  131. 

Kha^-navis^  private  secretary,  260. 

Khasa,  fine  muslin,  18,  20,  255,  384,  398, 402. 

Khejiri,  104,  105. 

Khwajah  Muhammad,  259,  334. 

Kidderpore,  182,  314. 

Killeram,  351. 

Kincoh,  gold  brocade,  379. 

King,  Arthur,  191,  270,  271,  275,  276,  279, 
280,  298,  299. 

King,  Charles,  231,  295,  346,  348. 

King,  Dorothy,  342 

King,  Elizabeth,  I,  333,  350. 

King,  Elizabeth,  II,  333. 

King,  John,  350. 

King  William  Galley,  339. 

King  William  Ship,  368. 

KisBum,  Timothy,  347. 

Knif  ehaf  ts  as  presents,  226. 

Koch  Bihar,  35. 

Konnagar,  131,  199. 

ko^ida,  2. 

Kotranga,  131. 


Kotwal,  Police  Superintendent,   220      223, 

266,  362. 
Krishna  Ram,  147,  148. 
Kuch  Hajar,  8. 
Kuchinan,  129, 134. 
Kunjapur  Khal,  104,  105. 
Kutti    Mangan,    perhaps   a    fee    paid    for 
cutting  trees,  or  perhaps  a  tax  on  fodder, 
221,  224. 

L. 

Lai  Bagh  at  Dacca,  81. 
Lac,  a  resinous  incrustation   produced    on 
certain   trees  by  the   puncture   of  the 
lac  insect,  379,  398. 
Lac-couries,    couries    overlaid    with    lac  iix 

various  patterns,  255. 
Lahore,  24,  172,  379. 
Lake,  Captain,  74. 
Lakshman,  219. 
Lakshmip,  Raja,  3. 
Lai  Ganj,  53. 

Lamps  for  every  room  in  the  Factory,  390. 
Langhorne,  Sir  William,  43,  51,  52. 
Lashkar,  a  sailor,  347. 
Lead,  403. 
Lee,  James,  368. 
Leslie,  Captain,  96. 

Letters,  how  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  Coun- 
cil, 249,  388. 
Ley,  Thomas,  87,  89. 
Licenses,  231,  273,  276,  295,  301,  314. 
Lioness  Ship,  24,  32. 
Litchfield  Ship,  368,  374, 
Littler,  16. 

Littleton,  Sir  Edward,   154,  155,   156,    158, 
160,  162,  163,  164,  165,  187,    204,  213, 
237,  239,  254,  290,  291,  307,  371, 372. 
Littleton,  George,  368. 
Lloyd,  John,  326. 

Lloyd,  William,    191,   233,   235,   275,   282, 
284,  287,  289,  307,  312,  315,  319,  324, 
326,  330. 
London,  Bishop  of,  215,  317.     JT.S.— Cal- 
cutta was  in  the  diocese  of  London. 
London  Company,  152,  156. 
London  Ship,  368. 
London  Sloop,  322. 
London  Yaoht,  347. 
Long,  Rev.  J.,  115. 
Long,  Thomas,  235,  240. 
Long  Pepper,  378,  380. 
Looking-glasses  as  presents,  226,  253,  259, 

260,  261. 
Looms,  249. 
Lorette  Ship,  115,  120. 
Love,  James,  303,  310,  316,  317,  324,  326, 

331,  338,  340,  341, 
Loveday,  Jacob,  235. 
Loyal  Bliss  Ship,  368. 
Loyal  Cook  Ship,  360,  368. 
Loyal  Merchant  Ship,  42. 
Lucretia,  a  slave  girl,  340. 
Lungees,  waist  cloths   worn   by  Mussulmans, 
399,  400. 


nUDBX. 


Macassar,  10,  17,  877. 

Macrith,  110.  124. 

Madapollam  Ketch,  115,  124. 

Madupara,  boat,  130. 

Madras,  20,  23,  28,  29,  33,  3.^,  3S,  41,    43, 

45.  47,  57,  58,  71,  93.  94.  117,  122, 
123  141,  143,  144,  145,  149,  161,  163, 
les',  182,  201,   214.  235,  243,    254,  263, 

287,  298,  299.  310,  311,  320,  321.  322, 
325,  402,403. 

Mahanadi,  7. 
Maheca,  131. 
Maisters,  John,  191.  215,  270,  275,  276,  278, 

288.  292,  301,  302. 
Malabar,  116. 
Malaca,  377,  398. 

Malcandv,    2.    4,    6,    7,  12,  13. 

