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EARLY DAYS OF MONASTICISM
ON MOUNT ATHOS
BY
KIRSOPP LAKE, M.A. .
PROFESSOR OF EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF LEIDEN
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1909
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
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PREFACE
THE following pages are the by-product of various visits
to the Monasteries of Mount Athos for the study of Biblical
and Patristic MSS. It is impossible for any one to visit
these districts without becoming interested in the local
history. I trust that Byzantine scholars will ei my
invasion of their province.
It is also probably worth noting that the list of anecdota
hagiographica could be enormously increased by the con-
sistent cataloguing of the lives of Saints in the various
libraries other than the Laura; for the extraordinary wealth
of Mount Athos in this respect is obscured by the fact that
the Cambridge catalogue of Lambros does not as a rule
do more than record the month to which a volume of Bio.
belongs. It is of course a help to know which MSS. have
Bio, but the really valuable work of Panevan the
contents has still to be done.
_ The pleasant duty is once more Jaid on me of acknow-
ledging my indebtedness to the Trustees of the Revision
Surplus, the Hort and the Hibbert Funds. This is the
seventh book which I have had published, and of these
seven five are entirely the result of grants made to me by
some or all of these societies; it is unnecessary for me to
say more to prove that I have reason to be grateful for
their help.
Krrsopr Lake.
Leiden, 1909.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION .
CHAPTER I
PETER THE ATHONITE
APPENDIX:
The Life of Peter the Athonite.
CHAPTER II
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA .
APPENDIX:
The Monastery of St. Andreas at Peristerai
CHAPTER III
JOHANNES KOLOBOS, HIS MONASTERY, AND THE HER-
MiITs OF Mount ATHOS : ”
APPENDICES:
A. Extract from a ead lias of Basil earlier
than A.D. 881.
B. The zpaéis of the éxdarns, opis Kéonag, as Me
the boundary between Erissos and the Monks
of Mount Athos, A.D. 881-2 ;
C. The Agreement between the Monks Ae the
Krissiotes
D. Decision of bebe ccbiay: hereto as ‘A the
boundary, A.D. 882 ;
E. Chrysobull of Leo VI
CHAPTER IV
THE Monks or Mount ATHOS, AND THE COMING OF
ATHANASIUS ‘ : : : ; : ‘
APPENDICES : ‘
A. Chrysobull of Romanus, &c. :
B. Extract referring to a Chrysobull of ‘Basil
Bulgaroktonos, A.D. 980 . ;
C. Settlement of part of the estate of Kolokou on
the Monks of Mount Athos by Johannes the
Georgian, A.D.985 .
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MANUSCRIPTS
PAGE
57
76
76
80
82
84,
87
101
102
102
109
INTRODUCTION
Tuer history of Greek monasticism seems, in all
the places in which it flourished, to afford examples
of a development passing through three more or
less clearly defined periods.
There is first of all the hermit period, in which
a desolate piece of country is selected by hermits
as affording the necessary solitude for an ascetic
life. Secondly, there is the period of loose organiza-
tion of hermits in lauras; that is to say, a collec-
tion of hermits’ cells, more or less widely scattered,
grows up round the common centre provided by
the cell of a hermit of remarkable fame, who has
attracted, and in some degree become the leader
of, the others. Thirdly, there comes a time when
the loose organization of the laura is replaced by the
stricter rule of a monastery, with definite buildings
and fixed regulations, under the control of an
Hyovpevos or abbot. The passage from the previous
stage to this was no doubt frequently hastened by
the fact that the Byzantine authorities encouraged
monasteries, but were not as a rule favourable to
Jauras.
The present treatise on the early history of
Mount Athos is an attempt to collect the few and
scattered pieces of evidence which bear on the
a pStessus:. . . INTRODUCTION
first two stages—the hermit and the laura—on
Mount Athos, and to show that no exception is
afforded to the general rule of development.
Although the evidence is scanty, it is sufficient to
prove that there were hermits before there were
lauras, and lauras before there were monasteries,
on the Holy Mountain.
It would therefore have been logical to divide
the discussion into the three periods dominated by
hermits, lauras, and convents; but in practice it
has proved impossible to do this, for the same man
often began life in a monastery, and afterwards
became successively a hermit, the centre of a laura,
and the founder of a monastery. This is especially
the case, naturally enough, in the middle period,
when the mountain was occupied partly by hermits
and partly by monks in lauras, whom force of cir-
cumstances compelled to adopt an increasingly more
developed form of organization.
In the following pages I have therefore divided
the discussion according to the saints and monas-
teries which play the chief part in the story. |The
first division is dominated by Peter the Athonite,
who was a hermit, and nothing else, in the middle
of the ninth century; his life, the text of which I
append, has never previously been published. The
chief personage in the second division is Euthymius
of Thessalonica, who was first a hermit, and after-
wards the centre of a laura, on Mt. Athos. The
third division is not connected with the name of
a monk who lived on Mount Athos, but with that of
INTRODUCTION 7
Johannes Kolobos, who about 970 founded close to
the mountain a monastery which played a con-
siderable part in forcing the hermits and lauras
of Mount Athos to adopt a more definite organi-
zation. |
The fourth and last division deals with the
position of affairs in the tenth century as revealed
by various documents connected with Athanasius
the Athonite, and includes the final decay of the
laura system and its replacement by fully organized
monasteries, together with the final absorption of
the monastery of Kolobou by the monks of the
mountain, For the sake of clearness I have as
largely as possible kept the discussion free from
any very long quotations from original documents,
and have collected the evidence afforded by these
in a series of piéces justificatives forming appendices
to each chapter.
CHAPTER I
PETER THE ATHONITE
In the Acta Sanctorum for June 12 (also in Migne’s
Patrologia Graeca, vol. 150, col. 989 ff.) is printed
what claims to be the life of Peter the Athonite,
as told in the fourteenth century by Gregorios
Palamas, the famous opponent of Barlaam in the
Hesychast controversy. No one, however, has ever
tried to find in this document any serious history
concerning Peter, and it was impossible to say
whether it was the free composition of Gregory,
or based on some earlier tradition from which he
had selected the miraculous episodes which edified
him, while omitting the historical details which
would have interested us.
Fortunately for history, in the Laura on Mount
_ Athos and in other libraries there are preserved MSS.
of an earlier life. of Peter which was written (so
at least it claims) by a certain Nicolaus, and was
undoubtedly the source used by Gregory Palamas.
This has never been published and, though not a
document of the first rank, is worth studying.
Research in menologies would probably reveal
the existence of a fair number of MSS. At present,
however, the only ones with which I am acquainted
are as follows :—
PETER THE ATHONITE 9
(1) In the Laura on Mount Athos, Cod. A 79 (saec.
XII. 36. 3 x 25. 0 em. 2 col. 33 11.), a beautifully
written MS. containing the lives of the Saints and
encomia for April, May, June, July, and August.
This MS. has been used by M. Louis Petit for his
edition of the life of Michael Maleinos;! he there
ascribes the MS. to the thirteenth century, but
although it is exceedingly difficult to date these
large hagiographical hands, I doubt if it can be
put so late. Indeed my own opinion is that it
was written early rather than late in the twelfth.
eentury. The last page of the life of Peter is
unfortunately missing, but the text can be supplied
from the other MSS.
(2) Also in the Laura, Cod. E 190 (written at the
expense of Simeon, proegoumenos of the Laura,
€k THS yepas Kapvorov, and given by him to the
library in 1646). This MS. is clearly a copy of
A 79, and it was obviously not worth while to
collate it: but it is valuable as giving the text of
the lost page of A 79.
(3) In Rome, Cod. Vat. 1190 (ff. 1003-1012), a
MS. written in 1542 for ‘Georgius episcopus Siti-
ensis et Hierapetrensis’ and given by him to Pope
Paul V.
(4) In Paris, Cod. Coislin. Paris :807 (ff. 398-410),
a MS. which formerly belonged to the monastery of
Castamonitou on Mount Athos and was obtained from
1 Vie et Office de Michel Maleinos, &e., par Louis Petit.
Paris, Picard et fils, 1903 (in the Bibliotheque Hagiographique
Orientale, editée par Leon Clugnet).
10 PETER THE ATHONITE
it (it is almost certain) for Séguier, the Chancellor of
Louis XIV, by the famous Pére Athanase, whose
story is told by M. Henri Omont in his Missions
archéologiques francaises en Orient, aux XVII et
XVIII’ siécles.'
(5) Also in Paris, Cod. Coislin. 109, a MS. of the
tenth century, which Séguier most probably also
acquired from Pére Athanase, containing on fol.
249’ f. a short extract (in a later hand) from the
life of Peter. This is important because the MS.
itself came from rod edxrypiov Tis brepayias @eoTdKov
kal 70D éaiov marpds hav Uérpov tod "AQwvirov (on
f, 266). |
No doubt further investigations would reve
more MSS., but the text of A 79 is not bad, and
it is not probable that the collation of other MSS.
‘would give any results at all proportionate to the
labour of collating them.
In editing the text I have kept strictly to my
copy of the MS. except in the insertion of iota
subscript, and the treatment of enclitic accents.
Where my copy attests a probably corrupt reading,
and supports it by a sic, I have noted the fact
with sic cod. Where I fear that .I have made a
mistake in copying, as the reading is apparently
wrong, and is nevertheless not supported by a sic
cod., 1 have noted the fact by sic without cod. Merely
orthographical variations I have printed without
comment, |
* Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1902.
PETER THE ATHONITE 11
The Story eS Peter's Life. |
The story told by Nicolaus is a typical example
of the methods followed by the Greek hagiographers.
All the emphasis is laid on the visions, miracles,
contests with demons, and general asceticism of the
saint during his life, and on the history and efficacy
of his relics after his death. There is often a
tendency to describe all this kind of narrative as
unhistorical; but it would be truer to say that it
narrates certain abnormal psychological experiences
and combines them with a ‘ Weltanschauung’ which
is entirely foreign to modern ways of thinking.
The Acta Sanctorum would, I think, afford magni-
ficent material to any~one who would treat the
psychology of the later saints in somewhat the
same way as that made famous by Prof. W. James
in his Varieties of Religious Experience.
At the same time it is certainly true that this
side of the narrative has no importance for fixing
the historical facts connected with Peter. It is
therefore probably expedient to tell over again in
a few words the few purely historical parts of the
story, as these afford the only foundation for any
discussion of the date of Peter, and of the light
thrown on the early history of the mountain by
his life. |
Peter was originally a soldier (a oyoddpios of
the fifth oyody) who was captured by the Arabs
in Syria and imprisoned at Samara—a misfortune
which he regarded as the direct result of his neglect
12 PETER THE ATHONITE
to fulfil a vow to become a monk. He entreated
St. Nicolaus to help him, and promised that if he
obtained his liberty he would go to Rome, and there
take monastic vows. After some difficulty, to over-
come which the further intercession of St. Simeon
was necessary, the help of the Saints proved
effectual, and Peter obtained his liberty. In accor-
dance with his vow he went to Rome and was
ordained monk by the Pope. After a short stay
in Rome he joined a ship bound for the Levant,
but when he was close to Mount Athos the ship was
miraculously delayed, and he thus recognized that
this was the place in which, as St. Nicolaus had
told him, he was to pass the remainder of his
days as a hermit. On disembarking he found the
mountain uninhabited and lived there for fifty
years in a cave. Here he was tempted by devils
and in danger from wild beasts, but ultimately was
victorious over both. ‘Towards the end of his last
year he was accidentally discovered by a hunter,
to whom he told his story, advising him to
follow his example and adopt the ascetic life. His
words had so much influence that the hunter
promised to return after a farewell visit to his
family ; but when he came back the following year,
bringing with him his brother and some monks,
he found that Peter was already dead. But since
according to mediaeval ideas the corpse of a saint
is worth even more than his living body, the two
brothers proceeded to take away the relics in the
boat in which they had come, They rowed and
PETER THE ATHONITE 13
sailed along the east coast of the mountain, but
when they were opposite the monastery of Clementos
(where the present Iveron! stands), their boat stood
still in spite of a favourable wind which filled their
sail. So long were they stationary that the monks
of Clementos put out to them, and made them land
with the relics, the story of which they told very
reluctantly, as they felt that it was improbable that
they would be allowed to keep them. Nor were
they mistaken: the relics were received with many
honours and placed in the shrine of the Virgin
‘where they are accustomed to hold the annual cele-
brations’. After this the hunter and his brother
departed, but the monks who had accompanied
them were not prepared to abandon the relics, and
after diverting suspicion by professing a desire to
join the foundation of Clementos, stole the body of
Peter and sailed off at night to their own country.
The monk Nicolaus, in whose name the book is
written, says that he was an eyewitness of their
departure. The monks who had taken the relics
successfully escaped to Phocamin in Thrace, but the
miraculous power of their burden becoming known,
the bishop and clergy of the place forced them to sell
it, and the relics remained permanently in that place.
In this story there are three points which arrest
attention as likely to supply material for dating the
life of Peter. These are (1) the imprisonment at
Samara, (2) the pilgrimage to Rome, (3) the monastery
of Clementos,
? ie, the Georgian Monastery,—7 pov? trav I Bypwv.
14 PETER THE ATHONITE
(1) Samara. This is the city which is officially
known in Arabic history as Sarra-man-raa, on the
Tigris above Baghdad. It was the capital of the
Abbasid Caliphs from 886, when it was rebuilt by
Caliph Mu'tasim, to 892,! with the exception of the
year 865 when the Caliph Musta‘in left it for Baghdad,
but was pursued by Mu'tazz who then assumed the
Caliphate. The reference to Samara therefore fixes
the years between 836 and 892 as the most probable
for the imprisonment of Peter. Moreover, the fact
that the intermittent war between the Greeks and
the Arabs blazed up again in 8388—just previously
there had been a breathing-space—enables us to
say 838 instead of 836.
(2) Pilgrimage to Rome. At most times it would
be very improbable for a Greek monk to think
of going to Rome to receive the tonsure, and
it is certainly very improbable that any Greek
writer, after the beginning of the tenth century,
would have invented such a story. But during
the Iconoclast movement it is not at all unlikely
that a monk of the Iconolatric party went to Rome
for this purpose. The Iconoclast movement ceased
with the death of Theophilus in 842, so that the
story of the pilgrimage to Rome is more probable
if it were undertaken in consequence of a vow made
before 842 than after that year.
Thus this line of argument, combined with the facts
connected with Samara, points to the years between
* See Le Strange’s Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate,
Oxford, 1900, especially pages 13 and 311.
PETER THE ATHONITE 15
838 and 842 as the most probable for Peter’s
imprisonment and vow.
(3) The Monastery of Clementos. This gives less
help: all that is known is that in the tenth century
there was a monastery of Clementos, which was
already decaying and was ultimately absorbed by the
new foundation of Iveron. Judging from analogy
these early monasteries had a period of about a
century for their rise, decline, and fall. This argu-
ment would of course be quite worthless by itself as
a basis of chronological argument. But as we find
that the monastery of Clementos was decaying in
the year 980, when it was given to Johannes the
Georgian by the Emperor Basil Bulgaroktonos,! we
should not be surprised to find that it was founded
about the year 880. Now according to the life
of Peter he was fifty years on Mount Athos: it is
suggested by the previous argument that he came
there about 840: therefore he died about 890. So
far as it goes this fits the other data very well,,
for the suggestion made by the life of Peter is
that the monastery of Clementos did not exist
when he came to Mount Athos, and was flourishing
at his death. |
There are no other points in the life which seem
to afford chronological evidence, but the date
suggested will enable us to make an easy correc-
tion of a puzzling statement at the beginning. The
narrator says that Methodius of Patara had com-
mended the example of Peter. This is clearly
1 See p. 102.
16 PETER THE ATHONITE
absurd, for Methodius of Patara lived in the fourth
century. But if we eject the words ‘of Patara’
from the text as a gloss, the passage may be under-
stood as a reference to the Methodius who became
Patriarch of Constantinople in 842, in which case
there is nothing improbable in the fact that he had
heard of the escape of Peter and of the fulfilment
of his vow.
The result of this investigation is to show that
Peter the Athonite is probably an historical person
who lived the life of a hermit on Mount Athos in
the ninth century. It remains to ask what is the
date of the existing narrative. As the MS. in
which it is found belongs to the twelfth century,
and Peter himself belonged to the ninth, any date
between these extremes is possible. It is equally
obvious that the writer wishes to give the impres-
sion that he was himself a younger contemporary
of Peter, for he claims to have been an eye-
witness of the theft of the relics. If one could be
certain that the words ‘of Patara’ in reference to
Methodius are merely a gloss and not due to the
writer himself, there would not be much reason
for questioning the truth of this implication. But
if the confusion between Methodius of Patara and
Methodius of Constantinople be really due to the
writer, it is almost inconceivable that he belonged
to the ninth century. In this case the tenth
century is probably the date of the writing of the
Life. It can hardly be much later in face of the
reference to the monastery of Clementos, which
AC
PETER THE ATHONITE 17
ceased to exist after 980. On the whole I think
that the latter is the more probable view for two
reasons: (1) Mount Athos is referred to as the Holy
Mountain, a title for which I know of no evidence
before the tenth century ; (2) it is suggested, though
not clearly stated, that the monastery was dedicated
to the Virgin, whereas Clementos was dedicated to
the Baptist, though the foundation which absorbed
it was really dedicated to the Virgin. These two
points are not worth much in themselves, but are
perhaps just sufficient to turn the scale in favour
of the tenth century. In this case one must assume
either that the writer wished to represent Peter as
a contemporary of Methodius of Patara in the
fourth century, or, which is much more probable,
did not know in the least when Methodius of
Patara lived and simply mixed up two people of
the same name. In either case the statement made
above that the words ‘of Patara’ are a gloss must
be taken to mean that they are a gloss on the
tradition rather than on the text of the life of
Peter.
LAKE, M. A. B
i, | J
Introduc-
tion,
2.
His im-
prison-
ment at
Samara.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I
THE LIFE OF PETER THE ATHONITE
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APPENDIX T0 CHAPTER I 19
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20 PETER THE ATHONITE
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Kkabéeorykas, vob, adehpé, ds ou BotNerat Te TOV OcTMaV
avePjvat, Kpeirroy, 7 kat HULAS THY cwrnpiay cou arpapaGov-
Hevos, dmws 0 odv emelmep avTou corey evrohy TO © aiTeiTE
Kal SoOjcerat, KpoveTe Kat avovyyoerat bpiv,’ wy EKKAKIO W4LEV
THY avTou KaOicerevey ayubornra Kal prarOpwriar, Kal
Omrep oide ouuepor, TovTO TavTws Kat otkovopneet elg
muse” Tatra eimav 6 dyos NixddXaos Kat éyxaprepeiv
avr ov éykeXevoapevos, yevous Bat Te Tpopis por peryauevos,
amr avTou dvexdpnce, TOU de Lerpou TOTE wey merada-
Bovros Tpopis, & €meita O€ Kal ais é eavTou els ikeciav mera
vnoreias ETLTELVOVTOS, paiverar aire madw &« devrépou O
ayvos NixdAaos, oxvOpwm@ TW Breupar, tos djOev w vmrep
avrob ikeTev@v Kal mapaconsnanne, kat hevyet autre vpemevy
kat Toaeia TH pwvy “eyo pév, AdeAPE, TicTevocov, ovK éav=
Taunyv wept cov Tyv Tov Ocot ayaldryTa Kal piravOpwriay
éexBiaCouevos, GAN ovK oida ols Tice Kpimarw % Tol
OiKovomia THY aToNUT pwc Yuiv avaBadrerat. wAnY
erednmep eiwbev 6 rodvevoTAayxvos THV avaBoAnY pos TO
cuudépoy yuov mpayuareverOa, va wy Taxéws ay
Bavovres Karadpovemey Padios TIS Xaprros, Oérer dé tows
Kal Trap’ éTEpwv bre or goU akiwiivar Tov evaperrycavTwY
QUT, eyw Tor mpos avTov vod Ew mpeaBevrny agubrarov.
AaBwpev ouv avr ov ouvijyopov duperepor, movoy emt atfeu-
O€ot Tois mpaynact, Kat oloa ws emivevoet 6 Beds doBijvae
Huly Ta. 7 pos TwrTnpiav QITHMaTAa. TOU Oe elpnkoTos © Kal
vis €ln dpa, dye d€oTroTa, 0 TAEOV cov 70 Oeiov ‘hag Oyo0~
Mevos, cov yap tais mperBetas Kal Tals ™porraciass 0
KOTM.OS amas TepiraCeTar ; ki vropOacas are 0 meryas
en NixoAaos “ oldas Duuewv Tov cixatoy, o os ev xEpot Tov
KUpLoV alah ti mpoadeLapevos ev T@ vaw eioexd-
unoev 3” “ oida, x prci, aye TOU Geov, Kat ouK ayvow Tov
avdpa, Tos yap aryious euaryyeAtorg eorw avayparros.” O
O€ pravOpwxdraros NixoAaos “* ToUTOV, ’ én, is auporepot
els mpeoBeiav KUT wMUEY, duvarar yap, ws TH Opovep Te
dea ToriK@ pera TOU IIpodpouou Kat Tis Ocordiov cael
TapioTamevos’ Kat TavTws TA amépavra pi Tépas alciov
amovyovra.” ws de’ taita etrav? 6 dyios Nixddaos
1 sic cod. 7 2 sic,
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 21
aand\rXNatreTo. Swrvcbets odv 6 avi, amaAdw éavtov rails 5,
ixeciats Kat vyoreias dedwxas, tats Nixodaov rpec Betas His
emixareicOa ovK améhume. kat Qéa pot evrav0a tHv Tob & Sy. uy
dyiou ouumabetay, Tos Tov (ker nV amobepametrat Bovdcmevos meon,and
Kat Tov airnréov avrov mpounPevcacbat 70 TULTEPATUA, rss serpy
ov kar dKvnoey els TovTO cuumperBevTHy Kat Zumedy Tapa- prison.
AaBeiy tov dixawrarov: wel ov mapacras Th Tpitn
éeripopa THs amoxadiwpews, 6 ore On Kal THY AVoW QUT® Tov
Aunpe@v éxapicaro, 48 Oapoes” en, ‘ ‘ adehpe Tlézpe, Kal
Ths abuuias TO TOAV GmooKevardevos, TH KOM MeoiTy Kat
cuumpes Bev h LDuueoy Ta Tis airnoews émBdppnzov.”
TovTov O€ TOUS dplaruovs dvaretvavros, Kat TOV meyav
LDuuewy TeplLrKOTITAVTOS, evT powou O€ dou yevomevov TH
Oger’ THe dpacews, 6 dikatos avT@ Tapacras Zupedy 6d Bdov
Xpvojv meraxerpiCduevos, epovd Te Kal Kidapw Kal erramida
wepeprnnavos, TOLOUVTOLS mpos avr ov amexXpIyTaro pawacty,
“avres,’ *pyotr, ““Srapxers 0TH b adey Nixoraw evoxAar, Kat
guvexios dedmevos aveORvai ge Tis Tepexovons oe Odirfews,
kat Tis evrav0a ppovpas, Kal TOV oednpov TOUT WY deomioy 5”
6 dé poALs TOU aTOmaTOs adTOU avoryéevTos “ vai,” pyst,
“dye Tov Oeod, éyw eiul o TameEwos, O eyyunTHY avrov eis
Gecov, kal THY ony deytoodyny pecitny Kat mperBevtyy mpo-
Barddmevos.” © Kal pudarres,” yo, “ aro Tou vuv
aoparas drep avr Kawmoroynaas, Movaxos yevomevos
Kal evapérws Bioov aro Tou Tapdvros dreryerpdmevos oe
© val, ih tae bropOacas ri li avrépyces! Kal O OLKaLOS
Zumeov “emedymep” yc “ éupéve ois épohdynoas
diaBeBarois, eEeABe AKWAUTWS TOV evrai0a, kat Smep Bovret
Badite, ovdey yap ce Tov owrov Tey OoKkoUyTwY KwWAUTIKOV
eumodiaa 5 7 TapakaTacy civ duvyrera.” tod de Ilérpov
Tous mdas Tots ordnpois Kabyrwpevous vrodeiEavros,
exTelvas THY ev TH xetpl papdov re) dytos Zuypesy, TOV TE
odnpav éparduevos, OS THKETAL Knpos aro TOU mporwrou
TUPOS, ovTws avTa diaducas TApax pyua npavacey. eiTa
eEeOav TOU deopurnpior 6 OiKaLos Zuypewy, Kal guvakohou-
Cav alte o Tlerpos dua Nixoraw Te Aeouanapt, TAY
Topetay ew Tis morews evpeOn | ToLouMEvos, yvwpicas de
7@ Ilérpw ws ove evirnov TO dpwpeovy (dveporTer Oat yap
- 1 sie cod.
OS a
His jour-
ney to
Rome.
2.
8. Nico-
laus and
the Pope.
22 PETER THE ATHONITE
» A 200, “~ 0k. A ’ ~ mr
avTos edoKel T® Tapadocw Tod mTpayuaros), TH meyao
, ~ ° r b] 4
Nixoraw éximercioOar aitgé érermav, avtos mev ypavToOy
4 a an ~ ‘ ~
aro Tov OpOaruay avTav, Eueve dé udvos 6 avOpwros TH
KnOE“ove TIS aUvTOU TwTnplas NixoAaw TApOMapTOv Kat
mpocavakeimevos. 6 de méyas Nixddaos Ta wpos cvTicmov
~ »+ i
avT@ aparba duexeNevero, Tov dé eimdvTos pydey exe 6
dvatpapyceta, 6 Tov Kupiov yvyctos Beparreny NiroAaos
nn nw = - , -
Oappetv avr@ Tov Aowrov diakeAevoauevos, etoeAOeiv ev Evi
TOV eKEloe KYTOV Tapeyyujcato, KaxeiOev Soca BovdorTo
TOV OTwWPaV EavTH GroKouicacOat’ obTEp yevouevov, Kal
tov avOpdrov eis diatpopyy evropycavros, ovK émavcaTo
e , “~ 4 ¢ -9 e ’ % ~
Oo péeyas xepaywyav Nixoraos Ews e's ‘Pwpaviay aPrAaBq
Ouekomioev. emer Oe THs I parker ere Bn vis o avnp O pev
~~ ~~ 4
Gytos evOvs avrod aaryANaTTeTO, TOTO wovoy Tpos avrov
° , “ec , 10. 4 Ilé 4 , ’ ~
eiTov, “ KaLpOS TOL, a ee ETE, TAS ouvOnkas exTTrAnpwoat
, ww ~
TaxvTara, e dé uy Tak TH Lapapa aroKouiCy ws décpsos.”
6 de dua pev Kat Ths mporépas avaBorjs dedtwds TO ErrTimoy,
Gua dé Kat Tov ayov Ocpamevery Kun Xavomevos, OVE ev TH
oikei clk ameN Ody, ode wev Tois idiors H) Yyvwpymots EavTOY
davepooas, ws dv py vr abrav Tis emrovdijs avaxatioOn,
Taxous ws exe Tpos “Pwuny yreiyero arodotvac TS Kupio
. 4 ~~
Tas evyas wer eEomoroyyoews, as SueoTeAe TA XetAn avTOd.
