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THE UNIVERSITY

OF ILLINOIS

LIBRARY

K74e

cop. Cj>

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2012 with funding from

University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign

http://www.archive.org/details/earlyeighteenthcOOknit

Portrait of Queen Anne. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

Early Eighteenth Century
Palatine Emigration

A British Government Redemptioner
Project to Manufacture
Naval Stores

By
Walter Allen Knittle, Ph.D

Department of History
College of the City of New York

With a Foreword by
Dixon Ryan Fox

DDD
DDD

OQO

DDD
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Dorrance & Company
Philadelphia

Manufactured in the United States of America
Cayuga Press — Ithaca, New York

Kl4e

To Mother

Q«!*^<

INTRODUCTION

Some forty years ago a country clergyman serving parishes
in Schoharie and Saugerties developed an interest in their
German backgrounds. There in upstate New York he found
German names, German customs and remnants of German
speech. The Reverend Sanford H. Cobb had a deep con-
cern for backgrounds — witness his Rise of Religious Liberty in
America — and he set about to write The Story of the Palatines,
which he published in 1897. He made no great pretense to
scholarship, as such would be esteemed today, and confined
his reading, apparently, to accounts in the English language
and, among these, to very little source material. As anyone
might infer, his work was sketchy and superficial, however
well intentioned, and yet, surprising as it may seem, it has
remained from that day to this our only extended general
narrative on the Palatine migration from the Rhine Valley
through England to America.

In Mr. Cobb's day our colonial history, so far as it pro-
ceeded from the universities, concerned itself largely with the
slow manufacture of states. The techniques of the historical
seminar had not been applied to population and except for
some attention to the Dutch, there was comparatively little
apprehension of the various stocks outside the English mak-
ing up about a third of the nation which declared its inde-
pendence in 1776. Had the Germans come earlier, had their
records all been written in a language which most American
historians readily understood, had they settled in New En-
gland near those centers where for a long time most history was
written or, particularly, had they founded a whole and
separate colony, the story would have been different. Forty
years ago, it is true, there were several accounts of one phase
or another of the Palatine migration, but they were by

VI INTRODUCTION

Germans and in German, as though the Palatines and their
descendants were merely Germans abroad, exiles from the
Fatherland. But a century before that it should have been
realized that they were as much Americans as those whose
ancestors had come from Devonshire or Norfolk. Even their
names were becoming naturalized : Werner had become Warner,
Benker had become Banker, Schneider Snyder, Leyer Lawyer,
etc., to say nothing of straight translations. Today only in
Pennsylvania is there any considerable group of the German
colonial stock which remains primarily German in speech and
culture; most of the old German blood has been intermingled
and most of the old culture has been thoroughly merged in
what we call American culture. Where could one find more
typical American careers than those suggested by the names of
Wanamaker and Rockefeller?

Instead of this being a reason for neglecting the peculiarly
German elements in our colonial life, it is a reason for study-
ing them with increasing thoroughness. If the culture which
they represented has lost its clear identity, if it is hidden in the
general mass, its contribution has been more essential. If the
Germans have become somewhat English in social habit, then
the English have become somewhat German. All this is a
factor in making the American temper what it is.

Dr. Knittle's book is significant not only as the first
thorough study of the first large German immigration. It may
possibly be contended that it is the first thorough study of
colonial immigration of any kind. This is not to say that the
general subject has been neglected; it has had almost constant
attention. But much of it has had to be developed by ingenious
inference, for in scarcely any case except that of the Palatines
has there been at hand a full record of the motives, the process
and the experience of the migration. The phrase "at hand"
must not be understood, however, as meaning that the record
had been accumulated and arranged. The accounts in the
invaluable Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State

INTRODUCTION Vll

of New York, of course, have been accessible everywhere, and
more recently Todd and Goebels edition of Christoph von
Graf 'envied ' s Account of the Founding of New Bern and the British
Calendar of State Papers Colonial; Pennsylvania Germans have
dug out Rhineland background; and there have been frag-
ments published here and there in historical magazines. These
which had satisfied others were merely introductory exercises
for Dr. Knittle's driving zeal. As will appear in his notes, he
went over the German materials again, combed the manu-
scripts in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and
the private collections in the great houses of England, made
his way through a maze of eighteenth-century periodicals and
pamphlets, and visited Ireland to discover the remaining
influence of Palatine settlement. No such thorough and inten-
sive study had previously been made.

As this book is published American political sentiment is
divided on the question of planned economy. Can the govern-
ment determine what kind of production is desirable? If so,
can it wisely organize and direct that production? Should the
government produce its own materials? Is government enter-
prise likely to face betrayal by the private interests of cooper-
ating contractors? Can the government fuse its ancient func-
tion of relief with such planned production? The Resettlement
Administration, which is now attempting this fusion, may or
may not be a success, may or may not be temporary. With all
the variable factors involved, historical analogies are treach-
erous and there is no desire to force them. But our situation
makes especially interesting a study of planned production and
charitable resettlement seen in long perspective.

Any writer is tempted to magnify the influence of his sub-
ject and in no field has this been more prevalent than in that of
the history of social groups. With a scholar's honesty Dr.
Knittle has conquered this temptation; however much he
may have increased our knowledge of the Palatine immigrants,
he has steadfastly avoided extravagant claims for their

Vlll INTRODUCTION

influence. He has even challenged and reduced claims pre-
viously thought to be established. For example, it has usually
been stated that the Palatines' disgust for the treatment they
had received in New York was an important factor in divert-
ing subsequent German settlement from that province into
Pennsylvania. By cool analysis the present author reveals how
untenable is this thesis. He has been ready to throw out the
dramatic and the picturesque when clouded with doubt or
founded on error. He cites the "interesting legend" set forth
by his predecessors which had it that the five Mohawk
Indians taken by Peter Schuyler to London were so grieved
at the plight of the Palatines, then encamped on Blackheath,
that they gave the Schoharie Valley to the Queen on consider-
ation that she would bestow it upon the emigrants; then he
points out that the Palatines sailed from London before the
Indians sailed from Boston, that four of the five Indians were
not sachems and had no authority to grant Mohawk lands and
that these lands were subsequently ceded at Albany to the
province with no reference to the Palatines. Though eschew-
ing partisanship he is quick to repel unwarranted aspersions
on the group, and disposes of Archdeacon Cunningham's
contention that the Palatines' success in Ireland was explained
by the unnecessary favor of their subsidy by showing that the
subsidy was necessary to establish them but that their in-
dividual prosperity came chiefly from their frugality and
competence. Three examples out of innumerable such cases
may assure the reader that he is in the hands of an alert and
thoughtful scholar.

The appendices listing about i2_,ooo names of Palatines
who embarked from the homeland might strike some as of
slight historical worth. But these lists, carefully compiled
for the first time in the Public Record Office and elsewhere, are
an event for genealogists. The baffling difficulty at the head of
every family history in this country is to establish the exact
date when the American progenitors reached these shores.

INTRODUCTION IX

Here is filled for the first time the gap in German immigration
lists between that of the Pastorius settlement in 1683 and those
covering the years 1717-1818 published recently by Strass-
burger and Hinke for the Pennsylvania-German Society.

History is never written finally. New materials are ex-
humed; new interpretations spring from new experience and
new curiosities. But Dr. Knittle's Early Eighteenth Century
Palatine Emigration is not likely to be superseded for many
long years. It covers a stirring group adventure, a well-defined
and significant experiment in political economy and a con-
tribution to the making of a nation; it covers this complex
enterprise with thoroughness and sympathy and presents its
record with insight, force and clarity.

Dixon Ryan Fox

PREFACE

This monograph is written from the view-point of the
British government. This attitude is not only proper be-
cause the so-called "American" colonies were then British in
name as well as in fact, but also because the Palatine emigra-
tion was carried out under the auspices of the British govern-
ment. Indeed, the British government itself engaged in the
manufacture of naval stores, putting the Palatines to work at
its own expense, consonant with the mercantilist aims of the
times. The subject therefore may be described as remarkable
because in dealing with the Palatines the British government
exhibited in practice the mercantilist theories on immigration,
naval stores and colonies.

This study would have been impossible without the aid
and encouragement of many scholars. Acknowledgment in
this brief space can be made only to a few of the many. Impor-
tant suggestions and advice were given generously by President
Dixon Ryan Fox of Union College, Professor Charles M.
Andrews of Yale University, Professor Robert G. Albion of
Princeton University, Mr. Victor H. Paltsits of the New York
Public Library, Mr. Albert Cook Myers of the Historical
Society of Pennsylvania and Mr. Henry S. Borneman, Secre-
tary of the Pennsylvania-German Society.

I am particularly indebted to Professor William Thomas
Morgan of Indiana University, who gave me my first graduate
training and who introduced me to my present subject. He has
been my most active and interested contributor. To Professor
W. T. Root of Iowa University I must express my thanks for
an amicable division of this subject with which one of his
graduate students was engaged. To Professor Edward P.
Cheyney I am grateful for sponsoring this study before the
faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Pennsyl-

Xll PREFACE

vania. Professor Henry R. Mueller of Muhlenberg College,
whom I am so fortunate to count among my teachers, has
given the manuscript the benefit of careful reading. Dr. Dixon
Ryan Fox has not only extended to me the advantage of his
editorial wisdom, but he has also written the introduction to
this book. To him I am deeply grateful.

I must also express my appreciation of the great patience
and many courtesies extended to me by the librarians of these
institutions: the University of Pennsylvania Library; the
Columbia University Library; Library of the College of the
City of New York; the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; the
Holland Society of New York; the Huntington Library of
San Marino, California; the Widener Library of Harvard
University; the Yale University Library; the Library of Con-
gress; the Pennsylvania State Library; the Moravian Library
at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania; the Morgan Library, New York
City; the New York State Library; the English Public Record
Office and the British Museum. I wish that I could acknowl-
edge the many others who contributed, but the list would
seem endless. To them I express my sincere appreciation.

I am also grateful for a grant-in-aid from the Oberlaender
Trust Fund of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (Dr. Wilbur K.
Thomas, Director), which permitted me to conclude satis-
factorily my research in Ireland and England. This organi-
zation of American citizens also contributed toward the
publication of this volume.

The errors, which I hope are few, are necessarily of my

own making. The interpretation must be attributed to me

only.

W. A. K.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Key to Footnote Citations xxi

Chapters.

I. The Causes of the Early "Palatine" Emigrations . i

A. The emigrations studied i

B. Area in Germany affected by the emigrations . i

C. Causes 2.

1. Devastation of war 3

2_. Severe winter of 1708 4

3 . Oppressive taxation 5

4. Religion and land hunger 6

5. Liberal advertising of British colonies . . 12.

6. Favorable attitude of British government . 2.2.

a. The aid given to foreign Protestants . 2.3

b. The naturalization act of 1709 ... 17
II. The Small Palatine Emigration of 1708 ... 31

A. Members of the band 32.

B. The trip down the Rhine River 33

C. Generous treatment in England 35

D. The settlement at Newburgh, New York . . 41

E. Financial difficulties of the colony .... 41
1. Kocherthal's connection with the 1709

emigration 43

III. The 1709 Palatine Emigration 47

A. The emigration toward England .... 47

1 . The preparations in Germany .... 47

2.. The journey down the Rhine River ... 47

3. Subsistence and transportation to England
supplied by the British government . . 50

4. The attempts to halt the unexpectedly large
migration 58

XIV

CONTENTS

B. The Palatines in England

i. The size of the immigration

z. The care of the Palatines in London

Condition of the Palatines

Relations of Palatines with English populace
The difficulties of the government in re-
lieving itself of the expense of the Pala-
tines in London

a. Attempts to keep lists fail

b. Rio de la Plata proposal. .

c. Employment in Welsh mines .

d. Newfoundland fisheries proposal

e. The proposal to settle in western En
gland (Marquis of Kent) .
West Indies proposal ....
Attempts to settle in England
Proposal to settle in Scilly Islands
Proposed settlement in Jamaica

Enlistments

The return of the Papists to Holland

C. Reasons for the absence of proposals from

William Penn

IV. The Palatine Settlements in Ireland and North

Carolina

A. Ireland

The invitation to send Palatines to Ireland
The Commissioners for Settling the poor
distressed Palatines in Ireland ....
The government subsidies become objects

of speculation

The desertion of the settlements
The attempts to make the settlement suc-
cessful

a. Mr. Crockett's mission

b. Subsidies for twenty-one years

g
h

)

2..

4-
5-

67
69

72.
74
74
75
75

75
75
75
76

77
78
78

82.
82.
82.

83
84

86
86
87

CONTENTS

6. The assimilation of the Palatines

B. North Carolina

i. Lords Proprietors' proposal .
■l. Michel and his Swiss emigrants .

3. Graffenried's opportunity

4. Voyage and settlement under adverse con

ditions

Political difficulties in North Carolina

The Indian Massacre

The financial difficulties cause the failure
of the settlement

8. The settlers without titles to their lands go

to the frontier

V. The British Naval Stores Problem and the Origin
of the New York Settlement Scheme

A. Naval Stores — an English necessity

B. History of the Stockholm (Swedish) Tar

Companies

1. Early companies

2.. The 1689 Company pushes its advantage

3 . The English desire for the carrying trade

4. The unfavorable balance of trade with
Sweden

5 . The Northern War makes conditions worse

C. The early interest in colonial production of
naval stores

D. The attempts to secure colonial naval stores

up to 1708

1. The request for importation bids

2_. The Navy Board Commissioners investigate
New England possibilities

3. Governor Bellomont's interest in the prob-
lem

4. The Bounty Act of 1704 . .

100

102.
104

107

108

in
in

in
in
ill
111.

IJ3
114

IJ5

116

117

118

izo

XVI CONTENTS

5. The fear of woolen manufactures in the
northern colonies 12.1

6. Bridger appointed Surveyor of Woods . 12.2.

E. The Origin of the New York settlement scheme 12.3
1. Naval stores mentioned incidentally for

Palatines of 1708 113

"l. The Scotch settlement proposal of 1705 . 12.4

3 . The Society scheme drawn up by Halifax 12.5

4. The proposal to settle Palatines in New
York 12-7

F. The decision and plans for a government
settlement in New York 118

G. The reasons for selecting New York . . . 132.

VI. A Government Redemptioner System . . . . 135
A. Preparation for settlement in New York . . 135

1. The optimistic expectations 136

z. Lands and conditions of grants suggested 137

3. The covenant requested by Hunter and
agreed upon 140

4. War supplies and a minister 142.

5. Transportation 143

B. The voyage 144

1. Time of sailing 144

z. Poor conditions on voyage 146

C. The reception in New York 148

D. The legend of the Indian gift of Schoharie . . 150

E. The search for a suitable site for making naval
stores 153

F. The settlements on Livingston Manor . 158

VII. The Government Tar Industry in Operation . . 160

A. The conditions of life in the Hudson River
settlements 160

B. The management 162.

1. The organization 161

a. For supervision of the project . . . 162.

CONTENTS

XV11

VIII

b. For maintenance of order 164

2.. The supplies 165

a. Sources of supplies 165

b. System of distribution 166

c. Complaints about bad food .... 167

d. Charges of cupidity 168

3. The finances 169

a. The first year's costs 169

b. The request for further grants — DuPre's
return to London 169

c. The non-committal attitude of the Tory
Treasury 170

C. The manufacturing of tar 170

1. Bridger's defection 170

2.. The 171 1 expedition against Canada . . 172.

3. Sackett, Bridger's successor, in charge . . 173

4. The Palatine Commission to forward the
work 174

5. Signs of progress in the tar-making . . 175

6. Tar manufacturing methods 175

7. Poor results from Palatine efforts . . . 177

D. The reasons for the failure 177

1. Poor instruction and unwilling labor . . 177
2.. Financial difficulties force the end of gov-
ernment subsistence 181

3. The effect of the "Ministerial Revolution"

of 1710 upon the venture 181

4. The parliamentary investigation of the
Palatine immigration in 171 1 .... 182.

5. Hunter's attempt to collect the debts
incurred 184

The Palatine Settlements on the Frontier of the

Old West 188

A. The dispersal 188

XV111 CONTENTS

i. The Palatines receive permission to leave

the government project 188

2_. The suffering of the Germans in the winter

ofiyix 189

3. The Palatine preparations to go to Schoharie 190

4. The method of acquiring land titles . . 192.

B. The Schoharie frontier settlements . . . . 193

1. Journey to Schoharie 193

2.. The seven villages of the Palatines . . . 193

3. Starting life all over in the Schoharie
Valley 195

4. Social conditions 198

C. Relations with the provincial government . 199
1. Reasons for Hunter's opposition . . . 199
2.. The Bayard incident zoo

3. The grant of the Palatine lands to the
Seven Partners 2.01

4. Pressure on the Germans to accept the terms 2.02.

5 . The Vrooman incidents and the attempt to
arrest Weiser zox

6. The Palatine mission to London . . xo4

7. Hunter's return to England and his opposi-
tion 2.04

D. The Palatines extend the frontier in the
Mohawk Valley and the "Great Valley" of
Pennsylvania 2.04

1. Governor Burnet's orders and the first

grants in the Mohawk Valley .... 2,04

2.. The movement to the Tulpehocken section,

around Womelsdorf, Pennsylvania . . 10^

3. More Palatine grants and purchases in the
Mohawk Valley 2.07

4. The continuation of Palatine immigration

to Pennsylvania 2.10

5. Reasons for the choice of Pennsylvania
rather than New York 2.10

CONTENTS

XIX

6. The New York naturalization act of 171 5 112.

7. The importance of pamphlet advertising in

the Rhineland xi6

The Palatines as frontiersmen 2.18

2..

2.1

The hopes of the Board of Trade

The relations of the Palatines with the

French and Indians

A suggested modification of Frederick
Jackson Turner's thesis of the frontier
influence
IX. Conclusion ....
X. Bibliography ....

A. Bibliographical guides

B. Primary Sources
1. Manuscript
2.. Published .

a. Official .

b. Unofficial

C. Secondary sources
1 . General works
2.. Special works .
3 . Periodical and learned society contributions

Appendices — introduction to

A. The Kocherthal Party — the 1708 Emigration
The First Board of Trade List of Palatines in

London (May 6, 1709)

The Embarkation Lists from Holland .

The Roman Catholic Palatines Returned to

Holland Z74

E. The New York Subsistence List ....

F. The Simmendinger Register

G. The Pennsylvania Palatine Lists ....
H. The Petition List of Palatines in North

Carolina

The Irish Palatine List

C.
D.

2.19

2.2.0

2.X9

2.2.9
2.2.9
1x9
2.3 1
2.3 1

2.3 2.

2-34

^34

235
z39

2.42.
M3

2.44
2.48

2.82.
2.91
300

301

3 ox

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

TITLE PAGE

Portrait of Queen Anne frontispiece

Map of Rhineland, Germany 2.

A Declaration of the Protestant Consistory in the Palatinate ... 10
Title Page of Simmendinger's Warhaffte und glaubwurdige Ver%eichnuss

(c 1717) *3

Title Page of Kocherthal's Aussfuhrlkh und umstdndlicher Bericht (1709) 16

Title Page of Bohme's Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan (171 1) . 17

Portrait of William Penn 2.1

Portrait of Prince George of Denmark, royal consort of Queen Anne . 15
Denization Papers granted to Kocherthal's Party of Palatines . . 3 6—3 7

Portrait of Governor Francis Lovelace 40

Letter of Recommendation of Gerhart Schaeffer 4§_49

Circular Advertising Carolina 61

Contemporary Woodcut, showing Palatines encamped on Blackheath

outside London 69

Map of Southwestern Ireland 89

Two Views of the Commons at Court Matrix, Ireland 96

Map of North Carolina 106

Portrait of Charles Spencer, Earl of Sunderland 1x9

Portrait of Governor Robert Hunter 145

Portrait of Robert Livingston 155

Reproduction of Pitch Pine, pinus rigida 179

View of Schoharie, New York 191

Map of Central New York 194

Palatine Shoes 199

Map of Eastern Pennsylvania 2.06

The Conrad Weiser Homestead, Womelsdorf (Tulpehocken), Penn-
sylvania zo8

KEY TO FOOTNOTE CITATIONS

B. M. — British Museum, London.

B. T. Jour. — the printed records of the Board of Trade Journal, published by
the British Government.

Jour. B. T. — the transcripts of the Board of Trade Journal made for the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and to be found in its library.

C. C. — Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and West Indies.
Doc . Hist. — Documentary History of New York.

Hist. Mss. Com. — Historical Manuscripts Commission Reports, published

by the British Government.
H. L. — Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
H. S. P. — History Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
L. C. — Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
Liv. Mss. — The manuscripts of Robert Livingston, first Lord of Livingston

Manor, now in the possession of the estate of Johnston Livingston Red-

mont, New York City.
N. C. Col. Rec. — Colonial Records of North Carolina.

N. Y. Col. Docs. — Documents Relative to the Colonial History of New York.
N. Y. Col. Mss. — Manuscripts in the New York State Archives, Albany,

New York.
N. Y. H. S. — New York Historical Society Library, New York City.
N. Y. S. L. — New York State Library, Albany, New York.
P. R. O — Public Record Office, London.
S. P. G. Mss. — Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,

London. Transcripts are to be found in the Library of Congress and in the

New York Historical Society Library (Hawk's Transcripts).

Citations are given invariably by page rather than by document number,
which method is followed occasionally in similar monographs.

CHAPTER I. THE CAUSES OF THE EARLY
"PALATINE" EMIGRATIONS

Shiploads of German peoples, variously estimated from two
thousand to thirty-two thousand,1 arrived in London be-
tween May and November of 1709. A year earlier a small band
of fifty had preceded them. As most of the latter and the
greater part of the former group came from the Rhenish or
Lower Palatinate, the name "Palatine" was applied indis-
criminately to the rest of the immigrants, although they came
from the neighboring territories as well.2

A contemporary pamphlet lists the home principalities as
follows: the Palatinate, the districts of Darmstadt and Hanau,
Franconia (including the area around the cities of Nuremburg,
Baireuth and Wiirzburg), the Archbishopric of Mayence, and
the Archbishopric of Treves. The districts of Spires, Worms,
Hesse-Darmstadt, Zweibriicken, Nassau, Alsace and Baden
are also mentioned.3 To this list Wurtemberg must be added,

1 John Stow, Survey of the Cities of London and Westminister (17x0), II, 43
estimated the immigration of 1709 at two or three thousand; William Mait-
land, History of London (1756), I, 507 has twelve thousand as their number; a
contemporary account in Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan . . . oder Ausfiihr-
liche Beschreibung von der unglucklichen Reise derer jiingsthin aus Teutschland nach
dem Engelldndischen in America gele gen Carolina und Pensylvanien. . . . (Franck-
furt und Leipzig, 171 1), 113, hereafter cited as Das verlangte nicht erlangte
Canaan, gives the total number who went to England as 31,468.

2"A Brief History of the Poor Palatine Refugees Lately Arrived in
England" (July 18, 1709), in Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York
(Albany, 1901), III, 1781, hereafter cited as Eccles. Rec. Copies of the 1709
edition are in the British Museum and the National Library of Dublin. A
1710 edition may be examined in the Trinity College Library, Dublin. The
name "Palatine" will be used below consistently in referring to all the
German immigrants of this period, since it appears most convenient, if not
strictly accurate.