Malda,  56,  58,  99,  118,  125,  147,    148,  149, 

leO,  242,  391. 
Malik  Barkhwardar.  119,  124. 
Malik  Qisim,  106,  108. 
Mallik,  Santos.  314. 

Malmal,  muslin  of  fine  quality,  255,  384. 
Malva,  171. 
Managers'  letter,  227. 
Mandal,  village  headman,  221,  224. 
Mander,  John,  3+7 
Manik  Chand,  274. 
Manilla,  125,  370. 

Manjhi,  the  master  or  steersman  of  a  boat,  236. 
Maq?udabad,  55,  148, 183,  225,  226,  318,  320, 

321,  322,  377. 
Maria,  a  slave  girl,  351. 
Marriage  dues,  223. 
Marshall,  J.,  375,  381. 
Mary  Buoyer,   146,  347. 
Mary  Smack,  220,  229,  231,  310,  311. 
Mdsd,    an    elementary     weight     somewhere 

between  14  and  19  grains,  379,  397,  398. 
Maih'aU,  torches.  389. 
Maah'alchis,  torch-bearers,  390. 
Masnad  'Ali  Shah,  105. 
Mason,  John,   94. 
Massen,  Thomas,  48. 
Master,  Streynsham,  afterwards    Sir   Streyn- 

Bham,  52,  53,    54,    57,  58,    62,  68,  71, 

86,  87,  388,  384. 
Masnlipatam,  1,  3,  16.  20,    23,    41,  42,  43, 

46,  153,  184,  267. 
Mate,  cook's  assistant,  390. 
Matreos.  Khojah.  346. 

Maund,  properly  man,  a  weight    of  about  2 

cwt.,  219,  245. 
Mauritius,  377. 
Maxwell,  Katherine,  326. 
Mead  Ship,  368. 
Mecca,  123.   160. 

Mee-ing  days  of  Council,  163,  268,  385. 
MeiiT,  boimdary  mound,  260. 
Mercer,  "William,  235,  329. 
Messenger,  145. 
Metty.  398. 
Meverell,  Mr.,  247. 


Meverell,  Elizabeth,  350. 

Mexico,  384. 

Middleton,  Charles,  235,  331. 

Midnapore,  104,  254.  170. 

Miners,  Captain,  366 

Minister  (church),  342. 

Mir  'Abbas  Quli,  342. 

Mir  Ibraham.  252. 

Mir  Jir  Ullah,  242. 

Mir  Jnmlah,  34,  35,  37,  48. 

Mir  Mubammed  Dafar,  298,  179. 

Mir  Muhammed    Baza,  315,  317. 

Mir  Qasim,  12,  20. 

Mirhahr,  collector  of  port  duties,  261. 

Mirza  Momin,  5,  6,  10,  12. 

Mirzapur,  79. 

Mitra,  Govindarama,  196. 

Mocha,  350,  368,  370. 

Mogtd,  silk  of  the  muga  worm,  255,  396, 399. 

M(«ul,  an  adiective,  122,  232,  379. 

Mogul,  the  M.,  2,  37,  38,  89,  90,  94,  99,  105. 

Moguls,  13,  24,  101,  120. 

Mohanpnr,  384. 

Mohun,  57. 

Mohun,   Richard,  383. 

Money  borrowed,  253. 

Monsoon,  377. 

Monsoon  Ship,  222,  346. 

Montague  Ship,  368,  374. 

Moor,  122. 

Moors,  10,  168. 

Morees,  piece-goods,  403. 

Morning  prayer,  262. 

Morris,  Thomas,  347. 

Morse,  Mary,  254. 

Morse,  Joseph,  254. 

Mortality  in  Calcutta,  208,  372,  374. 

Monnteny,  235. 

Mr.,  use  of  the  title,  338. 

Muchalkd,  recognisance,  bond,  243. 

Miiga  silk,  399. 

Muhammad  A'zam,  329. 

Muhammad  Dara,  259. 

Muhammad  Rasa,  299. 

Muhammad  Taqi,  346. 

Mn'i-zu-d-Din,  172, 

Mukund  Deo,  2,  4,  7,  80. 

-Mnlajor,  130. 

Mulla,  a  lawyer,  learned  man,  298. 

Mun'im    Khan,  172,  174. 

Munshl,  a  writer,  secretary,  261, 

Murder,  239, 

Mnrshid  Qnili  Khan,  1S9,  168,  169,  170, 
178,  180,  181,  182,  184,  222,  241,  242, 
247,  252,  253,  254,  258,  263,  266,  26?^, 
272,  274,  :i77,  278,  279,  282,  290,295, 
296,  297,  298,  299,  300,  301,  303,  a07, 
330, 

Musk,  378.  401. 