‘ , * A » , aA 3 ’ A A
Kat cxomet mot evTavOa, & dirorys Tav op0oddkwr, Tis Too
, , 4 ~ v
maupaxapos Nixodaov Kydeuovias To acvyKpLTOV, Tas WoTEP
TaTnp piecropyos Kat ouurrabys, ) womep Talwaywyos
apisTos TH avTH TpocaveyynkoTi: suuTapomapre?, ovTws
avuT@ suvodorToper, ernkodovOe, mpoeTpexe, TA EuTrpoc ev
, ~
mpowuariCe, Ta OmicOev emeppwvue, KaTevodaY ev ATact,
kat ovUK améoty TovTov éws dv .avTov TH Oem TpoC-
~ e > , cA 4 , wr , > ,
Eev ws erexelpyrev. apt yap tore TH ‘Popn éyyiCorros
Tov avOpwrov, Kat Tov Torey ayvoobvTOS, ayvooUMévou dé
ral 4 a ~
kat avtov, TO? TyvikabTa Tis ‘Pwmatwy exxAnolas mpo-
edpevoyTt 6 méyas avroy KaTadyXov Kal eudbarv_ Tapictyoe
~ , 4 ad
NixodAaos, wetwp to Ilara émioras, tov avdpa él yxeipas
KpaTav, avT@ TovToy Uredeixvuev, Swe pev avToy eK TOU
Zauapa aveppicaro, kat Sms evxnv Exel eV TH TOU Kopv-
aiov THv arocTOAwy aroxeipacOat onxe KabeEs mpocdiy-
‘ ~ \ a
youmevos, yrwpicas avT@ Gua Kai TO TOU avOpwrov dvomas
1 sic, 2 sic cod.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 23
Térpov avr ov ™pocaryopever Bar elroy, omevdew Te &v TH
alto to Iara vrobEmevos, os av TaXLOv TO. rhs evxiis
TEPATWCEL. dwanabels ooy O Ilazas, Kal ™pos TO TH Poul
Kopupatov Téwevos Gem tbyy iv ‘yap Kuptakiy TOV mmepav, S. Peter's
mavras mepteakdmret Kal TOV TpocamayrovTwy kaTevoeL TA in Rome,
Tpoowna, él apa Tov derx Berra avTe@ Kad’ Uavous avaryveoptet Hae his
Kal Oeaverar. Kal J TO TrIO0s ™pocaverxyKos Tov Aaov steno
opa TOV a Opwrroy Mérov TOV G\AwY lordpevov" vevmac de Pope.
anak Kat ots ToUTOV Tporkarerapevos, & Wg LOE LY vrakovovra;
e& ovduaros avrov émtBoay emexeipnce; ee Tlérpe” Aeyov
“oO amo Tpaixias eAyhvOes, OUK avTos dd ov oO meéeyas
NixodAaos éx Tov Zapapa Toy deruir Kat Tis pudaxis
amehuTpocaro ; 3” rou de € éauroy eivat ouoroyncavTos, Kat
TO a a OauBnOevros tov axovcparos, Oo Idwas a aur
drrexpivaro * pnoev Oavudens, adede Iléerpe,” eyo, §
é& dvduards ge éxadeoa, Ov ovderorTe TeBeamae 0 rip
onus kal meryas Nixédaos _viKT wp pot eTLeTas amavra TG
Kara oe evepavyce, Kat ws fines dob piEduevos Kal Tas
evxas cov TO Kupip dromAnpwcwy.”” ravra eitmov 6 llamas III, 1.
kat Tov dvdoa _Groxeipas, bew TovTOV; wo 7 imdaxerts, Bias
Kafiépwre. Kal Tomas xpovoy ovK odiyov mer” avrob o : ee
Tou Qeov dovTws avOpwros, KarnxyOels Tap avrou TO 7 pos Rome.
gwrnpiav Wuxiis Kal wpehevay owreivovTa, avexopnrev ev
ony TIS ‘Pours, elpnkoTos avT@ Tov pakapiorar ov Ilavra
** aropevou, TEKVOV, O KUpLOS éorat mera GovU Kat avTos evOvvat
THhv oooV gov, ornpiCov pos wav epyov ayabor, kat dta-
purarrev oe aro Tov TOU diaBorov weOodiav.” TeToY ovv 6
maKdpros Tlérpos eis Tous modas Tov Iara Aevyet Tpos avTov
“ aedCou, Tipe TaTep, oaCou, pabyra Tou Xpiorob, Kal
variKoe TOU eyyunTou Kat puorou jeou Tov dyiou N tkoAaou,”
kal domacamevos avTov TOV Te «hjpov dmavra €&ndOe Tis
ToAews, deduevos Oeod tis ayabis wy evdovvat! rpobécews,
evpoy dé mAoiov eicnOev els avTov kal amémAeucev. iv 2.
dé 6 avenos emerjdetos, Kal Thevoavres _mmépas ep’ ikavas © His mee, Zt
KaTivTnoay év TM xeples Kat THY vauv 7 poropmicayres irae of
eEi Oov ot vavTiKol TOU omriioat dprous. ame Bovres ouv healing.
év Tit oikiokw elpov mayras Tous év auT@ Kaxos exovras,
OTTNHTAVTES 3 TOUS apTous, Kat eabialivires 7 pos éTiagw
1 sic cod.
24 PETER THE ATHONITE
Aéyouew évt avrov, “aBdv aptov Céovra amoxouicovy TH
vavkrAypy kat TH ABBA hudv.” we odv HKoveev’ 6 TOU olKoV
KUpLOS Tept TOU 48a, Never Tois vavraus a KUpLot wou,
ENOET IO 6 O TAT Ip, kal evAoynrarw éue oe Kal Tov viov HOU,
ore Hn TO Oavatw mporey'yiComev Th xareri Tavrn, ws
Opare, ippooria TepliTETOVTEs. mt ToUTwY aKkovcayTes exeivot
ameAOovres avinyyerhav TO aBBa- THY dxpay O€ TaTelvwow
TrepiKelnevos Kal phy Oe\ev éauTov eupavicat, TopevOivat
cuv avrois ox eBovrero: pabwv de STi els aUTAS KaTHYTHTAV
vod Oavatou miXas, katnpedy dua cat oxvOpwraCwov per
avTav dupvuce Thy 6ddv. ws oe TH Ovpa Tov oikou Tpocny-
yioay, TOU mar pos To “ xaipe’ Te 5 oixodeor dry pbeyEanevou,
eve Kal Tmapaxpiya, borep é eK Bapurdérou kapou eis éaurov
| yevouevos, avEOwpe THs kins 0 ao Beviiy, Kal TEeToV 7 pos
Bs
The vision
of the
Theoto-
kos, and
Tous 7das TO Oclov, Kat ToUTOUS mera daxpiwv Tepenrug~
Tomevos, avéerry eEppwmévos Kal vyins, mapadefov Tuxay The
lacews. _emthaBonevos dé THe TOU Oclo”U Xetposs drédpape
mavra Ta Tov acOevovvrwyv KAtvidla, Kat ToLovYTOS Tou
Ociov Thy ev Xpirrg opparyida, ev0 Eos i@vro ot TH VOT® -
‘
KaTieXnieevor, lagamevos obv mavras Tous év TO Olkw
appderrous avbus bnéorpevvev eis TO TAoitov, aunyyethav ée
TAaVTa TA Tap avrou yevoueva TO _vauedipy OL var at, Kat
ded dres dogéav TO Jew, mer ovres Oma mpocextynoay AUTO.
6 ouv oixoderndrns, 6 Tis lacrews TUXOY | Tavorkt, AaBov
dprov Kat olvov kal éAaov, Tapeyevero eis TO Roiov,
tais oixeias Xepot draBaoraCov ara’ 6 de péyas tarnp
juov Llérpos thv pev avrod mpoaiverw amedéEato, NaBeiv
de avra ov mapedéyero. Kal meray mpos Tovs Todas avTouU
dua trois cuveNOovow aire éxhacov Smou TiKpOs, Aeyovres
“© JouXe yicte TOU Xpiorod, él My pax pay TavTHy evhoryiav
eK TOV Xeipov juov Ayn, ovde adrot maXwoor ovjuev ev TH
oiKig HUBV. pmoAty Oe Treva Bels O TATHP, ‘TeV ev TO TAOLO
TAavT OV Suowrncayrey pos Tovro, AaBeiv ara caredckaro
Kat yaipovtes tréorpebav eis rov oikov avrav edyapt-
orouvres To Oew Kal TT! TOUTOU Ocparrovrt, ToUrwy ovuTw
YEvOMEVODYs Kat TOO Kupiou dogacavros’ év race Tov tdvov
oiKerny, hd EKELOE érapavres Of vavTiKol TH ert TO ™porw
Topelas elxovTo. iv O€ 4 pev Tpopy Tov mavapiay TaTpos
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 25
ev TO Thoiw, an eamépas els eomepay, ouryKta. dptov’ % 0€ the reve-
Toor aro Tov OaXarriov vdaros é évds fuk pou Bavkariou. lation of
Kal dlaTAEoavrTes nme pas ixavas, kat év Tie NOUX TOT ‘Athen!
mporopuobevres,® MiKpov meTAaTX oY Umrvov 6 Beoopos [lérpos
ope THY mavaxpayrov OeoroKov MeTA TLVOS vmepBardovons
alyhys daveioay, Kat Tov péyav Nixodaov aidot Kal Poy
Kal cvrTOAH _tAotaCovra, Kat ikeTiK@s Aeyovra auTy
. © déerowa Tov avr os Kat Kupia, emelmep Tov dovAGv cov
TOUTOVY Tis xaNeris exelvys aixwahogias ehevOepicat i0é-
Anoas, dvewrHOnrt bodega TOUT Kal ‘TOTOV, évy @ TOY
vrdXolTrov Tis Coie auTou hharrexécres Xpevor, | TO pira bea
danparriy,” kat orpapeiod price 7 pos avr oy 4 Oeordros
“ey TO Tov "“A0w 6 oper éorat 7 dvarravars avrod Orrep els
KAjipov éuov airnoapevn eihnha Tapa TOU enod viov Kat
Oeod, OTws Ol TOV KOT MIKO avaxwpovyTes TUYXUT EW, kal
TOV MVEULATIRGY, don Svvapts, avTEXOMevOt, Kat TO € Mov
ahn beta kal mister Kat diabéce vyiis émucahoupevor 6 ovoua,
THY Te Tapovcay Cony a awe ptuvov dravvact, Kal THY peANour av
Ov gpyov Oeapértrwy KAnpovop.wct. wavu yap ETITEPTOS
exo ToUTOU;” Kat Atav mou 70 TVEUULG en auTo@ p emevppaiverat,
kat yap Tapes oda OTL eorat TOTE ore Tyo Oiicera TOU
Tarymaros TOV Hovaxov aT dx pev ws Gi peov avrod, Kat TO
€Xcos TOU ewoo viou Kat Oeob, él WY ty Kat QvTol TOV c@rnpray
€vTOAGY avTéxoVTal, eis TOV GUUTAYTA aiova am avT@Y Ov
SiarnedacOycrer au, Kat Tare auTous é7t voTov Kat
Boppav TOU efpnuevou Gpovs, kat Karakupievcourty avr ou
amo Oaracons ews Oaracons, kat TO Svopa auT@y év Tarn
tH vdyriw repiBonrov Oyow, Kal Tov dtaxaprepoivrey ev
auTo Umepacmii.” arr’ dpa Hot mas 0 Taparuyx avo
ride TO dupyipate decrorou | pev aicpav pravOpwriay,
Sochion 3 ouumaBevav Kat oropyny ™pos duddovdov, Kat
Searroivns Tos oiKer ny Knoemoviay Kal ™pooraciay: EVO EL
dé ot kal THY tov oaiov Ilérpov dpaprerrarny mor,
nTlS TavTa Ta duoxepij kareunapioe, Kal THY evxnY av
NUEaTO Tt) kupicp arodoBiivat memoinke. dwrvig Gels ovv 6
paKaptos dkuatay ert THY omraciay exo mxapioryce T@
Oe, Kal TH mavaryves TovTou mar pl, Kal TO peydd\w warpl
Nixoraw. jv 6é wpa weet TpiTH, Kal svedperren éemipopov
1 gic cod. 2 sic cod.
4.
His arri-
val at
Mount
Athos.
IV, 1.
His cave
on Mount
26 PETER THE ATHONITE
TUXOVTES emopevovro Xaipovres* eyyirdyroy de #0n TH ‘TOU
“AOw 6 opous axpotnpiv, aipyns € éoTn TO mAoiov, TOU avemou
€TL TVEOVTOS kat Ta toria we aetna kat duyd pov ot
VaUTLKOL, pos aXdmrous héyoures “ Tl dpa core TO onpeetov
TOTO, kat Tis 4 mapadogos avTn Kaworoula, Ore éy TOTOUTW
Xdopare TeAGYOUS, G avémou emiTndeiou 6 ovTos, TO oKagos é eo7n
Tap’ érrida Tis emi TO Tpocw Topelas 5 . Taira a7ropouv-
TW aUTaY meya orevagas en Tpos avTous 6 dytos . Texvia
OéXovra pwabeiv Me Kat epwrowra, elmaré Mol, tows yap. TiS
Stam opyrews v UMO@v erolerns Eromat, Tis 4 KAjots TOU TOTOU
TOUTOU ; ” ot O€ elroy ‘ ‘ro ayy err pos, Tite TaTEp,
Srrep apxidey hy TOU Abe eine ™poonyopiay.” Kat
Aevyet avrois “ -raxa ov cme TO onuciov TOUTO yeyoue
onMEpor, Kal & wy ev Tw TOTM TOUTH eCeveryearres € eaonTe
Le, Teparrépe mpoBjvat ov BivarOe.” ol o¢ dak puce ovarXe-
Oévres, Ta ltorTia xaArdcavres Th Yn mpoonyyicar, Kat
TOUT OV mer’ ddupiioy Kal Opnvev éxBdddovres elacay exeioe,
Aeyovres avT@ OTe “ meyadns oKemns ka BonBeias vorepi-
Onpev onmEpor, wou dtarpebevros 7 mpcov.” kat 0 d'ytos 7 pos
avrous € of obrws ddohuCere, Kat éavrovs kaTarTapaccere,
TEKVA, OL EME Tov maons duaprias dvar)eov ; ; 6 beds oO
pravOpwros, 0 mavTaxoU Tapoy kal Ta TavTa hnpovs
avros Kat Uuiv TUVOdEUoEL, Kal ev Tao ayaboepyia THPNTEL;
KapL01 xeipa BonBeias dpéeee amapxiv ToLounevp ToAcretas
Beodudoiis.” ouTws elT ov, Kal TOV ev kupip dedeoxeds avr ois
aomac ov Tpitov érehaBero Tis vnos, Kal TH THAlep grape
oppayicas, Kal eTEL TOV “ mopever Be ideApo! ev epivn, 0
Kuptos el pel UML@V, * e&emrenrpev eis Ta tia, amo de TIS
, axpopetas e€xelvns TO aveotpepes Ths 0000 Kat due Barov
Athos full Spore TOAA® ded Bow Kat Kore, Tos Tl qWéoLov éyévero
ofvermin 6uadov Kat evaepov, Kal pK pov TeV oT OVwv avebeis, TOA
and
devils.
ipearo dvepyouevos TepioKomely Tov Tomrov ev O 7 avarravors
QuToU éorat. moANous dé Xetpay.ous kat varras Kat yiro~
ous dveAPwy evpe ommhasov Taye pev oKorEWor, vdn de
Babeia TEPLETTOLXLT UEVOY; éy @ ToOTovTOV epmerav Eo MOS
iv, ws vrepBaive ovpaviwy agrrépwv TAHO0s, kai OadaTTiav
+ >: .% 4 , 5] , , a -_
Gpmov, wel” wv Kat dandver evepwrevoyv TAYOy, of TOToUTOV
HYyElpav TuAVvOS Telpacuav TH ayiw ws pyTe yNoooay
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. 27
Xwpev apnyeio bat, MyTe aKo7 mapadéxer Oat. TwWa yap
Tov THs OAs éxelvys Sarcuay a THY Oeddunrov EOKETTOV
TOU omndaiov Ovpav, Kar@Knoey €v auT@ eUXApLOTaY TW
Kupip kal eEomororyoumevos yur os Kat 71LE Pas Kat TAS evyxas
Depuas avareumoov. ovrw dé Tov devTepov THs €Bdouados
TOU aryiou kaupov deavicavros, TO KAPTEPLKWTATOV auTouU
Kal TOA poy way pépwv 0 Gel Tos Kadots emtBackaivey
Zaray, apas THY TaveTpariay ¢ avTou mera Beda Kat TOEwY,
cise MOvos ev TH exelyw TO oryhaiy, éevOa 6 HaKaptos
Tov Ths MapruptKys iNjoews Ounvuev ayova, ot de aot
AiBous Taupeyees, domep kuNovres eEwobev, mera povev
Kal Kpavy ay bigcine KAT GQUTOU, WoTeE Tauro opovra Tov
dyiov Neyer OTe “ ravTwS mépOaxe fou TO Tépas Kat ovkére
ToIsS Coow ap Ounbicopa.” Kat o pev mporrarns TOUT WY
évoov Hv TOU omAaiov, 7 4 O€ GNXy auTou mavom)ia To TOka
2.
The first
attempt
of the
devils.
KaTexovTes eddkouv Teme Kara TOU Octou poviws" os Oe:
+H avwOev Xapere aos deer nperro, hevyet €y éauvT@
* eFehevowmar Tou omnAaiov Kat yvdocopa Tis 4 TOTAvTy
pavia, Kal TL TOV ouverdeyneveny TO oUTayEa. Kat eEeABoy
elde TA TIS Tovnpias metpara KUKAw@ TOU o7mnAaiou € eoTwra,
Kal Kpavyais apopirors kat poBepais brpeow o€ndov Kar
, >) ]
auTov émiwyTa, Kal TO Cuma pos oupavoy avaretvas: (Ty
Geordear eT eKANELTO mos TUM MAX LAY, eipnKars ovrws
“ ayia Ocordre, BoyGet TS OovAMW Gov.” Kat dua TO
axovcat Tous évavTious To yyhucd kal meprm dOnTov Hulv THS
OcoroKovu 6 _Ovoua, evOus Kal Tapaxpyma yeyovaciy aavrot.
elyeTo ovv mad TOV aydvev 6 a&ytos éavrov exdedeoxeds TH
ernhaty, Kat Tposevx omevos éAeve mera Kpavyns ioxupas
“ Kupte ‘Tyood Xpirré, 6 Oo Beds frou, un eyKaraNlarns Me, Kat
OUKETL HKOVOVTO povat MEXpt _kaupou TUWOS. mera TavT a
TevTqKOVTa TapeABovowr 7 MLEPOV, TaAw TO ™porepy Xprra-
Mevot oXHMATL Of Taralrwpo dTAiCovTa Kat’ avToU, Kat
KLVOUGL Trav ép7rer ov ioBoXov Kat TavTa Ta Onpia a Av ev
Te Cpet, kal mer avTov ayouow ev TH omnhaiy. Kat Ta
[ev avrav évOev KaxetOev Tpexeny €TOLOUV Ot adit nprot, Ta
0€ Xaopmace XpacGat Kat Cavra TreipacOat KaTamveiy TOV
dicatov, aGAAa de & epmew wat oupir rey Kal Brooupoy opav
TaperkevaCor. GAAG Kat waAdtv TovToUs Tovs acbevels Kal
3.
Second
attempt
of the
devils.
4,
Third
attempt
of the
devils,
28 PETER THE ATHONITE
Exveverpla MEVOUS TO ommetip Tov aan! kat Th erixAijret
TOU ovduaros Tov Oeov Kat Tis axpayroos * TOUTOV Texovons
bar pos mayras epuydceuce. Xpovov ovy TAnpwlévros € EVOS,
Kal jovxiay doxobvros TOU peryahov Tar pos HL@V Ilérpov,
Kal 0a7n dvvapus QUuT@ kaQarpovyros Ta TOU ex Ppot Nfopara
Kat Texvdo para, deevdy TOLELTAL 0 dddorwp THY TOU Tar pos
jpeniav Kal ovK avexTov. Kal Spa ola avT@ meunxavevTat
peTarxnuatiabets yap 6 daiuwy els eva Tay oikeaKav
TALOWY avTOU Opomatws epxerau mpos TO ommAaLor; eat
avaidis TEpLTTVEAHEVOS, avTov pireiy UmoKpuvdpevos O TOU
a avardeos, kafioas ipearo KAalew Kat every OUT ws"
“ axndapey, Kupte HOV, THOS Mev eV TH Tohene KparnOets
Tpos TOV Zapapav amnvex Bets, Kal TH KaKn Kal Copddn
exetvy elpkTy mapeddOns, mas oe 6 Beds evyais Tou Tapa
kapos TAT pos yuav NikoAaov Tov ppovpiov EKELVOU WOO
mdrvto? éBarov ry Tov “Pwuaiwy yn ce aToKarécTyce,
O10 Kat waves of év TO OlkKM Gov, Gua euol TO pardicTa
Tepikatouevm THY Kapdlav, ahs Céas Kal omirias Evexev
aevOovcty aTapnyopyTa’ moAAas 66 ToAES Kal Kamas OTL
TreisTas dradpamovTes ovK loxvoapev Tis epérews emITV-
xeiv, Kal TO moPoUmevoy Huiv KaTweiv TpoTwToy, amTopla 0€
ovaxebévres, daxpuct Kat denoeot Tov peyay emikadovucba
NixoXaov, exhuTapouvres, © yAuKUTaTe, amocadowyar july,
Srovrep av 78s TOV Keex pum mevov oe Onoavpov" Kal ov
mapeidev 7 meV TO avagtov 0 O é€v Tact Bepuss, aN’ decade
TAXIoTA, Ta KATA oe pavepdoas. vuv _obv, KUpLE (LOU, akour dv
Hou, Kat TopevOemer els TOV OlKOY nav (otdas O€ kat aur os
ws wpaios Kat TepikadAns éort) Kat Lowel mares TO avrois
oe _oBoupevoy ™porwmoy, Kat dogar bi Beds év aporépors
© aet dokaConevos. mept de nouxlas my err wot Ppovris,
Kanel 74p Kal movacrn pid elo maumroAha Kal HOVXATT PLA
ev ols Tov dravra wou Bio HOVXATTIKOS dvavicrets. ada
Kat avros mpos QuTis Tis ahyOetas eye Mot; vl Tey ovo
Haduora Geos Depameverar ; ; avaxwopneet Koo ov Kat €onuia
Kal jovyia, TH Te Tov arropparyev TeT POV Kat papayyov
TOUT WY diarpiBh é év ols wTavTov movov, Taxa O° ovde éavr ov
NKIOTA wepernoreas, » 7 avOporwv d.wackania Kal ddnyia Kat
a 4 . A > - 9 a“ U ” 9 e.
THs Tos avrov etictpody ex THs mays; EYwyE Ofmat ws
1 sic, 2 sic cod.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 29
Mas Wuxiis eK mAdvns 6000 avris emir pon TOAN@Y
epnyikav menaeirelines ayovas, Kal mapTupet MOL TO AOYY
6 eyo * 6 avarywy a&tov ee avagiou ws or Oma Hou Somrbas
jTohda de TAnOn ev TH TOTH Huey ciow ae ev juUplo.s
wabert mAav@meva, Kat XpyCoveww eikOTWS TOU meTAa Oeov
avtois BonOycovros’ pupios ovv amoKeiceTal cor uicOds, et
ye Tovs TAaV@MEVoUs EADOY eriaTpérveras mpds Oedv. ovTroV
ouv TL méANeL ; TL THY MeTAa TOU OAoKapdiws irodvTds ce
oixérov avadvn dddv;” Tav’Ta Tov daimovos AéyovTos Kat
GAG Twa meTa daxpiwy, iipEaro diaraparrer Bar. kal 6 alos,
kal daxpuor Bpéxwy To porwr ov not ™pos avrov ‘ év Tw
TOW TOUTM ouK aryyedos ovx avOpwiros epepe me, GAN’
airos ri beds, kal 4 Tavaxpayros avTou marranp 9» Qcoroxos,
Kat €L my TH éxelvoy youn Kat TpoTpomy TOV MOE Xwpio Oe,
aAXAws ov xepiComat.” Gua oe TO aKkouvcat Tov daiwova TO
THs OeordKou 6 ovojar evOéws aarros yeyove, kat Oavpacas 6
ay.os THY cTKarwpiay Tou dai“ovos, THY ev Xpior@ oppayisa
TeToUNKOs, waw jovxace. vnoreia Oe Xpyodpmevos Kai 5.
eyKpareta TOAAN, Kal mporeuxais Ruevdiicos TXOAACwr, els ad pret
dpov epiace TATELVWTEWS kat MEeTpov ayamns eihuxpwobs of ther
Kat voos Kabaporyra: 610 Kal opidpa nOnudver Kat éorevdev devils.
0 majmovnpos TOV TOVOY avrot xardoar, Kal THS emt TO
kpetrrov pomiis avacreiAal, Kal mera mapadpouny Xpovev
eTTA ES ayyedov wos merarxnuartabeis, eomagmevny
exwv év TH xelpt poudaiay, Earn TANTIov Tis TOU oTNAaLoU
Ons, Kat KaXéecas avrov e& OvOmaTOS ey * Ilérpe, Oépatrov
Xpicrov, eee cal avayyeA@ cou AOvyous Kadovs.” Kat
Neyer 6 aytos « ov Tis ef 6 AOYouS mor avayyeiAat VrLeXVOU-
pevos wpeAjmous ;” Kal 6 Tovnpos “eyo eiui Kupiov Oo
dpxiorrparnyos, Kat amerrahyy TpOs Te loxve ouv Kat
avdpiCou Kal xaipe kat ayadAia, O71 Opavos Oeios 1 HTOIMATT aL
kat orépavos dauapayrivos. vov ovv TOV TOToOV ToUTov
KATaNLTOY mopevOart év TO Koomep els ory piyna Kat
w@pereay TOAN@Y* KUptos yap 6 Geos THY myn eEnpave
Tov vdaTos THY ™Ayotov wou, Ola Tas Tov Onpiwy Kat épmer av
émedpouas Tas Kara cou yivomevas, Smres dmoigwow voaTos
my petéxovTa. jv de 6 Taveohos év Kakia ovTos Tp0-
avooreiAas daimova KwAvovTa Kal divaxaréxovTa THY TOU
30 PETER THE ATHONITE
bdaros puny. Tovrey akovcas 6 dyos epn év TaTeveocet
‘ris eit eva O Kuo, tva dyyehos cupiou €AOn ™ pos mes”
Kal Oo Jaime, “ un Oavuacns: év yap Tois Katpois TovToLs ov
vevicncas cat Maojv cat "HXiav cat Aap, kat meryas
exAjOns ev ovpavois dia TO TéAetov Tis UTOMOVAS cou’ TOV
yap "HXiav. vrepBéBncas TH aovria, TOV Aannd Tos Epmerois
Kat Onpiows, tov “le8 ri kaprepia. vov odv avacras Oéacat
THv TOU Vdaros Aci, Kal Taxéws eEeAOav Tav de ATredAOe
’ ’ “ 5] ~ , ° a # 4 ~ 4
€v MovaTTyplols TOs EV TH KOTUM, KAKEL ETOMAL META TOU, Kal
wpehace mohous Oa cou, Aevyet Kuptos TavToKpaTop. sd kat
6 aytos “ eyo, yivwsre, eav un eAOn 7 7 ev wae ouvepyoiod
pot Qcordxos, kat 0 ‘Pepuos TOV eV avarynais apwryos Nixo-
Aaos, Tav de ovk adiorapa.” dua de TO akovoat THs
Ocoroxou TO ovona evs ef opbarpan € eyevero TOU dyiou 0
‘ssgrad kat yvous Ta Texvaruata Tot dcaBddov 6 aytos
kat Thv1 adrov ev aracw arbévaav, tpooniEaro pos KUpLov
Aeryov ov Tus “6 pev éxOpds, kipte "Incot Xpioré 6 Oeds
Kou, wpudpevos TepiepxeTat CyTov KaTamely pee, GANG ov 7H
Kparaug Xerpe cou mepuppoupeis K€, TOV OOVAGY GoU, O10 Kat
6. evXapLore Tot, OTL OUK @ spinel am €“L0U. TavTA eyo 7 nov
is aa xXare, Kal 77 eKElVs muepa® vUKTL apumvecavros QUTOU, WS
Theoto- elec, puKpor, palvera avT@ 7 Taxela TOV Xpirriavev Bot
kosand ea, 7 PrravO paras Bcordkos, 6 GLa. Nicohaw TO peryaro, Kat
se orang pact ™pos avrov * ‘amd TOU vuY ua Seidtdons, O yap Beds
pera, TOU €or Kat avavrnpyres ® aviptov amooreAAeTat
ayyehos Tpopny ovpaviay KouiCov cou’ Touro de TpoteTa-
yeevos eoTt KaTa Tero apakovTnmEpov aro TIS detpo qrotety,
brodeiEet 6€ co Kat TO pavva pos Tpopiy.” Kal TavTa
e 4
elm ovres, Kat THY e_pnvay adr @ JedwKdres avexepnaav. O oe
Terwv TporeKivyge TOV TOTOY évOa ot odes avTav torayTo,
Kal TH em avptov epxerat 0 ayyeros Ua0ev emupepomevos
Tas oupavious Tpodas, Kat brodetEas TO pavva, kabuos 4
7. Oeordkos UTETXETO, anTésTy aT avToU. evxapioTicas dé
aby antes T? Ow kal 7H ToUTOU Myr pt novxace kaTamovas aoKay,
years of Kal Tas evxas TH KUpiw atrodidovs ery TevTHKovTa Tpla,
his life, é£édtrov dé Kal ai mucval pavraciat Tov dvaBodov Kat TeV
ayyéAwy avrov Ty Tov Oeot cuvepyeia Kal cumpaxia. év
dé Toig ToTovTos xXpevors OVX edpaKe uot avOpwrrou,
+ kat thy vel vv tv (sine accent.) sic cod, 2 sic cod.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 31
OUK HV aUTO Tpopn TAnV TOU payva, ouK évduxa, ov oKérn,
ouk Gio TL TOV bora L xprer 70 Tav avOpdrov 9 yevos, adXa
p.ovoy Tov oupavoy exwv oreyny, Kat Thy iv ayamdmevov
Khwidtov, ovTws emaveravero O maxapros” ev Kavmare jhev
KaLomevos, ev avery de kal xvov Yuxdnevos, kat Tavra
TavTa re mewvev varép avOpwrov Oa THY pméAXoVCay moO
amodociay. OTe ov nOehyoev rs Kupros avepooa avrov V,1,
ToIs avOparrors oltKovopmiav ToLdvde TOV _TpoTov yevér Bax His 8 dis.
maperkevare. Onpevtns TIS TO TOEov QuToU Kal Thy paper pay a a waatie
AaBov e&7HrOe Onpevorat KaTa TO Gpos" Todas oé Aoymas
paparyé: Babetats eva OK PTULVOUS Kat Tas trdders paxias
TOU Gpous Tapanevapevos, eyeveTo Kar éKeivo TO HE pos,
évOa ri aytos Thy ayyedcKyy joTacerTo Todurelay, Kat TOV
oupavioy iv eumropevouevos TAOUTOY. Kat idov maumeyeOns
Edapos TOU mAnaratovros TO o7mndalw ‘ dpumov ee Oav
oKipTav Tws iaTO évwoTiov TOU Onpevrov: idwv de éxetvos
vmepueyeOn te dvra Kat spodpa wpaiov, Tarra TavTa
Karadimoy jkodovOer Totro ed)’ SAnv THY jpuépav, wae
dé éx mpovolas twos 6 éXahos ddnyovpevos eOav earn
éravw Tov omnAalou, Katixvos de Baivovros Tov Onpevrov,
Kal wepicxoTovvros Trolw TpdoTm mepiyevyTa Tov Cwou,
paiverat auT@ ev Tois deEvois Mépect arevioayrt avnp Babvs
wey Thy vTHVHVY, Kal Tas Ths Kepadis Tpixas mexpt Tis
marrpas KaQtenevas € EXO; TO de Aowrov TOOL aay yeyunver-
pévov Kat Tavros €aTepm[evoy évouparos oy idov Kat TO
mapadoe@ rob Opapatos éekmAynkTos yeyoves, édeNace
opddpa, kal TO Oypaua KaTaduToy oma opunros ein, Kae
pevyew 6 oon Suvapus IpEaTO. ewpaxeds d€ TOUTOV O ase
Quy Xpugapevdy parce mpos avrov meyady TH povn ‘
PoBi ; ; TL Taparrn ; ; Tl Me pevyes, ader pe ; Kayo Aonands
elu; ws Kal ou, Kat ov pacua Oaimoviov ws vmehaBes, dedpo
mpos be, kat éyyirov, Kal avaryyedo col mavra Ta Kar’
ene, eis TOUTO yap dméorene ge 6 Kuptos.” éupoBou de
TOU avd pos droarperyavros kat OauBous mAxjpous, domacd-
MEvos O Tarp Kat Oappeiv mporperapevos, Kal? _elppoy Kat
Tatty kat akoAovOlay TavTa Ta ounBeBncora auto aayyetre
TS avdpi- THY TE Kaberpew auTov Thy ev TO Zamapé, Kat
THY dvappuowy THY Oa TOU meyadou. TaTpos NixoAaou
32 PETER THE ATHONITE
yevomevny, kal TH Tolw TpOTH KaT@OKNTEY ev TO Opel; Kat
TOS Tapa Tév avnesien dcapspos éoNeusiOn, Kat mio
erpepero UTO TOU ayyéhou, Kat ios maperxev auT@ TO
pavva © Kipvos, Kat OTws TH ToUTOU Kat movy tpopn
Oujpkecev € éTy TWevTyKOVTGA Tpla, kal am@A@s TavTa Toy Biov
2. avTou _ decane TO avd pi. exTrayels O€ ¢€ maeiier etl Tos
Way ptt elpnucvors, Kat évveds ‘yevomevos &hn TO aryl, ‘ ‘voy eyveov
hunter, OTe Kuptos emernepard He, Kat imrédenké HOt, 3 TATED,
eek pULLMevOY ge TOV avToU Ocparovra. Kaye Tolvyy mera
cou eromat aro Tou viv» dobAe rou Qeou, kat ouv ool Tov
our prov Savior ayava.” 6 o¢ pct ™ pos avr ov ovx
ovTws ora, Téxvov, GANG ™pwrov amteNOe €v TH OlKw coU,
Kat TO émtNary Xavov got Hépos THS mar pteis «Anpovouias
drados Tois Jeouevors, amdexou Te olvov, Kat Kpeir, kal
Tupob Kat ehaiou, kat apo TovTwy Ths idias yuvaikes, Kat
emimehyOnre eUX OV, Kat Tporoxiis, | Kat Nruxiis oUvTeT pimmeriys
TOUTOY Tov Xpevov, Kat mera TO TéAog avTou éADE ™pos
pe, Kal ef Ti mot KUptos 6 Beds amoKadUWe, ToUTO Kal
YEVITETAL. TAVTA EiTHV, Kal THY EVXHY AUTOU ws appaBava
Sous TO OnpevT i, ATETTELNEY ELS TH LOLA elonkws, “oy mev ev
elpyvy Topevov, TEKVOY,TO Oe MUTTHPLOV PUAATTE, OnTaUpOS ‘yap
pavepovuevos evadwros éora KAETTaILs, Kat eVeTLXELpNTOS.”