3 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 99.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

GERMANY

Scale In Miles

r I I

' . — '"

r, .^ HESSE / %.
< W CASSEL? ^%, /

/ UPPER?,

' ^spires,! - A\,.'i

( WURXEMBERG/
Reutlmgeni

ansbach/palatinatd"

- : — .tv, , — f

\ — -V ,--> \ r*

SWITZERLAN

Map of Rhineland, Germany, showing the sources of the Palatine Emigration.
The borders of the Rhenish Palatinate are slightly shaded.
Drawn by A. Cefola.

since a number of Palatines are known to have emigrated
thence, notably John Conrad Weiser. The area, from which
the emigration poured, extended along both sides of the Rhine
River and its tributaries, the Main and Neckar Rivers. It
extended roughly from the junction of the Moselle and the
Rhine south to Basle, Switzerland; and from Zweibriicken,
alongside Lorraine, as far west along the Main as Baireuth,
bordering the Upper (or Bavarian) Palatinate.4

Many causes were given for the unprecedented size of the
emigration. That most frequently mentioned was devastation

4 See Map of Germany.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 3

by war. The end of the Thirty Years' War left the people of
the Palatinate prostrate. True enough a remarkable recovery
from this visitation was achieved, due to the fertility of the
soil and the co-operation of the ruler, but prosperity was
short-lived; in the latter part of the seventeenth century the
Palatinate was repeatedly the stamping ground of Louis XIV's
armies. Marshal Turenne thoroughly devastated the province
in 1674. Moreover, protracted disputes among the neighbor-
ing princes, remaining from the religious wars of the early
part of the century, gave rise to continuous warfare, in one
instance between the Archbishop of Mayence assisted by the
Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector Palatine.5 In 1688-9 Partl7
to vent his malice against Protestants, the Grand Monarch
had the Palatinate laid waste again. The military necessities
following William Ill's "conquest" of England probably
made this step necessary. At any rate over two hundred years
later the Heidelberg ruins left by this invasion were described
as "the most interesting ruins in Europe."6

During the War of the Spanish Succession, Marshal Villars
crossed the Rhine unexpectedly in May, 1707, terrorized
southwestern Germany, plundering and requisitioning freely
on the Palatinate, Wurtemberg, Baden and the Swabian
Circle.7 In September of the same year, the French retired
across the Rhine, having, in the words of an angry colonel
in the English army, "over-run the lazy and sleepy Empire
and not only maintained a great army in it all the year, but
by contributions, sent money into France to help the King's
other affairs. "8 Not only was this invasion unnecessary from

5 Theatrum Europaeum, XI, 344, 497; L. Hauser, Geschichte der Rheinischen
Pfalz. (Heidelberg, 1856), II, 62.9; N. M. Pletcher, Some Chapters from the
History of the Rhine Country (N. Y., 1907), 94.

6 J. G. Wilson, in American Historical Assoc. Reports (1891), i.Sy.

7 Townshend Mss. (Hist. Mss. Com. nth report, Appendix), IV, 65,
mentions "the plunder and the money they took by force from the good
families of Strasbourg."

8 C. T. Atkinson, "The War of the Spanish Succession, Campaigns and
Negotiations," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V, 418.

4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

a military point of view but it was also a political blunder,
for it united Germany against Louis.9 But for the people living
in the war zone, these invasions wiped out the fruits of many
new and promising revivals, and discouraged further struggle
for better living conditions.10

To the curse of devastation was added an unkind prank of
nature, when at the end of 1708 a winter, cruel beyond the
precedent of a century, set in to blight the region. As early as
the beginning of October the cold was intense, and by No-
vember 1 st, it was said, firewood would not burn in the open
air! In January of 1709 wine and spirits froze into solid blocks
of ice; birds on the wing fell dead; and, it is said, saliva con-
gealed in its fall from the mouth to the ground.11 Most of
Western Europe was frozen tight. The Seine and all the other
rivers were ice-bound and on the 8th of January, the Rhone,
one of the most rapid rivers of Europe, was covered with ice.
But what had never been seen before, the sea froze sufficiently
all along the coasts to bear carts, even heavily laden.12 Nar-
cissus Luttrell, a famous English diarist of that day, wrote of
the great violence of the frost in England and in foreign parts,
where several men were frozen to death in many countries.13
The Arctic weather lasted well into the fourth month. Perhaps

9 A. Hassal], "The Foreign Policy of Louis XIV," in Camb. Mod. Hist.,

V.57.

10 Abel Boyer, The History of the Reign of Queen Anne digested into Annals
ijop (London, 1710), 166; hereafter cited as Boyer, Annals. Professor Julius
Goebel, Sr., has performed a valuable service by publishing a collection of
letters by a few emigrants of 1709. These letters clearly show that the bad
economic conditions were largely responsible for their authors' emigration.
" Briefe Deutscher Auswanderer aus dem Jahre 1709," in J ahrbuch der Deutsche
Amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschajt von Illinois (Chicago, Illinois, I9i2.)>
1x4-189.

11 R. N. Bain, "Charles XII and the Great Northern War," in Camb.
Mod. Hist., V, 600.

12 Memoires . . . du . . . due de Saint-Simon (Paris, 1857), IV, 180; Journal
du Marquis de Dangeau (Paris, 1857), XII, 303 et sea.

13 Narcissus Luttrell, Brief Relation of State Affairs (Oxford, 1857), VI,
393' 399 under dates of January 8th and January 15, 1709.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 5

the period of heaviest frost was from the 6th to the 15 th of
January. Then snow fell until February 6th.14 The fruit trees
were killed and the vines were destroyed. The calamity of this
unusually bitter weather fell heavily on the husbandmen and
vine-dressers, who in consequence made up more than half of
the emigrants of 1709. 15

Other influences almost as malign, though of a more
chronic nature, were disturbing the inhabitants of the Rhine
Valley. The splendor of Versailles had dazzled many petty
rulers of Germany, who sought to emulate the gorgeous court
life surrounding Louis XIV. The expenses of their lavish and
arrogant living had to be met by heavy taxes on their subjects,
often so exhausting as to leave the peasants themselves with-
out bread. Naturally bitter feelings were aroused against the
ruling class, who called themselves fathers of the people
without exhibiting any traces of fatherly care for their wel-
fare. The need for money to carry on war too made the taxes
mount higher day by day. A letter from the Palatinate in 1681
mentioned that 'Thousands would gladly leave the Father-
land if they had the means to do so,' because of the French
devastation and "besides this, we are now suffering the plague
of high taxes."16 Conditions did not improve during the next
twenty-five years apparently, for an unbiased report from the
Palatines waiting in Holland for transportation to England
stated they came flying "to shake of the burdens they ly
under by the hardshipps of their Princes governments and the
contributions they must pay to the Enemy."17 Therefore,

14 Onno Klopp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart (Wien, 1887), 115.

15 Journal of House of Commons, XVI, 597; hereafter cited as C. J.; Eccles.
Rec, III, 1747, 18x4; Public Record Office Mss., Colonial Office, 388/76, 56
ii, 64, 68-70, hereafter cited as P. R. O., C. O.; Friederich Kapp, Die Deutschen
in Staate New York (New York, 1884), I, 19; Franz Loher, Geschichte und
Zustdnde der Deutschen in Amerika (Cincinnati, 1847), 41; Der Deutsche Pionier
(Cincinnati, 1882.), XIV, 195.

16 Letter of Henrich Frey, D. H. Bertolet, The Bertolet Family (Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania, 1914), 173.

17 Public Record Office, State Papers, 84/132., 148, hereafter cited as
P. R. O., S. P.

6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

oppressive feudal exactions by the petty rulers may be re-
garded as one of the underlying reasons for the emigration.18

Another cause suggested, and in general accepted in eight-
eenth century England, was religious persecution. Certainly
religious conditions were of large importance in the early
eighteenth century. To ingratiate themselves with benevo-
lently inclined people, emigrants found it convenient to plead
religious persecution. Friends of the immigration in England
justified their help on religious grounds, while others fiercely
attacked the authenticity of the rumored persecutions. The
disagreement on this point has been perpetuated by descend-
ants of that German stock, who are reluctant to forego a
lustrous prestige equal to that of the Pilgrim Fathers.

What was the religious condition of the Germanies in
1709? Cuius regio, eius religio, established at the Peace of Augs-
burg (1555) and modified by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648),
was still functioning. It recognized three churches: Catholic,
Lutheran and Calvinist, and provided that the religion of the
ruler should be the religion of the people. Under such con-
ditions religious persecution might well exist. The belief that
religious persecution was a cause is strengthened at first sight
by the fact that the Elector of the Palatinate in 1709 was John
William, Duke of Newburg, a Catholic.19 There are no formal
charges of persecution, however, about 1709. 20 Of course, this

18 Library of Congress MSS., Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 57, hereafter
cited as L. C, Archdale MSS.; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 2.1; "Brief
History," in Eccles. Rec, III, ij8j and 1794; W. H. Bruford, Germany in the
18th Century (Cambridge, Eng., 1935), 39, 12.1.

19 The State of the Palatines for Fifty Years Past to This Present Time (London,
17°3)-> 3- A I7I° edition of this pamphlet is published in Eccles. Rec, III,
1810. The copy of the 1709 edition is in the Widener Library of Harvard
University.

20 Reports of persecution by the Elector Palatine in 1709 refer to the
Bavarian Palatinate and also to Silesia. Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 464, 483. These
accounts are not to be attributed to John William, Elector Palatine, of the
Rhenish or Lower Palatinate, a different man. Also see Monthly Mercury
(July, 1709), XX, z48.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 7

might be due to the inexpediency of criticizing the Elector
Palatine, an English ally in the War of the Spanish Succession
then being waged. But by the same token, the Elector should
have found it poor policy to affront his Protestant ally
(England), by mistreatment of his own Protestant subjects.21
John William had reigned since 1690. While there are reports
of persecution in 1 699,22 were religious intolerance at that
time the sole cause of the emigration, it should have driven
away these German emigrants before 1709.

The disagreement on this point in the past, warrants a
close examination of the religious composition of those
immigrant groups in London. Of the first forty-one Germans
of the 1708 immigration, fifteen were Lutherans and twenty-
six Calvinists (or Reformed).23 The fourteen others who joined
the group in London were also Protestants. In their petition
to the Queen this group, all Protestant, made no mention of
religious persecution. They spoke though, of the French
ravages in 1707 in the Rhine and Neckar Valleys.24 For the
1709 immigration, four lists compiled in London exist of those
who arrived from May 3rd to June 16th. Unfortunately no
lists seem to have been made in London after that date, but for
the 6500 Palatines then present these lists are informative and

21 The relations between England and the Palatinate were excellent at
this time. The Elector Palatine secured the support of the English at the
Vienna Court (British Museum Mss., Ad. Mss. 15866, 90, hereafter cited as
B. M.) and was supplying his troops for English and Dutch use. The English
used eleven battalions of Palatine troops in Catalonia in 1709. P. R. O., S. P.
44/107, 12.1; S. P. 34/n, 154. In fact, on the occasion of the New Year in
1709 the rulers of England and the Palatinate exchanged greetings in their
own handwriting, an unusually friendly proceeding. B. M., Add. Mss.
15866, 156.

22 Eccles. Rec, III, 1453 et seq.

23 Journal of the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations 1704-1708, 484;
hereafter cited as B. T. Jour. The first Board of Trade report erred in referring
to them as "These 41 poor Lutherans," Calendar of State Papers, Colonial
America and West Indies 1706-8, 713; hereafter cited as C. C. In all cases the
page, not the number of the document, is cited.

24 Ibid., 710.

8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

reliable. They were made by two German clergymen at the
English court, John Tribbeko, chaplain to the late royal
consort, Prince George of Denmark, and George Andrew
Ruperti, minister of St. Mary's German Lutheran Church in
Savoy. The 1770 families were distributed as follows: Luth-
erans, 550; Reformed, 693; Catholics, 512.; Baptists, 12.;
Mennonites, 3 . Almost one-third of the Palatines in London
on June 16, 1709, were of the Catholic faith.25

Religious persecution by the Catholic Elector might drive
out Protestants, but certainly not Catholics. It might still be
held that the Protestants had fled from Catholic rulers and the
Catholics from Protestant princes. Yet, on August 2., 1709,
an English gentleman, Roger Kenyon, wrote to his sister-in-
law that he had visited the Palatines on Blackheath, a com-
mons seven miles southeast of London. He added that they
"came over not on account of religious persecution, for most
of them were under Protestant princes .... '26 The real re-
ligious difficulties in Germany were those created by the clash
of the various sects. Anton Wilhelm Bohme, pastor of the
German Court Chapel of St. James and an influential friend of
the Palatines at court, so advised a correspondent in Germany
on May 2.6, 1710. Bohme mentions the desire of many people
to seek a non-sectarian Christianity in Pennsylvania. The
question which Bohme answered was whether it was deemed
advisable that people, who on account of their conscience
could no longer subscribe to any sect and therefore were
tolerated almost nowhere, should carry out their desire to
emigrate although they had no real certainty of God's will. In
a fatherly fashion, Bohme advised them to examine their own
conscience for the inner or motivating cause of such an im-
portant journey. Significantly, he wrote that many a man,
after he had acquired flourishing acres in America, forgot the

25 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 5611, 64, 68-70. The first list, that of May 6th,
is given in Appendix B, but not all the vital statistics in the list are included
for reasons mentioned there.

26 Kenyon MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 14th Report, Appendix), IV, 443.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 9

religious motivation of his pilgrimage. Such people degener-
ated so far that they were more concerned with the cultivation
of their lands than of their souls. Bohme added that they stood
as so many monuments, warning others not to allow greed
to move them.27

Although Bohme strongly doubted the religious urge for
the new world, he also mentioned disagreement with, and
persecutions by, the authorities incited by religious zealots
and orthodox Churchmen. These, he held, should be suffered
for the sake of truth and the glorious blessing promised by the
Lord. The persecutions must not have been severe, for Bohme
confessed that he could not see how a Christian could, on
account of the oppression suffered up to then, leave his
fatherland.28 The German divine dwelt at great length upon
the dangerous temptations of religious squabbles.

The theory, that religious persecution was a most impor-
tant cause for these emigrations, has been impaired by Bohme's
letter. In his argument, he declared that only a very few of
these people, when they came to England, had provided them-
selves with a prayer-book or similar religious work. Fewer
still had a New Testament or Bible, and they would have re-
mained without any were it not for the Queen's generosity.29
This fact lends support to other evidence. The Catholic
Elector Palatine John William had issued on November 2.1,
1705, a declaration promising liberty of conscience.30 In 1707
a disinterested person testified to the sincere execution of the
declaration.31 On the 2.7th of June, 1709, the Council of the

27 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 15-30.

28 Ibid., 2.4.

29 Ibid., -LL. One of the few Bibles brought from Germany at that time
was that brought by Gerhart Schaeffer. This Lutheran Bible, published in
Franckfurt am Mayn in 1701, is still in the possession of descendants of the
Palatine Schaeffer, the Kingsley family of "The Rocks," Schoharie, N. Y.

30 Eccles. Rec, III, 1600.

31 John Toland, Declaration lately published by the Elector Palatine in favor
of his Protestant Subjects (London, 1714), 4.

IO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ATravjlationfrom the High-Dutch, of a Declaration
mafa (by Dire&ion from the Elector Palatine) by
the Prote/iant Qnfiftory hi the Palatinate.
" \T7"Hereas it has been fignify'd to the Re-
" W form'd Confiftory in the Palatinate jhzt
" feveral of the Families, who are gone down the
" Rhine, to proceed to Penjilvaniaj to fettle" them-
" felves 'there, commonly pretend they are ob-
<c lig'dto retire thither for the Sake oi Religion,
''and the Perfecut ion which they fufter upon that
l' Account; and finceit is not known to any of
^ the Confiftory, that thofe with-drawn Subjects
" have complainM , that they fuffer'd at that
" Time any. Perfecution on Account of Religi-
' on, or that they were fore'd to quit their
" Ccuntry for want, of Liberty ot Conference, con-
c< trary to his Electoral Highnefss gracious Decla-
iC iion of the 2 lit of November, 1705. therefore, as
" foon as th^ COnfdtory underftood that a Num-
ber of Subjects were. gone out Abroad to the faid
" Penjilvania, and that more were like to follow,
w they thought it necefTary to acquaint all the
' "refornVd Infpeclors and Minifters with it, to
undeceive their Auditors, as alfo thefe with-
drawn Peeple, and that they are not like to gain
tc their End in all Probability, and to perfwade
"them againft their withdrawing any farther' •,
48 as alfo to the Intent to (hew thegroundlefs Pre-
tences of fuch Peeple -to go out of the Country
en Account of the faid Religious Perfecution.
Which we do atteft hereby in favour of Truth.
Done at Heidleburg the 27th of June, 1 709.
" L. S. The Vice- President and Council of the
tonfiftory eonttituted in the Electoral Palatinate.
" T. P. Howmullcr, T. Heyles* H. Grout*, J. CloSer.

Z. Kirchmejer. Schema] .

A declaration of the Protestant Consistory in the
Palatinate, denying any religious persecution by the
Elector Palatine, June 17, 1709.

Courtesy of the Pennsylvania-German Society,

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II

Protestant Consistory in the Palatinate issued a statement de-
nying the pretences of emigrants that they were persecuted.32
Indeed, a colonial report of the Evangelical Lutheran Con-
gregation in Pennsylvania made this statement, "Some may
think that it is unreasonable to care for these people, as the
most of them went into this distant part of the globe from
their own irregular impulse, and without necessity or calling,
because it no longer suited them to comply with good order in
their native lands. "33 The plea was made then not to make the
children born in America suffer for the error of their parents.

Indeed a dispatch from Holland in June, 1709, reported
that the Palatines, Protestants and Catholics, "seem to agree
all very well, being several of them mixed together husbands
and wives of different religion or united by parentage.'
Further, they were "flying not so much for religion" as for
other reasons.34 Considering these facts it must be concluded
that religious persecution was not an important cause for the
1708-9 Palatine emigrations. Religious disputes and squabbles
may have contributed in a minor way. Due to the special
conditions existing along the Rhine and in England, it was
advantageous to pose as 'poor German Protestants" perse-
cuted for their faith. This will be discussed in greater detail
below.

To devastation by war, oppression by petty princes imitat-
ing the "Sun Monarch," the destructive winter of 1708-9, and
religious bickerings, may be added a desire for adventure so
usual in the youth of any land. These causes created a dis-
satisfaction with their present lot, which only irritated an-
other potent cause, that of land hunger. A number of Palatines
in New York were overheard to remark, "We came to America
to establish our families — to secure lands for our children on

32 "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1793.

33 Hallesche Nachrkhten (Oswald Trans., Philadelphia, 1881), II, 2.37.

34 P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 2.49.

12. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

which they will be able to support themselves after we die."35
But all these causes themselves would perhaps have been in-
sufficient to call forth such a great emigration of large families
with young children on their hands. How did the attraction
of the foreign shore come to them?

To those Germans dissatisfied with their lot, effected by
the conditions outlined above, came the enticing advertising
of English proprietors of the colonies in America. Pamphlets
extolling the climate and life in the New World were dis-
seminated throughout the Rhine Valley. Agents for the pro-
prietors entered into negotiations with interested parties.
Adventurers like Francois Louis Michel and George Ritter
engaged to bring companies of colonists.36 Correspondence
was carried on between proprietors and prospective settlers.
All these activities were in the interests of Carolina or
Pennsylvania.

One of the Germans, Ulrich Simmendinger by name, mi-
grated with these groups to New York;37 and having lost his
two children in England, he and his wife, Anna Margaretta,
returned to their fatherland about 1717. Shortly thereafter he
published a little booklet,38 giving an account of his experi-
ences and containing a list of those people he had left behind
in New York. For this reason it is valuable in the study of that
emigration. Simmendinger says that assuredly his friends
would not think he made this hazardous trip for excitement
and adventure, particularly with his wife and children. His
resolution was made under the paternal necessity of providing

35 Documentary History of State of New York (Albany, 1850), III, 658, here-
after cited as Doc. Hist.

36 Townshend MSS. {Hist. MSS. Com., nth Kept., Appendix), IV, 63;
C. C, ijo6-ijo8, 61.

37 Listed as one of the Palatines remaining at New York, 1710, Doc.
Hist., Ill, 564.

38 Ulrich Simmendinger, Warhajfte und glaubwurdige V er^eichnus s jeniger . . .
Personen welche sich Anno 1709 . . . aus Teutschland in Americam oder Neue Welt
begeben . . . (Reuttlingen, ca. 1717). See Appendix F. below for list of families.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 13

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1 4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

for his own wife and children. He says nothing of religious
persecution. Simmendinger apparently emigrated then with
the intention of enjoying a better competence because of aid
expected from the British Queen.39 He further states that in
the year 1709, in response to the genuinely golden promises
written by the Englishmen, many other families from the
Palatinate also set forth to England in order to go from there
to Pennsylvania.40

In regard to the "golden promises," it is worth noticing
that a British parliamentary committee investigating the
causes of the immigration reported: "And upon the examina-
tion of several of them [the Palatines] what were the motives
which induced them to leave their native country, it appears
to the committee that there were books and papers dispersed
in the Palatinate with the Queen's picture before the book and
the Title Pages in Letters of Gold (which from thence was
called the Golden Book), to encourage them to come to
England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of her Majesty's
Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a recom-
mendation of that country."41

This work thus referred to might have been written by
Kocherthal, as his book first appeared in 1706. 42 The Reverend

39 Ibid., 1-3. Simmendinger states this frankly. Frank R. Diffenderffer,
'The German Exodus to England in 1709," in Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc. (1897), VII,

2.91, finds as one of the chief reasons for the emigration "the hope of better-
ing themselves."

40 "Dann als Anno 1709, auff die lauter guldene versprechendeEngellandr
ische Schreiben/viele Familien aus der Pfalz . . . hinab nach Engelland/um
von dar nach Pensylvaniam iiber zugehen." Ibid., 2.. Also, Friederich Kapp,
Geschichte der Deutscben Einwanderung in Amerika (Leipzig, 1868), 86.

41 C.J., (April 14, 1711), XVI, 597.

42 V. H. Todd and J. Goebel, Christoph von Graff enried' s Account of the
Founding of Neiv Bern (N. C. Hist. Com. Pub., Raleigh, N. C, 1910), 14,
conclude that the Golden Book is the same as Kocherthal's. This may have
been true, but Simmendinger speaks of Pennsylvania. See also Christopher
Sauer, Pennsylvania Bericht(i-j^^), quoted in Der deutsche Pionier, XIV, 2.95-6.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 5

Joshua Kochertbal,43 described as a German evangelical min-
ister, had not been to America at the time he published his
book, but he had been in England to make inquiries about the
colonies.44 Did Kocherthal come to some agreement with
important members of the ministry? Was he their agent or
was he simply in the service of the proprietors of Carolina?
No definite promises are made in his book but several pas-
sages, coupled with the Queen's picture and the gilded title-
page, might give the impression to the poor people into
whose hands the book would come, that they might expect
help from her, both in crossing the channel and after their
arrival in England, in going to the colonies. One passage read,
'Whereupon finally the proposal was made that the Queen be
presented with a supplication to whether she herself would
not grant the ships . . . But these proposals are too extensive
to describe here, and yet it is hoped that through them the
effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can
promise anything certain . . . ,"45 That its effect was great can
be judged by its circulation. This handbook for Germans was
so much in demand in the year 1709, that at least three
more editions were printed.46 In fact, the book continued to

43 This name has been spelled erroneously with a second K, " Kockerthal, ' '
by writers following documentary misspellings, apparently based on its
pronunciation. The name appears on his tombstone in the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, West Camp, N. Y. and uniformly in the British documents
as "Kocherthal."