Muslin,  39,  45. 

Mustard,  398. 

Muster  rolls,  244. 

Mu'taqid  Khan,  8, 

Mutasaddi,  a  writer  or  clerk,  259,  260  261 
392,  396. 

Mutiny,  341. 


INDEX. 


Nabob,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  342. 

Nabob  of  Bibar,  53. 

Nabob  of  Dacca,  74,  75,  90,  98,  99. 

Nadiya,  54,  130. 

Naib,  deputy,  260,  261,  274,  290. 

NdJchudd,  native  skipper,  4,  6,  9,  12, 

Ndla,  water-course,  85, 

Nalin,  348, 

Nandarama,  195,  314,  316,  317,  362. 

Nankin,  401. 

Naqdl,  borse,   regiments  of  borse    paid    in 

money,  327. 
Narayap,  18,  21,  27, 
Native  mercbants,  391,  392,  395,  396. 
Nathaniel  Sbip,  94,  106,  107,  368. 
Naylor,  85. 
Neck-clotbs,  255. 
Needham,  Daniel,  368. 
Negus,  Jonatban,  368. 
Neptune  Sbip,  367. 
Netlam,  William,  21,  24,  25. 
New  buildings  at  Cassimbazar,  397. 
New   Company,   161,   162,   167,   187,    233, 

251. 
New  House  in  tbe  Fort,  227,  229,  240. 
New  George  Sbip,  367,  368. 
Newins,  Francisco,  346. 
Newman,  Cbarles,  368. 
Ni'amut  Kban,  148. 
Nicbolson,  Jobn,  94,  97,  100, 106,  109. 
NicoUs,  Eicbard,  347. 
Nigbtingale,    Robert,    162,   237,   238,   246, 

254,  262,  268,  273,  275,   276,   287,  288, 

292,  302,  306,  309,   310,  358,  359,  374. 
NlU,  a  kind  of  clotb,  384. 
Nimai,  131. 
Nim  tree,  131. 
Nishdn,  It  tters  patent  signed  by  tbe  prince, 

241,  303,  27,  28. 
Norris,  Jobn,  3. 

Norris,  Sir  William,  152,  153,  158. 
Northey,  Elizabetb,  160. 


Oakes,  Titus,  347. 

Office  rooms,  386. 

Oil,  61,  378,  379,  380,  397,  399,  400,  402. 

Old  Company,  162,  163,  167,  187,  228,  229, 

230,  233,  238. 
Olton,  Henry,  21. 
Ongley,  Samuel,  125,  369,  372. 
Opium,  61,  378,  398,  400. 
Orissa,  2,  11,  16,  25,  48,  80,  104,  147, 170, 

182,  241,  321,  380. 
Osborne,  James,  308. 
Outcry,  233,  234,  262,  264,  332,  373. 
Owen,  Robert,  334. 
Owen,  Tbomas,  334. 
Oysters,  53. 


P. 


Pacuculi,  133, 

Pacburiya,  104. 

Packing,  393,  395. 

Padar,  money-ebanger,  236,  392,  396. 

Fddl,  rice  in  tbe  busk,  285,  294. 

Padshah  Nama,  8. 

Pagoda,  a  Hindu  temple,  5,   18,  a   coin,   34, 

386,  402,  403. 
Paik,  a  footman,  an  armed  attendant,  220, 

223,  224. 
Pailcdr,  retail-dealer,  394,  396. 
Paikpara,  130. 
Palanquin,  64,  389,  390. 
Palmiras  Point,  320,  322. 
Pan,  tbe  aromatic  leaf  of  tbe  Piper  betel, 

229. 
Pancb  Pir,  93. 

Parame(5var  Uas,  79,  80,  82,  89. 
Parrott,  Abrabam,  368. 
Pdrwana,  an  order,  12,  241,  259,  290,  296, 

318,  320,  324. 
Passage,  cost  of  a  passage  to  England,  309. 
Pass  money,  295,  314. 
Pata,  silk,  a  short  skein  of  silk,  376. 
Patani,  a  tind  of  silk,  376. 
Patta,  a  deed  of  lease,  194,  229,  250, 283. 
Patka,  waist-band  cloth.  255. 
Patna,   25,  26,    33,  34,   39,   40,   48,53  54, 

71,  72,  92,  93,  94,  98,  99, 123,  isi,  169, 

177,  178,  183,  197,  198,  232,  233,  23*, 

243,  270,  274,  281,  282,  287,  293,  307, 

312,  313,  314,  320,  321,  322,  323,  376, 

378,  379,  391,  392. 
Piitua,  R.,  2. 
Patwarl,  a  tax-gatberer,  a  village  accountant, 

'  221,  222,  224,  225,  283. 
Paule,  Edward,  162, 182,  183,  215,  235,  238, 

243,  245,  267,  275,  276,  277,  278,  288. 