18, Kat ameNOov oO Onpevtns Tov mev xpovov éxeivoy éroince
The dis- | caOws etre 6 aytos, mera O& THY CUMTAIPwaL Tis évToARs,
covery of ‘ > ¢ yah ye \ NR eee. : r
the relics A@Gav mel? eavtovd dio movayovs cal Tov idiov adeAddor,
of Peter emropevOyoay dua evpovTes Toraproy, kat on ev OAlyo
“cdioued Kabdpmicay ev TO ax poOnvie, Kat THs O000 700 mroAA@
a\yapevot, avépxovrat eis TO omnhatoy. id Bee (Ol, é
prrorns, TO Tis Oelas otcovoutas amoppntov, ™pohaBov
yap Tavras 0 Onpevras, a are On Kal ire Oepuorepw KLVOU-
Mevos, elpe TOV paxdptov TeOveara » Kat Tas Xeipas TTAUPOELODS
dedeuévas € exovra, Kat TOUS opbarpous ev XNUOVODS KecaXu
wévous, Kat TO Aotrov coma TEMVOS €Trl vis Kelmevoy kat
eoxnuaticuevov. (dwy dé OVTWS TOY aryLoy KEelmevov TH AUT
OoTep ExTANKTOS Yeyovws, Tals Xepot Kpovoas TO TPdTwToY
emere Yamal, oiuwyh kai kLavOmois Kat oduppois cuvexouevos.
Mera pK pov dé Kal of cuveAOdvTes ait@ movaxol KaTada-
Bovres éxeioe, kai Ta Tept THs dWaxis Kai vovOerias Kat
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 33
evTOAs TOU dyiov Kat Tov Biov avroo ei ovTos avrois mera
Jax prov TOU Onpevrod, éxNavoay kal avrot i ik pOs orepnOevres
TIS avrob opuuhiag Kat ev iis. 0 ovv Tou OnpevT ov ade os 4,
mveupeare karelxeTo axabapre, Kal Gua TO mpoceyyicai ig 0
Kal dpacbas Tob Aewpavov 7 qv idetv poPepdratov Oana‘ hunter's
orapayuol yap ouvexets TO ooo. auTrou Karermapar Tov, brother.
ot Te opbarnot avTou bpatnor éyevovTo kal dvasrpodot,
TO 0€ ore TAI pes apod, Kat TpiCov Tous oddvras éBoa
Aeyou °o Tlérpe, ovK apxet Cot TOV (TevTHKOVT TpLov
Xpovev 6 dewry wos ov eroingas els ee, eFedoras be TOU
omndaiov, G\Aa Kat viv BovrNe me Kat TavTys ex di@eat
Tis KaToiktas jou; ovK akovcw cov, ovd ov wy e&é\Ow.”
Brerovrwv Trav éornkdtov éyévero paidpa tis Kal
mepikarrAns 4 TOU dryiov Oris, Kal moANa omapakay Kal
dvarapagav avrov TO Tis Kakias dOatmonov améctn weet
Kavos GTO TOU oTOMATOS Tov avOpwrou, Os Terwv ert Tis
vis apacia kaTelXeTo Kat apwvig, veKpou mndev drapéper,
emikaherapeveny dé Tas evyas TOU tepoo Yepovros Kat THY
ov avr av BonPeay Tov Oeou yep Eppemevos Kat cwppovey,
eimav TH dL GEAPS, * vyapiCT@ cot, Kupeé Hou Kat
adehpeé, 6 ort bid cou é€v KaA@ AOov woe, Kal TavTns ws opas
eTUXOV iacews.” xapa Tolvuy Kal _ Saxpuct TO Tipioy avTou YI, 1.
Gpamevor Net\pavov, élecav emt TO mhoiov Kal eioe\Oovres The wath
€v QUT Hvvov THY GOOV aura, THY ert Boppay mapameovres ts ¥en i
TOU Gpous mevpav. Kar’ oikovopiay de Oeou & dy TO 7Aoiov Clemen-
ev TO TeAGYyel ev low yevomevoy Tis movie, 8 4 mpoonyopia ie
TO. Tas deren, py Goundornrie O€ Movs. aKkovoavTes, 7 rep
tis OcordKxouv Tpoppnsts Hon ™poPaiverv PEAT, Kal TO
09 Aeyouevov amo oTayovos voaTos THs. TOV KATOLKOUVTOY
évdelas evaprOuryrov Kat oduyoryTos, els méharyos avéewv
daretpov Kal maT UG MOY kat wARO0g TO vuri paivdmevor
7 TeV KaX@v ouvepyyos @KOVOUNTE wpovernys o0ev eVeaupov
erry elmeiv Kat mueas mera TOU etrovros ‘ws KaNXol cov
of oko “laxoB, ai oKqval wou ‘Topana, ds emneev 0 Kvptos
Kal ouK a@Opwros.” aro @pas dé Tpit ys EWS @pas: earns,
kal Kw7rats _Xpadmevor kat toria epan)otrtes, Kal aveuov
emiTjdciov eXovTes mer aKwio at Touro exeiQev ovK toXvov.
opavres de of THE elpnmerns ovis movaxol TO Te TAotov
LAKE. M, A, Cc
34 - PETER THE ATHONITE
ma MeTaKLvoUpevor Kat Tous ev avr @ avayen kat Bia xpw-
Hévous TOU mepartépen mpovevat, kat agroxoivras, ebay. Boe
eyevovT 0, al oikelw mropOmiy Xpngapevor amnrOov ™pos
avrous, Kat érvOdvorro Tap’ avTay Ti av OéAoe TOUTO €ival.
ovx eBovrovro de ovTaL pavepwoat avTois TO puoTpLoy,
aha TAacrats kat rrevdéot Xpemevor amohoyiats éo7mevdov
Ta TOU TpayuaTos diacKeddca. émuyvdvrTes OE Of povaxot
WS OUK ahnOj Aeyouew ad érithaora, povoy évevoay 70
m)oiov Tpos THY movnv, Kal evs ag’ €avToU eropevOn ert
2. TH Yiv. eu Bpyuncapevos oé avrois Oo Tpoerras, kal amethais
ere: spodporarais XprTauevos, Kara Aewrov éuabe ravra Tapa
mentos. roy Onpevrov, evOus dé pera Knp@v Kal Aapmadwy Spaudyres
jpav TO dei\bavov, kal karéBevro év TH exkAnoia. Kal Hv
ideiv mara voooy dpamerevouray TaY THS “ovis adeApar,
kal TOUS KaKaS eXovTas avOwpov lamevous” Stadpapotoa o€
WOOTEN TIS Knpué 7 pin OU povov Tous év TO ‘Adw 6 opet
oun Opoice povaxous, GAAa on Kat wAnOn areipa TIS
Teptxwpou,. Kal mwavTes ‘avo Kat _ Beparevovro @ OnTore
karetXovTo vOoHMATL. Kal AV Xapa beyarn Kat éyadXiacs
év TE Tois ev TO Oper kal want Tois eEwbev GOpora Beton,
Kal MeTa TavTa OL KaTa TOV kaupov €KELVOV ovres Hovaxot
AaBovres TO dytov Aeipavov Hyayov ev TH vapOyKt Tov
Taveerrov vaov Tig mavu“vytou Qcoroxou, Hib seteteces
Tas éTyolovs cuvakes emitedciv, Kal moimoavres aypuTvias
Kat Uuvwdias akaTatavarous mEXpLS ucpav EwTa, KaTéDevTO
ev TO JeEL@ Mépet Tou vaov Tis deoroivns L@V Georoxou,
ddan Kal ouupyn kat diadpors dpopace mera kalapas
owdovos eihioavres, eixov dé auTo ev peyary TUL, OTL kat
3. maoas QUT OV Tas vorous eparreve Kat wadakias. ovuTw
.
Sp niet pev ovv, TOU ayiou év Toles aTavTwv cTOMaTW OYTOS, Kat
~ 4 7 nw
relics Ola BonTou Tois Oavwace yevouevou, 0 Onpevtngs ana Te idi@
by the adap Tas ebxas TOY YepovTwy els epodiov airnoaevot,
tiga THY OOov avrev éeropevOncay xaipovres. of 0é ye mova Covres
EKELVOL, OL T@ Onpevtn ouvavaBavres év TO omndaiw, KAoTO-
popicat TO rama TOU peydAou Tlérpov Bovreveapevor,
vpary youn Kal Ronpuig mAdopmare ‘Tpoomesovres,
Aeyouet Tots Tat pact “yvoorov éoTw viv, Deopopor
TATEPES, WS OUK adirraueba Tov Oycavpod ov Oo KupLOos
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 35
amexaduvey nuiv, GAAa mer avToU Kal vuav Tas AoLras
NMEPAS NLO@V dtavicomer.” Kat Tév Tare poy pada TEpLXapas
deEanevev TOV Aédyor, Hoav yap. vmrép tas &Xas dperas
T® aTAGCTH KOTMOUMEVOL, puKpas EKELVOL Tpoometvavres
ime pas, idéres év0a tréOarro oO TATHp, vuRTNOXOUS evédpas
ToUjraveTes, womep Ties Tue Bopvxor, TH Tape mporédpauoy,
Kal TOUTOV poBe Kal o7movoy ScavolEarres, TO Tipsov ér\aBov
Aetypavov kal uv avTe@ Spouaior TOV airyeadov wepOaores,
év akatio mpoororxndérre éuBavres, TOU Spous puyades
@XOVTO. TOVTWY aUTiKOOS Kal avTOTTHS O TaTeVOS eYyw
yeryovus Nixodaos éomevoa, ee Kal my jwavTa, GNX’ ouv
odiya Twa éxBéo Oat, Kal TO mapovet evragar ovyypaumari,
ws av eidelev of merémerta TOU KOo MoU dvaKexcopnkar es kat
To pet TOUTW TpocopmicOEvTes, THs Jel TEpLTATELY AUTOVS,
Kal Tmoias avréxerOat moNXureias, kai wel? olwy ayovev Kai
Kaparov Kal movev 4 Tay olpavav Bacidela KAnpovoperrat
ws Ol ye avaTerTuKOTes, Kal Kat’ éue PabvmovyTes, Kal méeya
“~ , e , A e ~ ~ , 4 ~ °
TOUTO MOVEY ryOUMevoL TO Payivar TOU KOTMOV Kal TOY EV
KOoMe, Ta 0 adda adebs diamparrovres, i iryow eTIKTH TELS
oKEVaY TokiAwy Kat woAvTiuwy Kal aypav Kat KT NBATV
Kat Tov GAAewv, a Tots Proxdamors kal Prrouepinvors iol
TepiaTovoagra, mos ° TO poe € éavrous wperjrar? Kat Tous
dkovovras Kat Tous operas Ta meyiora mepiBramrovat,
kat Bracdyucioba Ov avrév TO TOU Oeod apacKevaCovory
OvOMa, TOAUKTHMOVES GVTL aKTN“OVOY dvOoMaCOpMeEVOL, Kal TOD
THs Yis TAOUTOU KUpLOL, Kal TOU Ovpaviov TAOUTOV GAOTPLOL.
GANG wy yéevorTd Twa Tov avevdas aToTaTTOMEvwy THO Biw
THY évavTiay TaY evTONOY Tropeler Oat, THY TTerHY dé UGANOY
mporimar TIS mhareias, Kal THY Teviay TOU wovTov, Kal TH
ddens THY adogiar, Kal Tis Tapovens xXapas THY vourCouevay
mr irovov kapTepiay, iva kal TH mapovre Biw ro pas avrav Tov
Biov dravyacy, kal ev TH pedrovre Thy avadpaiperov KAnpovo-
MyTwWoL Baciretay, 7 78 eeale ray evraiba TroOewvdrepor 7; ] Tepe
TEpov, TOS Ye vouY exouct, Kal THY ah7Oerav TpoTiLore TOU
\pevdous. aX emavahymréov avOus Tov Adyov, Kal t denyntéov VIL 3.
Ta META THY KAOTHY TOU Aewyavou TOU Beoopou TAT pos fee relies
yevoneva Oatpara. Gpavres Toivy of movaxol, cal? ov + l
el 7 ov TpoTor, TO THOMA KaTnxXOnoav eis TO Xwplov Doom, pec
6 2 Arriva
at Pho-
camin.
2.
The “ Chi-
liarch”
devil
at Pho-
camin.
36 PETER THE ATHONITE
Tedoby vO 70 Oéua Spann 3 nV de TAnolov TovToU mY Is
kal map” ath TO apis tov cromacavres, Thy [ev mnpay
ev ij TO TOMG TeOng aipiaTo ToU ayiou, Tapa purot Kradov
drnsipnoan, éXalas, avrol dé avroaxedio Kat ATH _Xpugamevor
TpaméCn eUXaploTicavres yoOiov. ovTw de TA Mera TOU
apiorou TOUT wy eEXOvTO, ido rayadnOei ol Tis _xepas
oikyropes MET a yuvaurery Kat mralowy épxovrar, eavTous
Traparcovres kat ddadaCovres, Kat Térpov TOV meryay
avo tov Aé€w ehyu8ora Emrika ovpevot. Tov 0é€ TpoTrov
TIS TowavTys avr ov Anode ews ou KaT OKA Sinyivac au:
cTOa TIS AY apxaia Ths Kpyvys eyyus, ev H ot povaxor
€avTous ébuxor, ou wovov Oper vmeppepns | kat mAarel vmep-
meyeOns, GAAa Kal Urrepmnnns, NTS TO Xpevwe TH thn
KaTax wa Deiat oiknTmpLov eyevero Ratuowes XHALapxou, os
pera TOV UTO xEipa ToTaiTa éxeice duempattev, WS pn
mdvov av Opwrous cvapOeiperv, Kat daimo vroBadrew, aa
Kal dvous Kal kivas kat Boas Kat Ta AoTa ToeY KTHYOV
amomviryew Kat oN Orinfrus ev TH X%pe Kat adnuovia
iv Tept TOUTOV. OvUTOL ToOLVUY dua 78 mAyoiacat avrois
TO Aeixbavov TOU dyiou, euyov mev amo TiS oTOGS, emeio~
epprgay * dé ev 7H Keun exeivn kat mayras evBouo ray, Kat
diaraparrer Bat Tous év QuTy kaTouKkouvras €7rOloUV. WS OE
TH gure Kat TH TG orapayne Kal Kpavyy TpoceTréAeoay *, 2
iv idetv Oaipa TOV. Tada Oayuarwy mapadogorepov" b6ds
amoTavTa Ta Saundra TOV avOparwy, Kat OpnvariKios
sroniGorra THS TEptxwpou exelvne éAavverOa. Tis ode
karahenr ov efelrot, jf a ypapn drarapicot Tov yevomevoy
Tore Oavmatwv Ta vmrep aumov whan 5 ‘ Bupou yap EUWOETT A=
Tov mAnpes ‘yevomevov Tap avrika TO Aetvavov, Hv ieiv
TH TOUTOU 70 avoe OaimoviorvTas cuppovovvras, Tuprous
Opavras, AeTpous kabaipouevous, KuAA ous avopBemuévous,
XwrAovs dpria BadiGovras, Kal dnatamA as mans TavTas
aa Beveias arm drAaypevors. év ois Kal TIS avip, év. OXoLg
ETETL OKTH kAuvipns emt THs oikias KelMevos, (heTO Kpavyiis
nvTiBoret Tovs KaTa TO ewpopoy TpEXovTas emt TiVv
Oavuaroupryov exetvqy. THPAY, THY Tapa Taw Gomera,
TOUTOY amayaryety, ot d€ mMaAXov Tov dpomov elXOVTOs 7
l sic cod. 2 sic.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 37
ékelvou mKovoY" mapabewpovmevos dé Haddov Kat HaXov
rye Kat eduorxépaiver. as de ion _areipnne TWa mos
olkrov py emirmomevos, i0ov of aro Tov otkou “avr ob
evek TOUTES, Uroorperparres Kat cwppovoivres ¢ aro THs mera
rev GAAwy éereAPovons avrois éribécews TeV darnover, ev
Taxet diaBarrdcavres TOUTOV mera THs kXivys, ™pos THY
myn emopevovTo THS vyetas* Kat aba TO TAnoIov yever Oat,
HAdaro THs KNiVns evOus, kat els TOV ddormopovvrww € eVEVETO,
ovs Kal mporaBev Kal Te avin Teptxapias daxpuat ™poo-
TETOV, Ta TOoV eis avTov OewpovvTwr, dpttos TOU edacpous
nyepOn Kal vyens, XOv Tivo. poBepov kal T ps mov TOV
apOpwy avTou Ti eyepoer aTroTeA cr avTwV" kal TavrTes COWKAY
ddgav TH Oe mera TaY GAXwv idovTes Kat TO HpikTov TOUTO
Géana. hpns de kad” Oas THs Teptx@pou dcadpanovens,
iv iSetv moraundov TUppEOVT a Ta TOV mAnrtoxdpeov TryOn,
OL TOUS dppwarous avTov él _ KpaBBarors pépovres, € eppo
peévous Kal vyveis idiots mot BadiCovras els Ta OlKela
dréowCor. yyuworov dé TO Tis TOAEwWS eTLTKOTH ‘yevouevor, Bei
AaBov mayer TOV KAipoy avrob ) mea Oumiaparwr Kal knpav, Me oe
oTavpous Tats xXepot, Kai TO aytov diaBarraCovras evary- bishop.
yeAtov, TO Xwpiov karéhaBov, eva TO laparopopoy UTIpYXe ah i
To dciov Ael\pavoy, kai ws amo onpeciou EVvOS, TUMHS €vexey the relics,
Tpornkovons, ex pummeveng eBadiCov, & ews eA\Oovres eorycav
év TH KAlvy. = Kal moujoayres evxX nV exrevi}, TeplenmTUEATO
TO Aeirpavov, mparov pev 0 etickoTros, «60 OUTWS OL i kabeCiis.
kal wpas ouK onrlyas mporkapTepyaavres eldov Oavuarwv
aBvocoy mporoveay, kal Mi pbucaiecifshchat Kal daxpvot Bpé-
Xovres Tas mapeag TO * kupte éhénoov” &kpaCov, kal TO
* dda cot 6 O€0¢s Oo Towy mapadoka Oatnara Oa TOP
evapecrouvT wy col.” mera de TavTa 7 pos €QvT OV kahéoas
TOUS movaxous 6 émicxomos dévye mapakhyriKws auTois
rr déomar UMOV adedot xapioarbat yuiv Tov Oeov ToUToV,
Kal Xpurod mayros ‘Timucrepov Oncaupov, Kal oixodounoas
oikov eve TH} ploy éy avT® TOUTOV Teprrere, eis mvneny UmoV
att Aut pov TOV eL.00 rem npspuedyuedveoy év Tp mapovr Bio,
Kat Tauris evercev THs Xaprros Ai peoGe Tap emod vOMIo Mara
exar ov, ov yap ave x opt To.ovrov Kapyapiryy TOAUTiMOY
@0e KaKEloe mepepxer Oat; jj 9 TOV AvXvoV vro TOY podLoY
4.
The com-
plaint of
the devils
and the
attempt
to burn
the relics.
D.
The depo-
sition of
the relics
in the
church.
6.
Conclud-
ing exhor-
tation.
38 PETER THE ATHONITE
Kpumres Oat, kat Tas axrivas gurTéAAe THs YapiTos.” oF
O€ pnde & aK pous orl TH pnbevra OeAnoavres mapadetac Oat,
€(LELVQV ayTimimrovTes Kat hy weOoew packovres, kav
Xpucov UrdrXorTo xiAva Tadayra. os O€ TH eouria
Xpugamevos TOUTOLS enepar ana. Oo exicxoros, Gua TO
Aowrw KaTadoy TOV lepéwv, ‘éav myn Tara Botdnabe
AaGeiv,” eipnxores, © GeAOeTe TOV de Kevais xepot,” KaTa-
meiBeis yeyovace kat UToKALWEelS, Kal TA éxaTOV eihy pores
vouicpara meTa Kal Tie G\Noov €LO@y emopevOnc av 7™ pos
Ta THe GvaroNiis men, THY ev rob doiov oTépyow odupo-
pevol, TH O€ TOTOTHTL TOU yxpvoiou wLKpov TapauvOovMevoL.
avaxwpycavrwy de TovTwy, tod Tis damovav érpexe Boj
Xpomevos avurocraty, kat Iérpov aro Zyodaplwy avaxa-
Aovmevos, “ ovK apKkerov eavy cor TO Ths euis KaTamovig
Kat Tov dpous diBEaL, ev wy ExTrEvdOY TAAVaY TOUS MovaXoUS
KaTa TOV ka ov epxerOa, GAAa kcal ade Tapayéyovas,
Tis muxpas TaUTNS Bovdcuevos eCopirat [he karouktas Kat
dvamaicens ; 3 Gptt gov TO copa Tupikaverov TOO TavTwU
OpwvrTwy, el may éaons pe.” =v O€ karéxwy 6 avOpwrros
Aaumadas TUpos ev éxarépats Tais Xepais Kal wg jovou
épunce TavTas ev TO Aepavyp Oiva, yeyove Tis Woqos
Kat xos Biaos, Kal Tapaxpiua, ws dorpamn TupOs, aTETTY
tov avOpwrov 6 daimor, Opyverixwos Tov aépa TEpLEPX OMEVOS.
dogaravrey dé TavTwY Kav TOUT ® Toy piavOpwmov KUptov
AaBwv To Aeivavov 6 érickoTos Gua TH KAYOW ev' TH
émickoTrei avyyayov, Kakeioe drapopwv acbevaay diapopor
TOY TUPPEOVTwY amakharyevres év _TOhuTiLe Aapvare mupots.
TOUTOV karariBeray? Kat mpos TH exkgota eKOMLT ay. Kat
ert Tpiot vox Onuépors dogohoyias mounaavres, ovTes EKATTOS
poy Kat xape TUMMUKTOL Eig TA tOLa tecray, meEXpL dé Tou
viv laces éxeioe emirehovyrat ToAAAai, eis dea TIS mavaryias
Kat Omoovolov Tpiados, Kal Tiny TOU dciov TaTpos ua.
TOUTW aKkovcayres, adeAot Kal Tar épes, év Thagt Kapdlas
mavra ypan-wuev, kal Topo wper, Kal TOY pO ncov TaTEpwy
TOV am iderr ov Biov, kat MAK pod dely a doapkov Kat do dmaror,
rais yuetépas Wuyais éevrurécaytes, KAavowmey Kat Opyvy-
TWMEV TO KAUVOV Hudv EidOTES, Kal pos may ayaboy madakov
Kat avadvduevoys ékeivor yap amak Kdomou Kal Tay ev
. * BU.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I 89
KOoMy amaddaryevres, ovKeTt mept Tas KoomuKcas maratoTovias
éavrous annoxohovv, ann’ donne pa up mpoohauBavorres,
kat TAs avaBaceow & womep Oeovpevor TO Kady TOV Spamereny,
Kal TOU Biou Thy evOnviav as oKLaY Taper peX OV; kat Tas
mepimvas Kat ppovridas kat TadAa, ois ot piroxrjmoves
Kat Prdiror HOOVTAL, & ws EUTOOLOV TOV dperav amear pépovTo
movohoyirrov KeKTMEVOL Ovaywynvy Kat Hovorporor, THY
ducetperov Kal o7raviols apt yewoxouevgy: ov yap Tpupis
emeu“eh@vTO, ov xXiT@CW amaXois ewerépTovTo, 7 TOMATERAY
e(yrouv a Gvatravol' ovde KTHTELS ETOOOUY Kal eTURTHTELS Kat
mrarucpous, kabamep nueeis, GAN’ eis oouny upou er pexov
TOU vonTou, ‘ifs éort Xpicros % Con Kat To pas, Kat map’
avroo TOS ovpavious edexovTo Tpupas, Kat Tapakdjoes, WV
Kdpos Tots yevoamevors ouK éore O0ev kal To.avras eihnpace
Xaprras, kat kata TaQov Kal darpoverv TO vKNTHpLa éxourty.
toe yap Tas 0 TOU Qeapérrou TOUT OU Biov aKkpoarns olov
pworipa TnAavy Kat TAYKOTHLOY To Kal’ amas TOvTO
Oetov Cpos eEnveykev, O¢ aypuTvia, Kat Tovw, Kal YumvOr Art,
Kat Goria, dinvecet Te mévOn Kal ow piBn Kapdlas, € ev dAots
erect TEVTNKOVTA Kal T pio €auvTov ekdous, a avarrepos yeyove
Kat oyicuav, Kat rater, Kat Jarpovev, Kal els avo
répbae TO TeV Opexr ov éaXaror, THY dxpay eyo pos
Tov Oeov ayarny, Kat Thy mT pwrny kat moun paKaproryTa-
as dE ceoBein nev Kat nets epye Thy ToUTOUV TOALTELaY MLjLov-
fevot Kat Tots Kara Beov Tporepnmacty eynadurriCopevor,
iva kal TOV dmotov auT@ yepav emUTUX MEY Tapa TIS
aevyaou mnyns TOU owripos npc" @ TpeTret waca dd&a,
Tin, Kal TpooKivyngts, ou TH avapxe Tarp Kat T®
wot Kal mavayaby TVEUMATL, VOY Kat Get Kal es TOUS
aiavas aiwvwv. “Auny.