44 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 13. Kocherthal may have been in communica-
tion with W. Killigrew, a gentleman much interested in Carolina, who in
1706 confidentially suggested to the British government that it buy out the
Carolina proprietors through him at a low price, adding "I am in treaty
with some thousand of Protestant People from foreign parts, who are de-
sirous of to go thither when this affair is settled which naturally will increase
the rent of the county and the customs by considerable for England."
P. R. O., C. O. 5/306, 3 i; C. C. 1706-1708, 183.

45 Ibid., 15; Kocherthal, Aussfiihrlich und umstandlicher Bericbt von . . .
Carolina (4th ed., Franckfurt, 1709), x8, hereafter cited as Kocherthal,
Bericht.

46 DiffenderrTer, op. cit., 317; A copy of the 4th impression is in the
Library of Congress.

1 6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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Title Page of Bohme's Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan (171 1), answering
Kocherthal's Bericht. Courtesy of Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

have such an effect, even after Kocherthal had gone to New
York in 1708, that Reverend Anton Wilhelm Bohme, a friend
of the Palatines at court and previously referred to, felt called
upon to contribute several letters for a pamphlet under the
title, Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan ("The desired, not
acquired Canaan"), directed specifically against Kocherthal's
roseate description of Carolina.47

An interesting collection of manuscripts now preserved
in the Library of Congress throws light on the problem pre-

47 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 14. A copy is in the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania Library in Philadelphia. M. H. Hoen, who wrote the
foreword, should be credited with editorship at least.

1 8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

sented by Kocherthal's veiled promises. This collection,
known as the Archdale Papers, contains correspondence of
John Archdale, one of the proprietors of Carolina. As early
as 1705, Archdale was arranging for a settlement in Carolina
by what was called the High German Company of Thuringia.
Polycarpus Michael Pricherbach, the German correspondent,
writing from Langensalza in Thuringia, mentioned reading
Richard Blome's English America, a description of the English
possessions in the western hemisphere. This had been trans-
lated into German and published in Leipzig in 1697. Four
deputies were sent over to London with the intention of
visiting some english province in America. They met and
talked with a Mr. Telner, who it seems represented the pro-
prietors of Carolina. They then returned to Germany.48 The
plans probably miscarried as nothing was heard of the venture
later.

However, two proposals, made by the High German
Company of Thuringia, suggested to the proprietors of Caro-
lina the kind of advertising to use with the greatest appeal in
the Germanies. On September 2., 1705, the German Company
asked the Carolina proprietors to announce "that all such as
shall address themselves to them, After the first Transport
(Seing it is needless at the first shiping over) and are not
able to pay any monie for their passage, should be transported
free by your Lordps without any payment as far as Carolina. '
This was to be repaid finally by years of service for the com-
pany in Carolina.

The second proposal was an inducement to be carried out
only after the first transport had safely arrived in Carolina,
"for what I am now going to say could not possibly be ven-
tured sooner. There should be published by us and in our
names, a short plain description of the good scituation and
Conveniences of the Country, with the advantageous Condi-
tions granted to us by the proprietors, there should also cir-

48 L. C, Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 12.1..

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 9

cumstancially be sett forth the great eveready prorTetts that
might be Expected from there, and subjoyned thereunto
Expecially this clause, that a Poor Man hath only need to
provide himself to come to London and then to pay nothing
for his transport thence to Carolina because upon his address
to the Lords Proprietors they would maintain and transport
him to Carolina whereby nothing which might recomend and
make this country should be past by or omitted. Such printed
and published description to be authorized by a short preffase
by the Lords Proprietors, would then by good friends, left
behind be everywhere made known and there being now to
God no doubt but that in these hard times in Germany . . .,"49
colonization would be quickened.

In 1706 Kocherthal was not so particular as to require that
he be settled in America first. He obliged the proprietors with
his Aussjuhrlkh und umstdndlicher Bericht von der beriihmten
Landschafft Carolina. . . . The Queen was substituted for the
Lords Proprietors as the kindly benefactor and veiled promises
were made. The fulfillment of the Thuringian suggestion is
apparent. What is not so evident, is Kocherthal' s remunera-
tion. Kocherthal never even visited Carolina, much less settled
there. On his arrival in England in 1708, he appealed to the
Queen for aid in accordance with his pamphlet's hints. It
would seem that the author was sincere in writing of the
Queen's help, which was anticipated, as quoted above.
Kocherthal was well received by the English government but
was sent to New York. This will be related below.

Similar advertising concerning Pennsylvania was also pro-
ducing air castles for disheartened Germans. William Penn,
who later founded Pennsylvania, made several visits to the
Rhine country, one in 1677.50 Penn discussed religious matters
wit hmany Lutherans and Calvinists of the Rhine Valley. The

49 Ibid., 60 et. seq.

50 Samuel M. Janney, The Life of William Penn (Philadelphia, 1851), 117
et. seq., recounts Penn's journey in that year and especially his friendship
with Princess Elizabeth of the Palatinate.

LO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

royal charter for Pennsylvania was granted in 1681. Shortly
thereafter appeared in London a brief description of the new
province : Some account of the Province of Pennsylvania in America. 51
Penn offered to sell one hundred acres of land for two English
pounds and a low rental. He combined humanitarianism with
business, for he advertised popular government, universal
suffrage, and equal right's to all regardless of race or religious
belief. Murder and treason were the only capital crimes; and
reformation, not retaliation, was the object of punishment for
their offenses. This book appeared in translation in Amster-
dam the same year and its distribution in the upper Rhine
country probably affected favorably the movement of Ger-
mans to Pennsylvania.52

Pennsylvania was the best advertised province and it was
mainly due to the liberal use of printer's ink. No professional
promoter or land speculator of the present day could have
devised any scheme, which would have proved a greater
success than the means taken by William Penn and his coun-
sellor, Benjamin Furley, to advertise his province.53 Various
books were published for German consumption for over
twenty years previous to the emigration of 1709. 54 Among
them, Pastorious' Umstdndige geographische Beschreibung (de-
tailed geographical description) of 1700 and Daniel Falckner's
Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania (curious news from Penn-

51 Julius F. Sachse, The German Pietists of Provincial Pennsylvania 1694-1708
(Philadelphia, 1895), 440; E. E. Proper, Colonial Immigration Laws (Col. U.
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 1900, XII, no. 2.), 46.

52 Albert B. Faust, The German Element in the United States (New ed.,
N.Y., 192.7), I, 31 et. seq.; H. L. Osgood, English Colonies in the Eighteenth
Century (New York, 192.4), II, 491; Sachse, op. cit., 443 et. seq.

63 J. F. Sachse, Curieuse Nachricht von Pennsylvania (of 1702), (Phila.,
private ed., 1905), 8. Sachse calls it "The book that stimulated the Great
German Emigration to Pennsylvania in the early years of the eighteenth
century." Also see Sachse's account of literature used to induce German
emigration, Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc, VII, 175-198.

54 See Sachse's list of some fifty reprints of title-pages, Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc,
VII, 101-156; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 95.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Portrait of William Penn. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

2.2. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

sylvania) of 1702. were combined into a single work in 1704
by the Frankfort Company, for whom Falckner became
attorney along with Benjamin Furley.55

One writer tells us that English agents were sent through-
out the Palatinate to induce immigration, much in the same
way as did our western railroad companies of a later date.
These companies, having received large bounties in land from
the government, sent agents throughout Europe to influence
emigration so that their land grants might be settled and
revenue-producing.56 These early land agents, "Neulander,"57
or whatever they may be called, must have used to full advan-
tage the reputation Penn and his colony had acquired in the
Rhineland.58 Simmendinger, quoted above, gave his expected
destination as Pennsylvania. Luttrell reported foreign news
on April 2.8th and May 12., 1709, of Palatines coming to
England bound for Pennsylvania.59 Penn's advertising was
productive of good results at last.

Before the kind of help extended to the emigrants and the
means employed by the British government can be understood,
it is necessary that the position of England as the protector of
the Protestant cause in Europe be understood. William of
Orange with his wife Mary had taken the English throne from
his father-in-law, James II, in 1688 to secure intervention by
England and support for the Protestant cause on the continent
against the encroachments of Catholic France.60 As Louis XIV
aged, he grew more intolerant. Counsels of moderation even
by the influential Madame de Maintenon were unavailing. In
1685 the Edict of Nantes, granting religious toleration to

55 Sachse, Falckner s Nachricht, x^-iS.

56 John M. Brown, Brief Sketch of the First Settlement of the County of
Schoharie by the Germans (Schoharie, 18x3), 5.

57 Faust, op. cit., I, 61.

58 Kapp calls them "Speculators," and says they associated themselves
with the Quakers. Die Deutschen, I, to.

59 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 434, 440.

60 G. N. Clark, The Later Stuarts 1660-1J14 (Oxford, 1934), 143.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.3

French Protestants, was revoked and persecution followed.61
Many Huguenots, as the French Protestants were called, fled
to England, Germany and the New World.62 When William
declared war on France in 1689, he published a "Proclamation
for the encouraging French Protestants to transport themselves
into this Kingdom, ' ' promising that they would not only have
his royal protection but that he would also "so aid and assist
them in their several trades and ways of livelihood, as that
their being in this realm might be comfortable and easy to
them."63

Queen Anne on her accession in 1701 continued, under the
guidance of the Marlboroughs and their relatives, those
policies on which was predicated her right to the throne.64
The Second Hundred Years' War entered its second phase, the
War of the Spanish Succession. In diplomatic discussions the
English sought to secure religious and civil rights for the
Protestants on the continent. They even considered proposing
in the negotiations for peace at Geertruidenberg in 1708 that
the change in a ruler's religion should not "influence the
worship or revenues of his subject (wch is the most reasonable
thing in the most), most of the evill effects proceeding from
such a change of religion will be avoyded."65 In other ways
help was extended to foreign Protestants, such as those of
Bergen and Courland, for example. At their petition collec-
tions were taken up in England under government auspices for

61 A.J. Grant, "The Government of Louis XIV," in Camb. Mod. Hist., V,
14; Viscount St. Cyres, "The Gallican Church," ibid., V, 89.

62 J. S. Burn, History of the French, Walloon, Dutch and other Foreign Refugees
Settled in England from the Reign of Henry VIII to the Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes (London, 1746), 18. The number of names of French origin among the
Palatine emigrants (See Shipping Lists in Appendix) suggest that many were
French refugees fleeing a second time.

63 Paul de Rapin-Thoyras, History of England i66i-ij2j, trans, and con-
tinued by H. Tindal (London, 1744), XVI, 347.

64 Clark, op. cit., in.

65 B. M., Add. MSS. 18055, 415; P. R. O., S. P. 84/133, 38.

2.4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

funds for building of churches.06 When on June 12., 1709, a
French Protestant petitioned Queen Anne in behalf of "a
million persecuted protestants," she assured her petitioner,
"she had already given her ministers abroad instructions
concerning the same and will doe for them what else lies in
her power."67 There are other indications of a similar nature,
which show that the Protestants looked to the English Queen
to take care of their interests.68

At this time Queen Anne was especially susceptible to
Protestant appeals. Queen Anne's consort, Prince George of
Denmark, died on October 2.8, 1708, "to the unspeakable grief
of the Queen."69 Prince George was of German Stock,70 a
Lutheran, and had brought many of his countrymen and co-
religionists to London. The Royal Chapel in St. James Palace
(Lutheran) established in 1700, owed its existence to him.71
The funeral sermon which the Reverend John Tribbeko
preached in the Royal Chapel on November 2.1st emphasized
the Prince's interest in the Protestant cause.72 It probably
softened the Queen's grief to act as the gracious benefactress of
the oppressed co-religionists of her departed husband.73 At any
rate she took a great deal of interest in relieving the Palatines
in 1709.

A more important question is how far the English Ministry
was aware of the advertising activities and how far it coun-

66 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 15 (1708-1709).

67 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 451.

68 Townshend MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. nth Report, Appendix), IV, 52..

69 B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 135; Add. MSS. 6309, t7; Egmont MSS. (Hist.
MSS. Com. yth Report, Appendix), II, 131; Agnes Strickland, Lives of the
Queens of England (Boston, 1859), XII, 189.

70 L. Katscher, "German Life in London," in Nineteenth Century (May,
1887), XXI, 718.

71 Ibid., 738.

72 John Tribbeko, A Funeral Sermon on the Death of H. R. H. Prince George
of Denmark (London, 1709), 17.

73 C. B. Todd, "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines," in
National Magazine (February, 1893), XVII, 191.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Prince George of Denmark, royal consort of Queen Anne. Courtesy of

Pennsylvania-German Society.

2.6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

tenanced them. The English policies were predicated on the
postulates of mercantilism accepted by seventeenth century
Europe.74 These mercantilist doctrines attached a high value
to a dense population, as an element of national strength. It
was even argued that colonies would weaken the parent
country by lessening the population.75 In this view of migra-
tion, England would benefit by, and the Rhine countries
would lose, and perhaps oppose, the movement of peoples. It
was said to be "a Fundamental Maxim in Sound Politicks,
that the Greatness, Wealth, and Strength of a Country, con-
sist in the Number of its Inhabitants."76 The preamble of an
English law of 1709 observed that "the increase of people is a
means of advancing the wealth and strength of a nation."77
The States General of Holland echoed "that the Grandeur and
Prosperity of a Country does in general consist in a Multitude
of Inhabitants."78 The Monthly Mercury, a contemporary
English publication, discussing Holland's new law, remarked
that "The States [were] sensible of the Truth of the Maxim
that the number of Inhabitants is the Strength of a nation. . . ,"79
In pursuance of such aims, the English Parliament was
bombarded with propaganda favorable to the naturalization
of foreign Protestants. Under the heading "Some weighty
considerations for Parliament," Archdale, the Carolina pro-
prietor referred to before, wrote that 2., 000 white people in
Carolina were worth 100,000 at home. He argued that this

74 Clark, op. cit., 43; E. F. Heckscher, Mercantilism (London, 1935),
II, 159.

75 Proper, op. cit., 74.

76 [Francis Hare], The Reception of the Palatines Vindicated in a Fifth Letter
to a Tory Member (London, 171 1), 4, 37 et. seq. Hare was chaplain to the Duke
of Marlborough.

77 7 Anne, c. 5, Statutes of the Realm, IX, 63.

78 The State of the Palatines, 6; Eccles. Rec, II, 1775 and 1830.

79 Monthly Mercury (London, July, 1709), XX, 175; Josiah Child, A New
Discourse on Trade, (1693 ecO> J54i Edgar S. Furniss, The Labourer in a System
of Nationalism (Boston, 1910), 33.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IS]

was due to their use of English goods and the products they
exchanged so favorably for England.80 He went on, "the body
of Europe is under a general fermentation . . . which will
more and more persecute an uneasy body of Protestants . . .
[who] opprest with taxes, drained of their wealth and lyeing
in the jealous sight of popery, are growne so uneasy, as to be
willing to transplant themselves under the English Govern-
ment.' A petition from a Pennsylvania German asked for a
naturalization act for German Protestants, who although
inclined to emigrate were under great difficulties from lack
of it.81

William Penn was the author of a general naturalization
bill for the colonies. In urging its approval to a member of the
House of Lords, he pointed out "the interest of England to
improve and thicken her colonys with people not her own."82
But early in January, 1709, Penn wrote to James Logan in
Pennsylvania, "Tho' we have here a bill for Naturalization in
the House, and I think I never writ so correctly, as I did to
some members of Parliament, as well and discoursed them on
that subject, ... it moves but slowly. . . . "83

Finally, giving way to the pressure, Parliament moved to
encourage immigration and on February 5 th, leave was given
in the House of Commons to bring in a bill for naturalizing
foreign Protestants. On the x8th the bill passed its first test
vote on a motion to continue the old provision of the law,
which lost 101 to 198. The bill was passed on March 7th by a
vote of 103 to 77, but over the protests and opposition of the
City of London, whose authorities wanted a clause inserted
protecting their own rights to the duties paid by aliens.84 On
the 15th the bill was agreed to by the Lords 65 to 10. Royal

80 L. C, Archdale MSS., 1694-1706, 151.

81 Ibid., 70; On naturalization, see A. H. Carpenter, "Naturalization in
England and the American Colonies," in Amer. Hist. Review, IX, x88~303.

82 Huntington Library, H. M. MSS. xix85; hereafter cited as H. L.

83 Venn-Logan Corres. (Memoirs of Historical Society of Pa., X), II, 313.

84 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 404, 408, 415, 417.

2.8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

assent made it a law on March 2.3rd.85 This was the first gen-
eral naturalization law in England. It provided that the natu-
ralized had to take the oath of allegiance, and partake of the
sacrament according to the Anglican ritual before witnesses,
who signed a certificate to that effect. In addition, all the
children of naturalized parents were to be considered natural-
born subjects.86 The greatest benefit secured by the act was the
right to purchase and hold land, which might be transmitted
to one's children. Those naturalized were also permitted to
take part in trade and commerce, usually forbidden to
foreigners.87

Palatine or German immigrants were not particularly
mentioned it appears. But Macpherson states, "This law was
said to have been made with a particular view to the Protes-
tant Palatines brought this year into England."88 Certain it is
that by the time the act was passed, the first wave of the
emigration was already well on its way down the Rhine.89
Still the news of the bill's consideration by the English Parlia-
ment may have reached prospective immigrants. That this act
was a preparation for their coming, or even an added attrac-
tion for the immigration itself is highly probable. It would
seem then, that the parties who urged and were successful in
securing the passage of the naturalization law, were inti-
mately connected with colonial projects in America. Men,
such as Archdale and Penn, stimulated through agents and

C. J., XVI, 93, 108, 113, 113, 131, et. seq.; Eccles. Rec, III, 172.4, 1831;
Paul Chamberlen, History of the . . . Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1738), 311.

86 7 Anne, c. 5, Statutes of the Realm, IX, 63.

87 L. C, Archdale MSS. 1694-1706, 70.

88 David Macpherson, Annals of Commerce (London, 1805), III, 6.

89 The first contingent of the Palatines arrived in London about May 3rd
(£. T. Jour. 77 08-1 7 14, 2.6). They were over six weeks, a few weeks at least,
at Rotterdam awaiting transportation and the time needed to cross the
Channel, in addition to the time spent on the way to Rotterdam, would
certainly amount to two months. The Kocherthal party in 1708 needed two
months to travel from Frankfurt to London. Eccles. Rec, III, 172.9.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.9

advertising a movement of people, who assured themselves
that the British government had engaged to provide for them.
On the other hand the British authorities do not seem to
have prepared for such a large immigration. In fact, the
records of the Board of Trade and Privy Council may be
searched in vain for evidence that the Palatine immigration
was planned or at least expected and prepared for, other than
by the general naturalization act just referred to. But this
much is clear, the English government under Anne was em-
barking upon a mercantilist policy of colonial development,
in which its population both at home and in the colonies
was to be enlarged by stimulating and even subsidizing immi-
gration from foreign shores.

Precedents existed for governmental controlled immigra-
tion for English dominions. In 1679, Charles II sent two ship-
loads of French Huguenots to South Carolina, in order to
introduce the cultivation of grapes, olives and the silk-worm. 90
In 1694, Baron de Luttichaw petitioned for permission to im-
port 2.00 Protestant families, some 1,000 persons, from the
Germanies to his land in Ireland.91 In 1697, King William
offered a grant of 500 pounds to some Jamaica merchants to
transplant men to Jamaica.92 In 1706, Governor Dudley of
Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, proposed that a
colony of Scots be settled in Nova Scotia.93 In the same year,
Colonel Parke, governor of the Leeward Islands asked for
'10,000 Scotch with otemeal enough to keep them for 3 or 4
months" to lead against [French] Martinique. He proposed
to settle them there, if successful.94 But reception of the
Huguenots in England in Elizabeth's reign seemed to be the
most applicable precedent, and it was strongly cited for that

90 Proper, op. cit., 81.

91 Cal. Treas. Papers ijjj-1696, 346.

92 C. C. 1696-1697, 389.

93 C. C. 1706-1708, 31, 134, 439.
"Ibid., 356, 358.

30 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

purpose.95 With the ambitious design of James II to unite all
the colonies under one government, the resources of Parlia-
ment and the Crown were used to foster immigration.

In the reign of Queen Anne this idea took practical shape.
Considerable sums of money were expended to assist Protes-
tant refugees in making their way to England and the English
colonies. For example, early in 1706 Secretary of State Hedges
informed Governor Granville of Barbados concerning one
Francisco Pavia and his family from Cadiz, whom "H. M. has
not only bestowed her royal bounty upon ... to transport
them thither, but also recommended them to you, that you
will give them all fitting countenance and assistance."96 In the
same year the Board of Trade at the behest of Secretary of
State Hedges considered a proposal by Francois Louis Michel
and George Ritter to settle some "4 or 500 Swiss Protestants
. . . on some uninhabited lands in Pennsylvania or on the
frontier of Virginia.' The last stipulation called for trans-
portation with their effects from Rotterdam at Her Majesty's
expense. The Board of Trade approved the proposal, and made
practical suggestions for carrying it out. Indeed, the Board
did not even find fault with the suggestion that the govern-
ment should pay the cost of transportation, which it esti-
mated would be eight pounds per head.97 This proposal was
carried out under private auspices with a handsome subsidy.
These efforts were due largely to political and commercial
motives, and partly to the genuine interest which England
took in championing the Protestant cause in Europe.98

Still such a program of colonial development99 had to be

95 [Hare], op. cit., 4; "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1776.

96 C. C. 1706-1708, 14.

97 Ibid., 6z, 79.

98 Proper, op. cit., 74.

99 An evidence of this program was the negotiation with Penn for the
purchase of his government. By the summer of 1711, the terms of the sur-
render had been agreed upon, ix,ooo pounds, payable in four years, with
certain stipulations. Janney, op. cit., 514.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 3 I

pursued with caution to avoid diplomatic intervention. Not
all governments were ready to rid themselves of an undesirable
religious sect by arranging deportation to British America as
the Swiss canton of Bern did in 1710.100 Indeed, as a rule,
princes were not disposed to permit their subjects to be en-
ticed from their obligations to them.101 For this reason open
invitations apparently were not issued. It can be concluded
that the large German emigration of the second decade of the
eighteenth century was due in a general way to these causes :
(1) war devastation, (2.) heavy taxation, (3) an extraordinary
severe winter, (4) religious quarrels, but not persecutions, (5)
land hunger on the part of the elderly and desire for adventure
on the part of the young, (6) liberal advertising by colonial
proprietors, and finally (7) the benevolent and active co-
operation of the British government.102 The background and
causes of the Palatine emigration have been described, but the
manner in which the British government participated in the
actual movement has still to be pointed out. In particular,
how did the emigration gather momentum? This will be dis-
cussed in Chapter III. Chapter II will describe the small 1708
immigration, which blazed the trail.

100 Indeed the Swiss authorities went so far as to ask the good offices of
the British to prevent Dutch interference with the compulsory transporta-
tion of the Anabaptists through Holland. Letter from British Envoy Abra-
ham Stanyan to Lord Townshend, April 5, 1710. Magg Bros. Cat., No. 511.

101 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 13. It appears probable that the emigrations
under discussion caused the Elector Palatine to treat his subjects better, as the
Duchess of Orleans wrote to her half-sister Louisa, Raugravine in the Palati-
nate, so that "When those who have gone to Pennsylvania hear about it
they will quickly return." Letters to Madam (London, 192.4), II, 15.

102 Professor E. B. Greene is correct in his general conclusion as to the
causes of this emigration. Provincial America 1690-1740 (New York, 1905),
2.30.

CHAPTER II. THE SMALL PALATINE EMIGRATION

OF 1708

Since the founding of Germantown in Pennsylvania under
the leadership of Francis Daniel Pastorius in 1683, no large
groups of Germans had sought homes in the New World.
Intermittently, individuals with their families may have made
the voyage, but of larger movements there were none. Twenty-
five years passed before another band of emigrants made their
way down the Rhine on their way to America. The emigration
of 1708 was the prelude to the later heavy German emigrations
of the eighteenth century.