289,  292,  306,  315,  318,  319,  320,  324, 

325,  326,  327,  328,   331,  338,  339,  345, 

353,  354,  359. 
Paulin,  George,  115. 
Payments,  244, 
Payton,  340. 
Peacbie,  Jeremiah,  124. 
Peachy,  James,  287. 
Pegu,  399,  402.  403. 
Pen-knives  as  presents,  253. 
Pennislon,  Anthony,  115. 
Peon,  footman,   policeman,   220,    221,  222, 

223,  224,  240. 
Pepper,  399,  400,  404. 
PercoUaes,  403. 

Perim,  Capt.  Charles,  226,  286,  287. 
Persia,  10,  16,  17,  33,  57,   101,   346,   368, 

369,  377,  378,  402. 
Persian,  8,  10. 
Perukes,  65. 
Peteford,  Edward,  3,  16. 

Pe<A,  market,  market- rate,  384,  385,  391,  395. 
Petre  boats,   222,  225,  268,   277,  293,  303, 

321. 
Peshaur,  172. 


INDEX. 


XI 


Peahiask,   first  fruits,  tribute,  78,  272,  273, 

286. 
Pepys,  Samuel,  200. 
Phoenix  Ship,  367,  368,  371. 
Phrypp,  Richard,  368. 
Pichalda,  133, 
Pierson,  Edward,  368. 
Pikdanl,  spittoon,  226. 
Pilots,  47,  155,  198, 
PipU,  9,  18,  19,  54,  136, 137. 
Pirates,  273. 

Pistols,  as  presents,  253,  259,  260. 
Pitt,  John,  160. 
Pitt,  Thomas,  57,  66,  73,  74,  124,  144,   145, 

163,  168,  183,  184,  264,  287,  325,  329, 

332. 
Pittumbers,  piece-goods,  399,  400. 
Pittman,  Charles,  328,  329. 
Pitts,  William,  25. 
Plate,  63,  340. 

Point  of  Sand,  106,  107,  120, 121. 
Pole  money,  221,  222. 
PoHce,  146,  196,  278,  281. 
Pondicherry,  320,  322. 
Poor  relief,  842. 
Population,  192,  193.  256,  283. 
Port  charges,  387. 
Portuguese,  2,  3,  9, 18,  19,  20,  42, 49,  54,61, 

125,  127,  132, 133,  104,  135,  136,   179, 

246. 
Portuguese  soldiers,  38,  39,  61,  73,  74, 95. 
Forto  Grande,  132. 
Porto  Piqueno,  132,  133. 
Potter,  Richard,  24. 
Poule,  John,  17. 
Powder  explosion,  250. 
Powell,  Henry,  45,  381. 
Pran  Qdha,  220,  227. 
Pratt,  John,  326. 
Prayer,  daily,  69. 
Precedence,  270. 
Presents,  226,  253,  259,  262,  263,  270,  note, 

274,  322. 
Priam,  100. 

Pricing  warehouse,  263,  312. 
Princess  of  Denmark  Ship,  115,  120. 
Princess  Ship,  124. 
Prisoners,  239. 
Private  irsule,  33. 
Procession,  64. 
Provisions,  280. 
Prudent  Mary  Ship,  74. 
Public  entertainment,  239,  163, 
Public  table,  388. 
Pumell,  Richard,  368, 
Punch,  63,  66, 
Punch-house,  66. 141,  146,  256,  276,  282. 

licenses,  266,  267, 

Punga  silk.  399. 
Purser,  marine,  62. 
Pyke,  Isaac,  368. 

Q. 

Qdsid,  courier,  postman,  114,  291. 
Qilsid-dar,  postmaster,  179,  298, 
Qazi,  Judge,  260, 


Quarrels  in  Calcutta,  204. 
Quarrels  of  the  English,  66, 
Queda,  403. 
Queen  Ship,  367. 
Quentry,  398. 
Quickallver,  401. 


Ragdale,  William,  33. 

Raghu,  Poder,  52,  55,  57. 

Bah-dari,  transit  duty,  78. 

Rahim  Khin,  147.  148,  149. 

Rainbow,  John,  346. 