CHAPTER II
_EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
Tue life of Euthymius really brings the monks
of Mount Athos into the full light of history. It is
a document of primary importance, and there is
no reason to doubt that it was really written, as
it claims to be, by Basil, a disciple of Euthymius,
who afterwards became Archbishop of Thessalonica
early in the tenth century, Various writers on Mount
Athos have referred to its importance and have
published extracts from it, generally in a modern
Greek paraphrase; but any reference to these has
been rendered unnecessary by the excellent edition
of Pére Louis Petit,! which gives a text based
on Cod. Athous Laur. A 79 (a MS. of the twelfth
century of which, in ignorance of the projected
edition of P. Louis, I took a copy in 1908 in-
tending to publish it in the present book), with
a partial collation of Cod. Athous Vatoped. 546
(which was written in 1422, but in the opinion
of Pére Louis Petit often has a better text than
the earlier MS.), and with a complete collation of
Cod. Athous Pantel. 207, a MS. of the nineteenth
century.
1 Vie et office de Saint-Euthyme le jewne, texte grec publié par —
le R..P. Louis Petit, A.A. Paris, A. Picard et fils, 1904, part
of the Bibliothéque Hagiographique Orientale, edited by Léon
Clugnet.
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 41
- Euthymius was born in 828 at Opso (or Hopso),
an unknown town near Ancyra, and was given by
his parents the name of Nicetas. When he was
seven years old (i.e. in 830-1) his father died,
leaving his wife to bring up Nicetas and his two
sisters, Maria and Epiphania. When he was sixteen
years old he married a certain Euphrosyne, and
became the father of a daughter, Anastaso, Two
years later he felt increasingly drawn to the monastic
life, and on Sept. 15, 841, deserted his family in
that curious manner which forms the first stage
in so many lives which’ have afterwards been
canonized, From this time his life may be divided
into six periods, (1) life on Mount Olympus, (2) life
on Mount Athos as a hermit, (8) on Mount Athos
as the head of a laura, (4) at Brastamou as the
head of a laura, (5) at Peristerai as the head of a
monastery, and finally (6) as a hermit on Mount
Athos and on the Island Hiera.
(1) Life on Mount Olympus. After leaving his
family he went to the Mysian Olympus, and ap-
proached the famous Johannicius,? with whom he
stayed for a time, and began to earn a reputation
for virtue, but shortly afterwards moved on to a
neighbouring monastery, presided over by a monk
called Johannes, who may perhaps be identified
with the Abbot of Antidius, frequently mentioned
in the life of Johannicius. Here he took the
monastic vows, receiving the name of Euthymius,
1 Petit, op. cit., pp. 16-19. 2 Op. cit., pp. 20-27.
® See the Acta Sanctorum for November, tom. 2, pp. 811-435,
Johannicius died in 846,
42 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
and soon afterwards was sent on to the convent of
Pissadinon, presided over by a monk named
Nicolaus.? :
This seems to have been a regular monastery,
not merely a laura, but it cannot be identified with
any foundation mentioned in the life of Johannicius.
He was successively muleteer, cook, servant to the
steward, and waggoner. In these occupations he
behaved exemplarily, and employed his leisure in
learning to read, and in religious exercises. But
after fifteen years of this life the peace of the
church was disturbed by the schism which arose
in 858 owing to the rival claims of Ignatius and
Photius to the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and
the monastery of Pissadinon was broken up, as
the Abbot Nicolaus thought that Ignatius had
been improperly driven out, and refused com-
munion with Photius. Apparently this rendered
the Abbot’s position untenable, and he and the
leading monks left the monastery. None of those
who remained felt able to take the leadership, and
Euthymius was attracted to the life of a hermit.
He had heard of Mount Athos as a suitable place
for solitary life, and decided to go there. But he
had not yet received the ‘great Schema’,? and in
In Cod. Vat. 672, f.97—-98 ¥ there are encomiums by Psellus on
a monk named Nicolaus on Mount Olympus: but he is described.
as the xabynyovpevov ths ev TO ‘Odvprrw povas THs Gpaias wHy7s.
2 It must be remembered that among the Basilican monks
there are two grades, the puxpov oxjya, which is given with
a tonsure, and the péya or dyyeAuxdv oyna. At present the
latter is frequently not taken until extreme old age, or even
just before death. Both these grades are quite independent of
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 43
the absence of Nicolaus, and owing to the death
of Johannes who had given him the tonsure, he
did not at first know how to obtain it. Ultimately,
however, he turned to a hermit named Theodore,
who is perhaps also mentioned in the life of
Johannicius,! and after eight days’ preparation
obtained ordination. He then started for Mount
Athos with a companion named Theosterictus,
On his way he passed through Nicomedia (not
at first sight the most direct route to Mount
Athos, but it was no doubt then, as it certainly
is now, easier to go round by Constantinople), and
then, for the first time since his departure from
Opso, thought of his deserted family, and sent
a message to them telling them of his action, and
recommending them to follow his example.
The result of his message was that his mother,
sisters, and wife embraced a monastic life, leaving
only his daughter Anastaso, who remained ‘in the
world’ in order to prevent the family from dying
out, and became the mother of a son and three
daughters.
(2) Lafe on Mount Athos as a hermit.2 Euthymius
and Theosterictus reached Mount Athos in safety,
but the latter soon returned to Olympus, and
Kuthymius joined an Armenian named Joseph,
whom he found already established as a hermit.
With Joseph he began the usual ascetic life, and for
sacerdotal rank: Euthymius, for instance, was not yet a deacon,
nor did he become one for many years,
? Vita Johannicii, op. cit., pp. 366 ff,
2 Petit, op. cit., pp. 27-82.
44 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
forty days they tried to live as cattle, moving about
on their hands and knees and eating the grass.!
At the end of the forty days Euthymius proposed
that they should live in a cave for three years. To
this Joseph consented, but the opposition of the
lower creation was so pronounced that at the end of
a year he came out, leaving Euthymius to finish the
three years alone. The result was that the fame of
EKuthymius’s vow spread, and when he emerged
from the cave a number of monks gathered round
him, and he became the head of a laura. ©
(8) The laura of Euthymius on Mount Athos.?
There are no chronological data in the life of
Euthymius to fix accurately the beginning of this
period of his life, but the laura must have been
founded about four years after Euthymius left
Olympus; this cannot have been earlier than 862,
and probably was at least one year later. It seems to
have been the usual type of a loosely knit together
body of monks, gathered round a leader, and assem-
bling for religious services, but not otherwise living
in common, and possessing no monastic buildings.
On two occasions Euthymius left the laura. The
first time was in consequence of a message brought
1 The reason given for this strange form of asceticism is
a perverted interpretation of Ps. xlix. (LXX, xlviii.) 12, 20.
‘Man being in honour hath no understanding: he is compared
to the cattle that have no intelligence, and is made like unto
them’; and the idea is that, by really living like cattle, they
might perhaps recover the lost gift of the likeness to God
(7 Kar éixdva -xdpis), and so, by being ‘made like unto’ the
cattle and by having ‘no understanding’, they might come to
‘be in honour’. ;
2 Op. cit., pp. 82-7.
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 45
to him by Theosterictus from Theodore, the hermit
who had given Euthymius the ‘great Schema’,
asking him to come and bring him to Mount Athos.
Kuthymius at once journeyed to Olympus, where
he found that Theodore was exceedingly ill. How-
ever, he managed to bring him to Athos, and, when
the life of the laura proved too severe, made him
a cell at Macrosina, a locality which is now un-
known, but is described by Basil, the writer of the
Life, as ‘near the villages’. It was probably there-
fore not far from the north end of the mountain.
Shortly before his death Theodore moved to
Thessalonica, and was buried there in the church
of St. Sozon, and this induced Euthymius to leave
his laura for the second time in order to visit the
tomb. Here his fame had preceded him, and he
became the centre of a crowd of admirers who
tried to kiss him, expecting to derive from his
touch some miraculous benefit. In order to avoid
this annoyance he went a short distance out of the
city, and took up his position on a pillar (in the
way made famous by Simeon Stylites), on which
he was ‘raised visibly nearer to God’ and he could
preach his lessons separated by a safe distance
from his admirers. His preaching met with success,
but the life did not please him; so he returned to
Athos after commending the care of Theodore’s
tomb to the Archbishop of Thessalonica, who was
also named Theodore. This Archbishop appears
as a signatory of the Council of Constantinople in
869, and was also present at the installation of
Theopiste (daughter of St. Theodora) as Abbess in
46 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
the previous year, but there is no evidence as to .
the year in which he became Archbishop; it
would seem from the data in the life of Euthymius
that his visit to Thessalonica must have taken place
not earlier than 863, and: more probably as late as
865 ; it is therefore probable that Theodore! became
Archbishop of Thessalonica at least as early as 865
and perhaps earlier. Before leaving Thessalonica
Euthymius was ordained deacon, and, it would seem,
priest. M. Petit in his edition of the Life thinks
that the ordination was in the first place only to the
diaconate, and that priest’s orders were given later.
It is, however, surely more probable that they were
given simultaneously, for the reason alleged is the
difficulty of Communion in a desert place in the
absence of a priest.
On his return to Mount Athos Euthymius stayed
for ‘some years’ in his laura, but after a time the
love of solitude returned, and taking with him two
companions, Symeon and Johannes Kolobos, he
went to the island of Neon (now St. Eustratius),
which can be seen in the distance from Mount
Athos. Here, however, he can scarcely be said to
have settled, for soon after reaching the island the
monks were captured by Arabs. Hither miraculous
intervention or the superstitions? of the Arabs
1M. Louis Petit has a note on Theodore in the Echos de
l’Orient (iv, 1901, pp. 2, 18 f.).
2 It must be remembered that Mohammedans are forbidden by
their law to interfere with monks or priests. This fact, which
is often forgotten by those who think of Islam as a persecuting
religion, explains why monks were usually released, and why
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 47
helped them : for the Arab ship made slow progress,
and thinking that this was due to the malign
influence of the monks, the Arabs took them and
disembarked them on the island. The monks
followed up their good fortune by demanding the
return of their baggage (‘implements, hair shirts
and books’ says the writer), and in the end attained
their object, as the baggage ship. was also driven
back to the island. This incident is an admirable
example of the way in which the simplest incident
assumed a miraculous character to monastic eyes.
For there is no reason to doubt the substantial
truth of the narrative ; there is nothing miraculous !
in a shift of wind or a delaying current anywhere
in the neighbourhood of Athos; and in releasing
the monks and restoring their property the Arabs
were only obeying the precepts of Islam, which they
had been tempted to forget. But what is here
obvious is not always so clear, and there is
probably much history in the Acta Sanctorum irre-
coverably concealed by the miraculous explanations
which have been added to it.
After their escape from the Arabs Euthymius and
his friends had no desire to remain on the island,
and returned to Mount Athos. But even here
safety was no longer attainable: a raid was made
on the mountain, and some monks were captured :
the monasteries in Macedonia were not, as a rule, destroyed,
unless they were too obviously used as fortresses.
+ Experience has almost made me inclined to regard as
miraculous a voyage round Mount Athos in a sailing boat
which is not prolonged by these variations,
48 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
Euthymius felt that it was unwise to remain, and
the laura was disbanded. The monks who decided
to leave Athos separated into three groups. One,
headed by Symeon, went to Greece; another followed
Johannes Kolobos to Siderocausia (probably not far
from Athos); and the third went with Euthymius
himself to Brastamou, the modern Brasta in
Chalcidice near. Polygorus. Of the first group
nothing more is known; the second had a short
but important history which is discussed in the
next chapter; and of the third we know only what
is told us in the Life of Euthymius. The date of
these events cannot be fixed: it must lie some-
where between 863, the earliest possible date for
Euthymius’ visit to Thessalonica, and 871, the date
of the foundation of St. Andreas at Peristerat (see
p. 50). As he was ‘some years’ on Mount Athos
after the visit to Thessalonica, 866 seems the earliest
possible date for the foundation of the laura at
Brastamou, and 867 or even 868 is perhaps more
probable. |
(4) The lawra of Euthymius at Brastamou.t HKuthy-
mius’ new foundation seems to have approached
almost more nearly to the nature of a convent than
to that of a laura. He built cells for the monks,
and. frequently visited them, but personally he pre-
ferred to live in a ravine some distance away. His
fame spread and attracted many visitors. Among
them was a certain Onuphrius, who is mentioned
as a distinguished ascetic. Of course this is not the
Egyptian who is mentioned in the Acta Sanctorum,
1 Op. cit., 37-8.
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 49.
and nothing more is known of St. Onuphrius of
Athos, but that such a person really existed need
not be doubted, for in the second ‘typicon’ of the
’ mountain one of the signatories is that of the Abbot
of Onuphrius, and Peter the Athonite is very often
accompanied in the pictures on Mount Athos by
Onuphrius. One may suspect that originally it was —
Onuphrius, the Athonite, not the Egyptian, who was
thus celebrated, but the matter is complicated by
the fact that the feasts of Peter the Athonite and
Onuphrius of Egypt fall on the same day—June 12.'
Euthymius seems at this time to have led rather
a restless life wandering about the ravines of Athos,
and at intervals visiting his laura at Brastamou,
among the monks of which was Joseph his old
Armenian friend, whose relics, preserved in the cave
in which he had died, the writer of the Life says that
he had seen. This would seem to imply that Basil,
the writer of the Life, was once a monk at Brastamou,
During one of Euthymius’ periods of retirement
it was revealed to him that*he should leave his
laura and found a monastery on the site of an
ancient church of St. Andrew at Peristerai near
Thessalonica ; therefore taking with him his friends
Ignatius and Ephraim from Brastamou he departed
for Thessalonica. . |
(5) Euthymius’ monastery at Peristerat.2 He had no
difficulty in finding Peristerai, a village about four
hours to the east of Thessalonica, and recognized
a fountain as identifying it with the place which
he had seen in his vision, and after some digging
_} Did they always do so? 2 Op. cit., pp. 38-48.
LAKE, M. Ay D
50 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
at a spot which he indicated the remains of an old
church were discovered. Aided by the money and
labour of the pious, but hindered by demons who
contrived frequent accidents, he built a monastery
on the spot,’ and succeeded in finishing it in 871.
The new foundation was liberally endowed and
- furnished by the neighbouring laity, and soon
attracted many monks. Among them was Basilius,”
the writer of the Life, who, however, received the
tonsure from Euthymius not in the monastery, but
in the church of St. Demetrius at Servilia (now Or-
mulia), on the peninsula Longos, where there seems
to have been a kind of hermitage used by the monks.
For fourteen years Euthymius ruled the monas-
tery, and no doubt became a person of considerable
importance, but the Life gives us no historical —
information, though it supplies interesting speci-
mens of his progress, sermons, wonderful cures,
and prophetic insight—foretelling, for instance, to
Basilius that he would become a bishop. But
towards the close of this time, either in 882 or 8838,
he seems to have taken some part in a settlement
between the Erissiotes, the monastery of his old
friend Johannes Kolobos, and the hermits of Mount
Athos, for his name appears among the signatures to
the agreement which was ultimately reached. A full
account * of this agreement and the controversy to
which it put an end will be given in the next chapter.
1 M. Petit mentions that Prof. Kinch, of Copenhagen, has
found the ruins of this monastery : see Festskrift til J. L. Ussingé
anledning hans 80 aarige fodselsdag, Copenhagen; 1900, and Byz.
Zeitschr., 1902, pp. 663 f.
* Op. cit., pp. 46-7. ® See pp. 68-70,
EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA 51
About 883 Euthymius again began to be restless, _
and summoned to Peristerai his daughter’s family
(the date is fixed by the statement that it was forty-
two years after he had left his family and wife), and
made his grandson, Methodius, Abbot of Peristerai,
and his granddaughter, Euphemia, abbess of a con-
vent which he built on ground bought for the
purpose. The relics and altars of these foundations
were consecrated by Methodius, Archbishop of
Thessalonica. The date of this archbishop’s con-
secration is not known, but it must have been after
882, when Gregory (see p. 82) was in office. He
seems to have died in 889.
(6) Euthymius’ last days as a hermit... After thus
settling his affairs Euthymius returned to his old
ascetic life. First he went back to the pillar on
which he lived during his first visit to Thessalonica,
then he retreated to Mount Athos, but as he was
constantly pursued by disciples he finally went on
May 7 to the little island of Hiera, probably the
modern Ginra, not far from Volo. He was accom-
panied by only a single monk, Georgius, and died
on the island on October 15. His relics were then
brought to Thessalonica by the monks Paulus and
Blasius, who went to Hiera for the purpose on
January 18. The year of his death is difficult to
fix. The writer says that it was in the second
indiction that he went to Hiera. This ought to be
_ either 884 or 898, The former seems rather early,
for it was only in 888 that he summoned his
family, but the latter seems equally too late, though
1 Op. cit., pp. 48-51.
D2
52 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
M. Louis Petit accepts it, and so allows fourteen years
for his last period of life as a hermit. Personally,
I should prefer the early date, and suppose that the
stay on the pillar and on Mount Athos only lasted
a few weeks; for the impression given by the Life
is that Euthymius did not live long after leaving
Peristerai, It is, however, of course possible that
the ‘second indiction’ is wrong, Perhaps it was
originally ‘ eighth indiction’, as a confusion between
8 and y is not uncommon.
The importance of the information concerning
Mount Athos contained in this story needs no
emphasis. The most interesting points may be
summed up as follows: (1) as early as 859 when
Euthymius went first to Athos there were already
hermits there—for instance, his Armenian. friend,
Joseph—and, as we know from other sources, Peter
the Athonite was also living at the time ; but there
is no reference to a convent or even to a laura of
monks. (2) A few years later Euthymius himself
was the centre of a definite laura. (8) Although
Euthymius, Johannes Kolobos, and Symeon left the
laura with some of the monks it is more probable
than not that others remained, and, as the next
chapter will show, there was a considerable number
of monks or hermits on the mountain between 870
and 880. (4) There is no reference to a definite
monastery as distinct from a laura, and no mention of |
Clementos—the monastery which the Life.of Peter
the Athonite states to have been in existence c. 890,
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II
THE MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREAS «+
AT PERISTERAI
Tue foundation of Euthymius at Peristerai had not
a very long or distinguished history. The last that
we read of it in the life of Euthymius is that the -
saint, on leaving the monastery, appointed his grand-
son Methodius to be abbot. Seeing that this Metho-
dius must have been under thirty, and was probably
not older than twenty-five, the wisdom of this’ act
is open to question, but whether it led directly to
bad results is unknown. What, however, is certain is
that during the next eighty years the monastery fell
into bad hands and became disreputable. This is
proved by the Typicon of Athanasius the Athonite,
in which it is stated that the monks had lived for
a long time in an absolute disregard of monastic
propriety. At this point the Emperor Nicephorus
Phocas intervened; he was the patron of Athanasius
and had promised to endow his new foundation, the
monastery now known as ‘the Laura’. He therefore
seized the opportunity of suppressing a scandal and
helping a friend by a single stroke of statesmanship,
and transferred the control of St. Andreas to
Athanasius.
The effect of this transference is only known to
us from one source—Athanasius’ Typicon. He was
entirely satisfied with the results achieved, though we
may justifiably doubt whether the monks of Andreas
would have endorsed his judgement. Exactly what
he did is unknown, but at any rate in 970, when
the Typicon was written, a certain Stephanus was
Abbot of St. Andreas, and- enjoyed the complete
confidence of Athanasius. We may surmise that he
had been sent from the Laura to carry out a plan of
54 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
reform. It would seem, however, that the reforma-
tion was somewhat superficial, for Athanasius was
not prepared to recommend the appointment of any
further abbot after the death of Stephanus. He
directed that Stephanus should not be disturbed in
his lifetime, nor be called upon for his accounts,
but that after his death the management of the
convent should devolve directly upon the abbot of
the Laura, |
_ It is easy to see that this arrangement boded ill
for the future independence of St. Andreas, and that
the quiet and peace which Athanasius promised to
the monks was merely that which the tiger offers
to the lamb.
There remained, however, one source of protec-
tion—an appeal to the Metropolitan of Thessalonica,
to whom Euthymius had especially commended his
foundation. We have no evidence as to the date
when this appeal was made, but a Chrysobull of Con- -
stantine IX, alluded to by Gerasimos Smyrnakes,
seems to mark the end of a struggle between the
Lauriotes on the one hand, and the Peristeriotes
supported by the Metropolitan of Thessalonica on the
other, in which the emperor intervened. According
to this the emperor removed the monastery of
St. Andreas from the protection of the bishop, and
handed it over absolutely to the Laura.
This completed the work of Nicephorus and the
ruin of the convent, which became merely a source
of income for the Laura.
Its further history is unknown: at present the
Laura has no property in the district of Peristerai,
so. that it either lost it in one of the many periods of
unrest in Macedonia, or sold it to some one else.
I append the extract from the Typicon of Athana-
sius and the statement of Gerasimos Smyrnakes,
‘on which this reconstruction of the history of the
monastery is based.
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER II 55
A. Exrract rrom ‘THE Typicon or ATHANASIUS’ CONCERNING
THE Monastery or St. ANDREAS IN Peristrerar. [ P. Mayer,
Die Haupturkunden: fir die Geschichte der Athoskldster,
pp. 119-21. |
Eidévae odv ypy, Ste kat wept trav Lepiorepav gro
Tou dyiov Kal Kopupaiov Tay lepov amrorrdAwy "Avdpéou
moviis, THs Uro THYv mueTépay eEovoiay Te Kat JerroTetay
TeAovons KaTa THY THY dvo eigeBav xpvToBovAN wy TepLoyyy
Te kat dvatakw Tov Te GoLolmou Kat TpiTMakapos Baciréws
rob kupod Nixnddpov kal Tov &tt Tepiovros evaeBovs Hucv
BacirAéws Tov Kupov *Iwavvov Tov vuvt ta THs Bacirelas
‘Popyaiwy oxiatpa diuerovros diaTiBeuevors juiv ovTws edoke
dvardgacOa Bovoueba roivyy Zrépavoy Tov evrAaBérratov
povaxov Kai kaOnyouuevov, Kabads Kat mpovocirat Kat apyet
Tis TovavTys movijs, mévew adiacaaToY Kal aoyapiacrov,
wore py exew emadelas TwWa Tov mel nuas meTaKively
aurov } Tapanvel Tihs émicTacias THs ToLavTYS MOVAS TeV
Ilepiorepav, ev warn avrod Th Con, éredn Kat édovdevcev
jpiv dAn TH loxve avTOU Kat KaTa TO éeyxwpoiy peyawes
Re A 4 , A > , A 4
dvéravoe Kal THY TpoocyKoveay Timyy améveme Kal THY
dpudCovear uroTtayny evedeiEato Kat BeATidcets moAAas
Kal peyadas ev TH Movn Teroinkévat chalverary 6 0 Ye
Tetpeys.evos, MeTO TO meas Tov Biov amoNTelv, THs TOLAVTNS
apxns metakwycae avrov 7 addws Ts xkaQ’ otovdnmore
tporov OAirw tHv olavoby aiT@ erayayeiv, GANOTPLOS
otw Tis aylas Kal Cwapxinis Kal Guoovciou Tprados, éxéTw
oe THY KaTapav Hua@v TV TaTevav' Maddov pmev ov
evTéeAXNomat Kal pvnuoveverOar avtov év Tais émiTeAoumevats
adtarelrrws Oelars AeTovpyias mapa trav tis Aavpas
apeaBuTépwy Kat Cavras Kat peta Oavatrov avtov kat
érnciwg pviunv: avtoo émitedcicOa' peta de THY aro
tovde TOU Biov peracrac TOU cipyuevou movaxov Drepavov
Tov evAaBerrarou Kabnyounevov, éBourouea Kai mer’ exeivov
mapa tov Tis Aavpas mpoert@tos mpoBAnOjvat Kai avis
n'y OULMEVOV" GAN? erreton Tavern KATNMEANTAL TA Ths movaciKis
KaTacTacews ev TH TOLAUTY Movn Tapa TOV TpoN'YynTapEvov
56 EUTHYMIUS OF THESSALONICA
bd] a a , 4 9 ” 4 + J
Ek MaKkpoU TOU xXpovou, Kat adtadhopia ToAAH Kal amedla
, 4 e “~ ~
KaTéxovTat oXedov aTavTes of THs movis Movaxol, cuveldomev
, A 4 4
oikovouia xpyocacOar mpos TO mpos eva BAéemwew Kai ip’
~ A ~ ~
éva TeAel, HYyouv TOV TpoEeTTaTA Tis Aautpas, Tavras TOUS
~ , “ e ~ ~ ‘
€v TH Onoumern Movn, wrTE TH hovapxia cuverabivar mpos
\ , + a a
TO TVEULATLKWTEPOY, Ev Te Tals Tporevyais Kat \radpmdiass
kal avayvocerw, &v te Bowuact kal mopuacw, ws 4 SovArcia
, 2 , Yee 1) , ek ae ’ aA e. , e ,
Kal 0 KoToS, 9 9 OdoITOpiA Kai H HALKia, ] 4 VOTOS EKacTOU
» Wee ee - ’ 4 4 ° a“ , 4 ,
Kal 4 vylea KaTa Katpov GamatTer* tpoBadrrerOat de diopiCo-
4 a“ ~ ww
ve0a rapa tov tis Aav’pas tpoectaros, ex rig Aavpas,
. 3
oikovomous Te XpyouL.wTaTous Kat tpexBuTépous, dracKerver
Kai doximacia modAy avTov Te Kal Tov ow alto Kal bd’
A “~ ¢ o 4 a
QUTOV MOVAXGY, WoTE TOIS MEV OLoLKovopEiacAat TpOTHKOVTWS
4 nw “
TA TWMATUKWTEPA, TOIs dé KaTapTiCerOat Kal cvyKpoTeia Oat
A a 9 4 -
Tove av avrois adeAous ev Tois Kat’ apeTHv Adyos Te
ld 4 4 a A A ,
Kal TpoTols Kal wacas Tais Kara Ocov mpakeot* TovToV
4 an 4
yap ‘yevyrouevov, aw Oem avat, wéro.Oa moAAqy Tap
9 ’ Wier, Bela. ’ 5 aA A. 4
adAnrwv Kal ev adAndols avadhavivat Kowwvikws Kal movapyxt-
~ ~ A ~ +] A
Kos THY éerldoow Tay ayabay Kal wpédrcLav? uTE THY ATO
A , , A“ +] 4 ~ , a ~
tis AMavpas pyre Tov aro THs ToAAAaKts SnAwWOeions Moris
> ] r vA 9 , 4 4 , 9 b ]
€K dvapyias mpos adAnAous Kata pundev dva:bepomevar, avr
~ ,
det Tpos THY THs wyamns cuvayouevwy Evwow Kal duodpo-
lal A , 4 4 b] ae
cUvyy TH UTO lay Kal povyv THY TEwWTHY apxnv adopar,
A“ a 4 ,
Kal et TIS NUGY THY ErwpeA TaVTHV Kal TwTHPLOY oiKOVOMLaY
+ cal ~ >] ’
weipa0y Katadicai wore, GAAdTpios ExTw THs ayamns, 7
’
de ayamy erty 6 Beds.
B. Exrract From Grrastmmos SMyYRNAKES, to “Ayov “Opos,
p. 45.
. +. Kal dua pev Tod xpvcoBovdrov [rot Kovoravrivov]
mapexwpeito TH Aavpa to év Oceocadovixn povarryptoy
Tov ayiou arocrdAov Avdpéov tov mpwrokdyTov Sdws
avegaptyrov aro Tov MytporoXirov Ococadovixys . « «
: CHAPTER III —
JOHANNES KOLOBOS, HIS MONASTERY,
AND THE HERMITS OF MOUNT ATHOS
Ir will be remembered that Johannes Kolobos,
the friend of Euthymius, is mentioned in the life
of the latter as leading away part of the laura of
monks on Mount Athos and settling at Siderocausia.
The life of Euthymius tells us no more about him ;
but he, and a monastery which he founded, appear
several times in a series of documents referring to
Mount Athos, the interpretation of which affords
almost the only clue which we possess to the history
of the mountain during the period immediately
after the dispersal of the laura of Euthymius.
These documents, which will be found on pp. 76—
86, are as follows :—
(a) Part of a Chrysobull of Basil the Macedonian
(before a.p. 881). (See Appendix A.)
(6) The report of a Thessalonian official, named
Thomas, on a boundary dispute between the Erissiotes
and the Athonites (a. p. 881). (See Appendix B.) -
(c) The agreement arrived at in this dispute by
the two parties (a. p. 881). (See Appendix C.)
(d) The official decision, ratifying this agreement,
by the Governor of the Thema of Thessalonica
(a. D. 882). (See Appendix D.)
58 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
(ec) A Chrysobull of Leo the Wise (? a. p. 900).
(See Appendix E.)
It is unfortunate that we only possess a little
fragment of the Chrysobull of Basil, which was
probably given to Johannes Kolobos himself, but
the greater part of its contents and the events which
led up to its promulgation can be reconstructed
from the Chrysobull of Leo. The facts appear to
be these :— 3
After the separation of Euthymius and Johannes
Kolobos and the partial dispersal of their laura on
Mount Athos, the most important events on Mount
Athos and the neighbourhood were (1) the founda-
tion of a monastery by Johannes Kolobos near
Mount Athos, and (2) the constant disturbance of
the Athonite lauras and hermitages by the Hrissiotes.
The proof of the foundation of this monastery, to
which I shall refer in future as Kolobou, is estab-
lished by the direct references in the Chrysobulls
of Leo and Romanus. The date of its foundation
and its exact position are less easily determined,
and must be considered separately.
The date of the foundation of Kolobou. The limits
between which this date must be fixed are 866 and
881. The former is the date before which the
- separation of Johannes from Euthymius cannot be
placed, the latter is the date before which the
Chrysobull of Basil was given, and it is plain from
the Chrysobull of Leo that when this was given
the monastery was in existence. It is obvious that
neither of the extreme dates is probable. In dis-
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 59
cussing the chronology of the, life of Euthymius
(p. 48) I have shown that 867 or 868 are prob-
able dates for the separation of the two monks,
and I think the impression gained by reading the
documents referring to the boundary dispute which
was closed in 881 (see Appendices B, C, D), and the
allusions made in them to the Chrysobull, is that
this had been given some time previously.