The leader of the band of emigrants of 1708 was the
Reverend Joshua Kocherthal, referred to before as the author
of a promising description of Carolina. Kocherthal had visited
London two years earlier and canvassed the possibilities at
that time. What arrangements were made and with whom is
not known but that assurances of aid were given appears
certain judged by the experiences of the little band. The
group was originally composed of forty-one people; ten men,
ten women, and twenty-one children,1 ranging in age from
six months to fifteen years. The heads of the families were
Lorenz Schwisser, Henry Rennau, Andreas Volck, Michael
Weigand, Jacob Weber, Jacob Pletel, Johannes Fischer,
Melchior Gulch, and Joshua Kocherthal. One of the ten men
was single, a young man of twenty-three, Isaac Tiirck by
name. They came from the neighborhood of Landau in the
Rhenish Palatinate and represented themselves as refugees of
the war there.2

1 P. R. O., C. O. 32.3/6, 56. Also, History Society of Pennsylvania
Library Transcripts, B. T., Plantations General, VII, 54, hereafter cited as
H. S. P. A fifteen year old girl was considered a woman evidently. B. T.
Jour. 1704-1708, 482; C. C. 1706-1708, 722..

2 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 53; Doc. Hist., Ill, 543.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

On February 16, 1708, Kocherthal and his party applied
to the English consular representative at Frankfort on the
Rhine for passes to England.3 Mr. Davenant, the representa-
tive, refused to give them passes, money or recommendations,
for fear of displeasing the Elector Palatine. Instead of aiding
them immediately, he requested instructions from London.
Mr. Boyle, one of the principal Secretaries of State, replied
that though the desire of those poor people to settle in the
plantations was very acceptable and would be for the public
good, the Queen could by no means consent to Mr. Davenant's
giving encouragement in any public way, either by money or
passes to the Elector Palatine's subjects to leave their country
without his consent.4 If the emigrants received any aid in
Frankfort, it was secretly given.

Reverend Kocherthal and his party continued on their
journey, however. On the way down the Rhine they received
many gifts of food, money and even clothing from those
charitably disposed. Their progress from town to town must
have attracted considerable attention and acted as valuable
publicity for the English colonies. Kocherthal's confidence
that the English government might provide the passage from
Holland to England was well-founded it seems. In a letter,
which was written from London, July 31, 1708, and appeared
as a third appendix to the 1709 edition of his Bevicht, Kocher-
thal stated, "the city council in Rotterdam gave us twenty-
five florins [£4.3.4] and had us brought to Hellevotschliuss5
at their own cost in a ship belonging to the city. At the Hague
we obtained from the English envoy that a free pass was given
us to England and so we were brought from Hellevotschliuss
in Holland clear to Harwich in England without a penny's
cost."6

3 H. S. P., B. T. Plantations General, VIII, 53.
*C./., XVI, 597.

5 Hellevotschliuss is about fifteen miles from Rotterdam on a large island
close to the coast.

6 Kocherthal, Bericht (1709), 2.8.

34 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Immediately on his arrival in London, Kocherthal peti-
tioned the Queen. This petition recited the cause of the
emigration as the French ravages upon the Rhine and Neckar
Rivers in 1707. In the judgment of the immigrants, so severe
was the destruction that they could not possibly attain suffi-
cient means of livelihood during the hard times, which still
continued. Although Kocherthal requested a dwelling place
in the English West Indies7 and aid in establishing the colony,
he did not mention royal promises.8 This fact may mean little,
however, since he was a man of singular tact, and charity was
not to be secured by demands, at least not in the eighteenth
century. At any rate, the petition was sent to the Board of
Trade for advice as to the most proper place to settle the
Palatines, as to transportation and as to the subsistence
necessary to provide for them meanwhile.9 The Secretary of
State apparently already had decided to settle the Palatines
at government expense. Whoever had promised Kocherthal
aid, as related in his Bericht already referred to, was moving
the authorities as expected. Since matters of importance were
decided often by the ministers in informal meetings without
record (a practice which was to develop into the cabinet
system), it is not surprising that it is difficult to determine
how or by whom this early decision to help the Palatines was
secured.

Meanwhile the Board of Trade was considering the matter.
On the und of April, the Board had Kocherthal before it, to
report in more detail the condition of his band. At this time
he described their occupations as follows: "One is a joyner,
another a smith, the others all versed in gardening, husbandry,
planting, and tillage, and the women were versed in and

7 The term "West Indies" appears to have been loosely used in the early
eighteenth century to include the British colonies in the New World.

»H. L., H. M. MSS., 1403.

9 C. C. 1706-1708, 710; P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 14, io.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 35

understood the same business."10 The Board recommended
immediate aid for subsistence.11 At the next session on the
Palatines, the Board of Trade was advised by a Mr. Lodwick,
who had resided in New York for about fifteen years, that
New York was a poor place to send them. He said that all
land in the province had already been granted, except land
which lay forty or fifty miles from the Hudson River. The
three Lutheran ministers, who resided in London, accom-
panied Kocherthal before the Board. They told the Board that
they had read the testimonials giving a good character to the
said minister and others, and they had no reason to doubt
their truth. The religious beliefs of the forty-one persons were
given as fifteen Lutherans and twenty-six Calvinists.12 On
May 10th, two warrants were issued for the distribution of
money to the Palatines; one for one hundred pounds,13 the
other for forty shillings a day from April 15th past until their
transportation to New York.14

On the same day the Queen approved an Order in Council,
which was considered the following year as the royal sanction
for the government venture into the manufacture of naval
stores. The Order recited the condition of the refugees and the
Board of Trade's suggestion of settlement in Jamaica or
"Antego" (Antigua), where large tracts of land were un-
granted and a great need of white people existed. The fear
that the hot climate would adversely affect the Palatines led
to the proposal that they "should be settled upon the Hudson
River, in the province of New York, where they might be

10 B. T. Jour. 1J04-1J08, 481. Among the six other families of Palatines
who arrived in London shortly thereafter and joined the group were a
stocking maker and a weaver; C. C. 1J06-1708, 783; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 53.
See complete list in Appendix A.

11 C. C. 1706-1708, yhi.

12 B. T. Jour. 1704-1708, 483.

13 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 6; C. C. 1706-1708, 744, 745.

14 P. R. O., C. O. 5, 67; In accordance with this order another 100 pounds
was issued on June 10th, P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 69; C. C. 1708-1709, 35, St.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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Denization Papers granted to Kocherthal's Party of Palatines in London in May, 1708.

Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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[Second Half]
Denization Papers granted to Kocherthal's Party of Palatines in London in May, 1708.

Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

38 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

useful to this kingdom, particularly in the production of naval
stores, and as a frontier against the French and their Indians.'
At the same time orders were issued to the proper authorities
to provide 655 pounds for clothing, tools, etc., and to make
the Palatines free denizens of the kingdom without charge.15

Before the departure for New York, Kocherthal acquainted
the Board of Trade with the fact that fourteen more Germans
(two from Holstein) had unexpectedly arrived and likewise
desired to go to New York.16 On the next day, May 2.8th, he
presented a list of the new group.17 The petition was con-
sidered favorably. In the meantime preparations went ahead
for the settlement. Lists of tools and other necessaries were
drawn up and submitted. The cost of the voyage was esti-
mated at 333 pounds.18 On the 2.8th of June Kocherthal sub-
mitted a complete roster of his company. The late-comers
were Peter Rose and his wife, Maria Wemarin, a widow, and
her daughter, Isaac Feber with his wife and son, Daniel Fiere
with his wife and two children, and Herman Schiineman.19
The other two Germans not listed had entered the services of
Lord Lovelace,20 the newly-appointed governor of New York.
Their names are supplied from the list of May 2.8th, mentioned
above, as Peter Hiibertsen and his son Jacob, a lad of fifteen.
On questioning, the Board learned that Kocherthal had made
an agreement with the others to clear six acres of land for him
the first year, to enable him to settle.

Reverend Kocherthal next petitioned for a salary as clergy-

15 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 67; C. C. 1706-1708, -jt-j; Acts of Privy Council
Col. 1680-1720, 553.

16 H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XX, 157; Doc. Hist., Ill, 3x8; Eccles. Rec, III, 1703

17 B. T. Jour. 1704-1708, 496; C. C. ijo6-ijo8, 738; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 44;
P. R. O., C. O. 1049/57, 139. Peculiarly only thirteen people are listed, the
name of Herman Schiineman being absent. This is supplied from the list of
June x8th.

18 C. C. 1706-1708, 744, 757, 783.
N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 53.
H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XX, -ltl.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 39

man, but the Board of Trade "found no precedent of a salary
being settled here upon foreign clergymen in the Plantations,
only that at New York the French Minister there has a
salary of twenty pounds out of the Revenue." But the Board
recommended that Governor Lovelace grant him a reasonable
portion of land for a glebe and that twenty pounds be allowed
Kocherthal for clothes and books. This was accordingly done. 21
For these favors, Kocherthal thanked the Board of Trade in a
letter from New York, dated February 15, 1709. 22

About the middle of October, 1708, the Palatines sailed
with Lovelace for New York, leaving behind them the family
of Melchior Gulch (also known as Gilles or Hilg). His wife
was ill with a "cancer of the breast," which the surgeons
were hopeful of curing in three or four months. During this
period the family was supported by the government. But Frau
Gulch died, and on April 19, 1709, Melchior petitioned for
an order to the Navy Board for transportation to New York.23
The voyage of the main party with Governor Lovelace in
1708 occupied over nine weeks. On board the Palatine ship, the
Globe, two children were born to German families and were
baptized by Kocherthal September 14th and November 2.8th.24
Governor Lovelace landed at Flushing, Long Island. He wrote
immediately on December 18th, "Our winter sets in very
hard, the Ports and Rivers are full of Ice; I am in pain for the
Germans and Recruits on board the Globe they wanting water,
and the Weather not permitting us to assist them. This coast
is so terrible in the Winter I think no Ship ought to be sent

21 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 87; C. C. 1708-1709, 34, 61; N. Y. Col. Docs., V,
63; Doc. Hist., Ill, 543.

22 C. C. 1708-1709, a.!.; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 67.

23 Ibid., no, 184, 2.81J B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 2.3.

24 Kocherthal Records, 4. A MS. record in the possession of St. Paul's
Evangelical Lutheran Church at West Camp, N. Y. This has been translated
and published in Olde Ulster, a biographical and historical magazine (Kingston,
N. Y., 1907), III, 54. Another translation is J. C. Krahmer, The Kocherthal
Records (St. Johns ville, N. Y., 193 1).

4°

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Portrait of Governor Francis Lovelace. Courtesy
of Pennsylvania-German Society .

hither from England after August at fartherest . . . ."25 The
Palatines spent the winter in New York City. Two more
children were baptized there on January 2.3 rd and February
i3rd.26

Governor Lovelace gave the Palatines land on the west
side of the Hudson River about fifty-five miles north of New
York City. The settlement was made at the mouth of Quas-
saick Creek.27 Lots of from one hundred to three hundred
acres were divided among the settlers, fifty acres per person.
In pursuance of Lovelace's instructions, five hundred acres

25 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 67.

26 Kocherthal Records, 4.

27 Mr. Ralph A. Weed, for years President of the Historical Society of
Newburgh Bay and the Highlands, now deceased, collected considerable
material on this Palatine settlement, which was "boxed and not available"
for this study.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 41

were granted to Kocherthal for a glebe, and an additional two
hundred and fifty acres for his family.28 This settlement was
the beginning of Newburgh, New York. The Palatine colony
was to have been a frontier settlement, but Newburgh was
fully a hundred miles from Albany, beyond which the frontier
began. The Palatines, it had been suggested by the Board of
Trade and echoed by the Privy Council, were to make naval
stores, but no plans or preparations for that work were made.

During the administration of Lovelace, the Palatines at
Newburgh were well taken care of. The allowance of nine
pence per day for each person supplied them with food and
other necessities. But Lovelace's administration was short.
He died on May 6, 1709, ' 'having never had a well day in his
government." He had contracted a cold on the voyage over,
which probably developed more serious complications. Pity
the plight of Lady Lovelace, for one son died before his Lord-
ship and the young Lord passed away a fortnight later.29 Up
to the time of his decease, Lovelace had expended two hundred
and two pounds, seventeen shillings and eight pence in behalf
of the Palatines, which sum was certified to by Kocherthal
and Schuneman.30 At the beginning of 1711, Lady Lovelace
had not yet received the money due her on this account.31
But before 171 5 her husband's successor in the governorship,
Colonel Robert Hunter, had reimbursed her out of the quit-
rent fund of the colony with a sum somewhere between 400
and 500 pounds.32

Soon after the death of Lovelace the Palatines were in
actual want of provisions. They petitioned the Council of

28 N. Y. Patent Books, VIII, 333; N. Y. Land Papers, V, 14Z, VI, 39, 57
and 188; N. Y. Council Minutes, XI, 89; Doc. Hist., Ill, 572..

29 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 81. New York Historical Society, Hawks Tran-
scripts of London Society for Propagation of the Gospel Records, T, 154,
hereafter cited as N. Y. H. S.

30 C. C. iyo8-ijog, 459.

31 Cal. Treas. Papers 1J08-1J14, 133.

32 C. C. 1714-1715, 307.

42- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

New York on May 2.6th, to provide for them as the Queen had
intended. Colonel Nicholson, a colonial official with influence,
who was in the province to take part in the 1709 expedition
against Canada, testified to the intentions of the British
government subsidy.33 The Council thereupon requested
Colonel Thomas Wenham to support the Germans until the
expiration of the year as ordered, or until Her Majesty's de-
sire became known. This request was made necessary by the
lack of revenue in the province and by the colonial govern-
ment's great debts.34

At the same time charges were made that nineteen of the
forty-seven Germans in the settlement had turned "Pietists"
and had withdrawn from communion with the minister and
the others. A committee of the Council investigated these
charges and was of the opinion on June 2.1st, "that nothing of
the aligations suggested against those called 'Pietists' have
been proved before them. ..." Accordingly their subsistence
allowance, which had been withheld on that account, was
restored to them. This religious dispute indicated at least that
the members of the settlement were not in complete harmony
with each other. Another cause for discord appeared, when
Melchior Gulch arrived from London. He brought a variety
of joiner's tools and other supplies, including a barrel of lime,
and two grindstones. The Germans by a common division
took possession of all the tools. On April 2.9, 1710, Gulch
asked for an order against them to secure the joiner's sets,
which he claimed had been given to him for his own posses-
sion, for his son, and for an apprentice.35

Near the end of June, Kocherthal found himself in financial
straits. He was dissatisfied with the means afforded for his
settlement. He therefore determined to return to England and

33 Colonel Nicholson had been consulted by the Board of Trade in London
with reference to the Palatine settlement. B. T. Jour. 1J04-1J08, 496.

3iDoc. Hist., Ill, 545.

35 Ibid., 551.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 43

personally to plead his cause with the Queen or her govern-
ment. On June 2.9th Kocherthal most humbly implored
Colonel Ingoldesby, Lieutenant-Governor of the province, then
acting governor, to procure free transportation for him on one
of Her Majesty's ships.36 Having secured passage, on August
1 8th, he further requested Ingoldesby to give him a testi-
monial of the "civil life and behavior" of himself and his
group since his arrival, inasmuch as this would very much
contribute to the happy success of his mission.37 Kocherthal
did not return to London in order to lead the 1710 emigrants,
as has been asserted.38 He was unaware of the developments
over there. He undertook his journey to secure further help
from the Queen, principally for himself.

During his short residence in New York Kocherthal had
contracted a debt of thirty pounds, among the items being
house-rent, firewood, a table, a bedstead, a chest, three stools,
candles and household goods. Other expenses were for teach-
ing English to his children, and a physician and nurse for his
wife's illness. While he had been assigned seven hundred and
fifty acres of land, he had not received the capital to work it,
as he desired. He had not found matters as pleasant as he had
anticipated in his Bericht. He therefore determined upon the
voyage to London, which cost him an additional twenty-five
pounds, to be secured from the Queen or her government.39

After Kocherthal' s departure for London, the settlement's
benefactor, Colonel Wenham, died and again the German
colonists were in dire want. On September 2.3, 1709, they peti-
tioned the Lieutenant-Governor and the Council in the hope

36 Ibid., 546.

37 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIII, 108.

38 C. B. Todd, "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines," in
National Magazine (February, 1893), XVII, 1.92.; Todd, "The Story of the
Palatines," in Lippincott Magazine (March, 1883), XXXI, 144; B. M. Brink,

'The Palatine Settlements," in N. Y. State Hist. Assoc. Proc. (Albany,
1911), XI, 139.

39P.R.O., CO. 5/1049, 155.

44 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

that they might provide a gentleman, willing to support
them with their allowance, until it expired on January ist.
By October ioth, the Palatines had obtained two men willing
to provide the ready payment of the remainder due them, one
hundred and ninety-five pounds and three shillings, Colonel
Nicholas Bayard and Mr. Octavius Conradus. The arrange-
ment was made, however, only after the Germans had entered
into a penal bond fully to repay the money, should it not be
received from the Royal Treasury within twelve months. The
Council, approving of this, agreed to certify the amount to
the Lord High Treasurer as they had done for Colonel
Wenham.40

At all events, Kocherthal returned to London, and on
December 2.7, 1709, he addressed the Board of Trade in a clever
fashion. He drew up a paper on the subject of viticulture in
America. He wrote that he had corresponded "with all such
persons as have had the least experience in that affaire, and
have actually undertaken a journey over the whole Conti-
nent.' Kocherthal asserted that the planting of vineyards
could "be the most profitable labour which the new-comers
there could ever desire, and more advantageous to this King-
dom than the America sugar or tobacco trade." After raising
a series of questions and answering them, he concluded that
"It would in a short Time evidently appeare That the English
America is full as fit and capable for the said nursery and Wine
Trade as any other Part or Place in the Whole Universe."41
To this attractive dissertation, Kocherthal attached an ab-
stract of letters, which it appeared were received by him from
"friends," concerning his maintenance in New York. In this
way he brought to the attention of the authorities what he
desired, and even argued for it without appearing to do so.

40 Doc. Hist., Ill, 547 et seq.

41 C. C. 1708-1709, 565; P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 155. Today the hills border-
ing the Hudson River are covered with grape-vines. Not Reverend Kocher-
thal, but a prohibition experiment two hundred years later was responsible
for the industry.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 45

These extracts are most interesting, since they present some
idea of what was considered necessary to set up a small
plantation in 1710.

For such a modest enterprise over five hundred pounds were
required. These are some of the items: to clear the ground for
the house and barn, ten pounds; building a house, one hundred
and eighty pounds; a barn, seventy pounds; two negro slaves
to do the work, one hundred and twenty pounds; a wagon,
cart, plow and (h)arrow, twenty pounds; three horses, four
cows and two hogs, twenty pounds; (as it would take over a
year to produce) subsistence for a family of seven, a man,
woman, three children and two slaves, eighty pounds. To
these items, Kocherthal added twenty pounds for incidentals
and the seventy pounds he needed for immediate expenses
and debts.42

Another "friend" apparently wrote Kocherthal that this
sum of money would not suffice or be paid him in London.
This "friend" advised Kocherthal to resign his seven hundred
and fifty acres and petition Her Majesty for half of the money,
three hundred pounds. This sum could then be used to pay
Kocherthal' s debts in New York and the expense of living
there for another year. He could in the meantime cast about
for another place of living and leave at the end of that time.
A third "friend" cautioned Kocherthal to "take care to dis-
charge his debts, otherwise his possessions would certainly
be seized and his children sold for servants."

One of Kocherthal' s "friends" wrote, "As to the Report
Wee have had That there are so many High Germans in
London Who are to come hither I doe look upon this to be
false, But if the same be True There are 5 Dutch Ministers in
the province, and the English Minister in Albania [Albany]
the Reverend Mr. Barkley doth Sufficiently understand the

42 A gift of this kind could be expected by Kocherthal only if he felt that
in justice something further was due to him for services rendered, perhaps in
writing the Bericht, that most favorable description of Carolina, which he
never visited.

46 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

High dutch Tongue. . . . "43 It is difficult to understand how
the decision of Secretary of State Sunderland on November
4th, which will be discussed later, to send more Germans to
New York, could have reached the colonies and comments
returned to England by December 2.7th.

Kocherthal's connection with the 1709 migration is that
of a press agent. It was his Bericht of 1706, which encouraged
many of his fellow-countrymen to consider the New World.
His example in 1708, and especially the reception he and his
band received at the hands of the English government, pointed
the way for others to follow. An account of the aid, that could
be expected by others and was received by Kocherthal, was
added as a third Appendix to his Bericht, and disseminated in
the Rhine Valley. The four impressions, made in 1709, are
indicative of the demand for the pamphlet and of its influence
in encouraging emigration.44 But Kocherthal's accidental
presence in London, late in 1709, has misled students of this
movement to attribute to him a mythical leadership, even
asserting that his return to England was for that purpose.

Kocherthal apparently received some aid from funds voted
by Parliament in connection with the large Palatine immigra-
tion of 1709. At any rate he returned to New York and resumed
his labors with his fellow-countrymen. But it does not appear
that he was provided with the capital for the plantation he
envisioned. His history and that of the Newburgh Palatines
merged with that of the large immigration of 1709 and will be
discussed later in a chapter on the dispersal of the Germans in
New York. Meanwhile the various causes of Palatine emigra-
tion treated in Chapter I, were giving pause to many dis-
heartened and dissatisfied Germans in the Rhine country. The
well-established fact that Kocherthal had followed the course
laid out in his Bericht, gave further impetus to a movement of
population, which for its brief intensity was incredible in that
age. Let us follow the 1709 emigration from the Rhineland
to London.

43 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 155.

B. M., Strafford Papers, Add. MSS. 2.2.1.01, 130.

CHAPTER III. THE 1709 EMIGRATION IN

ENGLAND

Scarcely had the harsh winter season of 1708-9 begun to
relax its hold in February, when various inhabitants of the
Rhine Valley hopefully began their preparations to go to
England. These consisted mainly of gathering up their few
possessions and securing a recommendation from the local
authorities.1 One of these documents has survived during
these two centuries. Gerhart Schaeffer, preparing to emigrate
in 1709, secured the following certificate of good character
from the Mayor and the clerks of court of Hilgert Dorf, in
Hesse-Nassau: "He has lived with us in Hilgert Dorf with his
housewife for ±4. years and has conducted himself well and
honestly, so that all his neighbors regarded him as a faithful
neighbor and were entirely satisfied with him, and the neigh-
bors would have been much pleased if it had been God's will
that he should remain longer here.' It was signed by the
Mayor, duly sealed and witnessed.2

The passage down the Rhine to Holland took from four to
six weeks. This journey was beset with many delays and in-
conveniences. Fees and tolls were frequently demanded.3 On
the other hand philanthropic assistance was not lacking.
Along the river the Palatines were presented with money and
food by pious countrymen, many of whom regarded the
pilgrims with envious eyes, wishing they too might be seek-
ing their fortune in the New World. Bread, meat, butter and
cheese and even an occasional gift of clothing brightened the

1 Simmendinger, op. cit., 2..

2 The original remains in the possession of Schaeffer's descendants, the
Kingsley family, of The Rocks, Schoharie, N. Y.

3 Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1898), 18.
This refers to later years, but earlier conditions were worse.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

n r

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[First Half]

Letter of Recommendation of Gerhart Schaeffer, a Palatine emigrant, May 16,

1709. Courtesy of the Kings ley Family, Schoharie, New York.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

/? >» . ' JF ,j? S"

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Letter of Recommendation of Gerhart Schaeffer, a Palatine emigrant, May i6,

1709. Courtesy of the Kingsley Family, Schoharie, New York.

50 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

slow journey.4 Ever present too must have been the fear that
the authorities would halt them temporarily for some trifling
matter, as often occurred, or turn them back definitely, as
frequently threatened.