Sainbow  Ship,  42, 

Bajarama,  252,  253,  254,  258,  263,  266,  268, 

170. 
Rajghat.  130. 
Rajmahal,  24,  26,  34,  53.  56.  148,  149,   150, 

161,  170,  180,  181,  182,  183,  186.  198, 

242,  292,  293,  296,  298,   319,  321,  329, 

342,  376,  391. 

Rajput  aoldlAra,  73,  79,  95,  173. 

Rajputs,  316,  374. 

Ramabadar,  314, 

Ramachandra,  347,  348,  349,  352,  358, 170. 

Ramakrishna,  260. 

Ramnan,  131. 

Rastam'  All  Khan,  173,  174. 

Rasulpur,  R.,  104,  105, 106,  108. 

Rasters,  piece-goods,  399. 

Batan  Sarkar,  59. 

Sati,  a  seed  used  as  a  weight  equal  to  aboat 

li\  of  a  grain,  384,  385. 
Rattan,  403. 
Ravenhill,  James,  235. 
Raw  silk,  255,  398,  399  ;  sorted  and  priced, 

394 ;  weighed  and  packed,  395. 
Raymond,  Captain  Hugh,  251,  253,  368. 
Raynes,  370. 
Pecovery  Ship,  115. 
Red  Sea,  140. 

Reddall,  Finch,  Capt.,  347. 
Redshaw,   Georse.  162.  222.  227,  232,  235, 

238,  249.  253.  254.  263,  375. 
Register,  209,  247,  282. 
Regulations  for  the  Civil  Service,  393. 
Seligio  medici,  33. 
Religion  in  Calcutta,  203. 
Remerry,  379. 
Rent,  240,  244,  250,  306. 
Rent-gatherers.  220,  223. 
Repairs,  273. 
Resistance  Ship,  115. 
Resolution  Ship,  73,  115. 
Retriever  Ship,  115. 
Revenue  of  Calcutta,  220,  223,  312 ;  see  also 

zemlndari  accounts. 
R«whigh,  329. 
Rials,  375,  391. 

Rice.  6.  16,  333,  340,  378,  397,  400, 
Rice,  L.  A..  368. 
Richards,  John,  83. 
Richardson,  Captain,  96. 
Richardson,  Dr.  Philip,  333. 


Xll 


INDEX. 


Rishira,  181. 

Rising  Sun  Smack,  245,  347. 

River  Sloops,  393. 

Roads,  252,  289. 

Robberies,  266,  274,  278. 

Roberts,  Abraham,  115. 

Rochester  Ship,  94,  95,  97,  106,  107,  368. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  152,  153. 

Rogers,  Edward,  335. 

Rogues  river,  53,  133. 

Roland,  100,  101. 

Romdl,    a    handkerchief,    silk    piece-goods 

with  handkerchief  patterns,    384,   398, 

402. 
Romence  Ship,  346. 
Roncesvalles,  100,  101. 
Rose.  Richard,  328,  329. 
Rose,  Sarah,  302,  328,  330. 
Rosewater  bottle,  226. 
Rotation  Government,  162,   167,    168,   169, 

)87,  227. 
Ruhif  Ship,  371. 
Rudderbannies,  399. 
Rupee=2jf.  6rf.,  262. 
Rupee  Morees,  27. 
Rupnarayan,  53,  104,  132. 
Russell,  John,  162,  186,  222,  227,  232,  235, 

238,  243,  245,  262,  276,    288,   292,  293, 

306,  315,  323,  335,  338,  339,  345. 


S. 


Saffron,  398. 

Sailors  attack  natives,  270. 

St.  Ann's,  317  :  See  Church. 

St.  Benedict's,  London,  334, 

St.  George  Ship,  368. 

St.  Helena,  154,  368,  377. 

St.  Lawrence  Island,  377. 

St.  Marie  Ship,  144. 

St    Martin,  346. 

St.  Thome,  20. 

Saldm,  salutation,  15,  293. 

Salami,   a  present  in   money,  220,  221,  222, 

223,  224.  225,  250. 
Salaries,  62,  261,  262,  304,  305,  322. 
Salkhia,  129,  133. 
Salt,  53,  99. 
Saltpetre,  2-5,  26,  34,  39,  45,   54,   58,  72,  93, 

97,   98,  146,   246,  249    254,   255,  291, 

292,  384.  392,  399. 
Salutes,  251. 

Samebrooke,  Jeremy,  40,  41,  43. 
Samuel  Ketch,  107,  115. 
Samuel  and  Anna  Ship,  347. 
Sanad,  a  grant,  a  patent.  222,  243,  252,  254, 

263,    266,    269,    271,    277,    279,     280, 

295,    298,    299,    300,    301,     303,    307. 