There is some slight evidence for dating the
Chrysobull a. p. 8721 or 875, and these dates seem
to me not improbable.
- If then we allow two years for Johannes to
establish himself in his new home and for a suffi-
cient number of monks to gather round him, and
accept 872-5 as the date of the Chrysobull, we can
fix the foundation of Kolobou with fairness between
869 and 873. The history of Johannes thus pre-
sents a striking but quite natural parallel to that of
Euthymius. Each left Mount Athos with a small
following of monks who had belonged to the dis-
persed laura,and each founded a new monastery with-
in the course of the next few years. One wonders
whether Symeon, the leader of the remaining party of
monks from Mount Athos, did the same in Greece.
1 Gerasimos Smyrnakes, op. cit., p. 22, gives this date.
Kosmas Vlachos, op. cit., p. 19, gives 885, but this is probably
an unacknowledged quotation from Gedeon, op. cit., p. 79,
who also gives 885—probably a misprint for 875 derived from
MS. Panteleemon, 281, p. 203 (a nineteenth-century document),
which gives 875, indiction 2, This cannot be right as it stands,
but if we suppose the frequent confusion of minuscule 8 and 7
the indiction would correspond to the year.
60 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
The position of Kolobou. The two Greek monks
‘Gerasimos Smyrnakes ! and Kosmas Vlachos? differ
completely on this point. The former says that
Kolobou was on the Megale Vigla (see map), and
the latter that it was to the north of Erissos.*
Neither gives any reasons or discusses the point,
but I think that the evidence for both views can
be derived from the documents relating to the
boundary dispute and from the Chrysobull of Leo.
The evidence for a position on the Megale Vigla
is as follows :—The decision of the Governor of the
Thema of Thessalonica (see Appendix D) in describ-
ing the boundary line between the Erissiotes and the
Athonites says that it starts at the beginning of the
Ammoulian gulf, runs up a ravine as far as the land
of the monastery of St. Christina to a group of trees,
then crosses over to another ravine, goes over the
hill and comes down to Globutzista (the present
Chromitza, according to tradition, which I see no
reason to doubt), goes over the ravine to a clump
of trees and straight on towards the sea as far
as an old yvorepyw,* then bends towards the
neighbouring neck of the hill on which is the old
wall of Kolobou which is within the land of the
Athonites.
To follow this boundary in detail is difficult. I have
1 Op. cit., p. 22. 2 Op. cit., p. 17.
8 Or Hierissos: the latter is no doubt the original form, but
I adopt Erissos because it is the name which is now always
used—at least in my experience.
* The Proegoumenos Chrysostomos tells me that yiorepyw
is a well; the word is strange to me.
JOHANNES KOLOBOS is
never been to the spot; and the map does not give
quite sufficient detail, but the general course which
it implies is clear enough to show that the ‘ old’ wall
of Kolobou was a little beyond Chromitza on the
Megale Vigla. The obvious conclusion seems to be
that the monastery stood within the wall,
This suggestion finds a superficial support in the
Chrysobull of Leo, which confirms the right of the
monks of Kolobou to graze cattle in the lands of
the Kamena, not far from the Vigla, though, as will
be shown, the real meaning of the Chrysobull
probably points in another direction.
The evidence for a position near Erissos, between
it and Mount Athos, is to be found in the report of
Thomas Kaspax in a.p. 881 (see Appendix B). The
beginning of this document is unfortunately missing,
but it is clear that the boundary between the lands
belonging to the monastery and to the peasantry
had been fixed, but not that between the peasantry
and Mount Athos. That is to say that starting from
the land side and going towards the mountain there
was first the monastery of Kolobou, secondly the land
of the peasantry, and thirdly the land of the monks
of Mount Athos: the boundary between the first and
the second had been fixed, but not that between
the second and third. |
This view is confirmed by the statement of
Thomas a little later that the Athonites had
claimed that their jurisdiction began at the
boundary of the Castrum of Erissos, not merely
at the boundary of the district, so that their land
62 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
began with the boundary of the monastery of
Kolobou ; for this clearly implies that the boundary
of the castrum and of the monastery were identical.
As between the two views as to the locality of
Kolobou, it therefore seems to me that the evidence
is in favour of Erissos, The exact spot within the
limits of Erissos seems impossible to define, but at
all events the boundary of the monastery’s juris-
diction on the Athos side was the boundary of the
castrum.! The monastery itself must have been
either within or on the other side of the castrum.
But, it may be said, what about the ‘old wall
of Kolobou’ mentioned above as on the Vigla?
Is it not possible to argue that the monastery itself
was on the Vigla and that the castrum of Erissos
was only under its jurisdiction?
The answer to this suggestion is to be found in a
consideration of the Chrysobull of Leo (see Appendix
EK). Here it is stated that the monastery of Kolobou
possesses the control of the domain of Hrissos, and
the pasturage only of the Kamena with their vine-
yards and orchards. The meaning, in the light of
the documents of the boundary dispute, must be that —
the monastery has two sets of possessions, one in
Erissos and the other near the Kamena (close to
the Vigla), and that the monastery itself is near the
first, not the second. Here we have the true ex-
planation of the ‘old wall of Kolobou’ in the decision
of Katakalon Kaspax; it was the wall, not of the
* This is, no doubt, what Kosmas Vlachos means by the
northward part of Erissos.
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 63
monastery itself, but of the vineyards and orchards
which belonged to it.
Subsidiary evidence that this is the true solution
of the problem of the locality of Kolobou may be
found in the Chrysobull of Romanus, &c. (see Appen-
dix A to the next chapter), and in the agreement
between Johannes the Georgian and the Protos of
Mount Athos (see Appendix C to the next chapter).
In the former document, ratifying the Chrysobull
of Leo, the pasturage, &c., of the Kamena is omittéd
and only the jurisdiction of Erissos mentioned. This
may be of importance for the history of the monas-
tery, or merely accidental, but in any case it suggests
that the monastery was at Erissos rather than on the
Vigla. In the latter document it is clear that the
monks of Mount Athos had been in the habit of stay-
ing in the monastery of Kolobou when they went to
Erissos to buy necessities for themselves. This may
possibly only mean that they stayed at Kolobou
on the way, and so be compatible with a situation
on the Vigla, but the plain sense is naturally that
Kolobou was in Erissos.
Siderocausia and Erissos. There is therefore not
much danger of error if we say that between the
years 869 and 875 Johannes Kolobos founded a
monastery in or close to the castrum of Erissos.
The question then arises as to the relation of this
foundation to that of Siderocausia mentioned in the
life of Euthymius. To this no definite answer can
be given, as it is impossible to determine whether
Siderocausia was a district or a village. The passages
64 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
which bear on the point are (1) the reference in the
life of Euthymius, cap. 26;1 (2) the reference in
the Chrysobull of Leo,’ and I think that meter 3 is
quite decisive.
In the Life of Euthymius, we are told that Symeon
went to Greece, Johannes to Siderocausia, and
Euthymius to Brastamou. The last named is now
a village and perhaps was so then, but it is obvious
that Euthymius’ laura was not founded exactly in a
village, even if it were near to one, so that even
Brastamou probably means merely the district in
which the village of that name was. The analogy
of the use of the wide term Greece for the destina-
tion of Symeon supports this view, and according
to it Siderocausia was probably a district and may
have been a name given to that in which Erissos
was situated. At the same time the possibility
that there was a village of that name is certainly
not excluded,
In the Chrysobull we are told that the idanks
‘of Kolobou forged a document entitling them to
TH Xwpia amd TE TOV Neyomevwv YOnpoKkavoiwv Kat
Tov XwpovTrov Kal dd\d\wv twdv, It does not seem
plain whether Siderocausia and Chlomoutla are
villages or districts. I incline to think that the
latter may be the hilly district in Chalcidice at pre-
1 Kai “Iwdvvys pev 6 paxdpios trois SuSnpoxavoios Aeyouévors
mpocorkigerar, Svpeov 8 6 Oavpdowos rH “EAAGOL diaropOuevera,
EvOvpuos 8 6 iepds Kal yyérepos év trois Bpaordpyov Aeyouevors Térots
Tovs €avTod perariOnow. Petit, op. cit., p. 37.
2 p. 85. Appendix E,
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 65
sent called Cholomondas, but this is not certain, and
I fear that the exact identification of the localities
- in this neighbourhood could only be accomplished
by somewhat prolonged wanderings from village to
village. The local tradition! of Mount Athos does
not appear tobe unanimous. Gerasimos Smyrnakes
thinks that Siderocausia is a name which was given
to the whole district of Chalcidice because of its
mines, Kosmas Vlachos asserts that it was a village
near Erissos, and M. Petit (Vie de S. Euthyme, p. 80)
_ says that it is ‘actuellement Madeuoxydpra, pres de
Hierisso’. None give any reason for their views.
The Proegoumenos Chrysostomus of the Laura told
me that Siderocausia was a district just beyond
(i.e. north of ?) Erissos, and that there are in exist-
ence documents which prove this, but he never
showed me any or quoted them. Still I think
that the balance of probability is that he is
right. ,
If this be so the foundation mentioned in the
Life of Euthymius may be the same as that in
the Chrysobull of Basil. If not, we must assume
that Johannes did not stay long at Siderocausia.
In any case the history of its foundation parallels
that of St. Andreas at Peristerai by Huthymius.
_ The enthusiasm of the Erissiotes was aroused by
Johannes as that of the Peristeriotes was by Euthy-
1 If it be a tradition: my impression is that the monks
claim the prestige of the ‘tradition of the mountain’ for the
view which they happen to be supporting, for they rarely
agree with each other, and still more rarely produce proof.
LAKE. M. A. E
66 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
mius, and land and other presents were showered
on him by the pious. The crowning point was a
gift from the emperor ratified by a Chrysobull.
The Chrysobull given to Johannes Kolobos. Whether
he went to the emperor primarily for the sake
of obtaining endowment for his monastery must
remain doubtful. At any rate he not merely
succeeded in obtaining the gift of the domain of
Erissos, but also pleaded the cause of the hermitages
and lauras on Mount Athos so skilfully that the
emperor's Chrysobull protected the Athonites
against all aggression or intrusion, and appointed
Johannes and his foundation as the protectors of the
mountain. Such is the story given in the Chrysobull
of Leo (Appendix E) which confirmed that of Basil.
It appears from this that the hermits and monks of
the mountain had been suffering from intrusion,
obviously from the laity of Erissos, and this fact
seems to dispose of a suggestion, first made by
Uspenski,! that the gift of the domain of Erissos
implies that it was deserted at this time. The
general tone of the Chrysobull of Leo also suggests
that the primary reason of the Chrysobull being
granted, and the possibility of its being asked for,
was this aggression on Mount Athos by the
Erissiotes.
* This suggestion is rendered plausible by Uspenski owing
to a mistake by which he dates the boundary dispute about
934. Gerasimos Smyrnakes, not quite grasping this, has
introduced two disputes, in which the same names occur,
one in 881 and the other in 934.
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 67
' The importance of the Chrysobull to Johannes
is obvious; it at once made him the Hegoumenos
of a rich and powerful monastery, and the protector
of the whole of Mount Athos. Its value to the
hermits and the monks of the lauras was no. less.
Previously their position had been anomalous: each
little laura—to some extent each hermitage—implied
some degree of clearing the land and cultivating the
soil. But this also implied the creation of a more
or less desirable property, and the question of the
right to exclude others at once became important.
No doubt there was a general tradition in favour
of respecting hermits, yet this would not always
go very far, and in the absence of documents they
could scarcely appeal to the law for protection.
But the Chrysobull regularized their position, and
they could now appeal for protection to the powerful
Hegoumenos of Kolobou, who controlled the district
from which alone aggression was - geographically
possible, or, if he proved unfaithful to his trust,
they could invoke the imperial help, which was
pledged to them by the deed of Basil.
Thus the Chrysobull was of enormous advantage
both to the Athonites and to Kolobou. But it was
less excellent for the Erissiotes who seem to have
been shut out on both sides. The monks of Kolobou
claimed control over the Castrum, and the monks
of Mount Athos claimed all the rest. The exact
division was perhaps not quite clear, but between
the two sets of monks the Erissiotes were being
squeezed out of existence.
E2
68 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
It was probably this situation which gave rise
to two boundary settlements, of which the second
is extant, and contains a sufficient allusion to the
first to enable us roughly to reconstruct it. |
The first boundary dispute, between Kolobou and
the rissiotes. The question seems to have
arisen very soon as to the exact meaning of the
control of the territory of Erissos which had been
given by Basil; and when the matter came before
Thomas Kaspax! of Thessalonica he found that the
boundaries of Kolobou had already been settled
by other people. This settlement he ratified. It is
impossible completely to reconstruct it, but I think
that the general sense of the broken lines at the
beginning of his report (Appendix B) can only be that
when he came to investigate the district he found
that it consisted of two parts, the cacparixy yA
and the dzoxhnpwbeioa yh, of which the former lay
between the latter and Mount Athos, clearly defined
on the west (or land) side but not demarcated
towards the mountain.
This division he accepted, and ratified the
arrangement by which Kolobou took all the western
or landward part while the Erissiotes took all the
rest. No statement is made as to what there was
still further inland, or whether it was part of the
domain of Erissos. .
1 This family seems to have been numerous and powerful in
Thessaloniea at this time ; we have in the ‘ Decision’ (Appendix
D) Katakalon the governor, Thomas the epoptes, and Stephanos
of Bardanopulos, and Zoetes or Zoektes, and there was a
monastery Kaspakos on Mount Athos.
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 69
The second dispute. The arrangement described
above settled the boundary between Kolobou and
the Erissiotes, but Thomas had not thought it neces-
sary to define the boundary of the Erissiotes and
the Athonites, who immediately began to com-
plain, maintaining that according to the Chrysobull
of Basil their territory ran up to the boundary of
- Kolobou.
Judging from the fragment of the Chrysobull of
Basil which remains, and from the references to
it in that of Leo, the contention was technically
not untenable. Basil says that the boundary of
monks is to be the évopia of Erissos, and Leo says
that his father Basil had given Kolobou the right
“Karéxew THY évopiav” of Hrissos. Apparently
Thomas Kaspax had decided that the évopia was
‘the Castrum, not the whole district, when he was
investigating the claims of Kolobou and the Eris-
siotes. The Athonites probably argued that this
definition of terms ought to hold good in consider-
ing their claims, and that according to it they had
_ the control of the whole district up to the Castrum
itself.
‘The Erissiotes, on the other hand, claimed that
the Athonite border was at the Zygos, the next
ridge after the Vigla: we are not told whether
they produced any evidence in support of their
claim.
Between these two claims Thomas Kaspax had
to decide. Reading between the lines of his report
one may, 1 think, see that he recognized the legal
70 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
strength of the Athonite position, but felt that it
was bad equity to leave the Erissiotes, as he says,
without any property at all.
He therefore sent the two parties away to agree
on the general outline of a division of the disputed
land, which was afterwards properly drawn up and
ratified by the orparyddrys Katakalon Kaspax.
The division agreed upon roughly divided the
disputed ground; its general course has been
already discussed (p. 60), but the mention of the
monastery of Christina is noticeable.
It may mean that there was a monastery or a
laura there, but perhaps more probably it only
means that St. Christina—wherever that may have
been—had property at that point.
It is interesting to notice that Euthymius appears
to have interested himself in the matter, as his
name appears among the signatures to the report
of Katakalon Kaspax. What, however, did Johannes
Kolobos do? The name of his monastery does not
appear among the signatories, but I suspect that the
signature to the agreement, "Iwdvvov yyoupevov Tod
"AOwvos, is his, and that he assumed the title in
virtue of the protectorate over the mountain given
him by Basil.
The settlement and wus results. The position of
affairs at the end of this settlement in 882 may
therefore be defined as follows.
. The monastery of Kolobou had obtained control
over the Castrum of Erissos, and had a protectorate
over the monks of Mount Athos as against all
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 71
intruders on the mountain; between the Castrum
and the domain of the Athonites was a piece of
land which had been allotted for public use to the
inhabitants of Erissos and to certain neighbouring
monasteries. Kolobou also possessed some vine-
yards and orchards on the Athos side of the
boundary where the monastery of St. Christina
also had some property, while on the other hand
the Athonites had a spot called the xafépa trav
yepévrwy reserved for them in the territory of the
Krissiotes. The whole arrangement was ratified
by Katakalon Kaspax, the governor of the Thema
of Thessalonica, and the Erissiotes paid the sum
requisite to secure their property.
The conclusion of the settlement is the last act —
of Johannes Kolobos? (assuming that he is the
Hegoumenos of Athos) of which we know anything.
Probably, like Euthymius, he was now an old man
and did not live much longer, but the history of his
monastery can be traced for a little more than a
century longer.
1 This payment has surely been misunderstood by Uspenski
and others who follow him. They appear to think that the
Athonites had sold land to the Erissiotes and then. disputed
the boundaries of what they had sold. It seems to me that
the point of the dispute was that the Erissiotes had bought
ground from the public authorities which the Athonites claimed
in virtue of an earlier deed allotting it to them.
2 It is worth noticing that MSS. exist of a Life of Paisius
written by him (ine. dozep ra teprva rod Biov .. . desin. tatra
cipjoOw). See codd. Paris. 10931, 1547%, suppl. 759". There
is also a MS. in the Laura.
72 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
It cannot be said that the conduct of the monks
of Kolobou reflects credit'on their training. They
appear first as forgers, and secondly as oppressors
of the hermits of Mount Athos and their other
neighbours, and lastly as losing their property
because of their inhospitality.
The forgery of the Monks of Kolobou. The story of
the forgery is related at the beginning of the Chryso-
bull of Leo(Appendix E), It appears that the monks
were not satisfied with the position in which the
boundaries settlement of 882 had left them. They
wished for the control, not merely the protectorate,
of the mountain, and for further possessions inland.
They found their opportunity at the accession of
Leo in 886, and forged a document, apparently a
map of some sort, which they took to the emperor
together with the Chrysobull of Basil for confirma-
tion. Leo, without looking into the matter closely,
granted their request. By this means they secured
control of nearly the whole mountain, and villages
of (in ?) Siderocausia and Chomoutla (Cholomondas?),
the monasteries of Moustaconos, Kardiognostou, and
Luka, together with the meeting-place of the hermits
(xabédpa Tdv yepovTwr).
It is probably impossible to identify these places,
but it is clear that the forgery was planned in the
grand style, and gave the monastery of Kolobou
the control of the whole of*the surrounding districts.
The protest of the Athonites. As soon as the monks
had obtained the imperial confirmation they began
a career discreditable to themselves, oppressive to
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 73
' their neighbours, and ultimately disastrous to their
foundation.
They abused the hermits of the mountain, took
the clearings for the benefit of their flocks, and
‘treated the whole country as their own possession,
antil at last peasants and hermits made common
cause and sent Andreas, 6 evAaBéoraros povayds
Kal “mpatos” haovyacris ToD avtod dpovs, to inter-
cede for them with the Emperor.
The ‘Protos’, This reference to the mpdaros is
of great importance for the history of the growth
of the common organization of the monasteries on
MountAthos, and the question may be raised whether
amparos ought to be regarded as a title or as an epithet
of novyaorys. In his invaluable Haupturkunde fiir
die Geschichte der Athosklister, p. 29, Dr. Ph. Meyer
assumes that the former alternative is correct, and
regards this passage as the earliest reference to a
Protos of the mountain, though he does not quote
the text. I doubt, however, whether he is justified in
doing this (grammatically tparos is here so clearly
adjectival), especially as there is no evidence that
the title was used elsewhere before the tenth cen-
tury, though later, as Gedeon has shown (6 "A@us,
p. 85), it was used in Thessaly at Meteora and at
Latros, and it seems to me probable that in the
Chrysobull of Leo zparos is not the technical term
which it had become by the third quarter of the
tenth century (cf. Vita Athanasii Athonitae by
Pomjalovski, pp. 20 ff.).
In any case it is noteworthy that the title must
74 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
have been quite recent, as it does not appear in the
list of the signatures to the boundary settlement
a few years previously. There the leader of the
monks is called the zyovpevos tod “APwvos, and, as
I have said, he is perhaps identical with Johannes
Kolobos.
It is, I suspect, probable that the origin ~
of the title wpaéros may be found in this con-
troversy of the Athonites with the monks of
Kolobou. The former wished to appear before the
emperor, and were not able to send their usual
representative, the Abbot of Kolobou, for the very
good reason that he was actually the person of
whom they wished to complain. They therefore
selected the most prominent hermit, and the adjec-
tive by which they (or the emperor) described him
was afterwards used as a title. The office, thus
originated to meet a special need, was found so
convenient that it was perpetuated, and was firmly
established by the time of Athanasius.
The victory of the Athonites over Kolobou. The
mission of Andreas to the emperor proved success-
ful; Nicephorus, the Proto-Spatharios, held an
inquiry which revealed the fraud of the monks
of Kolobou; the forgery was destroyed, and the
emperor gave a new Chrysobull protecting the
Athonites, and tying the monks of Kolobou down
closely to the original terms of the Bull of Basil.
There is a significant lack of direct confirmation
* The later history of the office of Protos can be studied in
Meyer, J. ¢.
JOHANNES KOLOBOS 75
as to the ‘Protectorate’ over the mountain, from
which it might be assumed that the monastery lost
their privilege, and nothing is especially said to the
possession of the xafédpa trav yepdvrav. |
With this incident the first chapter of the con-
troversy between the monks of Kolobou and the
hermits of Mount Athos was closed. For the
history of the mountain its importance is to be
found in the fact that it shows that at the begin-
ning of the tenth century there was no definite
monastery on the mountain; there were hermits,
and, as we know from the life of Euthymius, some
of these hermits were associated in lauras. More-
over, the necessity of defending their interests from
the encroachments of the monks of Kolobou had
forced them to take common action under the
leadership of the most prominent of their number.
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER III
A. Extract From A CHrRYSOBULL OF BASIL
EARLIER THAN A.D. 881
she Tote Tov épnusurdy Biov éNomévous Kat Tas karapovas
kat i dear pias € év TH Tov ‘A Bwvos Aeyouevw o opet Tor auevos,
Kat Tas eureeis oKmvas eKEL mnEauevous, Tapa TOY ETLXWpLA-
Covey Kal TO oper TOUTW 7 POTOMopoUVTwY emnpeaCouevous,
Kal hy TVYXwpoupevous xabapas kat drapaxws TQ TOU OikKELoU
Aoyrornov dremiTeA ly, 6 Oecoowepyntos i meV Bacireia dixatov
AYITATO oua TOUDE HUL@Y TOU ouyihdtou Tov Aowrov } aBopuBous
Kal aTapaxous dearer, exer Bai TE vmeép THS HOV yahme-
TNTOS Kat UTED TOU mayTos To TOV Xpirriavév CUTTHMATOS,
eEarpadiCouea mavTas aTO TE TTpaTHyov, BacirArkov
avOpamov Kat bas éoxdrou avOpirou TOU dovelay KaTa=
TTT EvOMEVOY, €TL O€ Kat iSudras Kat Xwpiaras kat ews Tou
ev TO mudoove avnOovros, iva a banpeaoy TIS TOUS avrovs
movaxovs, ada wnde KaQws eort Tov ’"Epiocot 7] evopia
Kat THY eow pos TO tou "AOwvos 6 opos: eixépxea Oat Tivas,
ware Toimevas pera Tov Toiviwy avTav, pyte BouKoAous
veTa Tov BouKoNlwyv avTav....
The text is taken from Porphyrius Uspenski
(Bocmons Xpucmiancniti, Aoous, Kiev, 1877, part 8, p. 295),
who is quoting from a MS. which is found in the
library of Philotheon.
B. Tue pags oF THE erdmrys, Owpas Kdora€, As
TO THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN ERISSOS AND THE
Monks oF Mounr Artuos, a.p. 881-2
b) UA 3 4 ~ ~ e ~ “a3 a
. edn 9 KAaoMaTIKY ‘yh Ths UToTayis ToD Epiccot ...
a A 9
€oTl, Kal cuvyvwrar TO Ope Tod "AOwyvos, Kat 4 aroKAnpw-
APPEN DICES TO CHAPTER III 17
Oeioa wh, TH movy TOU KooBoi . ee MeV mapa dtapépww
mpoodmoy Stexwplobn, kat ovvopa dvameragy QuTHS Te Lovins
Kat TOY Xwprarer eryevero, KaTa TOV avrov draxwpro pov
karédrrov 7H movn TOU KohoBob Swopeay THY ToLavr yy viv.
amo O€ THY TOLOUTWY cuvopwy TIS auriis moving, Kat mpos
TOV Adwva, KaTetXov of XwpiaTat kal Ta Nota movarTHpIA
Kal eve MOVTO- ou may _mpoeBy po TOUTOU diaxwpio pds
peraky avrav Te Kat TOY movaxav TOU Spous Tov “AOwvos,
iva éx TOUTOU édEikvUTO Ews TOU éoTL 7 Tov movax av
emixpareta, KakelOev 4 KagpariKn v1, 7 mapa TOV Xwpiov
Kal TOV Aovarey movacTyptov _Karexouern. GAN ouTws
ovyKexw@mern Kat adiayvarros v vmrhpxev a éxdorou deomoreia
da TO way yevér Bat MEX pL TOU Viv exeice emOTTLKAY drayvoowy
Kat THY TOU KAaoMATOS dudmpaciy. Pavrny ouv THY mapa
700 Kaorpovu ’Epiocot olxnT opwy KareXomevay Kracmaricny
yn vempacay (1. duémpaca] eig avTous, mept dé Tov merakv
guvopev, avTav Te Tav eLwyycavTwev THY Tou KAaomaros
Yyiv Kat TOV Hovaxer Tov “Adwyvos dia TO TAMKAvTO pn depeiay
provceiay Tapa Tevos kunOjvat, ovTe map’ mmAav TEpt-
epywrepov eerac Oy n emoduTpayuovyOn mept Tov d.a-
XwplrLov avTav.
Aroarethavres ov mera TOUTO ot movaxot Tob “A Owvos
édeH Onoay Tous Bacrheis ipav Tous ayious, Kat edeLavro
O TE Urparnyos kat O TQovdas, 7 iva dtaxwpiowsr Ta OiKaia
QuT@Y aro Tov - oixn Tope TOU Kdorpov, 4 ararigw 06
ey ypapov dopadeay TOUS avTovS oiknTopas, els TO MNKETL
mapevOXno iv TiWa L emraryew Tois MOvaxors. kat l amooretAavres
nyayov TOUS oiknTropas TOU “Epioood Kat ever LOoV ducpo
4
mpAeov EOTHTAY META TOV Movaxay. Kat Of meV povaxoi
Tob “A Owvos mpoeBadovro THY ef apxis derroreiay els
TO Opos, Kabas Kat év Tois TOU KAdomaros KbdEW a avarypa-
perat Onp.octa ets _mpdowrov Tov povayav tov ‘Adwros,
ov pny GAG Kat THY Bo78eav THs dopaneias TOU Xpuro-
BovdAov Tov BaciAéws Tod Kupot BaciAclov racay adeav Kat
eEouciay ™apeXovTos avrois aro THY evopiav (s?c) Tou “Epircov
Kal THY €ow, Kal os ék TovTouv évopiay ov THY Urorayay
Tov TéXous, GAAG THY TOU Kaerpou _Aéyoutes; emetpavT 0
wéexpt THs TOU KodoBod KaTOXs elvat THY avTHY aro
\
78 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
xpuroBovrAdwv BorPear, €& dy cuvéBawe wavra Ta ToLAdra
KAagmariKa Toma idcomroveio Pat avrous, kat TO avvoAov
pndev evar opevewy Trois oiknTopaot Tov "Epiocob. Taw
de 0. avTol oiknTopes evicravto MéEXpe Tob Zuvyot eivat
THY KAaopatiKny Yiv Kal €ws TOU Tovovrou TOmou deoroCew
avrous, rovs d¢ “Adwviras eLovaraCew a amrO TOV Zuyov Kat
Thy érw, kat aTAGS TOAAG prAouenrayres Tept TOUTOU.
70 yap map aucpeo oraccaCdpevov TOUTO HV, TOU opie Oijvae
ToTov évOa &ueAXov yever Oat cuvopa Ta Seaxeipthonra Ta
auporépwy dikaca.
TeXevraiov obv oiketa m pobéoer npérOncav ova TO apiro-
veicov (To mAéov de die rd ouyKex omevov Tihs UToberEws Kat
adiayvocroy), Kal dtwpicavro romov évOa éueAAov yevér Oar
Ta _ouvopa Ta deaxwpiCovra avrous. Tov dé Zrparnyou Kat
Tov TQovna, ov pyv GAAG Kal TOU dpxvemiKdrou, Kparn-
cavTwy pev Tou yeverOat exitoTiws Kal dvaxwpioat avrous,
Kabws Kat | pea Onoav érloouval TE aucporépors Kat AiBeArous
Tis TovavTNS udev mpatews, or avrws Kat auporépov TOV
dradixaCopevov ets TovTO, ov } may TO améparov auT@Y Yywockwy
ov KaTévevea ATAGS Kal ws eTuyev aro pwvrijs aur av e&ed Beiv
.++ GAN’ elroy, eis Strep pec One, eLacparicacbe apporepot
Tpos Me, va GmeTamMeAHTs karadeEnaBe TOUTO.