While the pioneer groups were preparing for emigration
along the Rhine and its tributaries the Neckar and Main
Rivers and beginning to gather in numbers, unidentified in-
dividuals approached the British authorities in their behalf
late in December, 1708. The first British official reference to
the 1709 Palatine immigration came from James Dayrolle,
British Resident at the Hague. It was an undated and unsigned
document in French entitled, "Memorial relating to the Poor
Protestants from the Palatinate." When Dayrolle enclosed it in
a dispatch of December 2.4, 1708, he said, "It was brought to
me from the German post office. How it came thither and
from whence I know not.' The memorial read: 'There ar-
rived in this place a number of Protestant families, traveling to
England in order to go to the English colonies in America.
There are now in the neighborhood of Rotterdam almost eight
or nine hundred of them, having difficulty with the packet
boat and convoys." After describing these emigrants as com-
posed of poor families of vigorous people, fleeing persecution
and oppression in the Palatinate, the memorial concluded
with an appeal to Dayrolle: "My Lord, you are humbly sup-
plicated to procure passage and transportation to England out
of the benevolence and charity of the Queen."5 The unknown
author of the memorial seems to have anticipated the arrival
in Rotterdam of the Palatines by over three months, for it was
not until April 19th that Dayrolle reported about nine hun-
dred Palatines at Rotterdam.6 Meanwhile nothing appears to
have been done in London with the exception of the first
general naturalization act as related in Chapter I.

4 Kocherthal, Berkht, 77.

5 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 7.

6 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 188.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 5 I

Although Davenant, the English representative at Frank-
fort in the Palatinate had been ordered in 1708 not to give any
public encouragement, money, or passes to emigrants (as was
related in Chapter II), Dayrolle at the Hague in the Nether-
lands was under no such restrictions. Beginning on March 2.9,
1709, and at intervals thereafter, he reported to London the
granting of passes to sixty or a hundred families at a time.7
On the same date Dayrolle informed London of the general
naturalization act under consideration by the Dutch and that
undercover moves were being made to have the French recog-
nize such naturalization of French refugees. But the result was
reported of course to be uncertain.8 Dayrolle apparently feared
that the Dutch might induce the emigrants to remain in the
Netherlands to the loss of Great Britain and her colonies. How
groundless this fear turned out to be will soon be apparent.

But Dayrolle was a zealous official, determined to secure
these "strong and laborious people" for his own country. By
April 19th, the number of Palatines at Rotterdam was about
nine hundred persons and more were expected. Dayrolle sug-
gested that the transports bringing troops from England to
the Low Countries, to fight against the French in the War of
the Spanish Succession, might return to England with the
Palatines. He further related to Secretary of State Boyle, "I
have acquainted the Duke of Marlborough with it, and his
Grace is likewise informed of that poor people's circum-
stances, wanting some assistance to get over, and he has prom-
ised to move Her Majesty in their behalf."9

Marlborough was the dominant personality in Queen
Anne's government, not only as the military genius of his
age and the leader of the alliance against France, but also be-

' P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 157, 184, 188.

8 It should be remembered that the English in the first decade of the 18th
century grudgingly admired the economic progress of the Dutch and such
references were well calculated to inspire English action of a similar nature.
The English naturalization law was adopted on March 13rd. (See Chapter I).

9 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 188.

52. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

cause of his family connections. His brother George had
dominated the Admiralty until 1708; his son-in-law, Sunder-
land was the leading Secretary of State; his friend, Godolphin,
was the head of the Treasury; and his wife was believed to be
supreme over the Queen.10 Marlborough as minister pleni-
potentiary was present at the Hague with Lord Townshend to
negotiate peace terms at Geertruidenberg. Dayrolle wisely
consulted the Duke, for the mention of his interest was enough
to move Boyle to present the matter to Queen Anne.11 With
the Queen's approval, orders were issued to the transport
ships as Dayrolle had suggested, that is, to return laden with
Palatines.12

Late in April four transports carried 852. Palatines to
London, their subsistence on the voyage being supplied by
private charity secured in the Low Countries.13 In fact, many
contributions had to be made to keep the refugees alive.
Among others the United Baptists at Amsterdam solicited
funds for the Palatines of their faith, many of whom had
started from Switzerland.14 In the same month, the burgo-
masters of Rotterdam appropriated 750 gilders (c. 75 pounds)
for distribution among the destitute emigrants.15 When some

10 W. T. Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in England," in
Pol. Sci. Quarterly (June, 192.1), XXXVI, 195.

11 Since the calendar of the Marlborough family papers indicated material
dealing with the Palatines (Marlborough MSS., Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report,
Appendix, 47), permission was sought of the family for access to the papers.
The request was refused, the only instance of unwillingness to co-operate
experienced in the course of this research. Fortunately, the public archives
contain enough correspondence to make sufficiently clear Marlborough's
official connection with the immigration. The family papers might have
indicated a financial interest in the Carolina venture as a motive for Marl-
borough's co-operation, but this is to be doubted judged from the casual way
in which he came to be concerned in transporting the Palatines to England.

12 B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 166; P. R.O.,S. P. 104/74, 83; S. P. 44/108, 59.

13 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, z6^. This group is evidently the band of 851
Palatines as noted in the first London Relief Lists of May 6, 1709, compiled
by Messrs. Ruperti and Tribbeko; P. R. O., C. O. 38S/76, 56 ii.

11 H. S. P., J. F. Sachse, Dutch Transcripts, April 8, 1709.

15 Resolutions and Dispositions of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, III, 12.1.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 53

of the Palatines visited Dayrolle on May 6th, he informed
them of the order to use the army transports to carry them to
England. He was told then that the Elector Palatine had pub-
lished an edict forbidding emigrants to leave. Two boats
laden with Palatines were seized on the Rhine River and the
emigrants were imprisoned. Nevertheless, Palatines arrived
daily in Rotterdam after escaping by land.16

But when the convoy arrived on May ioth it was learned
that only one ship had been ordered to receive Palatines. As a
thousand were now awaiting transportation, there was keen
disappointment. Dayrolle went to Marlborough, 'Who will
order it possible, that care may be taken to have them all
shipp'd."17 Since 900 more Palatines arrived in Rotterdam
within one week, Dayrolle had Mr. Cardonnel, Marlbor-
ough's secretary, write on May ioth to Secretary Boyle
"upon that subject."18 Cardonnel at Marlborough's order
suggested that Dayrolle manage the transportation of the
Palatines, making the necessary agreement for their trans-
portation and subsistence in their passage to England.19

Anticipating the authorization of this plan from London,
Dayrolle with the approval of Cardonnel appointed two
Dutch merchants, Hendrik van Toren and John Suderman, to
supervise the loading and sailing of the emigrants.20 These
men advised Cardonnel from Rotterdam on the nth of May
that the convoy would sail for England before the orders
from London could possibly arrive. They therefore asked him

16 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 118.

17 P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 111.

" P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 119; C. J., XVI, 597.

19 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 111.

20 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 149. Jan van Gent, another Dutch merchant,
replaced Suderman early in June as one of the two Commissioners supervising
the embarkation at Rotterdam. Both van Toren and van Gent were men of
fine reputation and seem to have been motivated by Christian charity, being
members of the Anabaptist Church. They received no remuneration but on
the contrary censure from London before they finished their work. P. R. O.,
S. P. 84/131, 167; S. P. 84/131, 515.

54 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

to seek Marlborough's21 authorization for transporting and
subsisting the Palatines at the government's expense to pre-
vent the loss of opportunity for shipping at the next sailing.
Their letter concluded with the statement that, "The charity
Her Majesty [Queen Anne] shows toward the poor and the
inclination which my Lord Marlborough made appear to help
those Germans, gives us hopes that his Grace will be pleased
to give a favorable answer to our representation."22 The reply
came promptly on the same day, "His Grace is willing you
should proceed to the Embarkation of the poor Palatines as
soon as you are sure the Convoy is ready to sail and supply
them with provisions during their passage upon the best
terms not exceeding 4 d. a day.' The merchants were also
ordered to check carefully the masters of the vessels employed
in the service and transmit the names of every person put on
board with their age.23 In pursuance of this order 1x83 persons
were shipped on May izth.24

On the next day Mr. Cardonnel wrote to the Secretary of
the Treasury concerning Marlborough's authorization for the
embarkation, "the convoy being ready to saile, his Grace has
thought fit, not to loose any time, to give orders for shipping
them off so that you may soon expect to hear of them on your
side where you will know best what is to be done with them. '
Mr. Tilson, the secretary, was further instructed to communi-
cate the matter to the Treasurer so that money would be made
available to Dayrolle at the Hague for payment of the mer-

It has appeared to be necessary to describe in some detail the connection
of Marlborough to the emigration, since earlier writers, considering the
report of the Parliamentary Investigating Committee in 171 1, have been
quite at a loss to do so.

22 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 2.65.

23 Lists of Embarkation were kept but without the notation as to age
which was requested. These lists, published for the first time, are in the
Appendix C. to this book, where their nature and value are discussed.

P. R. O., T. 1/119, 6; S. P. 84/131, 139.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 55

chants' claims for transporting the people.25 On May 17th,
Cardonnel wrote to Mr. Tilson again on the subject of the
Palatines, this time at more length. He began, "you will have
seen by my last letter the direction my lord Duke has thought
good to give in relation to the poor Palatines. In consequence
of them, there are about 1300 embarkt and I believe sail'd by
this time."26

From London on that same date Secretary of State Boyle
sent the following letter to Mr. Dayrolle authorizing the
transportation of the Palatines at government expense. ' 'Upon
what you mentioned in yours of the 2.1 Inst. N. S.27 concerning
the great number of German Protestants, now lying at Rotter-
dam, which want to be transported hither; and upon a repre-
sentation from Mr. Cardonnel, by order of the Duke of Marl-
borough of the best method for taking care of them, Her
Majesty has commanded me, to signify her pleasure to you,
that you should take the Transportation of the Said Poor
German Protestants into your care, and make an agreement
on the best terms you can for providing the necessary Trans-
ports there, and subsisting those people in their passage
to England. My Lord Treasurer has likewise her Majesty's
directions to order Mr. Brydges, the Paymaster, to write Mr.
Sweet at Amsterdam, To supply you with such sums of money
as the service may require."28 At the Hague, Dayrolle
acknowledged the receipt of the order on May 14th, mention-
ing that at that time about xooo more Palatines were at

25 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 2.67.

26 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158.

27 It should be noted that the Julian calendar was in use in England until
1751, while the Gregorian calendar was generally followed on the continent.
There was at this time eleven days difference between the calendars, thus
Dayrolle's letter of May list New Style was written on the English date,
May 10th Old Style. This letter was later used (in 171 1) by a Parliamentary
committee investigating the Palatine immigration, as the basis for charges
against Marlborough and his son-in-law Sunderland.

28 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 85; S. P. 44/107, xx9; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866,
170.

56 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Rotterdam, awaiting the sailing of the convoy some five days
later.29

Marlborough's interest in the emigrants and his influence
in England were most helpful in securing the English govern-
ment's aid. It should be clear furthermore that for the sub-
sistence at the government's expense of the second party of
Palatines sent on May izth Marlborough was personally
responsible, since he issued the order anticipating the approval
of London which did not arrive until May 2.4th. But the Brit-
ish government with the Queen's approval had authorized
the use of the returning army transports as early as April 2.3rd.
It is apparent too, that in May the London authorities re-
garded the transportation of the Palatines as an extended
project, for Secretary Boyle instructed Dayrolle concerning
"such further [Palatine] accounts as you shall send me from
time to time for that service."30

The Palatines continued to arrive in Rotterdam in increas-
ing numbers. Early in June, the arrivals numbered about a
thousand a week.31 This rate was maintained until late in
July, when strenuous efforts to stop the emigration were be-
ginning to take effect. On June 14th, Dayrolle informed
London that "upon the continuation of H. M. Bounty or any
other encouragement, you may have half Germany if you
please, for they are all flying away not only from the Pala-
tinate, but from all other countrys in the neighborhood of
the Rhine. . . . The expenses may be great but are necessary,
if you are in want of these people for the Plantations, as my
Lord Townshend seems to be of opinion you are, otherwise
they must perish where they come to lye at Briel."32 Most of
the Palatines were quite poor. They were encamped outside
Rotterdam in a most miserable condition. A number of shacks

29 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 139.

3() P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 88; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 171.

31 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159.

32 P. R O., S. P. 84/13I, 168.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 57

covered with reeds were all the shelter they had from the
weather.33 Marlborough and Lord Townshend, his fellow
ambassador, each contributed 50 pounds to help care for
them.34 All dispatches to England describing the Germans
emphasized their need. The great number of children among
them was also pointed out.35

In the meantime the shipping of the Palatines was being
pushed with all despatch possible. Provisions were given to
the Palatines while on board ship, and for six or eight days
for the crossing.36 The bargain for subsistence and transporta-
tion was made by Mr. Cardonnel with the two Commissioners
van Toren and van Gent at 4 stivers a day for each subsisted
and 40 stivers for each transported, roughly 4 d. and 3 s. 4 d.
respectively.37 As early as May 17th the Dutch Admiralty had
been requested to aid in the embarkation. Even the packet
boat carrying dispatches between England and the continent
was to carry Palatines who presented themselves, bearing a
note or pass from Dayrolle.38 A month later, Dayrolle pro-
posed that men-of-war be dispatched to convoy ships, as they
could be secured at Rotterdam for transport purposes.39

By June 8th, the Commissioners van Toren and van Gent in
Rotterdam had shipped over 6,000 Palatines at the expense of
the British government.40 As the emigrants continued to
arrive in great numbers, Dayrolle began to have qualms con-
cerning the expense. On June 1st, he wrote that, 'They tell
me the whole Palatinate is ready to follow them poor and
rich, so that you will please to let me know what is her
Majesty's pleasure in case the numbers augment in that

33 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 184.

34 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 480.

35 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 186; S. P. 84/131, 149.

36 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, 141; T 1/119, 71.

37 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159.

38 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158, 160.

39 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 173.

40 P. R. O., T 1/119, 10, 16, 71.

58 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

manner."41 On June 7th, after pointing out the number of
Palatines reported on the way to Rotterdam, he finished, "you
may judge how far the expense may go.' On the 10th, he
asked for further instructions.42 Meanwhile in London on
June 7th and June 10th, Secretary of State Boyle sent dis-
patches to Dayrolle, ordering him "to continue the same
methods in taking care of the poor Palatines, as you have
hitherto done, till further orders."43 But on June 14th,
Dayrolle again emphasized the great expense and asked Boyle
for particular directions, "How far to go with money for
subsisting them on their passage." A few days later, Dayrolle
promised to follow directions, "till new orders" were re-
ceived, but he wanted instructions about the extraordinary
expenses.44

At last, on June 2.4th, Boyle sent orders to Dayrolle to
send over only those Palatines at Rotterdam upon receipt of
his letter. The immigrants were coming "over so fast" that it
was impossible to care for them and dispose of them, and "the
success of the whole matter may happen thereby to be dis-
appointed.' A further restriction was then added, "And as
there are many papists mix'd among them you are for the
future to allow none to come over but such as are Protes-
tants."45 Dayrolle had reported the presence of a great many
Roman Catholics on June 1st, but Marlborough had told
him, "there was no great inconveniency, to let them go with
the rest."46 The difficulty in discriminating was great, and the
Catholic Palatines were a problem left for the London
authorities to handle.

On the 2.5th of June, Dayrolle wrote that he could not
understand the instructions issued by the Treasurer to his

41 P. R. O., S. P. 87/131, 148.

42 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 159, 161.

43 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 88, 89; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 174, 175.

44 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 167, 173.

45 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 90; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 176.

46 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 149.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 59

representative at the Hague to "pay only such as are actually
on board ready to come over, and no more than what will be
necessary to bring them hither."47 On the 2.9th, he moved to
stop several thousand Palatines on their way down the Rhine
River. He sent some back to give warning to the rest. He also
ordered that an advertisement be inserted in the Gazette of
Cologne, notifying the people that no more would be received.
In his report to London on July 1st, Dayrolle asserted he
would not concern himself any further in the affairs of the
Palatines, unless he received further orders to do so. He was
impelled to point out though that "if once the warr be fin-
ished, very few of this people will abandon their country and
you may loose the opportunity of having them." He also en-
closed several proposals for settlement which he had re-
ceived.48 Nevertheless, on July 5th, when Dayrolle reported
the sailing of 1,776 Palatines the day before, he mentioned
the presence of 500 more at Rotterdam, "who must shift for
themselves, as well as they can, if you don't send me new
orders."49 He was informed that his advertisement had caused
the several thousand on the Rhine to turn back. But the
following week, this information was found to be false.
About 1,2.00 Palatines then at Rotterdam sent deputies to
Dayrolle, begging his intercession with the British govern-
ment in their behalf. Failing to persuade them to return home,
he agreed to write but gave them no encouragement.50

While these events were taking place in the Netherlands,
Boyle wrote from London, complimenting him on his actions
in preventing further immigration. Upon this information,
as it appeared, that no more Palatines would be arriving in
Rotterdam destined for London, orders were given to ship
the 500, 51 referred to in Dayrolle's letter of July 5th. But
Dayrolle then found that the Palatines awaiting transporta-

47 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 300.

48 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 305, 309.

49 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 310.
60 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 315.

51 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 90, 91; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 178, 180.

Go THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

tion numbered 2_,ooo.52 At a loss for action, he questioned
Boyle on July 15th, "I can not avoid sending all or none at all.
My Lord Townshend is of the opinion, Her Majesty will not
be displeased, if I provide transports for the whole number
not being possible for these people to retire to their own
country."53 Boyle replied immediately on the 19th, "if the
2.000 you mention in this letter are not embarked, when mine
comes to your hands, you must have nothing to do with any
of them."54 But his order was too late, for on July 18th, 1,433
Palatines sailed for London.55 Dayrolle wrote this fact the
next day, the very day that Boyle in London was forbidding
the embarkation. These immigrants were certainly fortunate
that the days of electrical communication had not yet ap-
peared. Dayrolle expected trouble, for he excused himself,
saying that he had acted by the advice of Lord Townshend.56
Still there were Palatines arriving in Rotterdam. Dayrolle
advised Boyle late in July that the good people of that city
thought of sending them over at private expense without pass-
es and perhaps without convoys, which he could not prevent.57
On August izth, he reported that about 1,000 had sailed
under those conditions, Z50 of them having had sufficient funds
to pay their own way . 58 On the 2.3rd, Secretary Boyle instructed
Lord Townshend to request the Dutch to prevent any further
embarkation.59 On the 2.6th, Boyle ordered Dayrolle to inform
them, that any more Palatines sent to England would be
returned.60 He replied reassuringly that since the summer
was over, few of them would come.61

52 P. R. O.

53 P. R. O.

54 P. R. O.

55 P. R. O.

56 P. R. O.

57 P. R. O.

58 P. R. O.

59 P. R. O.

60 P. R. O.

61 P. R. O.

S. P. 84/131, 333.

S. P. 84/131, 337.

S. P. 104/74, 91.

T. T/119, 79, 81.

S. P. 84/131, 343.

S. P. 84/131, 349.

S. P. 84/131, 3S3.

S. P. 104/74, 95; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866,185.

S. P. 104/74, 94; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 187.

S. P. 84/131, 41.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 6 1

The warnings to the Dutch authorities seem to have had
little effect however for the immigration was not stopped.
Though the Dutch had passed a general naturalization act on
July 18, 1709, N.S.,62 they apparently wanted to rid themselves
of these poor emigrants, who had become a serious charge
against their charitable resources. During August the authori-
ties of Rotterdam sent notices up the Rhine, attempting to
halt the emigration. For eight days, Messrs. vanToren and
van Gent were despatched in two yachts paid for by the town
authorities.63 On August 2.4th, the town authorities of Brielle,
the seaport for embarkation, asked financial support from
Rotterdam for the Palatines, "their poor-purse being ex-
hausted.' They even threatened to send the emigrants back
to Rotterdam.64 From Rotterdam two days later the burgo-
masters replied, reciting their own difficulties and their efforts
to extricate themselves. They offered to join Brielle in seeking
help from the States General, the national assembly of
Holland.65

When Dayrolle formally requested the States General to
order their College of Admiralty not to allow any more
Palatines to be transported to England, they replied that they
could not prevent those already in the Netherlands from cross-
ing to England, but that they would order their ministers at
Cologne and Frankfort to warn the people not to come for
that purpose.66 This was done accordingly, and their ministers
acknowledged those orders on September 13th and 15th

62 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 338; The State of the Palatines, 7. There was much
dissatisfaction with this naturalization law, since it gave the Jews and
Roman Catholics the same benefit offered to Protestants, who felt they
should be shown preference. P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 360.

63 Resolutions and Dispositions of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, III, 116,
117.

64 Letters to Burgomasters of Rotterdam 1707-1713, XXIII (August
16, 1709).

65 Letter Book of Burgomasters of Rotterdam, X (August 16, 1709).

66 Record of Resolutions of the States General of the United Netherlands,
1709, II, 348; P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 480.

62. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

43. -V

Craven$*hamy azft x^July, 1709, *f 44

Proportions von die Hewn PrcprutorestyM.Caralim zst Ernst** ^
;, ragtru/tg d r Palatinaten ihf* Tr**$*rtath» nub die Pr&vimie

\ von Carolina.

ERftlkh fallen fie haben Ein Hundert Accvn Land jedes
Haupt fur Manner, Weiber und Kinder fur Zehcn Jah-
»en umblonft ; uad aachgehents , odc»JtoJkijaftip& MmtU.
Pfenning Sterlings fur jedeaa Acer jedes Jahr, glcich wie die
andern binwohners von felbige Provintie bezahlen.

Zweitens: daswoferne fkfkh wollen in State niederietzeti
wan fie ubercommen, oder nachgehents? (q follen fie Land
haben, umb darauffzu bauweo, ftr Drei Menfchen*ieben oier
fur Meun and Neuntzig'Jahrtn, welches am Ehrften gebuhren
mach, far Ei« PfefFer - Cora Rent, mit ihre Liberties zu

Circular Advertising Carolina, distributed to the Palatines aboard the trans-
ports in Rotterdam in August, 1709. Courtesy of the British Public Record Office.

respectively. The Dutch authorities were most concerned with
the possibility of their being saddled with the care of the
stranded emigrants.