315,  318,  319,  321,  328. 
Sanahs,  a   kind  of   fine  cloth,   20,   384,  398, 

402. 
Sandal  wood,  400. 
Sarai,  a  building  for  the  accommodation   of 

travellers.  6. 
Sarasvati,  80,  128,  130,  132. 


Sarhad,  Khojah  Isi'ael,   125,   150,  200,  232, 

315,  318,  369.  370,  371. 
Sar-o-pd,  a  dress  of  honour,  221,  303,  342. 
Sarshyd,  mustard,  284. 
Sarvamangala.  131. 

Satgaon,  128,  130,  131,  132,  133,  134,  137. 
Sati,  128,  l-.i9. 
Saugor  Island,  53,  89,  104. 
Sayyad  'Izzat  Khan,  242. 
Sceptre  Ship,  286,  287. 
Scipio  Ship,  255. 
Secretary,  62. 

Secretary's  registration  fee,  247. 
Sedgwick  Ship,  369. 
Servants'  wages,  389. 
Sett,  Gopal,  289. 

,  Jadu,  289. 

•,  Janarddana,   185,  199,   289,  315,  317. 

332. 

,  Mukundarama,  199. 

,  Nandarama,  199. 

,  Tunumani,  199. 

,  Vaisnavacharan,  197. 

,  VaranasT,  289,  199,  200. 

Setts,  54,  59,  128,  134,  137,  189,  199. 

Seville,  384. 

Seymour  Ship,  144. 

Shah  'Alam,    171.  172,    173,  174,  175,  177, 

178,    180,    181,     l«2.    183,    184,    287, 

290,  295,   308,  311,  313,  316,  374 
Shah  Jahan,   2,    8,    11,  18,    24,  28,  34,  43 

93,  136,  378,  241. 
Shah  Shuja',  8, 23,  26,  27,  28,  34,  48,  77,  2il. 
Sharp,  William,  115. 
Shdsh,  a  turban  cloth,  17,  399,  400. 
Shaw,  Samuel,  146. 
Shaw,  Stephen,  346,  364. 
Shayista  Khan,  35,    48,   49,  53,  66,  75,  78. 

79,.  81,    89,    90,     94,      98,     99,     107, 

112,  118,  123,  241. 
Sheldon,   Ralph,   157,    162,    187,   188,  190, 

195,    222,    227,    229,    232,    235,     238, 
.    243,    245,    249,    251,    2fi7,    276,    277, 

287,    288,    292,    306,    311,    345,     361, 

362,  350,  371. 
Sherborne  Ship,  367,  368. 
Sher  Buland  Khan,  182,  18.3,   184,  315,  317, 

318,  319,  320,  324. 
Shiq-dar,  a  revenue  officer.     221,    222,    224, 

Shipping,  its  despatch,  268. 

Ships  to  anchor  nearer  the  Fort,  268. 

Shewsbury,  D.  of,  156. 

Shroffs,  furrdf,  a  money-changer,  309,  311, 
'    384. 

Sibpur,  128,  129,  133. 

Sicca.  375. 

Siddo,  a  slave,  351. 

Silence  bought,  270. 

Silk,  17,  25,  26.  34,  39,  46.  52,  54,  58, 
61,  146,  376,  394,  397,  400,  401;  ac- 
counts, 394  ;  the  three  crojjs  or  bunds, 
397. 

Silver,  375. 

Silvestre,  Francis,  235. 

Simson,  Dr.  Francis,  146. 


INDEX. 


xm 


Sinclare,  Henry,  336. 

,  James,  336. 

. ,  Robert.  336, 

-,  Sarah,  336,  337. 


Singhiya,  53,  54 

Sivaji,  29,  52. 

Slaves,  279. 

Small,  Daniel,  368. 

Smith,  Captain,  74. 

Smith,   Richard,   235,   352,  353,   355.    3o7, 

358. 

Smyth.  Thomas,  337. 
Smythes,  Simon,  40,  43. 
Society  Ship,  84. 

Soldiers,   63,  239,   266,   273,277,278.   280, 
291,    293,    303,    314,    323,    324,    327, 
342. 
Somer  Ship,  374. 
Somnath,  5. 