Kai eEépxovro (ste) Kat eEnoparicayro Guporepor
évopKws, TOU apeoxer Oat avrous € éxel yeveoOar Ta MeANovTa
diaxwpiCerv auporépous ouvopa. eCarparioamevov dé avTav
dedwxacw 8 TE Zrparn'yos Kat Oo TCovras Kal varouvnca
Trois movaxois eupaivoy Thy aupoTrépwy apéorxeay Kai THY
Ths mpatews 7 OV avayTippyT ov evepyeav. Tis ToLavrns
ovv aoarelas dia Te THS TOU Gpxvemuorkdmov vroypapiis Kat
TOV OLTOY BeBawbeions, e&nOov € emiromins Kat dtexdspucav
(1. dueyspira ?) kara Thy eyypapoy avuTrov ao pahevay el ov
pe Ono av rorov. Kat aro pev TIS draxaroxiis TOU TOTrFOU
Ths wovis TOU KodoBod péxpr THY ToLOvTwWY cUVOpwY, TacaY
Thy peraky ovoay yiv, ws KAacuaTIKyY, dvémpaca Tois
olkyTopst TOU Kaorpou, Kal ypécOnoav Kai mapéAaBov
auTyv, Kat aveAaBovTo AiBedov Tap nav Tept TOV TOLOUTwY
guvopwv? amo de TY TOLOVTwWY GUVOpwY TH ixdTNTL, ATO
@dracoay eis Oadaccay Kat T pos Tov "AOwva mapeodOn
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER III 79
Tois povaxois : TOU avrou Gpous Kat émedoOn avrois UTOMVN LG
Kal TepLopia 40s eis oikelay avTov aopaneay Kal opetovery
éxeu aupiBorov ot oixnTopes TOU "Epiocob & Ewe TeV aur @v
TUVOpwy; Kabes Kat oO NiBeros auTa@v Teplexet; doavros kat
ot povaxot tod “A@wvos aro Tay avTav cuvdpwr Kal Tpos
Tov "AOwva.
Tin TOUTO MOVOV Kat Tapa TOV oiknTopeoy TOU Kaozpov
Kat €Tt eAoYOUaXNTO, mept Tov my KwArverOat TUXOV Ta
KTHVN QUT@V Es kaupov eOvixis épddov TH mpopacer Tob
draxwpre nod TOU My eixépxer Oat Kat mepisiCer bat eis TO
ToLovT ov opos, kat wept Tovtou iva oixovounOh, Mavdpela
de wn Trovely pare Mehr coupyeia, adda mde adelas ovens
dvev eidjrews TOV movaxev eloayew Ta KTHYN arian, peyahus
yap sels TOUTO ot povaxot TapEevoxovvTo, érel ATO TOY
TOLOUTw ouvopw kat mpos Tov "AOwra xat odyorrn Kal
axpela xi vorepov amexAnpoOn Tos Hovaxois. Kat yap
ot oikytopes ToU Kaotpou é éXovoe pey Kal kg Tap dav
eEwvycavto viv, ékaBov de Kai éoxarws ex mporrakews
Bacirikijis Kat Tov dylov jou avbévrov, Kal ek Tis movis
Too _KoroBob ooet XAleov podiwv, Kat ov dvvavrar réyeuw
un exeuy avTous 7H avrapeeiay AUT OV.
‘H dé Aeyouery $ ‘ xabédpa TOV Yepovrwy ” ” ev / Erépy mépet
éorl rot Epiocot io [sic, 1. aro? ray yiv Tot KAacuaros
Tov Kapeévou, ameddOy de oa XpreoBouhhou Tois Hovaxois,
Kat wpiobn map" HOV Kat ev TO UTOMYT BATE MOY avreypagn,
iva ovr KaTéxyTat Tapa Tay povaxav Kabws Kal mpo-
KaTElXeTO.
Tatra euoi To dovhyp cou dixara Souris avebayy.
6 de Gytds frou nldévras TO Oikatov Urep TayTwY eTELTapEVOS,
ws 6 Oeos odyyncatro.
The text is taken from Porphyrius Uspenski, op. cit.,
pp. 315 ff. The writer says that his text is derived
from a MS. in the library of the monastery of
Coutloumousi on Mount Athos which bears the title :
U'pdppara dpxata Twlopevov TOV Tpwtorimray év TO
Ilpwrate, avtvypadévra bv alrioEws TOU mavoovoho-
YLwTaTou dpxysardpirov Kat emuTpomrou TNS LEpas OVS
KovrAovpovon Kupiov I'pyyopiov, With reference to
80 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
the mpagis of Owpas it says: 7 apy? Tod tpwrorvmov
SiepOappevy.
Gerasimos pipet: op. Cit., p. 28 f. y quotes this
document from égao¢ahicapévwr dé adrar to the end.
I have not noted his variations which do not affect
the sense, because it seems less likely that they are
derived from the original document at Caryes than
that they are merely emendations of the text given
by Uspenski.
C. Tue AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE Monxs or ATHos
AND THE ERISSIOTES AS TO THE BOUNDARY
BETWEEN THEIR DOMAINS
Diryvov D'pnyopiou Movaxon, Hyouuevou Tis wov7is Tov Opboyo-
p.arou.
Ziyvov Mefodiov povaxod, yyouuevov movis Ths daylas
Xpiorivns.
Liryvov ‘Avdpéov povaxod, yyounévou Tod DarnAawrov.
Liyvoy povaxav ard Kevrapwyr.
Ziyvov Kwveravrivov Tov Xadovpa.
Diyvov "Twavvov tod TopaCdov. ,
Diyvov ... wavTwv.
Ziyvov Bacireiov.
Liyvoy wavrwv wovaxav Tov “AOwvos.
Diyvov “Iwavvou, yyouuevov Tov “AOwvos.
Liyvov Kuyyyot rot NerpoSadn.
Ziyvov Oeoddpov.
Diyvov "Apxadiou povaxod ‘Adwvirov.
Ziyvov wavtrwy Tod Kacrpov.
[In the original each of these signatures is written
round a cross. ]
"Ev ovopartt Tar pos viod Kat aryiov TVEVILATOS. “Hucis
of Tpoyeypaumevor Kai TOUS Tiplous Kat Cwororovs oTaupous
(Stoxelpwrs miEQVTES THY mapodoay Rb ected dopadeav
Kat Téhelay diddvew ovoduev. eis twas Owua Bacrabapy
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER III 81
aonkpitn eronry Ocroadovikns. HUELS wey ol IYOUMEVOL
mera TOV Xwpiar ey vmep maons Ths KowOTyTOS THs Xépas;
mets de of Adwvira: povaxot brep Tavtwy Tov ovax ov
tov A€wvos TOU Cpous.
“Ered mp0 Xpovou Tus érwAnocay eis Tous Xwpraras
THY Tap’ QUT@Y KaTeX OMevny Kacmarucny Yyinv, ou } duexopirav
O€ TO &ws Tou dpetrouor SermdCetv ot ayopaCovres Kat
exeiOev ot A@ovirat, dia TovTO elo AB omer ev Geocadoviky,
Kal evwmriov TOU maveudy Lov TpwreT onTov Kararddoy, Kat
Tpyyopiov§ rob ayiwrarou muucov apximioxorov, Oona
Bacra0apiov tod TQovdG, cat Zojxrov [l. Zwyrov? cf.
the Jraxwptr mds of Karaka] BaoraPapiou Kpirou, kat
gov TOU mpoepnuevou éwonTou, eyehnow eros apnea
emiCnTouvres Xwpro Oivae ra Tov “Adwvos Spa aro Tis
dcarrpabeions vis.
Kai jueis wev of Tis xdpas éehéyouey evar THY HucTépav
decroteiav ews Tov Luyou, éxeiOev de trav APwutav. ueis
de of ‘AOwvirat avreAéyouey wadw Ott Kata moXv MEpos
avnke mos: Huas ek THs Tap’ Vuwv eEwvnbetons irs.
lepi ToUTwY TOAAGa Prroviencavres ¢ ouveldomev auporepor
Kal ovveBBacOnpuey yever Oa ovTws,—iva amo TO mhipopa
TOV Xopapiov TOU Kupot Me@odiov } TOs TOV Zuryov
komrouy Ta cuvopa amo Oahagcay els Qaracrcay, Kal Ta
bev ™ pos rov ZLuyov mavta xepacua Te Kat xXépoa wva
Oo THs Seomoretas TOV Abovrar, amo o€ Ta ToOLav’TA
guvopa Kal mpos TOV "Epicooy t (va wot TavTa THs dermoTeElas
TOV ayopacavrey Kal Tov Kohofov. kat Mare nuels ob
AOwviir au aro Ta TOLavT a cUvopa Kal 7 pos TOV "Epica ov
exomev eLouotay TO cuvoAoY emeCyreiy, Myre nels Ol THS
Xépas aro Ta ToLavTa civopa Kat Tpos TOV “Adwva eye
TwWa eGourtay.
Kai ets Tava TumPoovycavres Kal aperOévres eno pare
caueba mpos oe TOV em ome yy iva kaTavyns kat e&€AOns
kat diaxwpions Huds Kabds Kal cuveBiBacOnnev.
Oiov dé mépos avTiAoyyoe Kat ovK aopmevice eis Tatra
1 i.e. the monastery of S, Christina, Cf. signatories, and the
Siaxwpirpds Of Karaxddwv.
LAKE, M.A. F
82 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
Ta TMpoeipyucva, ev TPwOToLs apyyTys é€oTL. THs ayias Kai
onoovsiov Tpiados, kat Eeuos THs TeV Xpiorriavev wicrews
Kat Tis movaxikhs KaTacrdactws, érera Kal KaradicaCer Oat
Oukatwmévou TOU eumevovs Kal oTEPyovTOs Mépous ets Ta
elonueva, TUupwva. |
"E&wbev dé rovrwy éyew quads Kat Thy kabédpay Trav
Tepovrwy rav év ro XpucoBovdAriw pwvypmovevoperny,
Kis ratra wavra apecbévres tpoerakauev Tovs Tiious
Kat Cworrotovs aravpous, ypapévros Tov Upous dia xerpos
Anynrpiou kXypikod KovBoukNlwy Kat oppavorpddou, ev uyvi
aiw "Ivdicriovos te.
l‘pnycpios édayirros apyxetioxoros Oeacadovixns
uaptus roils mpoyeypaumevors Uréypava idioxelpws.
"Ev ovopatt matpos KTA. Owuas Bacrabapns, voTaptos
TOY KOMEpKGV Tapeme ert Tact Tos TMpoyeypaupmevacs
paprus UTéypavra idtoxel pws. .
Bacivdeios cavdidaros 6 Zipwiapns mapepe KT,
Ev ovouart TAT pos KT). Meyand KAnptkos Taperpt KTA.
"Ev § ovémare marpos KTA. Tpnyopros Bacrrabapns ri
Dovekos aa perpel KTA.
The text is taken from Porphyrius Uspenski,.
op. cit., p. 318.
D. Decision oF Karaxdkov Kdoraé AS TO THE
BOUNDARY BETWEEN THE MONASTIC LAND OF Mount
ATHOS AND THE TERRITORY OF HreErissos. A.D. 882
Tév Baciiéwy juav rav ayiwy edeEaucla tpdcraypa
a aua Tonyopin Te ayin apxieTicKore Ococadovixns
Kal Lwyrw Kaozakos (sic) émt TOU Olkelov Kal KptToU Tov
Oéuaros eFéMOwuev éeritoTiws ev TH evopia tov ‘lepiacot
Kat diaxwpicwev Thy Yyiv Ta” Te Movaxav TaY ev TH
"“A@ou kat Tov oiknTOpwv TOU KaoT pou ‘lepiscov xara THv
Tpacw Owua Kacraxos cal érorrov Tot KetpoxoBovAou,
Kat €voov aroorraXcions ™pos nuas tis \eypov Koopa rot
maveupy Lov Kaylor pov. Tovro d€ Kat wemomnxapmey Kai
YEVOMEVOL KATA TOTOY Gua TOS eipnuevols HTOL TH apxiemt-
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER III 838
cKoTw Kal TO Snheobevre Kagrac: CULTApOVT@Y Huiv
iden TOU Sowwrarou €TLOKOTOU "EpkovAwy, Hapirou
Kaoraxos, Kal él TaV oikelaKov Zrepavou, kat éyyiora
TNS oixevaKiis Tpamecns "Avarraciov Kaozaxos kal pos
TIS moprns Ocacarovixys ‘Avdpéov Kaomaxos cai yaprov-
Aapiov Tou Oéuaros, Kovorayrivoy KAnptou Kal KouBouxdyn-
. giou, Ocodapou KAnpikod Kal olkovomou Tis ayworarns
apXremiaKomiis Oceocarovikns, Ev6upiov movaxou Kat nyou-
bévou Tis Movas TeV _Hepirepav, DT pnyopiou Hovaxod kat
mryouuevou Moving TOU ’Oppavoi,} Avdpéou pmovaxov Kat
Hryouuévou moving TOU LaryAawrov, Lrepavov Kaorakos Tov
Bapédavorovyou, Nixov Apavdvrov, Anunrpiou dey. TaV
Byyapiov Kal emt avTov dtexwopioamev THY viv auporépoy
TOV mepaiy, iT0t Tay ABoverav Kal TOV oikyTopev ‘Tepiocod,
TOUjoayTes THY Kar’ apxiv Tis vorias Oadacons, youv ao
Thy Kav apxiy Tov KOATrOU Tis Aupoudiariis.
Kai éerw 6 dtaxwpio nos obTws” dmdpxerat wey amo TOV
Babvy p praxa TOV KaTévayTt Keipevov TOV eyouevey Tadao
TadaTiwy Tis Apmovdaarijs kat dvar péxet os ™pos Ta
xwpadia THs moving Tis ayias Xpirrivns, év @ TOTW Kal
ABoowpeta loraTa ék mohoov NB ovynernevy Kat
VrokaTw Tis ABorwpeias we ™ pos THV avaroAny loravTat
dpves KabeEis avparépevar, Kal amodide TH iodrnre MEXpIS
erépou puaxos, kal a7To Tov plaka iepBaivet TO paxave Kat.
Karépxerau els tiv VAourovrCiora, kal mepay Tov _puaxds
lot Opves Kat WreA€at avpardpevat Kat nabeEns TH isdrnre
os ™pos THY Oadaccay dmrodider els TO man auov yuorepyiy"
avakapu7ret ™pos 70 Tapakelwevov aux eve ev eorw TO
ABouardprov TO dpxatov tov KoXoBou, 6 omep éorly eowOev
TOU TepLopia ov Tis vis TOV ‘Adwverav" Kat azo To avixevev
dmodider els jTeoLvov TOTOV ev @ elot Bpovaéat, kal amo TeV
ToovTey Torey KabeERs avaxkaumre Tos TO GvTiKElmEvoV
avxéviy, kal KaTépyeTat TH iodTyTe mexpt THs Oadacons Tis
Popetvis.
OvrTw Sraxwpiocavres Kat owvopa miEavres, Kkabws Kai oO
TOToS OwexXwpisev avTois, Kal eyypahws THy mpakw juav
1. ’OpOoyoudrov? Cf. signatories to the aerectnent on p. 80.
F 2
84 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
aATOTHUEWoaMEVOL ETWEd@KaMEY AuPoTEepas TOIs uEepert —
Katéxougt dé of avtot wovayot Tov “AOwvos kat Thy Kabydpay
tov Tepdvrwy, cabs kat apoxate’yov adryv, kata TH
divauw tov XpuvoBovd\ov alrav — ohparyicaytes da
— poduBdou tH auvnPe ohpayidc quar, punvi Advyovore,
(vOLKTL@VOS G, Ty) [882 A.D. |
+ Karaxad\wv Kaora€, crpatrndarns Qercadovixns.
+ T'pnyoptos, apxieTickoTos OcocaXovikns.
+ Ev6vucos, wovaxos kat yryovuevos Tis wovis Tlepurrepav.
And the others, whose names are given in the first
part of the document. |
The text is taken from the Bufavruva Xpowxa, vol. v,
1898, pp. 485 f. [published in St. Petersburg and in
Leipzig by K. L. Rickev] from a collection of docu-
ments copied from a MS. in the Laura by the Pro-
egoumenos Alexandros of that monastery. The
original is said, I believe correctly, to be extant in
the archives of the xowdrns at Caryes.
E. Curysoputt or Lro VI
, b] , ’
oe. Warns TapevoxAnTEws ue ier edevOepraCovres TEPlLoTa~
. ~ Wo “n , , ,
cewy ... TH OupatL... THS Bacirelas UTEPEVXOVTO, TOLVvUV
A a +] a ef ’ 4 e > ~ ,
kat TOS ackyTais aTact... Tartar mev O ev TH Dea AnEe
4 e “~ A A , ’ + J , > A
TATHO HUW Kal Bacirevs ouytAALov e& aitncews “lwavvou
lo a a ~ ,
Tov eieyouevov KodoBot AaBeiv edixaiwoe Tov TepipvAar-
’ ~ ~ ,
rexOar ravras Tovs €v TH a’THG Oper TxXoAaCovTas Tors
»” 4 4 *
Oeious avdpas év diaddpors KaTacKkyverert, Kat TOs TovTOLS
4 + ] ~ , - PY
kat THv rap avTod ‘Iwavvov veoupynOcicay movny THs ToLavTNS
mpovoias KatTamTo\avew, Kal KaTéxew THY évopiay Tov
"- “~ A , K A a , , ,
piscov Kal “ovoy. ait THs TowauTns OElas KeXevoEws
~ ? “A 4 , ‘ eta. 4 , es |
Tou é€v TH waxapla AjnEa raTpos Huov Kat Baoidéws ext
, A , a A ~
Xpovous Tivas Kpatycacns’ VaTepov de tpoceAOovTes ot Tijs
A eo ei ° ad ~ , U
novis KodoBot év apxn tis yuerépas adtoxpatopias, Kai
1 Gerasimos Smyrnakes, I. c¢., p. 23, quotes the last part of
this document. He gives the same year, but the fifteenth
instead of the first indiction.
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER III 85
TArAayiws didakavres é os év Tage € emikupwr Kod Tou ev TH Ocia
AnEee maT pos HOV Kal Baciréws ouytAAiou ereCirncar, é ev
@ Taparoyws THS TOU ouytANiou Merevex Oevres Tagews,
Xapiorrinhs TUTOV, WS OUK were, dveyparpavro, Kat Tept~
optic mov exOeuevor oxedov Tov OXov els Jeororelay kat.
KupoT ara KaTaKparhcayres “AOwva, kat mpos TOUT OLS Kat
Xwpia, ard Te Tay Aeyouevov ZidnpoKavoiwv ral TOV
XAwpourray Kat GAAwy TiwWeV, Kat ™ pos TOVTOLS Kat
Kovacrypia amo Te TOU Moveraxwvos, Tob Kapdioyvécrov,
kat Tot “A@avaciov kai rot Aouka, kat Thy TOY yepdvTwY ap-
xatav cabédpar. "Erreidy O€ €k TOU avTOU TepLoviwou Cpous
“AGwvos “Avdpéas Oo eaPeoraros povaxos kal TpwTOs,
NOVXATTHS Tov avtov dpous amo Tpoowrrov TAVTWY TOV
éxeiae sxoAaCovTwy Oeiwy avopar, THY BagiAevourav kaTa-
AaBov, ede Or TIS jmeTepas Bacudeias avadidagas é WS Ol Tis
povas Tov KoXoBot rigs ToravTns emer nupevor Tpopacews,
Kal eis dOtkalwua Tis adiicwos THVIKAUT yevouevng KaTa
mavoupyiay meprypapns Tov avrov yapTyy ™poKomiCovres,
Karexpatycay TO GAov 6 opos TOU Adwvos, Kat Tous évy auT@
TxXoAaCovras Oeious dvdpas, ws UTO idtav TaporKiay, ToNdxis
SrawAnerTeComevor, amopatvovrat Kat dmodiaKew, & wom ep aro
OiKelwy KTIMAT OY, loxupas diareivovrat, Kat ™ pos Toros
vomadiKoy mTpoagreiov Tov drow diaxparobvres “Adwva, kat
Tey mAyovaCougay Xwpov eloayovTes Ta Bookyjpara kat
Ta vrep Ths TOUTWY VOKAs KouLCOMeEvol, Hekpov Oeiy a7re-
Aadverv avrous éxeiBev mavrehos ex BiaCovrat. Tpos TOUTALS de
Kal €k TOU HEpous TOV elonuevav Xopav cuvaveiOovres TH
avr@ evAaBerraTw avdpt Tepl Tis TovavTyS mAcoveElas Kai
Tapaddyou KaTacxXerews Tav THs movns TOU KoXoBod xare-
Boncay. — Tlepi dv deEamevos 6 mpwroamaapios Nixndpos,
@ éxévupov TOU Eurpatn, axpiBos dcepevjirag Bau, THY
doiberas obTws éxewv 7 Baciheig HL@OV aynveyKaro, kal
deEauevos Tapa Tis Baoielas Huov auporepa avTav TO.
MEpn; thy BactAevovcay KkaTadaPeiv mpoceracer. Kai 07,
éml TH Tapovoia Tou tpwrocmraapiou Nixnpdpov, dobévros
Tapa TOU Hyouuevov THs povns ToD KoXoPoi eis rpdcwrov
tys oiketas wovns Llaywuiov cai “A€avaciov movaxev, Kat
auporépwy Tov MEepov Tapayevouevwy, Kal é€erac bevTwy
86 JOHANNES KOLOBOS
Kehevoet THS Bacirelas nuay ert Drehavov payior pou kat Kwr-
orayvrivov BaciAtcov mpwrocnabapiou Kat mpwracricplTou,,
Kat BactAeiou mpwrorrabapiou Kat emt Tov denoewy ert TOU
TEPLOVULOV ceKpeTou TOV donkprtioy, evpeOncay Taig aAn-
Peiacs Tapardoyws Tporypapevra Ta To.avTa Toma ev TO
Tapardoyos ryevomeven xaprn TiS BactXelas HL@V. Smrep 3
kat QUTOL Ot ™ poetpnuevor povaxot Tov Mépous tov KoXoBot
ert TH Tapoucig TavTwV cuvomohoyna avr es KaréQevro.
Tatra civ i OcompoBAnros yuov Bacireia wap’ avrav
avanalovoa Kat Tas Ths dlKalocUVns akoas Eevmevas éemTIKNL-
vaca, émeragaro TOV TOLOUTOY THVLKavTA Taparoyws yevo-
mevov Xapray drappnx Oivat, dvapudarrea Oar O€ KaTa Thy
yduny Tou év TH Ocia ANE TaTpos juav kat Bacihéws
Tavras Tous ev TH “A don oXoAaCovras Hovaxous aTrapevox-
AnTovs aro mayTotas emnpetas kal Ths ws eikos eyyivomerns
Tapevoxhyoews, OTAVTWS kat Ta Xwpia karéxew aKaLvoTo-
unta Ta toa dixaa, TOUS dé Tis poviis TOU KooBob
apkeicOal, Kara TOV Xaprny Tov ev TH Ocia AyEe TAT pos
juov Kat Baciéws eis Thy Ths evopias ’Epiccod diaxparnow,
kat THv KaTavouny povny Tav Kapuévoy otv trois rorors
TGV GauTEeNwVeOY Kal KynTOUpiov av’Tav Kal povov. Ta de
ona mavra Kacpara Tov te Kapuevwy Kat TeV Aor,
Kara Tov TUTOV Tey KagpariKer, eAevBepraCew kal veer Oat
aura TavTas Tous Tapakermevors. Avo «al mpos TEplrgo-
Tépay dopaneay Kat duyverh dixaieooty TOU Te Mépous TOV
év T@ Ope TOU “AOwvos a aoKnT av, Kal TOV Xwplov amoAavoty
Kal eeradleny Tov mépous TOV KodoBoti ro mapoy juav
evoeBes aoryiAdA@des ev peu Bpavats ypauwa ET LKUPWTLKOV
TOU ev TH Ocia Angee Tar pos mp@v Kat Baoirews émdoBiivat
TH ue per tov ev To Adon aoxnrov exehevorapser, yeyevnuevov
KOTQ TOV... Miva... WOUKT + +04, YO Kal TO 7MLET EPOV
evreBes kat OeompoBAnrov vrernunvato KpaTos ...
Taken from Porphyrius Uspenski, op. cit., p. 296.
CHAPTER IV
THE MONKS OF MOUNT ATHOS AND THE
COMING OF ATHANASIUS
Tue last chapter described the state of things -at
the beginning of the tenth century, when the monks
of Mount Athos had triumphed over their oppressors
and ‘ protectors’, the monks of Kolobou, and were
beginning to adopt something of the nature of a
common organization. The next few years are
blank. The only ray of light, and that a very feeble
one, is afforded by the Chrysobull of Romanus which
ratified those of Basil and of Leo. As was pointed
out, nothing was said in the Chrysobull of Leo as
to the protectorate over the mountain or about the
Kalédpa tav yepdvrwy; but both these points are
mentioned in the Chrysobull of Romanus, which
belongs either to the year 919-20 (or perhaps the
year 934-5, only the indiction being given). A pos-
sible interpretation of this fact is that the controversy
between the monks of Kolobou and the hermits of
Mount Athos still continued, and that the former
insisted that the meaning of the Chrysobull of Leo
was to confirm that of Basil, and thus to grant them
a protectorate over the mountain, while the monks
of Mount Athos insisted, more or less as a counter-
claim, on their privileges in connexion with the
Kaédpa tav yepdvrav. If this be so it would
88 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
appear that both parties succeeded in establishing
their claim.
If the tradition of the mountain be trustworthy,
one other point of interest ought to be added.
According to this Basileios, the writer of the life
of Euthymius, who was Metropolitan of Thessalonica
some time after 905,1 founded a monastery ‘(or
laura?) on Mount Athos. This monastery is further
identified with the ruined foundation on the north
coast of the mountain, and according to two MSS.
of the book called ‘Awvds,? in the Russian con-
vent on Mount Athos, was known as the monastery
Tov Ilvpyov, or as Tov Lwrnpos ; it would also appear
to have been dedicated to the Ascension, and
perhaps the full name was ris davadyWews Tov
Lwrnpos, just as the full name of Pantocrator is
THS peTapopPaaEews TOV TavToKpaTopos. That this
monastery existed is of course certain, but in the
absence of corroborative proof it is far from being
equally certain that it was founded early in the
tenth century by Basileios of Thessalonica. It is
interesting to note that according to the life of
St. Bartholomew of Simeri? it was early in the
twelfth century the property of a Byzantine named
Kallimeris, who gave it to Bartholomew. The
1 Cf. Petit, Saint Euthyme le jeune, p. 6, and Echos de 1’ Orient,
iv (1901), p. 221.
? Cod. Ath. Pantel. 5788 and 5789. For the facts concerning |
the book ’A@wvids, see Gedeon, 6 "Aus, p. 69. It was written
by Sophronios Kallijas, before 1855, and published at sag
after 1870.
® Acta SS. Sept., vol. viii, p. 821 ¢,
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS 89
latter reformed it, and it is stated in his life that
it therefore obtained the nickname of the monas-
tery of the Calabrian. Of this name no trace can
be found in any surviving tradition. Finally, in
1281, according to the ‘A@wuds, it was absorbed
by the neighbouring monastery of Chelandariou.
After this we know nothing about the history of
the mountain until the middle of the tenth cen-
tury, when the various documents connected with
Athanasius the Athonite give us some valuable in-
formation as to the history of the mountain during
the second half of this century.
_ These documents are (1) the life of Athanasius
the Athonite. This important document was written
by a younger Athanasius who had been a monk at
the laura under the saint, and wrote during the
abbacy of Kustratius, the second abbot. The original
MS. is said to be extant—I see no reason to doubt
the fact—in the archives of the Laura, and there are
several copies in various libraries on Mount Athos
and elsewhere. One of these copies, now in the
Library of the Synod at Moscow (No. 398 in the
catalogue of Vladimir), has been published, with use-
ful indices, by J. Pomjalovski, St. Petersburg, 1895.
It would no doubt be desirable to have this collated
with the original, but for historical research the
printed text is a sufficient basis of investigation.
(2) The Typicon or Kanonicon of Athanasius.
This is also probably still extant in the original
document, but is not shown to visitors. It is
published, from probably trustworthy copies, by
90 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
Ph. Meyer in die Haupturkunde fir die Geschichte der
A thoskloster.
(3) The Typicon of the Emperor Johannes Tyimis-
ces, also published in the Hawpturkunde of Ph. Méyer.
From these documents a tolerably good idea can
be formed of the condition of the monks on the
mountain in the second half of the tenth century,
of the end of the history of the monks of Kolobou,
and of the changes introduced by Athanasius.
Athanasius the Athonite. Athanasius, whose name
before he became a monk was Abraham, was the son
of a rich and well-born family at Trebizond. He was
born early in the tenth century, but his father died
before his birth and his mother shortly afterwards,
so that he owed his bringing up first to a friend of
his mother and afterwards to relations in Constan-
tinople. In this city he made the acquaintance of
Michael Maleinos, the abbot from Mount Kymina,
and his nephews Leo and Nicephorus Phocas, the
latter being the future emperor. He followed
Michael to Kymina to the monastery, which was
based on the model of the Studium ; but after a time
left it, and went to Mount Athos. Here he tried to
escape the notice of Leo and Nicephorus Phocas,
who were looking for him, by changing his name
and feigning to be a peasant. There were on the .
mountain apparently a comparatively small number
of monks, some living in communities and some as
hermits, who acknowledged to some extent the
supremacy of one monk, the Protos, who allotted
hermitages or cells to those who desired them.