In the meantime, Dayrolle was confronted with a provok-
ing incident. He had failed early in September to stop the
sailing of several transports laden with Palatines, but he
learned that someone in England was encouraging the move-
ment despite his advertisement against the emigration. Then
late in August an unknown gentleman, who had come ac-
companied by a servant from Harwick (England) on the
packet boat, went aboard the transports laden with Palatines.
After distributing some charity funds, he passed out thousands
of circulars, which he desired them to send to their friends in
Germany.67 These circulars, about 3" by 6" in size, were
entitled, "Propositions of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina
to encourage the Transporting of Palatines to the Province of
Carolina.' The propositions, dated July 15th, offered (1) a
hundred acres of land for each man, woman and child, free

67 P. R.O.,S. P. 84/131,415.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 63

from quit-rent for ten years, and thereafter to pay one penny
per acre annually (2.) if they would settle in towns now or
later, to lease them land for building and improvement for the
term of three lives or ninety-nine years, which should expire
first at a pepper-corn rent, with the privilege to renew in case
the lives died.68 Dayrolle could not discover who the gentle-
man was, but he offered the suggestion, ' Tis probable those
tickets came from the Proprietors of Carolina or from some
disaffected people."69 Boyle immediately called a meeting of
the Lords of the Committee of Council and he wrote, "It is
possible orders may be given for sending them back again."70
On September 9th, he acquainted Dayrolle with the results of
the Council meeting. Although the landing of more Palatines
could not be prevented, they would not be cared for at public
expense, until those already in England could be provided
for.71 Dayrolle went further than that, for he informed the
Palatines embarking at Rotterdam, they would be sent back
from England.72 Indeed, 2., 2.5 7 Roman Catholic Palatines were
sent back to Rotterdam with a present of 5 gilders each late in
September.73

Nevertheless, there were 1,500 more emigrants at Rotter-
dam desirous of reaching England.74 They even considered
sending deputies to England to petition the Queen for her
assistance. On September 2.8th, the Palatines at Rotterdam
sent a heartrending petition to Secretary Boyle, in which they
related how they had been enticed to leave their homes by
what they just learned to be false promises in Queen Anne's
name. As they had spent most of what they had to subsist on

68 P. R. O., S. P. 84/13X5 411. These proposals had been made to the Board
of Trade in London on August nth to encourage the Palatines there to settle
in Carolina. C. C. iyo8-iyop, 445.

69 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 413.

70 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 95; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 189.

71 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 96; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 190.

72 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 444.

« P. R. O., T. 1/119, 93, 98, 136-153; S. P. 84/131, 467, 480.
74 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131,467.

64 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

their journey, they with their wives and children would perish
of hunger unless admitted to England. In their deplorable
condition they ate their "bread in tears.' They begged him
to relieve them "from a continual agony."75 Nevertheless,' on
October nth, Secretary Sunderland refused their petition,
although the Queen was touched by their misery. He pointed
out "the great clamour that such numbers doe raise in the
time of scarcitie, and the great load and expense it is on the
government.' The British government also felt certain that
should it vary from its resolution to admit no more, there
would be no end to the immigration.76 But on the same day,
Dayrolle at the Hague wrote to Sunderland that 1,100 Pala-
tines had sailed several days earlier, "notwithstanding all
my endeavors to prevent it."77

The following week, Sunderland informed Dayrolle of
their arrival in the Thames River and ordered an investigation,
for inquiry pointed to Mr. Henrick van Toren under Dayrolle 's
authority, "forcing the Palatines to sail for England, even
though some of them had hired their passage in boats, to
return home . " 78 Dayrolle after an investigation found that the
officials of Rotterdam, desiring to rid their city of the Pala-
tines who would not return home, had Messrs. van Toren and
van Gent ship them "with what moneys I know not.'
Dayrolle could not prevent it, but he thought that van Toren
and van Gent were motivated only by the most charitable
considerations.79 Dayrolle was not so innocent though, for in
a letter of November 5th to Messrs. van Toren and van Gent,
he wrote, "My sending the quantity [of Palatines] you im-
barqued lately has been disapproved, tho my intentions were
good.' He wished them success, if one of them went to
England to make representations as they intended, but "for

75 P. R. O., S. P. 84A32., 449.

76 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 97; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 192..

77 P. R. 0.,S. P. 84/131,495,517.

78 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 97, 98, 99; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 193, 194, 195.

79 P. R. O., S. P. 84/132., 515.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

my own part, I dare not write anything more on that subject
nor meddle in it."80

Late in October, when explaining the sailing of the last
party "against" his orders, Dayrolle remarked that there
would be no more except a few left behind, but ' 'I am informed
that a great many intend to come next summer, if not timely
prevented by some notification in Germany made in Her
Majesties name, not being possible to dissuade them by any
other authority."81 Following his suggestion, a Royal Proc-
lamation was drawn up, printed in German and distributed
widely in the Rhine Valley. It declared that no more people
would be received in England, much less supported. All those
Germans, who arrived since the first of October were to be
sent back to Germany at the first opportunity. All who
intended to emigrate were warned that such attempts would
assuredly fail, unless they had means of their own to support
themselves.82

Summarizing the numbers of the Palatine immigration of
1709 to England, the records show that

$52. sailed late in April and arrived early in May

about May 19th

June 6th

June 1 6th

July nth

July 24th

August 13th

October 18th

13,146 are mentioned in the official correspondence.83 It is

80 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 519.

81 P. R. O., S. P. 84/131, 536.

82 Das verlangte nkht erlangte Canaan, 10, 91; Diffenderffer, op. cit., 15.

83 This table is compiled from the following sources: P. R. O., C. O.
388/76, 56 ii; T. 1/119, 6-10, 17, 65, 71, 81; S. P. 87/4, 165; S. P. 84/131, 139,
310, 383, 495, 517. For information concerning the first six lists of emigrants,
see the Appendices B and C. There were no lists kept of the last two groups
noted as sailing in August and October, since they were supplied with funds
obtained from private charitable sources in Holland.

i,z83

May i2_th

z,9z6

May 31st

J>794

June 10th

^,776

July 4th

M33

July 17th

c. 1,000

August 6th

c. 1,082.

October nth

66 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

quite probable however that the number reached 13,500, since
quite a few of the Palatines were sent by the packet boat or by
regular shipping at their own expense or by charity funds
after the official transportation ceased on July 18th. Small
groups going in this way may have sailed without mention
in the official correspondence.

Of the probable number of 13,500, who were able to reach
England, 2., 2.5 7 Roman Catholics were sent back late in Sep-
tember, as related before. On January 2.0th, 1710, Boyle notified
Dayrolle that about 900 Palatines who desired to return home
were to be sent shortly and that they should have his best
efforts to speed them on their way.84 So on March 3rd, 1710,
he received Dayrolle's report of their safe arrival.85 Late in
March of the next year (171 1) 618 Palatines, all Roman
Catholics, were returned to the Netherlands. They were given
five gilders each as a parting present to speed them on their
way home.86 This seems to have been done by the British
government for all the Palatines returned to the continent,
and it was a gesture much admired in the Netherlands.87
More than 3,000 Roman Catholics were sent back in all, if
Simmendinger's estimate is correct.88 With more than 3,500
returned, there were left about 10,000 of the 13,500 estimate,
still to be accounted for. What did the British authorities
do with them?

In London, the citizens were amazed. In three months
more than 11,000 alien people had arrived in their midst.
London was not so large a city that many thousands could be
poured into it conveniently without notice. The government
was hard put to provide shelter and food for them. The
squares, the taverns, all the refuges of London were crowded

84 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 100; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 197.

85 P. R. O., S. P. 104/74, 101; B. M., Add. MSS. 15866, 199.

86 P. R. O., T. 1/13X5 165, 170. This debarkation list of Palatine families
is included in Appendix D.

87 P. R. O., S. P. 84/2.31, 480.

88 Simmendinger, op. cit., 3.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION Gj

with Palatines. In addition, 1,600 tents were issued by the
Board of Ordnance89 and encampments were formed on Black-
heath on the south side of the Thames, at Greenwich, on the
Thames, just north of Blackheath, and at Camberwell,90 a
suburb of London, about two miles from St. Paul's. Others
found quarters near the Tower, in St. Catherine's, Tower
Ditch, Wapping, Nightingale Lane, East Smithfield and their
neighborhoods. Barns and cheap houses were rented for them
at Kensington, Walworth, Stockwell and Bristol Cansey.91
The large rope-houses at Deptford were utilized for shelter for
many of the Palatines, while others were disposed of by the
care of charitable persons in Aldgate and Lambeth.9'2 About
1,400 were lodged in the large warehouse of Sir Charles Cox,
who had offered it gratis.93 The crowded condition of these
places of shelter made them unhealthy. The Board of Trade
was informed of this and strove to remedy the difficulty;
certainly the Board and the English Whigs94 in particular de-
serve a great deal of credit for their sympathetic treatment and
generosity, in the early stages of the immigration. At any rate,
surgeons were sent among the Palatines and efforts were made
to lessen their discomfort by securing additional quarters.95
The Germans evidently expected that immediately on
arrival in England, they would be dispatched in a body across
the sea; but no one stood ready to carry out such a program.

89 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 93; B. M., Strafford Papers, Add. MSS. xizox, 105;
"Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1786.

90 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47; State
of the Palatines, 7; Boyer, op. cit. (1709), 167; B. T. Jour. 1J08-1714, 37.

91 "Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1786; also 1741.

92 Stow, op. cit., I, 43; Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 153.

93 Diffenderffer, op. cit., 2.97. Since he allowed them to remain until they
were sent to Ireland and elsewhere, thus losing revenue in the seasonal period
of the use of the warehouse, he was given as compensation 100 guineas by
the government on February 9, 1710.

94 [Hare], Canary Birds Naturalized in Utopia (London, 1709).

95 See Minutes of Palatine Commissioners' Meeting in Eccles. Rec, III,
1740 et seq.; C. C. ijo8-ijoq, 2.96.

68 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

The Palatines were almost entirely dependent upon the gov-
ernment to keep them from starvation. The first 851 were
allowed a total of 2.0 pounds per day,96 which amounted to
less than six pence each for men, women and children. But the
expense was a great burden on the government, particularly in
war-time. Godolphin wrote to Marlborough, June 2.4, 1709,
"I hope you will not think it necessary to send an express
with news, our exchequer being so low at present; as to the
extraordinary number of poor Palatines who come over every
day, they are a very great burthen upon the Queen."97 In
fact, on June 14th, the subsistence of the Palatines was costing
the government 80 pounds a day.98

Shortly after June 1st, the Ministry hit upon the expedient
of raising money by public subscription. Letters were sent
to the leading financial organizations, requesting voluntary
contributions, for example to the Bank of England and the
East India Company.99 On June 7, 1709, the Justices of the
Peace for the County of Middlesex sent a petition to the
Queen asking for authority to take up a collection in their
county for their Palatines. The Queen not only granted the
desired authority, but also extended it to the public generally
throughout the kingdom.100

A proclamation was issued June 2.8, 1709, for the collection
of alms and a board of commissioners was appointed to handle
the funds and "to perform every matter and thing . . . neces-
sary and convenient for the better Employment and Settlement
of the said poor Palatines.' The commissioners named were
nearly a hundred in number and included the great dignitaries
of the kingdom.101 The collection was carried out largely

96 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 36.

97 Private Corres. Duchess Marlborough (London, 1S38), II, 338.

98 C. C. 1708-1709, 343.

99 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 91.

100 Boyer, Annals (1709), 167; Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 453, 454, 474.

101 Ibid., Appendix III, 35 et seq.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

19N9QN: Printed for J. fe&r, at the tlaArfy.ti *«»

Contemporary Woodcut, showing the Palatines encamped on Black-
heath outside London. Courtesy of the Widener Library, Harvard University.

through the organization of the Established Church. The
various bishops wrote letters to the clergy of their dioceses
during the first week of July, and advanced all kinds of argu-
ments for, and refuted some against, the policy of relieving
these "poor German Protestants."102 The letter of the Bishop
of Oxford is particularly noteworthy in that he attached a
postscript, "I think it would much forward this service if
you could prevail with some of the chiefest of your parish-
ioners to accompany you when you go to collect the charity
of the rest."103 On one impulse or another the Whigs vied
with one another to contribute to the fund, the Duke of
Newcastle alone donating 500 pounds,104 and the large sum of
19,838 pounds, 11 shillings was collected.105

The Palatine camps were a source of wonder to the London

102 Ibid., Appendix III, 42.. Bishop William Nicolson wrote from Carlisle
to Bishop Wake of Lincoln, "The Palatine briefs are not yet arrived in the
North. And when they do come thev'l find charity very cold in these parts.
I should be thankful for one of your printed letters, since I am wholly in the
dark, as to the sum and substance of the affair. Some comfort it is to find, by
your information that the numbers of Papists amongst those people are not
so great as was said." Christ Church, Oxford, Wake MS., August 2.9, 1709.

103 Ibid., Appendix III, 53. The method suggested is still in vogue today
among clergy as the best known method to produce results.

104 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 13th Report, Appendix), II, 107.

105 Eccles. Rec, III, 1753.

7<3 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

populace.106 Every Sunday crowds would gather and the Pala-
tines became the focus of curiosity-seekers. They capitalized
this by making toys of small value and selling them to the
multitudes who came to see them. One account of the Pala-
tines states, 'They are contented with very ordinary food,
their bread being brown and their meat of the coarsest and
cheapest sort, which, with a few herbs, they eat with much
cheerfulness and thankfulness. On the whole, they appear to
be an innocent, laborious, peaceable, healthy and ingenuous
people, and may be rather reckoned a blessing than a burden
to any nation where they shall be settled."107 An interesting
incident, which is at the same time illustrative of the hardi-
hood of these people, is the one related by a contemporary
diarist, Luttrell, September 13, 1709, "A wager of 100 pounds
was laid last week, that a German, of 64 years' old, should
walk in Hide Park 300 miles in 6 dayes, which he did within
the time, and a mile over."108

The conditions among the Palatines were certainly very
bad. Bread was never known to have been so dear109 and the
government allowance was insufficient to sustain them prop-
erly. They were obliged to beg on the streets of London and
this begging was done principally by the married women.110
Philanthropists of the day distributed both money and sup-
plies among the needy Palatines. One shopkeeper, a Quaker,
cut up several wagon-loads of cloth during eight consecutive

106 R. Palmer wrote to Ralph Verney in the country, "The case of the
Palatines is all our domestic talk." August 17, 1709, Verney MSS. (Hist.
MSS. Com., jth Report, Appendix), 507.

107 The State of the Palatines, 2.7; Eccles. Kec, III, 1831.

108 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 488.

109 Gilbert Burnet, History of His Own Times (ind ed., Oxford, 1833), VI,
38 says that bread sold at double the ordinary price; Das verlangte nicht
erlangte Canaan, 15. A Royal Proclamation was issued on October 14th, put-
ting in execution the old laws against forestalling and regrating of corn,
Robert Steele, ed., Catalogue of Tudor and Stuart Proclamations 1 485-17 14
(Oxford, 1 910), 530.

110 C.J., XVI, 596.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 71

days. Another gave shoes, while a third distributed shirts.111
But the novelty of the presence of the Palatines soon wore
off for the London populace and an uglier attitude, due to the
tight economic conditions, set in.112 The poorer classes of the
English people said the Palatines came to eat the bread of
Englishmen, and reduce the scale of wages. The latter, it was
alleged, had already fallen from 18 pence to 15 pence per day,
where the Palatines were encamped. 113 Even the native beggars
felt that the Queen's bounty should belong to them.114 The
shopkeepers were also opposed to the newcomers for fear that
their trade might be harmed by the competition of unen-
franchised foreigners.115

The Palatine encampments were occasionally attacked by
London mobs. Upon one occasion about 2., 000 infuriated
Englishmen, armed with axes, scythes, and smith hammers,
were said to have made an attack upon the Palatine camp and
struck down all who did not flee.116 When settlements of
Palatines were attempted, riots occured in some localities.
Juries were prejudiced. Nothing "that was said upon oath
by the witnesses [was] sufficient to gain any verdict at
Sundrich but in Justification of the Rioters."117 Many times
were the Palatines threatened and mobbed, much to the
Queen's chagrin.118

This feeling against the Palatines was exhibited even
among the "better" people of England. It seems to have been
rooted in a fear of contamination by prevalent contagious

111 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 108; The Piety and Bounty of Great
Britain, with the Charitable Benevolences of her Loving Subjects toward the Support
and Settlement of the Distressed Protestant Palatines (London, 1709).

112 Ibid., 8.

113 Burnet, op. cit., V, 439; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, in.

114 A Song in Praise of Begging or the Beggars Rival' d (1710); Burnet, op.
cit., VI, 38.

115 [Hare], Reception, 30.

116 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 108.

117 P. R. O., S. P. 34/11, October 13, 1709.

118 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, passim.

72. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

diseases. On July 15, 1710, Lady Pye wrote to Mrs. Abigail
Harley of someone's fine daughter having died of smallpox.
She added, ' 'The notion with some people is that the Palatines
brought in this very ill kind [of smallpox]."119 On August 2.3,
1709, Mr. John Floyer wrote to Lady Dartmouth at Black-
heath, "I wish you the recovery of your health, and a better
neighbor than the Palatines, who I fear have infected your
pure air. Our country has loads of them and call them gypsies
not knowing the language and seeing their poor clothes."120
One writer says that the English hatred of the Palatines shows
only their great dislike for aliens, which was proverbial.121
On the other hand, the Palatines were not a people of little
spirit. They soon came to resent this attitude of the English
and met it in kind. Hearne's Collections (August 2.6, 1709) con-
tains an account of 40 Palatines in the neighborhood when
three or four Englishmen, drinking a pot or two of ale, ' 'made
some Reflections upon the Receiving of these People into the
Kingdom; which, being heard by one of the Palatines, he
gave a hint to his Companions, and they all immediately
came into the Room and beat the persons in a very rude and
inhuman manner."122

Meanwhile the Palatines had little employment, and the
pressing problem was what to do with them. The efforts to
settle the Palatines began with the first official letter after
their arrival. In this letter, the Earl of Sunderland, writing to
the Board of Trade, on May 3, 1709, indicated the govern-
ment's desire according to the prevailing mercantilist views to
encourage immigration. The Queen had been informed of the
arrival of some hundreds of German Protestants and expected
more from the Palatinate with the intention of settling in the

119 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., ijth Report, Appendix), IV, 549.

120 Dartmouth MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. ijth Report, Appendix), III, 147.

121 C. B. A. Kent, Early History of the Tories (London, 1908), 434.

122 C. E. Doble, ed., Remarks and Collections of Thomas Hearne (Oxford
Hist. Soc, 1885-1906), II, 139.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 73

English plantations in America. "Her Majesty was convinced
however, that it would be much more advantageous to Her
Kingdom, if these people could be settled comfortably here
instead of sending them to the West Indies.' Such a result
would be a great encouragement to others to follow their
example. The addition to the number of her subjects would in
all probability produce a proportionable increase of their
trade and manufactures. The Board of Trade was ordered to
take the matter under consideration and report as soon as
possible the proper method and the part of England most
feasible for it.123

Two days later, Sunderland had ordered the Board of
Trade to inquire into their numbers and condition, and to
report what was needed for their support, until they were
either settled in England or sent to the plantations.124 Pursu-
ant to this request the Board of Trade asked two German min-
isters resident in London to carry on the inquiry. These men
were John Tribbeko, chaplain of his late R. H. Prince George
of Denmark, and George Andrew Ruperti, minister of the
German Lutheran Church in the Savoy.125 They reported to the
Board on May 9th, that the Palatines were in dire straits. A
number of them were ill for want of necessary sustenance.
Many were almost naked. They were "pakt up in such great
numbers, we have found very often 2.0 to 30 men and women
together with their children in one room."126 Tribbeko and
Ruperti drew up from time to time the four Palatine lists,
which are a valuable source of information today.127 But

123 Sunderland added that since most of the immigrants were "husband-
men and labouring people," it should be easier to dispose of them to the
advantage of the public. P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 66; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 2.6;
Eccles. Rec, III, 1733; C C. 1708-1709, 190.

124 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 67; C. C. 1708-1709, 195; Eccles. Rec, III, 1734.

125 Eccles. Rec, III, 1736.

126 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 7z; C. C. 1708-1709, 2.96.

127 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 56 ii, 64, 68-70. For a discussion of these lists
see Appendix B.

74 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the crowds of people were soon beyond their best efforts, and
they had to ask for help.128

Most of the Palatines were farmers and vine-dressers, that
is, over half of the first four groups to arrive in London as
noted by Messrs. Tribbeko and Ruperti. The rest were dis-
tributed in some 35 other trades, the next highest number of
occupations being about 90 carpenters and about 75 textile
workers. The lists included about 12. schoolmasters and three
surgeons.129 Some of the Palatine vine-dressers, "encourag'd
by their friends abroad in Pensilvania," brought vine plants
with them for a new start in the plantations. 13° The last group
to leave Rotterdam for England was described as ' 'for the most
part tradesmen."131

The continued arrival of many Palatines and their inability
to support themselves began to worry the Ministry deeply.
On the 15 th of May, Sunderland commanded the Board of
Trade to "make what dispatch you can to report. . . . "132 By
August 6th, the Lord Treasurer had written to the Board "to
make a proposal for the speedy disposing of them, in such
manner as may soonest lessen the expense the Government is
now at for their subsistence."133 At the same time, he com-
mented on the "slow steps that are made towards [the]
settling of them."

One of the schemes projected was to settle 10,000 Palatines
on the Rio de la Plata, in South America. A regiment would
have been necessary to protect them, however, and the calcu-
lated expense of over 2.00,000 pounds was prohibitive. Another
project called for a settlement in the Canary Islands. The
proposer did not mention that the Spaniards were to be driven
out, but as they were an obstacle, this project was not given
consideration.134

128

C. C. iyo8-iyo(), 370.

129 P. R. O., C. O. 388/76, 56 ii, 64, 68, 69.

130 P. R. O., S. P. 87/4, 158. 131 P. R. O., C. O. 84/131, 480.
132 Ibid., 300; Eccles. Rec, III, 1738. 133 Ibid., 444.

"Brief History," in Eccles. Rec, III, 1789.

134

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 75

The Board of Trade received a proposal from the Society of
London for Mines Royal to employ the strongest of the
Palatines in the silver and copper mines of Penlyn and Merion-
ethshire, Wales.135 The merchants of Bedford and Barnstable,
concerned in the Newfoundland fishery, offered to employ
500 Palatines in their industry.136 A project for settling some
of them in Herefordshire and Gloucestershire, proposed by
the Marquis of Kent, Lord Chamberlain, was also considered
by the Board of Trade. The last project, it was found, would
entail a cost of 150,000 pounds, if all were settled at the pro-
posed rate; hence it was abandoned.137 A proposal was also
made for repeopling with Palatines the islands of Nevis and
St. Christopher in the West Indies, which had recently been
attacked by the French.138 Colonel Daniel Parke, Governor of
the Leeward Islands, who made the suggestion, was sorely
provoked with Sunderland because it was not accepted.139

An attempt was then made to settle the Palatines through-
out England by offering three pounds per head to the parishes
which would be willing to receive them, the government to
pay the expense of sending them to the respective places.140
The bounty was taken in some instances and the immigrants,
finding themselves uncared for, returned to London again.
Some of their experiences are interesting. One Palatine, who
had been a hunter, was, to his great disgust, required to take
care of swine. Sixteen families were sent to the town of Sun-
derland, near Newcastle in Yorkshire. They expected grants of
land, but were made day laborers. Another group was given
a half pound of bread a day per person, a pound of salt a week,

135 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 41, 41, 47; C. C. 1708-1709, 307, 312., 370.

136 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 496.

137 H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XXI, 138; B. T. Jour. 1708-1704, 44, 47; C. C.
1708-1709, 343, 360.

138 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 42.0, 4x1, 454.