South,  Captain,  204,  250. 
Spanish  doubloons,  375. 
Spavin,  Robert,  24. 
Spencer,  191,  277,  280,  303,   324,   326,   339, 

341. 
Spice  Islands,  31. 
Spinks,  WiUiam,  339. 
Spooner,  Abraham,  350. 
Squabble,  sailors   and  natives,  253,  270. 
Stables,  299. 
Stables,  John,  88. 
Stacey,  Edmund,  368. 
Stafford,  Captain,  58. 
Stames,  Francis,  368. 
Stanley,  124,  150. 
Stephens,  Edward,  24,  25,  27,  28. 
Steward,  62,  219. 
Stockes,  James,  368. 
Stocks,  69. 
Storekeeper,  62. 
Stores  for  garrison,  271. 
Stratford.  373. 
Stretham  Ship,  309,  325. 
Stringer  G^We^,  368. 
Sub-Accountant,  279. 
Sub-bakhshi.  288. 
Subadar,    governor,  viceroy,  290,   319,  320, 

321,  324,  329. 
Success  Galley,  368. 
Success  Ship,  115,  298. 
Sufwi  Khan,  174, 

Sugar,  16,  25,  26,  58,  61,  377,  401,  402. 
Sugar-candy,  401. 
Sukchar,  131. 
Sulalman  Shah,  4. 
Sumatra,  145,  404. 
Summer-house,  220,  227,  229,  231. 
Sunda,  377. 
ISundarbans,  80. 

Surat,  23,  33,    42.  52,  62,  65,   68,    78,    79, 
90.    116,    153,    154,     271,      301,    322, 
368,  160,  161,  181,  202,  377,  40S. 
Surgeon,  62. 
Rnrman,  John,  321,  326. 
Soroh,  384. 
Survey,  249,  250,  266,  283,  284. 


Susi,  striped  silk  cloth  used  for   lining,  265, 

398  400   402 
SutSnutl,  99, 'no.  Ill,  116, 117,119,124, 127, 

129,  131,  135,   137,  140,  143,   144,  145, 

147,  150,  189,  190,  191,  194,  221,  224, 

285,  266. 
Sutanuti  Point,  149. 
Stoan  Ship,  16,  17,  18. 
Sword-blades,  226,  259,  261,  292. 
Sylhet,  8. 
Syrash  wine,  402. 


Tabreess,  402. 

Tael,  Chinese  ounce,  398. 

TafFata,  34,  52,  58,  «5,  255,  376,    384,   396, 

398,  400,  402. 
Tagadag'irs,  overseers,  392,  396. 
Tania,  380. 

Tanjibs,  an  Indian  cotton  fabric,  255,  402. 
Tank,  212,  311 . 
Tankerville  Ship,  368. 
Taramnndeis,  piece-goods,  400. 
Tashrif,  a  complimentary  present,  18. 
Tavarez,  Captain,  135. 
TacUtock  Ship,  265. 
Taicackall  Ship,  346. 
Tayler,  25,  27. 
Taylor,  James,  364. 
Tea,  63. 

Tench,  Edward,  115. 

Tenants  :  poor  tenants  to  be  encouraged,  271. 
Thana  reach,  251.     See  Great  Thana. 
Thieves  branded,  274. 
Thistleworth  Ship,  368. 
Thomas  Ketch,  115. 
Thomas  Ship,  18,  87,  149. 
Threder,  John,  86. 
Throwing-house  at  Cassimbazar,  397. 

Timber,  230,  248. 

Tin,  376,  399,  400. 

Tindal,  boatswain,  347. 

Tinkdr,  borax,  379. 

Toddington  Ship,  368. 

Tokefield,  Joseph,  339. 

Tolson,  Joseph,  368. 

Tonnage,  314. 

Tovey,  Zacharia,  368. 

Town  Calcutta.  193,  196,  221,224,  2^5,286. 

Townsend,  Josia,  239,  OlO,  347. 

Toys,  401. 

Trauell,  20. 

Treasure,  246,  255,  391,  395. 

Trenchfield,  Richard,  79,  87,  89,  110,  154. 

Trevisa,  Jonathan,  33,  36,  38,  47,  381. 

Tridgea,  toll- tax,  241. 

Triveni,  80,  130,  132. 

Troy,  100. 

Tuquldar,  8. 

Turkey  merchants,  46,  73. 

Turner,  Elizabeth,  364. 

Turmeric,  58,  379,  398,  399. 

Tutanaga,  white  copper,  400,  401. 

Tymme,  Thomas,  363,  364. 

i 


XIV 


INDEX. 


u. 


'Uj  'All,  348,  349. 

Ulubaria,  104,  110,  111,  116,  132, 

Uma  Malie9vari,  130. 

Umbertees,  379. 

Umbrella,  64. 

Uniform,  95,  339,  197. 