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS 91
They assembled for the three great feasts of the |
year at the laura! at Caryes. One of these com-
munities (or perhaps one of the hermits) lived on
the hill known as the Zvyés, and to this Athanasius
attached himself. Mention is also made of another
monk named Paul, who was called Enpomordpuvos,
probably because he lived (again either as the head
of a laura or as a hermit) at the place called Xero-
potamos, where there is now a monastery of that
name. |
Athanasius could not keep his identity a secret.
First, the Protos—at that time a monk named
Stephanos—discovered him, but consented to keep
his secret and gave him a hermitage three stadia
distant from Caryes, and ultimately he was found
by Leo (according to the Vita, p. 24) or by a monk
named Methodius who was sent by Nicephorus
(according to the Kanonicon, Haupturkunde, p. 104),
and was persuaded to build a laura, like that of
Michael Maleinos at the expense of Nicephorus.
This he did at the place called Melana where ‘the
Laura’ still stands. According to the Vita the church
at Caryes was at the same time enlarged by the
generosity of Leo.
It is interesting to note that among the monks
who joined Athanasius was Nicephorus, a Calabrian,
who had formerly been a companion of Fantinus. -
It is further stated that when Nicephorus came to
join Athanasius, Fantinus went to Thessalonica.
1 The present Protaton: it has long lost the title of laura,
which is now only given to the foundation of Athanasius.
92 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
This corroborates the short account of Fautinus
given in the Acta SS. Aug., vi, pp. 621 ff., which
also states that Fantinus came to Thessalonica at
the end of his life. There is in the Laura a MS.
written, in a hand and style closely resembling the
school of Nilus,! the friend of Fantinus, in 970, by
a scribe named Lukas. It is far from impossible
that Nicephorus introduced the Calabrian style of
writing into the Laura, or that Lukas like himself
came from Calabria.
The importance of this story for the history of
the monks on Mount Athos is that it establishes
(1) That Caryes had become, by the middle of the
tenth century, the general centre of the monks.
(2) That there was a generally recognized chief
monk, called the Protos. (8) That there were three
fixed times in the year—Christmas, Easter, and the
Assumption of the Virgin—at which the whole
body of monks used to assemble for the services in
the Church at Caryes. (4) That there were dotted
about the mountain various settlements of monks,
varying from hermitages to lauras, and of these
we can place one on the Zygos, one at Caryes, and
one at Xeropotamos, while we know from other
sources that there was another, called Klementos,
on the site of the present Iveron. Thus the
monastic development of the mountain, c. 950, may
fairly be said still to belong to the ‘laura period ’.
The Chrysobull given to Athanasius and the position
1 See Journal of Theological Studies 1908-4, ‘The Greek
Monasteries in South Italy.’
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS — 93
it created. The coming of Athanasius and his friend-
ship with Nicephorus introduced a new factor into
the life of the monks. He obtained from the
emperor money with which to build a new and
magnificent foundation, and to this was granted
a Chrysobull giving it various valuable possessions
and complete independence from all control by
any except the imperial authority. Thus, whereas
there was formerly only the monastery of Kolobou
with the semblance of a protectorate (among monks,
as elsewhere, often more advantageous to the pro-
tector than valuable to the protected), there was now
founded, on the mountain itself, a rich and powerful
monastery containing over eighty monks, all of whom
could go to Caryes, and take part in the affairs of
the general commonwealth of monks, and at the
same time could claim at any moment that, by the
virtue of the Chrysobull of Nicephorus, their own
interests were immune from any interference by
the other fathers. If we consider that the other
settlements consisted of only a few monks each,
the unfairness of this arrangement is obvious; the
new foundation could probably swamp all the others,
if voting or discussion went by the numbers of
monks and not by foundations.
The appeal of the Athonites against Athanasius, That
friction arose in this way between Athanasius and
the other monks is certain, but we possess little
knowledge of the details. So long as Nicephorus
lived it was obviously impossible to appeal to him
against the Athanasian monks; but after his death
94 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
his successor, Johannes Tzimisces, was approached
by the monks under the Protos Athanasius (who is
not to be confounded with the saint) and the monk
Paul (whether Paul of Xeropotamos or another is not
certain) who drew attention to the quarrels between
Athanasius and the other monks, Their accusation
was that Athanasius interfered with and worried
the others, and that no means of peace could be
- found. An imperial inquiry was therefore held
under Euthymius, a monk of the Studium, who
decided that the quarrel was chiefly due to the
attempts of Satan to make mischief, reconciled the
monks, and drew up a series of regulations for the
future conduct of the mountain. Among these
regulations the part of the enactment, which for the
present purpose is important, is that the annual
meetings at Caryes should be reduced from three to
one, and strictly confined to abbots and hermits.
The victory: of Athanasius, and the rule of the
Studium. The general effect of this regulation was
to give Athanasius more rather than less freedom,
even though those of his monks who were neither
Ke\M@Tar Hor yovyacrai could no longer come to
Caryes. Moreover the choice of a Studite to con-
duct the inquiry was itself practically a decision
in favour of Athanasius, for the Laura—a laura
only in name—was founded on the model of the
Studium. Indeed it would not be too much to
say that the real question at issue.was whether
Mount Athos should keep the loose organization of
the old days or adopt the stricter regulations intro-
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS 95
duced by Theodore the Studite, adopted by Michael
Maleinos on Mount Kymena, and brought thence
by Athanasius to Mount Athos. Obviously the
choice of Euthymius, himself a monk of the Studium,
was practically the doom of the old life and the
triumph of the Studite system.
The result was the rapid foundation of other
monasteries with the same or almost the same
constitution as the laura. But with their founda-
tion begins a new period in the history of Mount
Athos, which falls outside the purpose of the
present treatise.
The end of Kolobou. It remains to trace the
closing scenes in the history:of Kolobou and _ its
ultimate absorption by the monks of the mountain.
The point on which friction arose in the second
half of the tenth century between Kolobou and the
monks of Mount Athos was the xaféSpa rav yepdv-
tov to which reference was made in the Chrysobulls
of Basil and Romanus. It therefore becomes im-
portant to inquire what this xafédpa really was.
The view which is usually held by those of the
monks who have ever heard of it is that it was
the meeting-place of the monks under the presi-
dency of the Protos, and that it was moved from
Erissos to Caryes during the tenth century. Its
position is fixed by one tradition at Purgoudia, by
another at Proboli.t I believe that the whole of
1 I am not quite sure where Proboli is: it does not appear
on any map which I have seen, but I understand from the
monks that it is a little south of Xerxes’ canal.
96 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
this theory, including the identification of the site,
is quite modern and of no intrinsic value. The most
important evidence as to the site is that in the
report of Thomas Kaspax it is apparently defined
as not being in the neighbourhood of the boundary
between the Athonites and the Erissiotes, from
which I conclude that it was in or near the town
itself. The idea that the monks used to come to
Erissos for general meetings is bound up with the
prevalent view that the early monasteries were all
near the canal of Xerxes and that Athanasius the
Athonite was the first to go to the mountain itself.
If so, of course a general meeting-place at Hrissos
is more probable than one at Caryes, but I am
inclined to combat the whole theory. It is true
that the tradition which ascribed the foundation
of the monasteries Xeropotamos and St. Paul to
a certain Paulus, son of Michael the Emperor, is
bound up with an obvious forgery (cf. Meyer, op. cit.,
p. 80), but this does not alter the facts that there was
a Paulus of Xeropotamos in the time of Athanasius,
that a monastery of some sort—Klementos—existed
before the time of the latter close to the present
site of Iveron, and that the monks were accustomed
to meet at Caryes, long before the foundation of the
Laura, and had a little church there, as the life of
Athanasius explicitly states. Therefore I think
that the theory which confines the monks to the
canal end of the mountain and makes Erissos a
convenient place for meetings is baseless. If so,
the xafédpa trav yepovrwy cannot have been used
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS 97
for the purpose of general meetings, and I suggest
that it was merely a house at which the monks or
hermits used to stay when they came to Erissos in
order to buy provisions and clothes. It was, in fact,
what the monks would now call a covd«. in Erissos,
belonging partly to Kolobou and partly to the
Athonites, but chiefly to the former. |
If this theory be correct (it is, of course, quite as
much a guess founded on general considerations of
probability as the rival view), the next important
stage in the history of Kolobou is connected with
the last by the xaOé6pa.
It appears from the document given by the Protos
Thomas to Johannes the Georgian in 985 (Appen-
dix C) that there was a prolonged struggle between
Kolobou and the Athonites as to the right which the
latter had to hospitality in the monastery when they
came to Erissos. It does not actually identify this
with the xafédpa, but it very nearly does so, and in
the absence of evidence I think it is fairly safe to
assume that this is the meaning of the passage.
Otherwise we have the improbable theory that
there were two spots in Erissos which were a
source of contention between the Athonites and
Kolobou, that they were both used by the same
people, but that documents referring to the one
never mention the other.
> “ lal
1... dxov apynley cvvnPaav ... mapafareiy év aitd Kai pevew
‘ / / / A a
kat éoOiew ... mpdcwrd tia eubavy Tov apxaiwy yepdvrwy Seems
to me a paraphrase for the xa6édpa, and éfepydpevor eis “lepurodv
oraviws dud twa xpeiav defines the use to which it was put—
not consultation between monks, but shopping in the village.
LAKE. M. A, G
98 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
Assuming that my view may be correct, we can
then easily reconstruct the history of the dispute
up to the end of the separate existence of Kolobou.
As the monks on the mountain increased in
numbers the frequency of their visits to Hrissos
became greater, and the constant arrival of monks
at the quarters set apart for the purpose became an
intolerable nuisance to Kolobou. Originally, no
doubt, the yépovres covered all the monks from the
mountain, at least by courtesy, just as it does now,
but strictly not every monk is a yépwyv in the technical
sense, and probably the first step of the monks of
Kolobou was to enforce the distinction, and to in-
quire carefully as to the bona fides of travellers who
claimed to be Athonite yépovres. The procedure,
though natural, must have given rise to constant
friction, and at last the monastery refused to keep
up the custom any longer. From the point of view
of the monks of Kolobou this was the end of the
matter, and it was reached about 975.
It may be argued that the Chrysobull of Basil
and Romanus would have prevented this if the
kabédpa trav yepovrov had been the quarters in
which the Athonites: stayed at Kolobou, but it must
be remembered that Chrysobulls, though a good
argument in a court of law, were of no value against
an abbot who shut his doors, especially when the
same Bulls had once made him in some way the
Protector of the Mountain.
But though the monks of Kolobou might regard
the matter as settled, the Athonites, who were
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS 99
rapidly growing in numbers and importance, were
naturally not disposed to leave it where it was. IEf
Kolobou would not receive them as guests it must
be made to acknowledge them as masters, and they
made appeals to the emperor to give them the
monastery. Athanasius of the Laura, ‘the Studite’
(probably Euthymius the Studite, cf. Meyer, op. cit.,
p. 31), and Johannes the Georgian petitioned John
Tsimisces for this purpose, and two requests were
addressed to Basil, one by the monks Sabas!, Malenas,
and Thomas? Pitharas, and a second by Georgias
Chalandare ; but none of these attempts were success-
ful. Finally, however, in 980, Johannes the Georgian,
who possessed monasteries in his own land, effected
an exchange with the emperor, giving the monasteries
of Iverissa in Constantinople and 8, Phocas in Trebi- :
zond in exchange for the monasteries of Leontia in
Thessalonica, of Kolobou in Erissos (see Appendix B),
and of Clementos on Mount Athos.
This, of course, completely altered the case, and
Johannes, who was anxious to found a Georgian
monastery (the present Iveron) in place of the little
laura of St. John the Forerunner at Clementos,
conceded the Athonites all that they wished in
Erissos, purchased still more land for them, and
built them a good house for their use when visiting
the town.
1 Perhaps SaBBas povaxds Kal %yyovpevos Kal KovBovkdeicros, -
the last signatory of the Tumxdév of John Tsimisces (Meyer,
op. cit., p. 187).
_? Perhaps the abbot who was afterwards the Tparos.
G 2
100 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
This is the end of the known history of Kolobou ;
I do not think that it is ever mentioned again in
extant documents, and there can be little doubt
but that it rapidly became merely a dependency
of Iveron, little, if at all, differing from a farm.
It only remains to sum up the broad results of
this investigation. The life of Peter the Athonite
and the first period of the life of Euthymius on
Mount Athos seem to be the best attested proofs
which exist for the hermit period on the mountain.
No doubt there were many more whose names *
have been forgotten. We have no right even to
assume that Peter was the first hermit on the
mountain: it is quite possible that he had many
predecessors, and that he should rather be regarded
as owing his fame to the fact that the end of his life
overlapped the beginning of the next period. On
the other hand, there is no proof that this was the
case; Peter and Euthymius remain as the two
definite examples of hermits on Mount Athos in the
ninth century, nor is there any historical proof that
there were any earlier.
After the hermit period comes that of the lauras
—loosely organized bodies of hermits who met
together at intervals and had a common centre in
the cell of some one outstanding anchorite. This
period is represented by the second part of the
life of Euthymius and by the various scraps of
1 Cf. the mention of Joseph the Armenian and Onuphrius
in the life of Euthymius.
I SID 4 44
3.
THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS: | 10% 02280015 4%
evidence which cover the period from his leaving
the mountain shortly before 870 to the founda-
tion of the great Laura of Athanasius a century
later. So far as we can see, the most important
incident in this period was the acquirement of
privileges for the monks by Johannes Kolobos and
the subsequent struggle between the monks of the
monastery of Kolobou and those on the mountain
for the advantages offered by these privileges. The
most: notable result of this struggle was a marked
tendency to a more developed organization and
the recognition of Caryes as a centre for the monks
under the leadership of one of their number called
the Protos.
This type of loose organization and the period
which it marked was closed by the triumph of the
Studite system introduced by Athanasius, and with
his triumph the present history of the mountain
may be said to begin; for from that day to this
it has represented the continuance of the Studite
system, with developments and changes of detail, .
it is true, but with no essential or constitutional
revolution unless the introduction of idiorhythmism
be so regarded. The treatment of this long period,
still unclosed, would be the worthy subject of much
research, and could probably be carried out success-
fully if the monks would open their archives, but it
is outside the purpose of this treatise, which only
professes to deal with the pre-Athanasian history of
the mountain, and is closed by the triumph of that
saint and the introduction of the Studite system.
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER IV
A. CHRYSOBULL oF Romanus, CoNnsTANTINE,
STEPHANUS, AND CoNSTANTINE, A.D. 919.
3 ee 4 al A 4 la) lz 4 “~ ,
Ky ovduate Tov TaTpos Kai Tov viov Kal TOU ayiouv mvev-
es os kat K ivos, LTE iK
naros ‘Pwuavos cat Kovorartivos, Zrépavos cat Kaverav-
- A a U
tivos miaTo. Bacircis ‘Pwxnaiwr.
To tais ayabais mTpacer emTaxoAoubev kat Tavras
emikupoov Bagiduxis err GAnBas mpovoias Kat ayxwotas,
ws ay HOvemoy di To ayabov Kal avaAXolwrov és del, dta
TOUTO TOV 70. NL@YV BeBacrdeve dro XpvreBoud)ov eT t-
OEOWKOTWV TOTS ev to AOwvu aoxynrais, TodTO Kal 7 mmerépa
emioxenranevn Kal dodeEauevy Bactreta, ova Tov TapavTos
auTis evoeBous emikupoi xpuroBouhAtov Adyou, ToU 7apa-
gurarrec Oat ravTas Tous év TO avTo Oper TXoAaCovras
Oeious _avdpas € ev dtapopors KATATKNVOTETL, KAL TOS ToUToUs
kat tiv mapa Tod KodoBot "Iwavvov veoupynOeicay pmovny
Tis TowTns Mpovoias KaTaToAavev, Kal KaTéxew THY
evopiay Tov "Kpiccot Kat movov, kal dwA@S TAY el TL ETEpoV
ev T® xpvroBovlANiw avaypaderat, arrapamrointoy dcagdpu-
Aarrec Oa, pHTE mpocOnKns pyre vpapéerews TiS OlacovV
ywvouerns. IIdqv rovro diopiCoucOa, iva Kat 4 eucbepouern év
TH adT® xputoBovlAXNipm apyaia Toy yepovrwy kabedpa
dmrapevoxAnTos Siarnpirar aro maons € emnpetas ayyapetas
Kal Cyutas, TiS os ELKOS eyyivomevns Tapa Te €TLOKOT WY
Kat apxovToy Kat GAXou raves, Kabws qv Kat €& a apxins, ws
BeBaiov Kat ardadois XpnuariCoyros TOU | Tapovros mv
evreBovs xpuroBovAXiov Adyou yervyevnuevov Kara Tov
avyourroy piva tig EBdouns eTUeuncews ev @ Kal TO
yuetepov evoeBes Kat OcompoPrAynTov vrernunvaTo ‘Kparos.
Taken from Porphyrius Uspenski, op. cit., p. 299.
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER IV 108
B, Extract rrom A Document at IvERON, REFERRING
To A CHRYSOBULL OF Basi, BuLGAROKTONOS,
A.D. 980.
... Kal TOU tavaodinov Bactdéws Kup Bacvetov TOU
Loppupoyevvirou XpucdBoudros yeyovas kara TO sg umn
[A. D. 980] eros To movax "Iwavvy Kat ovyKehry To
Topuixio, Kara TpoTov avtadAayns vTayopewy alto
dwpnOjvar thy povav THv Aeovtias év Th Oercadoviky Kat Thy
povnv To0 KodoBot év "Epicoe, mpos de kat Thy movi roo
KAgjuevtos, 771s em Ovomate meV TOU TuAtou Tpodpdpov Kat
Barriorot *lwavvov KaQvdpirat, KaTa O€ TO Opos rov Adwva
dvakecrat, avd wv _TapnThearo ovw MOve”, THS TE moviis THS
‘IPnpioons, Ths ev TH Bacidide TOV TOAEwY TY Xavourns,
Kat Tihs moving Tov ayiou Pwxa ris ev Tare ovvTe
OraKxermevns. «
The text is taken from Uspenski, op. cit., p. 333.
‘C. SETTLEMENT OF PART OF THE EstaTE or KoLozou
on THE Monxs or Mount Atos By JOHANNES
THE GEORGIAN, A. D. 985,
+ Owuds povaxos 0 I paros. tT ‘A@avacros povaxos O THs
Aaipas jryovpevos. ti ’lwavyns povaxos 0 Pakivos.
t Aawnr povaxos Kal yryounevos. Tt “Loavrys povax os Kal
yryovmevos 6’ArCiravos. + ‘Tapio povaxos Kal H°youjpevos.
+ ’Iwavyns povaxos kat IYOUMEVOS TOU Empoxao pov.
t Geddwpos povaxos Kal yyovmevos. T’Apcénos povayos
Kal nryoumevos. t Acovicros povaxos Kal ™ pea Birepos.
+N ix Popos movaxos Kal mpea BUTepos. } Aouxas movayos
Kal yyovuevos. tT L2répavos pmovaxos Kal yovmevos.
| PirradeAos pmovaxos Kat mpeaBvrepos. t Nucnpopos
povaxos Kat mperPurepos. tf Dedipyycos ovaxos Kal #you-
Mevos. t Kupidros povaxos kal yyouuevos. tf Koopas
104 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
MOvaxos Kal HyoUmevos. tNedduros. movaxos Kal Hyoumevos.
} Zrépavos povaxos Kat mperBirepos Too KarCapn.
+ Awpobecos povaxos Kat mperBuTepos Kal Hryovmevos.
+ LlatXos movaxos Kat nryoumevos. +t NixorAaos Movax os Kat
yyovmevos TOU Barterediov.
"Ev ovepate Tov TAT pos Kal Tov viod Kal Tov dylou
TVEUMATOS, Sumas Hovaxos [patos cai of wel? yudy IVOUMeVOL
of Tos Temious oravpous idtoxetpws mHEQVTES, TouréoTe
mporagavr es kat vrotakavres ouv ToS OvoMaTW Huo, THY
Tapovcay eyypapov acpaevay Kat amrevrevOev On duadvorw,
rBeueba Kat Tovovmey oiKela mov 7H yeni Kat auTo-
mpoapéer@ Bovdy, kat ovk &k Tivos avarykns 7 Bias xpetas
i pera Oddov, GAN Ors olkeia mpoOéce Kai PBovryoe
mravtoy Tov ev TO "Ope movayxay, eis Uuas Tov evAaBéerTaToV
povax ov Kal n'y ovmeEVOY Tov Kipiov "Iwavyny tov “TBnpa, Kat
mos TOV movaxov Kat 7 pea Bur epov evOUmewy TOV vioV cov,
Kai els TOUS meTA Ta’Ta diaddxous WudY TOUS peANovras els
Thy cwepyia Ocov romSeicav Aavpay jyeuovevev, THv er
dvonate Ths mavayias Oceordrou idpumevny Kat Aeyouevny
TOU Kyyjnevros, emt uToBéret ToLGde -—
"Ered ets To ToV KodoBod povarrnproy eixov apxndev
ou Fevay of ev TH "Oper diarehovvres Movaxol OTe TavTEAGS
oAlyot Urnpxov, éLepyduevos eis ‘lepisoov oraviws ca Twa’
xpelav avayKcatay mapaBareiv ev aiT@ Kat mévew €vioTe
kat éoOiew* Kat TovTd twee €& avTaV TOV one kal
evapiOunrev Kal ouxt Bovhouevos & EKATTOS, ada mpocwma
Tia eucpayy TOV apXalwv yépovTwr. Aw Kat yoyyuomos
modRaxes Kat prrovercia meTacu Toy mova cov exivel To,
TELPWMLEVOOY Kat ere peoy mapaBaneiv Kat py TVX Mpoumevenr
@s Hon Kat TOU Kparovvros Hyouuevov THV woviy py
Bovdopevou, eira Kal eis ARVs erexrabevtay Trav ev [To]
"Ope Movayxev, eyoryyuCov OL THS MOVAS Kal Eig AUTOUS ékElvoUS
Tous Movaxous Tous Ola TOV ™ pos auTous TOU ny ounévou
pidiav mapaBadovras ody aes 7H sovn OL TOU xpdovou"
Kat Gpmeos ameKkdmnaay Kal avTot Kat ovd GAXos mrapePahhe
TH Movi movaxos eK TOU "Opous mex pt TOU voy, TAEov TOY
OKT deka éTaV TapeAnrvOdTwy é& Grou dyAovoTL ovdEts
TOY APXaiwy oUTE €& Hua TAY VOY TepLovTwY ETUXE EV TH
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER IV 105
pov oiacdynmote avaravcews. "Et rovte dé rpocvré-
pvycapev Tous evoeBeis nuov Bacireis doOijvat eis eEouciav
Thy Tova’Tyy movny TO KAD nuas”Ope. Kai eri mev rod
kup “Iwavvov tov Bacidéas ! TpocuTéuvycey O TE Movaxos
6 Drovdiaray Kat 6 movaxos "Adavacios 6 THs Aavpas TOY
Medavav yyovmevos Kat 0 evAaBéoraros hovaxos "lwavyns 6
"IBnp akidoavtes doOjvar juiv ryv elonuévyy povyy, Kat
ov Kxatedé~ato 6 PBacide’s. Kai rardw émi rod Kip
Bacirelov? tov viv eioeBois Baciievovtos damerreiNamev
pera ypapmarav OenTik@v TOV povay ov Owudy Tov Tl:@apay
kat Tov povayoyv DaBBav tov Madwar, airnoapevor Tept
Tijs elonuevns ovis’ Kal ovde tOTe 6 Bacirers KaTévevoev
eis THy altnow jpov. ‘Qo de Kat mwadw peta ToOUTO:
eypavvauev dua Tewpyiov tod Neyouévov Xedavdapy mpos
Tov eipnuevoy Baciéea kal Tpos Tov Tapakoip.dpmevov
ovdoAws yKovocOnuev amrnATicamev TavTEAas THs ToLta’TNS
uToérews Kai ovdelg év tH ToLvalty pmovn TmapéBaddev
éextote. Tovrov dé yevouévou Kal tis auvdpas éxetvys
cuvneias exkomeions dia Te TO TANnOUVOivae TOUS KovaxouS
ws elpntat Kat dia TO ovK &k TWos evAdyou i e£oucias
yeyevnc Oar thy cuvnPeav éxelvyy, GAAa povov pirias Tov
KaOnyouuéevou vevovros Tis MoVvaS wWaTE Kal agp’ Strov mapé-
AaBev avTnv 6 povaxos Zrépavos Kat Hyovmevos ovde Kav
€v TO TVAGML TUVEXopNTe TapaKiTTeW TWA EE HuoV Kal
eppovTiCey exarros avrov Kabos jovvaueba Ore dra Xpetas
ets ‘lepiscov rapeBadropev, os undeutay mpopacw evoyov
exovTes TOV HYyoUmevov éxtreipaCetv ovde ws \ytAov pyuaros.
Mera dé ravra ravra Ta elpyueva olkovouyncavtos TOU Oeod
€000y 4 ToLavTN Movy eis TeELaY KUpLOTYTA Kat avapatperov
derroteiavy Kal mpocexupaOy dt’ eiceBovs ypucoBovdXov
tov evceBertarov Baciréws kup Bactdciov TH tmerépa
evayerTaTy Aavpa TH Aeyouevy Tod KAnmevTos. ira
kat e€ddous moAAas KataBadovrTes Kat Kdrovs UTooTarTes
kat eis éucaveay kat evTopiay avTyy KaTacTyCaVTEs
av@Kxodounoay eUTopov avriyv amepyacacOa, Kat eet
cuvypyncey O Ocds bro THY UmeTepav e£ouciay kal Oeomorelayv
1 Johannes Tzimisces. 2 Basil Bulgaroktonos.
106 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
yever Oar avrny Cappicarres Th vay ayiwovvy karayaytov
ev TO dar pe THS ‘Tepicod Kat mpovocia Bat THY MOV
Tarewida ews” iva Ore eceOn Tis €« Tov “Opous mrapaaNew
Kal méverv ev T~ TOLOUTH Karayoryiy. “Yueis d€ ovk ets
TOUTO eiEare movoy TH TATELVOCEL mpscov GAXa Kat eis GAXAa
metCova dep ouK idmiCamev memoujKare Kat ewpyracbe
LOY ™ pwr ov bev avAny Kat oikjwara TOANa Te Kat
KaAduora drep €k TOU Peneney TOU st e&w-
vicacbe eis AS UTépTupa, év ois KaTapévovTes OTe dia
Xpelav mapeBarrouev ev TH KaocTpw Kal dvaTravomevor
Umepevxoneba THs may oovoTnTos. ererta de KaTavuyevTes
éx Tov Oeov kal THY avaravow pov WS OlKElay AoyeComevor
cwrnpiay Woxiis edwpiicaa be Kal aumeN@va KaAAcTOY kal
evpopov bmdpxovra per TIS bovis, kaAecpynbevra dé Kat
gurevOevta map’ wwov mer’ e&ddwy Kal Kdrwv ov Tav
TUXOVTOV, ovra wrwbia woet XN oUv TH TOU TadaLov
dumeAd@vos Kal TOU map" UMO@V purevOévros ex Tin bels Ova
Xapaynaros Xpurov dir pas Oy 8. oS _euXapiarouvTes ert
TOUTOLS TATt Kal VTEpevXOmevot Tis vuay ev Xpior@ ape-
Tis Kat adydrtytos, eLarpadiCoueba aro Tis Tapovons
ULE pas my _exew eEougiay Kal aderay TWA TOY dmavtwr,
Te €& Nuov Tov voV TEpLovr@v, €lTE TOV mel? nweas ev TS
"Oper KaTariumavopeveoy J ” éNevoomevwyv Kivnow Y ayoryny
olavonrore mpopacw eX OvT OV eVNoryov Te Kal ahoyov
mo.eia Oat Jmept TIS ejpnuevns ovis, mrép 78 ovde TavTa
ypadeww evAoryor, aAXa da THY cuvyberav Hv ot _apxaior kat
oduyoorrot eixov ev TH movy mapaBan civ Tov KaTa THY
mie pay Hyoupévov dra pidlay kat Oeomov ayarns a7ro0e-
xouévou avtovs. Kat éav tis pepath ov movoy Key
Tept Ths ToLalTys UToOecews, GAA Kat Ewe Wiov pyuaTos
evoxrciv 4) mapamixpalvey elite vuas avrovs, elte Tous
Umer épous dvaddxous Tis ToLavTyS eveca vToOerews, iva exy
THY kar apay TOV dyiwov Kal Seopopev TATE poy HULOV, TOV
an’ ai@vos evaper rng avrey TO Kupi, Kal €or KeXwpiomevos
TiS ayias | kal Omoovciou Tpiddos Kal ryevyra } pepis avrob
mera TOV dpvyravrev TOV vioV TOU Geou kat oravpwcavre
auTov, Kat pn axovcOat tTovrov } 7a * éxxAyovarriKay
kavovey } Tapa TONTUKOV vonwy, GAAa diwKerOae avTov
APPENDICES TO CHAPTER IV _ 107
,
€x TavTos KpiTyplov ws axXapicTOY Kal ayvauova Kal
+ 4 mireies me ~ rN ’ , ‘ o 4 4
apyntny Tov viod Tov Oeod. Kai ov povoy de to’To adda
kat doag evepyecias cal evrotias épyacacbe rat meas
emarpepes Jat diya vomou Kal Epariaews ™pos buas Kal TO
KaQ’ nuas Mépos mera TOV epmmeveov oiknuatwy Kal TOU
dmmehiovos Kal ei? obras ioxupay Kal BeBatay Kat appayi
Kal aKivyTov evar THY mapovaay ipav eyypapov Te Kat
ever oypaov aopadeay, & ws aTE eK _ cuucparvou Tapa TavTwv
pov yeyovviay meta mpolerews Kat ayamns Kal evxYapirTias
Tis mpooncovons. “Kay de yévntai rote Katpo 4 xpove
THY elpnuervny wovny, Omep Eat advvaTor, e& tuav adatpe-
Ojvat Kat TH Baoiwiuky caKxKéAy TpoockupwOjvat, 7 els ETEPOV
TEKPETOY, ij Ta TPOTwTOV? TOTE Kal of TOV “Opous povaxot
A on , , , >] s Ped ; ,
rai Tw IIpare, dixa maans evroryou 7 adoryou dicarohoyias,
‘
7 oiaadirore Tpopacens i wa droatperywot TO. ™ poeipnucva
olKnwara, are | €K Tob 7 pwr om aT a eConjcac be Kal edwp7j-
cacbe Huiv, ™pos TO Kal’ wuas _HEpos Kat Thy edayerrarny
uuav avpay THv Aeyouévyy Tod KAjperTos. "Qs av per’
A ,
eipnvikis KaTacTacews Kal ayamrns mvevmatiKns ocuComey
yee We 3 , ’ n i Git ”C—)
GaAAynAOIS §=Kal © our LapKoupevot ev tT Kal’ yuas pel,
exrodwy Yevoueveny maons diroverkias Kai oiardirore éxOpas
Kal yoy yus nod pos adAnrous. Llepi de trav KT qvaV Tis
povig [708] Korofob Kaos éxTraAat Tv Xpovev eixov
€O0s Tov veuerOa ev tw Kal? Huas "Oper thy avrny
, , 4 J A | , A
ourgGevay OéX omev pudarres Gat kal els TOY Get Xpovoy, My
4
EXOVTOs Twos Eousiav KkaTadvew TO ToLovToy €0os. Kal
TAUTG Mev Tept TOUTWY....