139 C. C. 1710-1711, 96.

140 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 60; Verney MSS. (Hist. MSS. Cow., 7th Report,
Appendix), 507.

jG THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

but no meat or vegetables.141 Many of the Palatines, too poor
to return or for other reasons, probably stayed. The plan to
locate the Palatines in England was earnestly attempted.
Sunderland wrote a letter, among many others, to the Mayor
of Canterbury, asking him to receive and permanently locate
some of them. This letter, referred to the town magistrates,
was answered by the observation that they could not comply
with the request, as their own poor were a heavy burden.142
Liverpool received 130 but they drifted away as soon as the
government support had been exhausted.143 The Justices of
Peace of East Riding, Yorkshire, agreed to accept Palatines,
but the authorities of Nottinghamshire regretted that they
could do nothing to assist them.144 Some Palatines were also
settled in Chester.145

Captain Thomas Ekines of the English Navy came forward
with a proposal that 600 of the Palatines, about 150 families,
should be settled in the Scilly Islands,146 a small group off the
southwest coast of England. Sunderland thought well of the
project, and on September 2.1st and October 2., 1709, two trans-
ports were sent down the Thames with 450 Palatines on board,
well provisioned and supplied. 147 The inhabitants of the Island
of Scilly, learning of the venture, protested that they could
not earn a living themselves on that meager haven, and so
these people were never sent to their destination, but after
remaining on shipboard three entire months, were again set
on shore on December 30th of the same year. They eventually

141 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 111.

142 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 87; S. P. 34/13, June 17, 1709; B. T. Jour. i7oS-
1714, 3X4-

143 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 155; Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, no.

144 P. R. O., S. P. D. 34/11, 47, 60.

145 Corporation of City of Chester MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report,
Appendix), 395.

146 Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 13th Report, Appendix), II, 107.

147 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 151, 161, 168, 188.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 77

found their way back to Blackheath. The cost of this miser-
able failure was some 1,500 pounds.148

A merchant was reported to have made a contract to send
500 families to Barbados.149 It does not seem to have been
carried out, but 500 Palatines were settled in the Bahama
Islands in 1717.150 It is not clear however that they were
part of the 1709 immigration. In 172.2., Charles Carrington, of
New Providence, describing Nassau to the Board of Trade,
wrote, "about 14 miles west of Nassau is Palatyne town, in-
habited by Palatines, an indolent, laizy tribe and good for
little."151 On the other hand, when Governor Phemey wrote
to Lord Cartaret in 172.3, he said, 'The remaining Palatines
are now by my assistance in a very flourishing condition. . . .
They are a very industrious people and I could wish for a
great many more of them."152 Several proposals were made to
the Board of Trade to settle some Palatines in Jamaica. These
were very seriously considered,153 but the ambitious plans
drawn up proved to be too costly, and the climate was
adjudged too warm for the emigrants. It does not appear that
any settlement of importance was made,154 although a few
Palatines may have been sent there. Luttrell noted, August 3,
1710, that, "Letters from Jamacia tell us that the Palatines
designed for that place are safely arrived there, and disposed
of to the advantage of that island."155 A contemporary ac-
count reads that those of 16 families sent to Sunderland, who

1Hc.;., xvi, 598.

149 The State of the Palatines, 8.

150 C. C. 1717-1718, 19.

151 P. R. O., C. O. 2.3 /z, 75; C. C. 1722-172^ 60.

152 P. R. O., C. O. 2.3/13, 147.

153 P. R. O., C. O. 137/8, 451; C. O. 5/908, 76; C. C. i7o8~i7q9, 657-872.
■passim; C. C. 1710-1711, 53, 58.

154 C. C. 1710-1711, 144; C. C. 1716-1717, 337.

155 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 613; also see 4xx, 454, 455. Luttrell may be con-
fusing Jamaica with New York as even the continental colonies were often
loosely referred to as the West Indies.

78 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

had tried to run away in the night, were sent finally to
Jamaica as slaves.156

Disappointed and disillusioned, 150 of the able-bodied
young men enlisted in the British army and were sent to serve
in Lord Galloway's regiment then on duty in Portugal,157 and
some 18 or more apparently enlisted in Lord Hay's regiment,
according to Luttrell.158 We are told that 32.2. entered the
military service and that 141 children were "purchased by the
English," which means most probably that they were ap-
prenticed perhaps for a price.159 At least 56 of the young
people became domestic servants.160

The large number of Catholics in the Palatine immigration
has been mentioned before, but it will be remembered that the
Queen was saving only 'poor German Protestants.' The
Catholic Palatines in London, and in Rotterdam, awaiting
transportation, were given their choice of becoming 'poor
Protestants" to be saved by the Queen, or of returning to their
homes along the Rhine.161 Many of the Germans were devout
people, as the contemporary accounts indicate, yet some found
it convenient to change their religion.162 Those who refused
were ordered to return to Germany.163 About September 6,
1714, several thousand Catholic Palatines, preparing to go

156 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, no.

157 Eccles. Rec, III, 183 1.

158 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 494.

159 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, nx.

160 Ibid.

161 Simmendinger Qop. cit., 3) stated "Catholischer Religion/ehe sie auf
der Konigen Anmuthen ihren Glauben changiren woken/ wieder nach
Hauss umgekehret. Dieser Catholischen Ruck=Reise aber/offnete uns in
Roterdam iiber 5. wochen lang still gelegenen Reisenden/den Passnach
Engelland . . .;" Boyer, Annals (1709), 168.

162 ' ' Several of the poor Palatines who came lately over, and were papists,
have renounced that religion, and more of them 'tis expected will doe the
like." (August 6, 1709), Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 473.

163 "The Papish Palatines who came hither are ordered to goe home,
having passports for the same." (September 15, 1709), Luttrell, op. cit.,
VI, 489.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 79

home again, petitioned the Queen. They said they had been
encouraged to leave their homes, having a promise for the free
exercise of religion, which was now denied them. Accord-
ingly, they requested the Queen out of her goodness and justice
to pay their expenses home.164 Their request was granted.
Records show that more than 2.,ooo were returned, and the
costs were paid by the government.165

A sad commentary must be made upon an incident which
occurred on August 17, 1709. Secretary of State Boyle wrote to
the Secretary of War, Sir Robert Walpole, that the resolutions
of the commissioners for returning the Palatines to Germany
had been laid before the Queen. She ordered that "you do take
care, that some commission officer do go among the Palatines
and try whether any of the Papists will enter into Her
Majesty's service in Portugal."166 Although the Papists were
not welcome to stay in England, they were quite acceptable
in Her Majesty's armed forces. In the midst of all the flurry
and confusion attendant on the distribution and settlement of
the Palatines, Secretary Sunderland learned to his disgust that
the Board of Trade could not meet, since a majority of its
members were out of town. So, on October 5, 1709, orders
were issued commanding their immediate return to consider
"matters of moment which require despatch.' Two weeks
later, on the 19th, a standing order was sent to the Board of
Trade, requiring them to have a quorum of members in con-
stant attendance.167 To say the least, this is an interesting
example of the inefficiency of British colonial officialdom in
the eighteenth century.

164 Doble, op. cit., II, 446.

165 "Mr. Doben and Sir Thomas Janssen, concerning Palatines shipped off
to Holland, some 1.000 and upwards, desire Mr. Dayrolle who is to prepare
a list and may have orders to take care of supervising, and allowing 5 guilders
a head, and deducting for such as do not appear." P. R. O., S. P. 11/36 (Sep-
tember 16, 1709).

166 P. R. O., S. P. 44/107, x67.

167 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 156, 157.

80 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

In the crowded quarters and with meager sustenance, the
Palatines had fallen prey to fevers and plagues. Death wrought
havoc in their ranks in spite of their hardiness . It is not known
how many died in their encampment at Blackheath and else-
where in London, but the number must have been nearly a
thousand.168 With all reasonable calculations and deductions
made, it seems probable that the descendants of several thou-
sands of the Palatines are among the English population today.

Now when the fruits of Penn's advertising campaign were
finally ripening, where was Penn's proposal to take the Pala-
tines off the hands of the government? Unfortunately, Penn
was in no financial position to send the Palatines to his
colony in 1709. He had suffered a nine months' imprisonment
in 1708 for a 10,500 pound debt dishonestly claimed by former
friends. 169 Penn was finally released from his debt to the Fords,
but his expenses were heavy and his province was under
mortgage to friends, who had aided him. Indeed for some
years he had been negotiating with the British Ministry for
the sale of his proprietorship.170 This undoubtedly accounted
for the small part taken by Penn in disposing of the Palatines
in London in 1709.

From the difficulties described in this chapter it should be
evident that the British government did not plan for this large
Palatine immigration in 1709. It prayed for immigration as a
general blessing, but this avalanche of people was like a flood
instead of rain. The government's strenuous efforts to stop the
movement and the generous attitude it maintained stood in
sharp contrast to the conduct of the proprietors of English

168 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 113; Goebel, "Briefe" in op. cit., 187.

169 Janney, op. cit., 508. The Board of Trade's efforts to settle in 1708 the
Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary dispute were delayed by Penn "being
under restraint." C. C. iyo6-iyo8, 711.

170 Ibid., 509, 52.2., 5x5. The colony was mortgaged for 6,600 pounds in
1708. Penn asked xo,ooo pounds of the British government for the surrender
of his rights. P. R. O., C. O. 5/1x65, 108; C. C. 1720-1721. 108.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 8 1

colonies, who were largely responsible for the emigration.
The proposals to settle the Palatines discussed so far were for
the most part discarded in favor of more promising ventures.
Proposals to send Palatines to Ireland, Carolina and New York
were in the latter category, and the large bands of emigrants
transported there justify special attention to their adventures.

CHAPTER IV. THE IRELAND AND
NORTH CAROLINA SETTLEMENTS

Hard pressed by the problem of disposing of so many
immigrants, the Ministry turned in all directions for
suggestions. On July 7, 1709, the Council of Ireland, with
Joseph Addison among them, proposed to the Queen that a
number of Palatines be sent to Ireland to strengthen the
Protestant cause there,1 and late in August, 794 families were
sent there. They were taken in wagons to Chester, where they
embarked for Ireland.2 The first groups landed between the 4th
and the 7th of September, others came during October. In
January, 1710, the total number of Palatines in Ireland was
3,073, of whom 1,898 were adults, and 1,175 were under
fourteen years of age.3 The transportation charges amounted
to 3,498 pounds, 16 shillings and 6 pence.4

A committee of ten Irish gentlemen, supporters of the
Protestant cause, were organized as the Commissioners for
Settling the Poor Distressed Palatines in Ireland.5 On their
arrival, the Palatines were temporarily lodged in Dublin and
received for subsistence 18 pence a week for each person above
fourteen years of age and 12. pence for each under that age.6

1 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47; B. M.,
Add. MSS. 35933, 15.

2 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 474; The State of the Palatines, 7; P. R. O., S. P.
44/107, 164, 2.65.

3 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18, 2.7- Add. MSS. 17677 DDD, 141; Add.
MSS. iiioz, 130; P. R. O., T. 1/119, 91; S. P. 44/107, Z97.

4 C. J., XVI, 596. The Commons Journal report is misleading in that it
gives 3,800 as the total number of Palatines in Ireland. Greene, op. cit., 131,
went to the other extreme in his statement that "a few Palatines were sent
to Ireland but the great majority were sent to America."

5 B. M., Strafford Papers, Add. MSS. 2.2.2.01, 130.

6 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18; P. R. O., T 1/119, 100, 104, 113.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 83

To finance the arrangements, the Crown appropriated 15,000
pounds of its revenues in Ireland to be paid in three years at
5,000 pounds a year. Early in 1710, an additional 9,000 pounds
were set aside under similar arrangements.7 Charitable collec-
tions secured 409 pounds, 18 shillings and 6J4 pence more for
the fund.8 The appropriation of such sums of money by the
government aroused the speculative interest of the Irish land-
lords. Their Irish tenants did not possess a capital of 2.4 pounds
per family of four,9 neither did the Irish tenants have the
financial backing of the Crown. As a result, the Palatines were
distributed in lots varying in size from one family to 56 fami-
lies. The 43 gentlemen, who became their landlords by a
draw, were to settle the Palatines on their lands.

The Commissioners wrote to them shortly thereafter to
learn how they proposed to settle the families assigned to
them and at what rates. As to the financial arrangements, the
landlords were expected to give "a cheaper Bargain" than
they gave others. The Commissioners suggested that the land-
lords might agree to receive the customary proportion of corn
towards the plowing and seed, which they were to furnish.
For the other necessaries such as horse, cart and cows, the
landlords were expected to be satisfied with one-third of the
subsistence allowance, until the allowances could be secured
in larger advances.10 The Irish landlords were urged to con-
sider the satisfaction in doing a generous Christian act, the
security for themselves in settling so many Protestant families
on their estates, and the contribution they would be making
towards strengthening the Protestant interest and safety of

7 C. J. XVI, 596; Thomas Somerville, History of Great Britain during the
Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1798), 5x7.

8 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 18; Stair MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 2nd Report,
Appendix), 131.

9 Palatine Pamphlet, no title, printed in Dublin by Andrew Crooke,
1710, 3, Harvard Library, gift of J. P. Morgan, hereafter cited as Crooke' s
Pamphlet. This pamphlet is a general letter written by the Commissioners
for Settling the Palatines to prospective landlords.

10 Ibid., 2..

84 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the country.11 In concluding their letter to the Irish gentle-
men, the Commissioners promised that should any Palatines
refuse the contracts offered, they would be stricken off the list
of those receiving Her Majesty's bounty. A declaration in
"High Dutch" was to be distributed to this effect among the
Palatines.12

Arrangements were made and 533 families, composed of
2_, 098 men, women and children, were dispersed over the
countryside. The Commissioners for Settling the Palatines
assured the Lords Justices of Ireland early in 1710 that all care
had been exercised in their settlement. Many of the landlords
were said to have been at great charge to themselves in pro-
viding habitations, firing and other conveniences for the Pala-
tines. The lands set apart for the Palatines were assigned to
them at easy rates, often a third less in rent than similar lands
were let to other tenants.13

Notwithstanding the kind entertainment the Palatines
met with, to the professed surprise of the Commissioners many
of the Palatines left their settlements, returned to Dublin, and
took ship for England. In fact, 2.32. families had returned from
Ireland to England by November 2.5, 1710, and in the next
two months, 52. more families sailed for England in spite of
attempts to stop them.14 On February 15, 1711, only 188 of the
533 families distributed over the countryside were still on the
lands allotted them. Over 300 of the families were in Dublin,
where a great many of the men had been employed in the
building of a government arsenal nearby. When the arsenal
was completed, they lived on the royal allowance without
apparently troubling to find employment.15

11 Nicholas Tindal, Continuation of Mr. Rapin's History of England (5 th
ed., London, 1763), XVII, i.i^\ Somerville, op. cit., 52.7.

12 Crooke's Pamphlet, 4.

13 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 11, 17.

11 A proposal was made to send those Palatines back to Holland, who
returned from Ireland. P. R. O., S. P. 34/13, 14.
15 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 13, 18.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 85

Of those Palatines who left their settlements, many stole
away without giving their landlords any notice. The Com-
missioners reported, according to the best information they
could get, the Palatines thought that the lands in Ireland
were to be rent free. Many of them could not be persuaded to
the contrary. The more turbulent Germans stirred up the
others with stories of better treatment accorded to those
Palatines still in England. A worthless fellow-countryman,
who had lived in Ireland several years before, victimized the
Palatines by pretending to act as an agent for them in London.
Many of the Palatines, it appeared, intended to live on Her
Majesty's allowance in Ireland till peace was made and then
go back to Germany.16

The Commissioners for Settling the Palatines in Ireland
were not unprejudiced in their account of the Palatine in-
gratitude. Over half of them had become landlords of the
Palatines. They were interested parties in informing the Lords
Justices that the Palatines had been well treated and gener-
ously provided for. Three of the returning Palatines examined
in London said that they left because of the hard usage they
received from Commissary Hinch, Mr. Sweet (one of the
landlords], and others. They charged that they had not re-
ceived their subsistence. They claimed that after application
to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, they received subsistence,
but for one week only. They had even paid their own passage
to England, although Mr. Hinch had offered them ten shil-
lings each to leave Ireland. They corresponded with each
other and met at Dublin for the return voyage.17

It seems probable that a number of the Irish landlords
were not above taking advantage of their Palatine tenants,
who spoke another tongue and were in a somewhat hostile
country. The native Irish tenants, Catholic in faith, were not
inclined to welcome Protestants, who might secure their
lands on more favorable terms and they seized every oppor-

™Ibid.y 19. 17C./., XVI, 596.

86 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

tunity to abuse the Palatines. As no other arrangement
seems to have been made, it appears probable that the Palatine
allowances were turned over to the Irish gentlemen to dis-
tribute to their tenants, and under such arrangements the
Palatine tenants might receive very little of the allowance
granted them. After all, it would be too much to expect a
people such as these, with eyes on the New World and its
golden promises, to be satisfied with even favorable terms
among the meager opportunities of Ireland. It was none too
prosperous for most Irishmen themselves.

However that may be, the return of increasing numbers of
the Palatines to England soon caused apprehension there in
1710. On the 10th of May, the Commissioners for the Palatines
in England sent a representative, one Mr. Crockett, to Ireland
to persuade the Palatines to remain while they drew their
comfortable maintenance, but notwithstanding Mr. Crockett's
good intentions and excellent abilities, he had little success.18
The attempts to hold them in Ireland failed, because as Chief
Justice Broderick said, neither the officials nor the landlords
had power to stop the Palatines, who were a free people.19
On one occasion, having boarded a ship to persuade a number
of the Palatines not to return to England, Mr. Crockett was
threatened and narrowly escaped being thrown into the sea.
The Irish Commissioners even offered to transport to Hamburg
those Palatines who desired to leave. They had no accep-
tances. The Germans seized their first opportunity to steal
away to England, still with the hope of settling in the English
colonies in America.

Consequently, the Irish Commissioners, having discussed
the situation with Mr. Crockett, drew up a memorial on July
2.5th. This representation addressed to Thomas, Earl of
Wharton, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, reviewed the futile
attempts at settlement of the Palatines to that date, and recom-

18 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, ix; C. J. XVI, 596.
»> C. J. XVI, 596.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 87

mended that the Crown allow 40 shillings a year to each
Palatine family for twenty-one years. This was to be offered
as an encouragement for them to stay in Ireland. The money
remaining from the original appropriations would be neces-
sary to provide cattle, household stuff, tools and subsistence
until the Palatines should provide for themselves.20

There the matter rested. On October 14, 1710, the Irish
Commissioners requested the Lords Justices of that country to
obtain Her Majesty's answer, since no reply to their proposal
had been received. This inaction was due to the Ministerial
Revolution, then taking place in England. Harley and his
associates through intrigue were engaged in ousting the Whigs
from office, and government affairs had to await the outcome
of their machinations. Many officials were removed from office
after the change of Ministry. The Earl of Wharton was re-
placed by the Duke of Ormond as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.21
"Perfectly a stranger to the whole transaction,' Ormond
requested from the Irish authorities a full report and opinion
on the matter.22 On December nth, the new Secretary of
State, Dartmouth, issued an order to stop the continued return
of Palatines from Ireland to England. The Commissioners for
Settling the Palatines in Ireland drew up on February 15, 171 1,
at the request of the Lords Justices, a detailed report of the
Palatine affairs. On that day, 1,051 Palatines remained in
Ireland. Of the original appropriation of 2.4,000 pounds for
their support and settlement, 10,319 pounds was left but this
sum, the Commissioners reckoned, would be exhausted by
July 2., 1712.. They then repeated their proposal for the annual
allowance of 40 shillings for twenty-one years, "which is
intended towards the payment of the Rents they shall set
under. . . . "23

20 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 15.

21 Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710," in loc. cit., XXXVI,
109.

22 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 16.

23 Ibid.* 2.0.

88 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

The Irish Commissioners further requested that the
Palatines be obliged to declare whether they would accept
the arrangement or not. Those who would accept were im-
mediately to enter into covenants as other tenants did with
their landlords. Those who refused were to be sent to their
own country or elsewhere at the first opportunity. Finally,
the Commissioners had reports from the gentlemen who had
retained several of the Palatines on their lands, that they
would be obliged to return the Palatines to Dublin by March
15th, unless the 40 shillings per annum allowance were made.
On the 2.8th of March, 1711, the English government approved
the grant to each family of 40 shillings annually for seven
years. It was estimated that 2.63 Palatine families of 978 per-
sons still remained in Ireland then, but by the time the Irish
Commissioners heard of the grant (August 11, 1712.) > nine
more families had departed. With this additional support, the
2.54 families were all settled in the country.

Near the close of September, 171 2., Sir Thomas Southwell
sent 130 Palatine families down to his estate in the County of
Limerick,24 where ten other families had remained. Southwell
rented them land at almost half of what it could bring, and
supplied them with cash and other necessaries. It was stated
in June, 171 4, when Southwell petitioned the king for 2.00
pounds due him, that had he not advanced the money, "the
last ninety Families wou'd have left the Kingdom."25 South-
well expressed himself as reluctant to seize the possessions of
the Palatines, but he would be compelled to do so unless the
Crown reimbursed him. However, on September 1, 171 6, the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland successfully supported Southwell's
claims to the British Treasury for a Palatine debt, which had
grown to 557 pounds.

24 They settled principally at Court Matrix, Killiheen, Ballingarrane
and Pallaskenry, and then spread out to the locations given in Appendix I.

25 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 14.

26 Ibid., 15.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Map of Southwestern Ireland, showing the Palatine Settlements in Limer-
ick County. The borders of Limerick County are slightly shaded.

Drawn by A. Cefola.

The Palatines were reported as having employed them-
selves very industriously in raising flax and hemp. At that
time the Commissioners recommended that a minister be
secured to read to them the liturgy of the Anglican Church, to
which the Palatines readily conformed. The Commissioners
further suggested that an agent who understood the German
language be appointed to see that the Palatines were not mis-
used by their landlords or by their Irish neighbors.27 Since a
number of the Germans received the sacrament within the
time set, looking toward naturalization (under the law which
had been repealed in 171 1), without taking through igno-
rance the oath of allegiance required, the Commissioners
recommended their case be presented to Parliament for remedy.

27 Ibid., 2.7.

90 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

The Palatines were favored by fortune with the accession
of the Hanoverian George I to the British throne in 1714.
Since his accession was a continuation of the precious Protes-
tant succession to the throne, the government naturally was
even more disposed to support the Protestant cause, especially
in Catholic Ireland. Indeed, the "poor German Protestants"
were likely to receive special favors from a king who was so
German that he could not speak English. On June 15, 171 5, an
order was issued to continue the 40-shilling grant to each
Palatine family for the remainder of the seven-year term, ex-
piring March 2.8, 1719. In addition, on August 12., 1718, the
general annual allowance of 62.4 pounds was ordered to be
continued for 14 more years on the expiration of the former
grant.28

Incidentally, this settlement of Palatines in Ireland was
made against a background of distrust of the Irish Catholic
population. Fear, that Ireland would be the base for an attempt
on the part of the Stuart pretender James III to win back the
throne of England, swayed the authorities. In Limerick,
where the Palatines remaining in Ireland were eventually
established, there had been a serious scare in 1702.. The Roman
Catholics were rumored to be forming an army. As a result in
the next year an act was passed by the Parliament of Ireland,
expelling all Roman Catholic residents of Galway and Limer-
ick, unless they gave sufficient assurance of allegiance to the
Queen and her successors.29 Similar rumors continued to haunt
the authorities in the next ten years. Consequently, the
introduction of Protestant settlers in Limerick County was
particularly fortunate from the view-point of those in power.
All those able to bear arms were enrolled in the Free Yeo-
manry of the country and were known as 'The German
Fusiliers" or 'True Blues.' Each man was supplied with a
musket called a "Queen Anne" with which to protect him-

28 Ibid., xcj.

29 P. Fitzgerald and J. J. McGregor, The History of Limerick (Dublin, 1817),

n> 455-

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 91

self and his family.30 At the same time an educational and
religious program for conversion of the Irish Roman Catholics
was seriously considered.31

As late as 1758, the Palatines still had their separate
settlements in Ireland. On the afternoon of February 2.3rd of
that year, John Wesley "rode over to Court Mattress [Court
Matrix], a colony of Germans, whose parents came out of the
Palatinate fifty years ago. Twenty families settled here,
twenty more at Killiheen, a mile off; fifty at Balligarane,
about two miles eastward; and twenty at Pallas [Pallaskenry],
four miles further."32 In 1745 Wesley found the Palatines
without pastors and completely demoralized but he soon
remedied that condition. The Germans became staunch
Methodists, which many of them still remain. In 1760, five or
six families, including Philip Embury and his cousin Barbara
Heck, came to New York. It was here in 1766 that Barbara
helped found the Methodist Church of this country by in-
sisting that cousin Philip preach against worldliness.33
Arthur Young, in his Tour of Ireland, nearly 70 years after the
settlement, found three villages of about 70 Palatine families.
"For sometime after they settled they fed upon sour crout,
but by degrees left it off, and took to potatoes. . . . Their
industry goes so far, that jocular reports of its excess are
spread: in a very pinching season, one of them yoked his wife
against a horse, and went in that manner to work and finished
a journey at plough. The industry of the women is a perfect
contrast to the Irish ladies in the cabins, who cannot be per-
suaded on any consideration, even to make hay, it not being
the custom of the country. . . ,"34

30 William Crook, The Palatines in Ireland (London, 1866), 2.51.

31 B. M., Add. MSS. 35933, 2.1.

32 John Wesley, Works (1st Amer. ed., New York, 1831), IV, 3.

33 W. W. Sweet, Methodism in American History (New York, 1913), 54.

34 He was nevertheless of the opinion that the Palatines had done far less
than the Irish peasant would have done if they had received half the en-
couragement. Arthur Young, Tour in Ireland (Dublin, 1780), 76.