Union  of  the  two  Companies,  161,  348. 

Union  Jack,  153. 

Union  Ship,  245. 

United  Trade  Council,  162,  163,    164,   187, 

188,  227,  228,  238,  240,  244,  264. 
Unity  Ship,  287. 
Urney  girdles,  379. 
Upton,  William,  368. 


V. 

Valctl,  attorney,  agent,  219,  222,  225,  246, 
247,  254,  258,  263,  282,  290,  295,  298, 
297,  298,  299,  300,  317,  329,  392,  396. 

Van  Eck,  John,  309. 

Van  Linschoten,  136. 

Vansittart,  235. 

Vasco  da  Gama,  131. 

Venice,  375,  378. 

Vermilion,  401. 

Vincent,  Matth.,  55,  57, 58,  72,  73,  74,  78, 85, 
93,  381. 

Vishnu,  129. 

Vixinbridge,  Joanna,  337. 

Vizagapatam,  308. 

Volunteering,  297. 


w. 

Waqdydnavis,  news-writer,  247. 

Waite,  Sir  Nicholas,  201. 

Waldegrave,  Paule,  25,  28,  381. 

Waldo;  Henry,  235,  240,  269,  275,  288,  289, 

291.  292,  295,  323. 
■\Vr.ib.  Mm.,  322. 
^•.  .:'  lie^.  183,  321. 
V",  ..ik.r,  Ben3«uixlu,.235,  240,  265. 
Walker,  WnKftm,  235,  240. 
Wallis,  Captain,  264. 
Wall!'',  Margaret,  25?<. 
Walsh,  180.    - 
Walthrop,  Capt.  Thomas,  11^: 
Ward,  John,  3.     . 
Warehouse  for  silk,  894,  39.'. 
Warren,   Dr.   William,  2M,   Z^'-s 

253,  267,  335. 
Washing  for  the  Factory,  398. 
Watson,  James,  86,  87. 
Watts,  98,  99. 
Watts,  John,  248,  831. 
Wavell,  Sarah,  160. 


Wear,  William,  287. 

Weavers,  273. 

Weaving  shop,  219,  226,  229,  397. 

Weltden,  Anthony,  186,  195,  203,  337, 338, 

339. 
Wendey,  Eev.  James,  163. 
Wesly,  John,  339. 
Wheat,  61,  377,  398,  400. 
Wheatley,  Benjamin,  285,  296. 
White,  Catherine,  92. 
White,  James,  48. 
White,  Jonathan,  146,  157,  222,  333,  349, 

350,  351, 
White,  Katherine,  351. 
White,  William,  332,  350,  351. 
Whitley,  Benjamin,  247. 
Whistler,  371. 

Wilkinson,  Capt.  Daniel,  322,  347. 
William  III,  140,  145,  151. 
William  Sloop,  348. 
William  Smack,  229,  231,  245,  347, 
Williamson,  235,  240,  353. 
Williamson  Ship,  84, 
Williamson  Ship,  115. 
Wilshaw,  Capt.  Francis,  73. 
Winder,  Jonathan,  162,  164,  227,  238,  243, 

245,  263,  267,  268,  276. 
Windsor  Galley,  368. 
Wine,  European,  63. 
Wine,  Persian,  63,  300. 
Winter,  Sir  Edward,  38,  39,  40,  41,  42,   43, 

44,  47,  77. 
Winter,  Nicholas,  368. 
Withall,  William,  3,  16. 
Wittewronge,  Samuel,  235. 
WoodrifEe,  Ralph,  353. 
WoodviUe,  Capt.   Thomas,   303,    309,   339, 

363,  364, 
Worshipful,  338. 
Wotton,  Thomas,  368, 
Wright.  Thomas,  350,  333,  373, 
Wright,  Robert,  873. 
Writer,  242,  275, 


Y. 

Yard,  20,  381, 

Yule,  Sir  Henry,  13,  G6. 

Z. 

Zabardast  Khan,  148,  149,  150. 

Zaf  ar  Khan,  80. 

Zainu-d-DIn,  184,  185,  186,  329,  341, 

Zamlnddr,  Collector,  190,  194,  196,  238,247, 
258  266,  268,  269,  270,  271,  275,  278, 
283,  293.  294,  295,  296,  297,  298,  299, 
300,  301,  303,  310,  312,  313,  316,  318, 
319,  321,  323,  325,  328,  329,  331,  337, 
839.  341,  342,  360,  361,  362,  363, 

Zii-1-fikHr  Khan,  172,  173, 


C.  A,  r,— Reg.  No,  813J(c)-500-d-12.95. 


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