[Then follows permission to build a house near
the common harbour of Galiagra or Kaliagra, without,
however, any right to the ground being given. |
TAUTa cwepwrnOn Kal eypan Kal _aveyveoa Oy KATEVWTLOV
mpeaov Kara Tov *Lavovapiov mijva THs TploKaidenarys ivdt-
KTL@BVOS, Kal amrodeEapevor kal pea Bevres Karo mayra
mpoetatauey Kat vrerakauey Tovs Timlovs oTaYpoUS cUV
Tois dvomaci nudv idoxelpws pyvi Kal tvduKTIOM TH
108 THE MONKS AND ATHANASIUS
Tporyeypaypern. "Eypadn dé dia yerpog Paytivov movaxoti
Kat 7 youmevou moving TOU LtKeXoU Movaxou Aouka é@rous
AY:
Copied from 76 “Ayvov "Opos, pp. 37-9. Gera-
simos Smyrnakes gives no clue as to whether the
original exists or whence he has obtained it.
The same text, but omitting the signatories at
the beginning and inserting only as far as =réhavos
at the end, is given by Alexandros Lauriotes in the
Bulavrwa Xpovixa, vol. v, pp. 489 ff.
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MANUSCRIPTS
THE following lists call for but little explanation. List I contains
the names and incipits of the lives of Saints found in the library of
the Laura on Mount Athos. For convenience I have added the
references to similar MSS. in Rome and Paris, and further research
would no doubt add to the number, and would probably also show
that some of my ‘lives’ have actually been published. It is a pity
that it was not possible to give the references to the actual MSS. in
the Laura, but the librarian Chrysostomus was not willing to allow
me the use of his catalogue for this purpose, though he was kind
enough to give the list of the unpublished items. A complete catalogue
of the Hagiographical MSS. on Mount Athos is greatly to be desired,
but until it can be produced the present list may be of interest.
List II similarly gives the unpublished lives of Saints in the library
of Prodromou near Serres; this is in comparison with the Laura
a small collection, but it has some fine MSS., which the courtesy of
the librarian allowed me to study, and to extract the unpublished
lives of Saints. I cannot absolutely vouch for its completeness, but
Ido not think that it is probable that there is much more unpub-
lished Hagiographical material in the library. List III gives in
alphabetical order the writers to which the authorship of various
lives in the preceding lists is ascribed: when not otherwise stated
the reference is to List I.
LIST I
Acepsumas. Passio. inc. év ére: rpraxoora... [Vat. 8074, &c.]
Adrianus et Natalia. Passio. inc. Matpunavod tov trupavvov.. .
Aecatherina. Passio. inc. rod mapaydpov kal doeBeotdrov... [Par.
1180*, &c.]
Agathonicus. Passio. inc, Magéipuavds 6 Bacided’s...
Alexius (6 avOpwmos rod Oeod). Vita. inc. éyévero avip evoeBns.. .
[Vat. 866", &c.]
Alypius. Vita. inc. cadol pév kal of roy papripov... [ Vat. 805°, &e. ;
Par. 579°, &c.]
Anastasia. Vita. inc. card rods caipois... [Vat. 866", &c.]
Andreas Cretensis. Vita a Niceta Patricio. inc. od Oeyitdy com... *
Anthimus. Passio. inc. Bactdevovros 16 tyuxaita... ([Par. 1506*.]
110 - HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS.
Arsenius, Vita. inc. moddai trav crovdaioyv... [Vat. 819°; Par.
1548", &c.]
Artemius. Passio. inc. Bactdevovros "Iovkcavod... [Par. 769°, &c.]
Athenogenes. Passio. inc. émi AcoxAnriavod... [Par. 1447", &c.]
Auxentius. 1. Vitaa Psello. inc. dpxi péev jpiv... [Vat. 672°.]
2. Vita. ine. kadoi peév cal of €€ dddodamfjs.. .
Basiliscus. Passio. inc. xara rods xa:pos ris Bactdeias Makuavod.. .
Bendemianus. Passio. inc. rd €ap didovow...
Blasius. Passio. inc. Bhdowos é paprus... [Vat. 12455, &c.]
Cerycus et Iulitta. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. ine. Gorep ov
€ort... [Vat. 8207]
Charalampius. Passio. ine. Baotdevovtos rod Kupiov jpay . . .
[Ottob. 92’; Par. 1452%.]
Christina. Passio. inc. rijv Xpiorayupoy.. .
Christophorus. Passio a Petro Italo. inc. Aexiov tiv abroxpdropa...
desin. r@ Tis Cans apre.
Cointus. Passio. inc. orépavos pév ody...
Conon. Passio. inc. radw 6 rips dvcceBods riorews ...
Constantinus Imp. 1. Vita et inventio Crucis. ine. rov rod
paxaptwrarov... [Vat. 9741, &e.; Par. 1453°, &c.]
2. Encomium a Constantino Acropolita. inc. dpd ris edoeBetas
(prov avxyoy... [Par. 978°.]
3. Vita. inc. ra kadd\ora Tey Oinynpdror...
Cosmas Acropolita. Vita. inc. vépos éort makaas...
-Cosmas et Damianus. 1. Vita. inc. rov Kvpiov jar ‘Inaod
Xpicrov...
2. Vita. inc. xara rovs xatpovs éxeivous ...
Cyrus et Iohannes. Vita. inc. 6 nev owrnpios Adyos...
Cyrillus ep. Alexandriae. Hypomnema ab Iohanne Zonara. inc.
apOn pev 6 mrodvyevpov...
Cyrillus Philectus. Vita a Nicola Catascepeno. inc. eidoynros
6 beds...
Demetrius. 1. Passio. inc. ore Maftpuavds 6 Bacideds...
2. Encomium ab Iohanne Stauracio. [Vat. 1572*, &c.; Par.
1485", &c.]
3. Encomium a Gregorio Palama. inc. éuol dé Niav.
Dionysius Areopagita. Encomium a Niceta Rhetore. inc. é& dpous
PEV eee
Dometius Persa. Passio. inc. ffveyxe pév 4 Iepoay...
Eleutherius. Passio. inc. dvad\icavros Adpiavod...
Euphemia. 1. Vita. inc. év rj Xadkndovéov... [Vat. 797°]
2. Encomium a Theodoro Vestro (Béorpov). inc. ris atrn 4 ava-
- Baivovoa...
Eupraxia. Vitaab Iohanne Zonara. inc. yuvaixa dvdpeiav...
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS. 111
Fausta, Euclasius, Maximinus. Passio. inc. xar’ éxeivoy rov
Katpop . y
Georgius. Fs Encomium a Arcadio Cyprio. inc. ovyxadet. maw
npas .
2. fl ah a Georgio deeiia, ine. kai tis av mapadpapoe . .
3. Nativitas, Vita et Passio. ine. mooi pev ody avdpav dpicrav...
Gregorius Sinaita. Vita a Callisto Patriarcha. inc. obdros 6 diapavis
carnp... [Cf. BHG., p. 52.]
Hilarion. Vita. inc. év Madatorivy rods €oriy... [Vat. 798%, &e.;
Par. 1480", &c.]
Iacobus frater domini. Encomium a Niceta Rhetore.! inc. ds
yruxeia... [Par. 755%, &c.]
Iacobus Persa. 1. Passio. inc. Apxadiov ra “Popaiov...
2. Passio. inc. ris tov ‘Papaiwy yns...
3. Passio. inc. kat’ ékeivoy Tov Katpoy...
Isaacius, Faustus et Dalmatia. Vita. inc. 6 péyas otros kai
Oavpaoris...
Isidorus. Passio. inc. xara riv tipiay Kal evOcoy... [Cf. Vat.
2033**, &c.]
Iohannes Apostolus. 1. Translatio. inc. rod Kupiov quay “Incod
Xpisrov ...
2. Encomium a Proclo. ine. of pev Grow evayyektatai ... [Vat.
821", &c.]
Iohannes Baptista. 1. Encomium ab Aetio presbytero Constanti-
nopolitano. inc. modo pev #dn...
2. Translatio manus a Theodoro Daphnopato. imc. idov kai
madd jv... [Vat. 823", &c.; Par. 1449", &c.]
3. Decollatio a Theodoro Ptochoprodromo. inc. kadas édip-
povay...
4, Decollatio. inc. kaxéy got...
5. a Simeone Logotheta. inc. lwdyvov rb péya KNéos .. .
6. Inventio. inc. 6 ayadrnrt kai hiravOparia . .
Iohannes Climacus. Encomium a Niceta Rhetore. inc. ovdev
Tipi@repov dperjs... [Par. 755".]
Iulianus. Passio. inc. Bia diwwypod... [Vat. 1667%.]
Laurentius. Passio. inc. eidodtxod more kAvdavos ... desin. dyorator
paprupes.
Lazarus Galesiota. 1. Vita. inc. 6 mAdoas xara povas... desin.
. avTn 4 ToALTela, OvTOS 6 Bios.
2. Vita a Georgio vel Gregorio Xiphilino. inc. 6 rav kara Oedy...
_ desin.... Kai Oeodidas Stavicayres.
! This justifies the inscriptions in a later hand in cod. Par. 750.
Cf. Catal. Gr. Paris., ad loc. :
112 HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS.
Lucas apostolus. 1%. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc. & dap-
mpdotns... desin... . evpevds routi rb Bpaxv.
1>, Encomium a Niceta Rhetore. inc. & Aapmpdrns, aiveots . . .
desin. ... 7 €v Gol Tod mvevparos xXapuTt.
2. Vita. ine. rais preias trav ayiov ...
3. Encomium ab Hesychio Hierosolymitano presbytero. inc. ddBo
Tov glwray...
Mamas. Passio. inc. ros trav dyiwv paptripey mévovs... desin.
. ..- €uaprupyoe bé 6 Gyos Mapas. [Par. 772°, &c.]
Marcianus et Martyrius. Passio. inc. éyévero pera rd rehewOjvat
Tov pakaporaroy "AhéEavdpov... desin. ... éreher@Onoay ody oi dor.
[Par. 1468?°,]
Maria Magdalena. Vita. inc. éy® rots eve hidovvras... desin.
. «+ Ptdoripns xatébero.
Maria Iunior. Vita et miracula. inc. émi rav éEobev ... desin.
. . vdcou amadAaynv. [Vat. 800°.]
Marina. 1. Passio. inc. ovdey otras ndiver... desin. ... €xet
mpeaBevovoary. [Vat. 8207; Coislin. 307%.]
2. Encomium a Gregorio Cyprio. inc. kai riv éxkAnoiav dpa...
[Palat. 59*, &c.; Par. 8317.]
Martinianus. 1. Vita. inc. dv rpdrov... desin.... 1 TavTer
Scondrn. [Vat. 800°, &c.; Par. 1450'°.]
2. Vita. inc. éyyvora ris modAews Tadaotivns Spos €or kadovpevov
témos KiBorov... [Vat. 866, &c.]
Martyres XL. 1. Passio. inc. kara rods xaipods... [Par. 1164’, &c.]
2. Passio. inc. eiye pev ta ‘Popaioy ... [Vat. 1245', &c.; Par.
772"*, &c.] .
Meletius Galesiota. Vita. inc. Séovra: péev kav rois GAAos...
.Menas, Hermogenes, Eugraphus. Passio ab Athanasio Alexan-
drino. inc. ris tov Xptorod xapiros ... [Vat. 821, &c.; Par.
Coisl. 368”, &c.]
Menas in Cotnaeo. 1. Passio. inc. érous Sevrépov ris Bactheias.. .
[Vat. 803°, &e.; Par. 1454%*.]
2. Miracula. inc. jv ris yuv)...
3. Miracula, a Timotheo Alexandrino. inc. éyévero pera rip
redevtiy... [Vat. 797%, &c.; Par. 1454”, &c.]
Menodora, Metrodora, Nymphodora. Passio. inc. #5n pév rod
reheiov... desin.... €uaprupynoay O€ ai ayia.
Mercurius. 1. Passio. inc. Aéxios jnvixa kal Baddeptavos... desin.
.- kal Tov avrov paprupa Mepkovpioyv. [Vat.805°*, &c.; Par. 579%, &c.]
‘2. Passio. inc. Aéktos qvixa... desin.. .. kat Oepareias drédaBov.
Michael archangelus. Miraculum in Chonis a Pantoleone diacono.
ine. peyadae kai moAdai... desin. ... kal xparnoe ras Seétas.
[Vat. 6544, &c.; Par. 501°, &c.]
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS. 118
Michael (iaparixés) Hypomnema. inc. otros 6 paxdpios... desin,
..» ovTw dokater 6 Oeds.
Moses Aethiops. Encomium. inc. éomep ddivarov... desin.... od
rais éoias edxais. [Par, 1453%*,]
Nephon Halmyropolitanus. Vita. inc. pyvornpioy Bacthéws xpirrov...
desin, érehetmOn 6 davos Nnpovr. |
Nephon (Kovoravriavys). Vita (epitome?). inc. ei pvornptoy Bacrdéws .. «
desin. ... év TO vad Tay dyiwy droordédav.
Nicephorus. Passio. inc. ovdev gorxev ayarns... desin. ... koopn-
Ojva orepavas. [Vat. 12455, &c.; Par. 1500°, &c.]
Nicetas. 1. Passio. inc. trav dyiwv papripoyv ... desin... . exew
Adyou ra u«nrnpta. [Par 520%, &c.]
2. Sermo a Theodoro Mousaloni. ine. péya te detypa... desin,
. +. kal nua d€ abrap. |
3. Passio. inc, €v rais npépas éxeivats... desin.... 1) dé nardbecrs
THs ToLavTns TéTpas.
Nicolaus Myrensis. 1. Vita. inc. dravras pév... desin. .. . dypotxds
Tis TOY Tas €oxaTas OikOvYTOY.
2. Encomium a Basilio Lacedaemoniensi. inc. of ray dperav. . .
desin. .. . rov Oedv thear.
Onuphrius. 1. Vita. inc. dperns érawos... desin. ..- kal pepynpévor.
2. Vita. ine. betas dyamns kal épwros... desin. ... npas ceowopévors.
[Par. 11704]
3. Vita (et Paphnutii). inc. reyov wepi rod dBBa... desin.
. +. Kal momncavres €vxi;y.
Pachomius. 1. Vita. inc. 6 Kipios qyay Incots Xpiorés kai myy)...
desin. ... els Ghdov airav évaydueba. [Vat. 819*, &c.; Par.
8815, &c.] :
2. Vita et miracula. inc. dvras adnOis OpvAdopevn . . . desin.
.». eis pipnow Kal apederar.
Paisius. Vita a Iohanne Kolobo. inc. dcmep ra reprva rod Biov...
desin....raitaeipnodo. [Par. 1093}, &c.]
Panteleemon. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc. Oavpacros 6 Oeds...
desin. ...xyovos. [Vat. 679%; Par. 1180°°.]
Paulus apostolus. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc, mica pev
€opti)... desin.... Kai €v ovpaveis. [Par. 755'.]
Paulus et Petrus. Encomium a Georgio Acropolita. inc. ovx
dmda@s péev... desin.... Grovn Aapmpérns.
Petrus apostolus. 1. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc. ndeia rijs
npépas ) xGpis... desin.... ody july é£opodoyovpat.
2 (ddvais). ine. Soot rH row Kopupaiov... desin. ... Kai éveydduvas.
[Vat. 817%, &c.; Par. 236’, &e.]
Petrus et reliqui apostoli. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc. ri xadz)
ris éxxAnoias f ragis... desin.s.. vd Cvydv eva,
LAKE, -M, A. , H
114 HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS.
Philemon. Vita. inc. €Xeyov wept rod GBB Dirnyovos... desin.
. TO Kadovpevoy paddxiov. 3
Philippus Apostolus. Encomium. inc. dmocrodtijs pynobqva .
desin.... Ta pynudovva cov marynyupifouev. [Par. Coisl. 121%*.]
Phocas. Passio ab Asterio Amasiae. ine. iepds prev kat Geoméotos ...
desin. ... knputrovaa Kipiov. [Vat. 794°, &c.; Par. 1489", &c.]
Probus, Tarachus, Andronicus. Epistola XI fratrum. inc. Mdp-
didos kai Mapkioy ... desin. ... th evOvtnTt Kal rod Kupiov Nay
"Invou Xpiorou.
Proclus et Hilarius. Passio. inc. éyévero ért Makimiavod... desin.
« « Meta TOU dyiou [IpdxXov.
Sabbas. Vita. inc. ovdév ovrw kvncar... desin, ... Kat elpnvaiay
diaywynv. [Vat. 812’, &c.; Par. 1195”, &c.]
Sabbas Vatopedinus. Vita a Philotheo Constantinopolitano. ine.
2dBBas 6 Oavydotos... desin.... Kai doraciacrov.
Sadoth. Passio. inc. pera rd terecOnva... desin. ...év moda
kadoupéevn BnOdandr. [Vat. Ottob. 92%; Par. 1452%*.]
Sergius et Bacchus. Passio. inc. ros quiero... desin.... mpoord-
ypatt Geod.
Silvester Romanus. Vita. inc. of pév oemtrol... desin.... moddAav
kaparov. [Vat. 8164"; Par. Coisl. 307°%.]
Sophronius Hierosolymitanus. Encomium ab Iohanne Zonara.
inc. oi rois Oeois Kai paxapios... desin.... 760m mpaéwr.
Stephanus Iunior. Vita. inc. Oeidv rt xpipa H apern... desin....7
kal jets mapacrainuev. [Vat. 805", &c.; Par. 4367, &c.]
Stephanus protomartyr. 1. Hypomnema. inc. da rhy rod c@rnpos...
desin. .. . petéOnxay ra Aeiwpava.
2. Translatio a Psello. inc. 6 Kiptos nuay ‘Incots Titoihes. . desin.
. kal avyriAnmropos Sredavov.
3. Passio. inc. éyévero xara row katpov éxeivoy.., desin. ... €reder@On
dé 6 dytos mpwréuaprus. [Vat. 679%7.] }
4. Translatio. inc. cai mas dy tis alrias... desin.... Tov mavdyvou
gov o@paros,
Stephanus Romanus, Passio. inc. xara rovs ypdvous Ovaddepiavod...
desin.... povas. [Par. Suppl. 241°]
Symeon ¢y r@ Oavpaorg dpa. 1. Vita a Claudio(?) Cyprio. ine.
evAoynros 6 beds 6 mavras Oéhov... desin, ... SvykaraptOpnbdpev
Tots evaperrncact.
2. Vita. inc. "loverivov rot mada... desin. . .. evrvyxdves. trep
nav.
Symeon Iunior Theologus, Vita. inc. xpnya Oeppov aperp... desin.
. . « emdeixvvow éxxdnoia. [Par. 1610; cf. Combefis, Bibliotheca
graecorum Patrum auctarium novissimum, ii, 119-29.]
Symeon Stylites, Vita ab Antonio. inc. févov xai mapadogoy ...
desin, ...émtredodvrat trois morois. [Vat. 797’, &c.; Par. 7603, &c.]
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS. 115
Theodorus Stratelates. 1. Passio. inc. Acxivio 1G Baoihel... [Vat.
8201, &c.; Par. 976%, &c.]
2. Encomium ab Euthymio. inc. 16 rod beod Sadpov. . .
Theodorus Tyro. 1. Passio. inc. Magiuavds cai Magtpivos of Bact
Aeis... [Par. 52014 2]
2. Passio (?) [els rd mpdroy Sd8Baroy trav Nyoredv]. inc. Maétmavo
kai Magiunw... [Vat. 1245°.]
Theodosia encomium a Stauricio Chartophylaci Thessalonicensi.
inc. 6 Adyos rhs épOodokias .. .
Timotheus Apostolus. Encomium a Niceta rhetore. inc. ri dai 6
TiydOeos... desin. ... eipnyns kat cwrnpias. [Par. 755'*]
‘Trypho. Passio. inc. 6 Bios rod dyiov pdprupos... desin. ... Kai
Kdavdiou ’AxvAivov. [Vat. Ottob. 927.]
Xene Romana. Vita. inc: raca ai modireiac... desin.... auddrepor
dyadAdpevor. [Vat. 866'; Par. 1219'.]
Xenophon, Vita. inc. dinynoard mis péyas yépov... desin. ... iva
pe) TH Gpuedeia kal padvpia. [Vat. 866%", &c.; Par. 1313°, &c.]}
LIST II
Alypius. Nov. 26. [A. 35.1] inc. Kadol pév al of trav papriper
dOXo ... desin. ... rov rovs avrov bepdnovras Soéaovra... Krr.
[Codd. Vat. 805°, &c.; Par. 579°]
Andreas Cretensis. Encomium. Jul. 4. [A.40.] inc. Méya dvOpwmos
kal Tiwtoy avpp... desin.... Aiwéva ooTnpioy...
Anna. Sermo in conceptionem S, Annae ab Euthymio monacho et
syncello. Dec, 9. [A. 36, A. 37.] inc. Snuepoy 6 dxardAnmros .. .
desin. .. . rpoehOdvros Xptarod rod dAnOivod . . . KTA.
Barbara. Encomium. Dec. 4. [A. 36.] imc. ToAAai pev ai xara
révde rov Biov... desin.... Kal rods vécous éBaorace kal tmép nuav
pepadakiorat.
Constantinus Imp. Hypomnema. Mai. 21, [A. 40.] inc.”Ocoe pev
Tav avOpamey ro apxew... desin.... mavraxou yis avnyéepOnoar.
Epiphanius. Mai. 12. [A. 40. ] inc. Tav ev ovpavois droypaapever . .
desin. ... dvrixetpévoy ait@ aiperixav. Apparently a late donw:
ment based on the accounts of Iohannes and Polybius (B. 1 and
B, 2).
Penscide Iun. 25. [A. 40.] inc. Oddy ris mpds Gedy ayanns.. .
desin. ... Totatra ra dmép aris yépa xrh.
Iacobus Persa. Nov. 27. [A.35.] inc. Apkadiov ra “Papaiwr dierovros
oxymtpa... desin. ... map aitov trav BpaBeiwy agiwOycera.
[Codd. Vat. 805", &c.; Par. 579”.]
1 The shelf-number in the library of Prodromou.
H 2
116 HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS.
Iohannes Calybita. Jan. 14. [A. 39.] ine. Tupavyixdy te xpipa
rexdvray... desin. . . . Td dévdpov axddovOov ra Kapm@ els Sd£av rh.
[Codd. Vat. 793%, &c.; Par. 236, &c.]
Maximus Aug. 13. [A.40.] inc. ‘HpakAciov rav oxnmrpav... desin.
».. Gvabépare troBadel xd.
Mercurius. Martyrium. Nov. 26. [A. 35.] ine. Agios Hvika Kal
Bakepiavos 6 pev emi rav oxnntpov.., desin.... tipavres d€ Kat Tod
avrov pdprupa Mepkoupioy , . . «rAd. [Codd, Vat. 805°, &c.; Par.
579°, &c.]
Michael archangelus. Narratio Pantoleonis diaconi. Nov. 8.
[A. 34.] ime. Meyddat kat rotxidat kal modal... desin,. .. xdpere
kal ditavOperia rod Kupiov. Contains stories relating to Satan,
Adam, Abraham, Balaam, the body of Moses, Joshua, Gideon,
Goliath, Sennacherib, Constantine, the Argonauts, &c. [Codd.
Vat. 6544, &c.; Par. 501°, &c.]
Onuphrios Jun. 12, [A. 40.] inc. ‘Aperis ématvos... desin.
+ os MEpYNEevous Tou... KTA, |
Pachomius. Encomium. Mai. 15. [A.40.] ine. Té ris olkovopias
évrws pvornpioy ... desin.... Kata Trav Satpdvey dpiorevpara KTH.
Petrus. Adyos eis riv mpockiynow ths tipias dAvoews Tov dy. Kai Kopup.
t. Groot. II. Jan. 16. [A. 39.] inc. “Oca r@ rod Kopupaiov...
desin. . . . Stavimpev Biov Sogdovres. . . xrdke [Codd. Vat. 817%,
' &c.; Par. 2367, &c.]
Phocas hortulanus. Sept. 22. [A. 31, A. 32, A. 33.] ine. ‘Iepos pew
kat Oeoméovos Gnas 6 tay yevvalwy paptipev Kkarddoyos... desin. as
the text in Acta SS. Sept. vi.294-9. Apparently only a divergent.
text of the ordinary encomium of Asterius.
Saba. Dec. 5. [A. 36.] inc. Otdey otro uvpoa Woyny... desin.
.--elpnvaiov diaywyny xapite .. . xrA. [Codd. Vat. 8127, &c.; Par.
1195'°, &e.]
Stephanus Iunior. Nov. 28, [A. 35.] inc. cid» rt ypjya 9 dperi) Kai
To\A@y Gia... desin.... 7 Kal dyads mapiorainuer evxais avrov...
kth. [Codd. Vat. 805", &c.; Par. 436%]
Thomas. Hypomnema. Oct. 6. [A. 38.] ine. Wddat pev ras xara
ynv ... desin. ... Tov vonrod nrlov KaOapas émedaparo. [Codd.
Vat. 798°, &c.; Par. 774”, &c.; Regin. 564; Ottob. 3994]
HAGIOGRAPHICAL MSS.
LIST Il
Kotha aa.
Antonius . Spr ste
Arcadius Cyprius .
Asterius
Athanasius Mexacdcin
Basilius Lacedaemoniensis .
Callistus Patriarcha . .
Claudius Cyprius . ...
Constantinus Acropolita.
Euthymius ...
Georgius vel Gregorius Xiphilinus
Georgius Acropolita . i
Gregorius Cyprius .
Gregorius Palamas.
Iohannes Kolobos .
Iohannes Stauricius .
Iohannes Zonara
Nicetas Patricius .
Nicetas Rhetor .
Nicolas Catascepenus.
Pantoleo Diaconus .
Petrus Italus. .
Philotheus Ba vaisatisopolitanus
Proclus
Psellus . aie
Simon Logotheta .
. Stauricius .
Theodorus Paphnovetun!
Theodorus Mousalon . ;
Theodorus Ptochoprodromus .
Theodorus Vestrus . P
Timotheus Alexandrinus
117
Iohannes Bapt.
Symeon Stylites.
Georgius.
Phocas.
Menas.
Nicolaus Myrensis.
Gregorius Sinaita.
Symeon ¢v ré Oavpacre ope.
Constantinus Imp.
Theodorus Stratelates, Anna
(Prodromou).
Lazarus Galesiota.
Georgius, Paulus et Petrus.
Marina.
Demetrius,
Paisius.
Demetrius,
Eupraxia, Cyrillus Alex.,
Sophronius.
Andreas Cretensis.
Cerycus et Iulitta,IacobusFr.
Dom., Dionysius Areopa-
gita, Iohannes Climacus,
Lucas Apost., Pantelee-
mon, Paulus Apost., Petrus
Apost., Petrus et reliqui
apostoli, Timotheus.
Cyrillus P hilectus.
Michael (in both libraries).
Christophorus.
Sabbas Vatopedinus.
Tohannes Apost.
Auxentius, Stephanus.
Iohannes Bapt.
Theodosia.
Iohannes Bapt.
Nicetas.
Iohannes Bapt.
EKuphemia.
Menas.
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