<^1_ THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

As late as 1830, another traveler wrote that "The elders of
the family preserve, in a great degree, the language, customs,
and religion of their old country, but the younger mingle and
marry with their Irish neighbors . . . they are at present, as
regards both their customs and traditions, only a relic of the
past; and yet one so strongly marked and so peculiar, that it
will take a long time before all trace of the Fatherland is
obliterated."35 Johann Kohl in his Travels in Ireland in 184.x
did not visit the settlements personally, but was informed in
the neighborhood, that they could still be distinguished from
the rest by the names of "Palatines."36 But when William
Beidelman, once Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, visited Ireland in the closing years of the
nineteenth century, he found no trace of any German dialect
in the Palatine neighborhoods in Limerick. The language had
died out, only German names remained. Some of these had so
changed as to make their origin scarcely recognizable. Mr.
Beidelman found that the descendants of the Palatines had so
intermarried with the Irish population, that their descendants
were more Irish than German.37

A visit to the area of Palatine settlements in Limerick
County in 1934 confirmed much of this. Some Palatine de-
scendants have forgotten their origin. One prominent descen-
dant in replying to a question about German customs, countered
with the query, 'Were the Palatines Germans?" It is esti-
mated by various individuals of these so-called Palatines that
about 700 of them are still living in Limerick County.38 These

Robert Montgomery Martin, Ireland Before and After the Union ivith
Great Britain (xnd. ed., London, 1848), 191.

36 Johann Georg Kohl, Travels in Ireland (London, 1844), 76.

37 William Beidelman, The Story of the Pennsylvania Germans (Easton,
Pennsylvania, 1898), 73.

38 See the list of families in Appendix I. For much of this information
I am particularly indebted to Mr. Julius Sheppard, a prominent Palatine of
Ballingarrane with a particularly keen mind. I also must express my appreci-
ation of the fine courtesy and help extended to me by the Methodist minister
Reverend A. Reilly, of Adare, Limerick County, Irish Free State.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 93

estimates made independent of one another are remarkable for
their general agreement. But it should be noted that many of
the Palatines remaining are descendants of mixed unions,
that is, with Irish and English in the last generation or two.
The adult generation today is largely the ninth in Ireland.
Still some are pure Palatine stock and their heavy cast Ger-
man countenances can be distinguished from the population
generally. Careful inquiry has established the complete loss
of the German tongue as far back as the seventh generation in
the country, that is, about i860. One Palatine nearly eighty
years of age claims that his grandparents knew German, but
this was rare. The same individual asserts that his grand-
father died at the age of no. In fact, another Palatine's aunt,
still alive (1935), counted 102. years of existence.

Today there is no bad feeling or prejudice between the
Irish and the Palatines, other than the general lack of sym-
pathy between Catholic and Protestant. But the Palatines
consider themselves Irish and the conclusion is evident that
they have been assimilated thoroughly. However, this seems
to have been accomplished only in the last three generations.
Before that mixed marriages with the Irish were rare and Ger-
man was probably still their language. In fact, one Palatine's
parents were double first cousins, and this was considered
rather common. Were there any truth in the prejudice against
close marriages, these Palatine descendants should show
degeneracy, but the healthy ruddy stock left with marked
signs of longevity goes far to show otherwise, when the stock
is good to begin with. On the other hand, there are at least
two families showing marked feeble-mindedness. In more
recent times, the prosperous Palatines are held in high regard
in the county and many a native Irishman will ask his Pala-
tine neighbor for his opinion of the price to be asked for his
cattle at the county fair.

It may be recalled that Arthur Young estimated the num-
ber of the Palatines at 700 in 1776. It would seem that the

94 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Palatine population has not increased, but this is not true. As
the native Irish generally have contributed to the population
of the world, old and new, so have the 'Irish Palatines.'
Many of the Palatines recall members of their families who
emigrated 50 years ago or even more recently to Australia,
Canada, United States (Boston, Chicago, New York, and
even as far west as Oregon), and various parts of Ireland. This
is particularly true of the Switzers, who may be found in
various parts of Ireland, in Queens County and Dublin as well
as in Limerick County. Here is a typical case. Alexander
Jordon, Sr., a French Huguenot, married Mary Smith of
Palatine descent. Of the eleven children which blessed that
union, one is in New York, U. S. A., one in Reading, England,
one in Brighton, England, three in Belfast, Ireland, one in
West Africa, two in Limerick and two are dead.

But the natural increase in population has been adversely
affected, it is apparent, within the last two generations. Most
of the Palatines can recall large families of a dozen or more
children, one in fact of two dozen, 17 of whom lived to adult-
hood. But small families are the rule today. One Palatine, of
the ninth generation had two children himself; he was one of
four children but his grandparents on his father's side had 13.
Of course, inquiries were out of order, but the inference was
obvious from certain remarks that the small families were a
matter of choice, rather than due to any decline in the fertility
of the stock. It should be remembered in this connection that
it has been in these last few generations that mixed marriages
with the Irish and other stock have become common rather
than exceptional. These small families are probably not to be
attributed to close in-breeding.

Of German customs there are none. Sourcrout is unheard
of and other Pennsylvania German customs have no foothold
in Limerick County. That great quencher of German thirst,
beer, is not popular and even the cider for which the district
was noted some years ago has lost its popularity. I did notice

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 95

an old home-made cider press now resting after more than a
century of use. John Wesley and his successors have done a
thorough job. The Palatines are today a monument to the
good influence of a strict but honest discipline. It must also
be noted that some of the Palatines have become Catholic,
and this is attributed by the Protestant clergy to the influence
of the mixed marriages. I sought in vain for the remnant of a
German custom. This failure to find one and the assimilation
are to be explained largely by the fact that no further immi-
gration of Germans took place. Here under adverse conditions,
national antipathy in the beginning, religious hostility, and
economic bitterness, assimilation was delayed for about a
century and a half. But then it came fast and with surprising
completeness. However, it is well to keep in mind that the
Irish themselves have been fairly Anglicized too, at least, to
adopting the English language.

What is left, surprising as it may be, is a remnant of the
manorial system set up by these Palatines. Early travelers
have not commented upon this institution, and hence one is
unprepared for a common with grazing rights and arable land
rotating annually m use among the shareholders. These are
not found among the Irish and are a survival of the first
settlement of great interest. In both Court Matrix and Killi-
heen, a town-land near it, is to be found a meadow for a field
held in common. About thirteen families still hold rights in
Court Matrix and about twelve in Killiheen. The number of
cattle one can graze on the common depends upon the amount
of land held in the arable land, and originally each share was
eight acres and carried with it one or two "collop." A
"collop" was grazing for one cow or two yearlings. Today
over these commons there are ninety to a hundred cattle
grazing. The arable land is rotated every year, the holders re-
ceiving different lands until the whole parcel has passed com-
pletely through their hands when they begin to repeat the
order all over again.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

•: ■ . .

-, , ■ '■ " .

Two Views of the Commons at Court Matrix, Ireland, showing the balks (in
the right foreground) still used to separate the plots of land.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 97

One custom was still recalled. That was the custom of the
Palatines of having their own Burgomaster, who judged their
disputes. In later years he was known as "the King of the
Palatines.' The last really to hold that title was James
Teskey and that was over 60 years ago. Several have been re-
ferred to since then by that title but apparently only in a
facetious manner. Here again is proof that assimilation oc-
curred about the middle of the nineteenth century, for only
then would the Palatine descendants be ready to allow the
natives to settle their affairs, that is, when they felt them-
selves to be natives too.

The Palatine woman is still the typical hard-working
German frau, although she would not recognize the word. As
one of my companions remarked somewhat derisively, "They
would not think of having a maid, and do all the work them-
selves.' Hard-working, whether in the household or in the
field, they are helpmates to the core. They still pickle and
preserve large quantities of fruits and vegetables, and in this
they are the marvel of their neighbors.

Their prosperity too is well recognized in the country.
Frugality has concealed much of their wealth, but that which
is evident is sufficient to excite the friendly envy of the Irish
neighbors. One of them exclaimed, "I can't understand these
Palatines. I work as hard as they do, but I can't keep up with
them" financially. In the early days the Palatines planted
their potatoes in plowed drills and plowed them out. They
were thus able to use only one-third the dung used by the
Irish, who planted their potatoes in four-row ridges with
spades. The Palatine farmers appear to be the first to build
silos in Ireland. These practices would seem to indicate that
there was a sound personal basis for their prosperity aside
from the government aid, though Arthur Young thought
that these improvements were solely due to the fact that the
Palatines were given long leases.39

39 Young, op. cit., I, 178.

98 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Professor Cunningham was too severe when he quoted
with apparent approval a parliamentary speech of 1748, "The
poor Palatines . . . were found to have neither industry nor
ingenuity."40 When Professor Cunningham held that the
Palatines were successful almost as much because of the terms
on which "the land was leased as to any special character-
istics among the settlers,"41 he was stating one view of the
case. Not only were the government subsidies of great help,
but they were also quite necessary under the uniformly un-
friendly conditions. That important factor may be recognized
without derogatory conclusions to the people of any nation-
ality. What is now evident, is that the Palatine descendants
have continued their prosperity and have won through even
under adverse conditions so apparent in the Ireland of today.
What is even more convincing, is the general approbrium and
approval of the Palatine people held throughout Limerick
County by other elements of the population.

Turning to another large settlement of Palatines, we find
that a party of Palatines was sent to North Carolina. The
efforts of the Carolina Proprietors to populate their colony,
culminating in the advertising pamphlet by Kocherthal, have
been described, and it has been noticed that Kocherthal's
account of Carolina was an important cause of the 1709 emi-
gration. The Lords Proprietors of Carolina were, it seems,
among the first to make proposals to the Board of Trade. As
early as July 16, 1709, the Proprietors made "proposals to a
committee of Council to take all the Palatines here from 15
years to 45 years old, and send them to their plantation; but
her Majestie to be at the charge of transporting them, which
will be above 10 pounds a head."42 On July 2.8th, they ordered
that the advertisement printed in the Gazette concerning the

40 William Cobbett, Parliamentary History of England (London, 1813),
XIV, 139 hereafter cited as Parlia. Hist.

41 William Cunningham, Alien Immigrants in England (London, 1897),
150-153.

42 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 465.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 99

Palatine immigration, "be printed in High Dutch, for the use
of the poor Palatines and the rest of the Germans."43 On
August nth, they proposed to give ioo acres of land for each
man, woman and child, free from any quit-rent for ten years.
After ten years, the quit-rent was to be one penny an acre
annually. They offered to lease land to the Palatines for the
term of three lives or ninety-nine years.44 These were the same
terms as offered in the small circular which was distributed
among the Palatines while still in Rotterdam.

These proposals had not been accepted when another
group of promoters from Switzerland joined the Proprietors
of Carolina in the project. A religious schism had split the
town of Bern, and the party of Mennonites, or Anabaptists
as they were known in England, were forced to emigrate.45
They negotiated through a former citizen of Bern, Franz Louis
Michel, with the proprietors of Pennsylvania and Carolina.
Indeed, some arrangements for land in Pennsylvania had
already been made. William Penn, a year later, on April 4,
1710, wrote to Lord Townshend at the Hague asking him to
aid in the free passage through Holland of a company of 50
or 60 Switzers under one "Mitchell," who had contracted
with him for lands.46

Michel was also interested in developing silver mines in
the colonies. He enlisted in the latter enterprise Christopher
von Graffenned, of an aristocratic family of Bern, a man of
pleasing personality, but burdened with debt. The mining
project appealed to him as a means of building up his fortune
and in 1708, he secretly left Switzerland, having engaged a
small party of miners to follow him on his call.47 According-

43 "List and abstracts of documents relating to South Carolina [also
North Carolina] now existing in State Paper Office, London," in S. C. Hist.
Soc. Coll. (Charleston, South Carolina, 1857), I, 179.

44 C. C. ijo8-ijo(), 445.

45 The Mennonites were the followers of Menno Simons, an earlv Dutch
Anabaptist.

46 Townshend MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., nth Report, Appendix), 63.

47 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 12.3.

IOO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ly, in 1709 Graffenried was in London awaiting the develop-
ment of his mining plans. The delays were annoying. His
partner, Louis Michel, was occupied with negotiations for
the Swiss settlements. On April 2.8th, Graffenried came to an
agreement with the Proprietors of Carolina, for the purchase
of 10,000 acres of land48 on or between the Neuse and Cape
Fear Rivers or their branches in North Carolina. The purchase
price was 10 pounds for each thousand acres. It was further
agreed that 100,000 acres were to be reserved to the company
for 12. years, if they desired to purchase additional land. The
terms were to be at the above mentioned rate, provided the
land was taken up within seven years. After that period, the
company would have to pay according to the custom prevail-
ing there. One member of the company was to be made a
Landgrave, and was to purchase 5,000 acres at the customary
quit-rent.49 By July 14, 1709, Graffenried had joined with
Michel in his settlement project, for on that date he and
Michel explained to the Board of Trade their proposal to
settle Swiss Protestants in Virginia.50

The men and women of the 1709 Palatine immigration
began to arrive, as already described, in large numbers early
in May, and the British government was hard pressed to
provide for them. At this juncture, English friends of Graffen-
ried, some of high rank, advised him not to lose so favorable
an opportunity to attain desirable settlers on his lands. He
was assured that if he would take a considerable number of
the Palatines to America, the Queen would not only grant
him the money for their passage, but in addition would make
a good contribution for them. The good contribution as a
matter of fact amounted to almost 4,000 pounds.51

Consequently, Graffenried hastened to conclude his ar-

48 C. C. 1708-17 09, 43Z, 443, 461.

49 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 707.

50 C. C. 1708-1709, 4x5.

51 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 1x4.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IOI

rangements with the Proprietors of Carolina. He paid 50
pounds for 5,000 acres on August 4, 1709, and was made a
landgrave.52 On the 3rd of September, GrafFenried, Michel
and the Proprietors entered into another arrangement. Under
this agreement, 10,000 acres were granted to GrafFenried and
his heirs, for the settlement of Palatines.53 Michel, who was
to purchase 35,000 acres, actually contented himself with one
fourteenth of that area.54 From these arrangements, it is ap-
parent that the direction of the company's affairs had passed
into the hands of GrafFenried.

Late in September, 40 or 50 families of Palatines petitioned
that they might be transported with the Swiss now going to
North Carolina,55 and on October 10th, the Commissioners
for the Settling of the Palatines permitted GrafFenried and
Michel to pick out 600 Palatines, about 92. families, to go to
Carolina with them. They chose young, healthy and indus-
trious people of various trades. On the 2.1st, 50 more persons
were accepted.56 Each emigrant received to shillings worth of
clothes from the government, which also paid their passage,
amounting to 5 pounds, 10 shillings each.57

Preparations for the settlement in Carolina were now under
way. The Lords Proprietors sent to Carolina two letters of
instructions with regard to the Palatines. These were sent on
September 2.2., 1709, the first letter being addressed to Christo-
pher Gale, Receiver General of North Carolina. It directed
him to supply "GrafFenried with such necessaries and pro-
visions of ours for the poor Palatines at such rates as you
received them, taking and forwarding his receipt for the
same.' The Proprietors intended in this way to extend two
years' credit to the new settlement. The second letter went to

52 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 717.

53 C. C. 1708-1709, 719.

54 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 718.

55 Acts Privy Council Col., II, 614.

56 Marlborough MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 8th Report, Appendix), 47a.

57 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 986; Trinity College Hist. Pub., IV, 65.

102. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the "Governor or President and Council and Assembly, of
North Carolina." It may be taken as a statement of British
colonization aims. The Proprietors stated, 'We being ex-
treamly desireous that the good of our Province should by all
means be promoted, and being sencible that nothing can more
effectually contribute thereto than by encreasing the number
of the inhabitants and planters, who by their labour and
industry may occupy the soil and improve the produce thereof,
we have therefore given all reasonable encouragement to some
families of poor Palatines to come and settle amongst you, . . .
we do earnestly recommend them to your care."58

Graffenried, according to his own account, took great
pains in preparing for the settlement in Carolina. A supply
of all kinds of necessary tools was collected. Good food was
provided for the voyage. Twelve Palatines were appointed
foremen among the people and the whole group was placed
under the supervision of three colonial officials bound for
Carolina, the Chief Justice, the Surveyor General, and the
Receiver General. When all arrangements had been made,
Graffenried had the Commissioners for the Settling of the
Palatines inspect the arrangements on the ships. Finally in
January, 1710, the Palatines sailed for America, 59 Graffenried
remaining in England to await the arrival of Michel with his
Swiss Anabaptists. Because of rough winds and storms, the
ships were driven off their course, and arrived in Virginia,
thirteen weeks later.

The Palatines were in poor condition. They were over-
crowded, which contributed to the sickness and death of many
on the voyage. They were unaccustomed to the salt food.
When they finally landed, many could not restrain themselves;
several died from drinking too much fresh water and overload-
ing themselves with raw fruits. Others died of fever. The band
had lost more than half its members before it was settled.60

58 C. C. iyo8-ijo(}, 471.

69 Trinity College Hist. Pub., IV, 66.

60 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., iz<y; N. C. Col. Rec, I, 909.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IO3

One ship, carrying the best of the supplies, was plundered at
the mouth of the James River by a French privateer.61 The
Palatine party was next transported 2.0 miles overland, and
then shipped across Albermarle Sound to the Neuse River.
Here Surveyor General Lawson placed them on the south side
of the point of land along the Trent River, in the very hottest
and most unhealthy locality — this, Lawson appears to have
done for his own advantage, as it was on his land or what he
later sold as his land62 — and there the Palatines lived until
fall, when GrafFenried arrived.

The Swiss portion of the settlement was meeting with
great difficulties. The first group left Bern on March 8, 1710.
A number of the group were men who had been imprisoned
for their Anabaptist beliefs. They were really being deported
to America. When they reached the Low Countries, the Dutch
intervened in favor of the victims of the religious persecution.
All of the prisoners were freed, but some of them continued
on their way.

Meanwhile, GrafFenried and Michel, on May 18, 1710,
signed the contract with Georg Ritter and Peter Isot, by
which they legally became members of the Bern Land Com-
pany.63 The enterprise was founded on the 17,000 acres actu-
ally purchased and 11 years' option on 100,000 acres. Permis-
sion was also given to take up land above the falls of the
Potomac, which would however, be held of the Crown, sub-
ject to the Governor of Virginia. The exact amount paid for
the land was 175 pounds. Aside from these land grants, the
Bern Company had mining rights in Carolina, Virginia,
Maryland and Pennsylvania. The stock of the company, con-
sisting of 7,2.00 pounds, was divided into twenty-four shares

61 C. C. 1710-1711, 114.

62 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 2.2.6.

63 This group had petitioned the British government on June 2.8, 1709,
for lands and financial aid to settle about 500 Swiss Protestants in Virginia.
C. C. 1708-1709, 398; P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 106. The contract is given in
full in Todd and Goebel, op. cit., xyi. et seq.

104 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

of 300 pounds each. No one person could hold more than one
share, but it was not all paid in. Michel was credited with a
share to pay him for his discoveries which he claimed to have
made and for the 1, 5 00 acres he had turned into the society.
One share was credited to Graffenried for his 5,000 acres
and his work with the Palatines; and Georg Ritter had a
share for expenses already incurred, which left only 6,300
pounds to be paid in. When the contract was signed, others
had not contributed their amounts, having until September,
171 1 to pay; hence it is impossible to determine how much
Graffenried had on hand to support himself and his colonists.
The report written months later (in May, 171 1) indicates a
shortage of 1,400 pounds which should have been raised in
some manner. Graffenried, at that time, had spent 1,2.2.8
pounds, a part or all of which he had borrowed. The shortage
of 1,400 pounds would have covered this and left a little
besides. It is very likely that the keeping of the contract would
have saved his colony.64

Graffenried and the Swiss arrived in Virginia on September
11, 1710,65 carrying a letter from the Queen to the governor of
Virginia. It would seem, too, that the more firmly established
colony of Virginia was expected to aid the new settlement
nearby. After paying his respects to the Virginia authorities,
Graffenried proceeded to the Palatine settlement on the Neuse
and Trent Rivers in North Carolina. He found his settlers in
misery and wretchedness almost indescribable. They had been
compelled to give their clothes and whatever else they pos-
sessed to neighboring settlers for food. Most of the colonists
were enfeebled by ill health. The aid promised Graffenried
and ordered by the Lords Proprietors was not forthcoming.

It seems that Graffenried against his inclination was forced
to take a hand in the political struggle raging in North
Carolina. In 1708, Edward Tynte had been appointed Governor

64 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 47.

65 Graffenried sailed from Newcastle early in July. Ibid., 7,66.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IO5

of South Carolina with instructions to deputize Edward
Hyde66 over the northern colony. Until Hyde should arrive,
Tynte left in charge Colonel Thomas Cary, a former South
Carolina merchant. Unfortunately for the affairs in North
Carolina, Tynte died during the summer of 1710 without
signing Hyde's commission and administering the oath. Cary,
in control of the government and its finances, refused to yield
it to Hyde.67 He also disregarded the instructions of the Pro-
prietors with regard to the Palatines. Graffenried was finally
forced openly to take Hyde's part.68

He had to use his credit to secure flour from Pennsylvania
and other supplies from Virginia. Having provided tempo-
rarily for his settlers, he busied himself with the planning of a
new town on the land originally designated. With the Sur-
veyor General and his clerk, Graffenried laid out broad streets
and houses well separated one from the other. Three acres of
land were marked for each family. The village was divided to
resemble a cross. In the center a lot was set aside for a church.
Meanwhile a good number of Palatines and Swiss began to
fell timber to build houses. Every family was given its own
plot of ground, so that they could clear it, build their cabins,
and prepare their soil for planting and sowing. The settlement
was occupied and soon took on the appearance of prosperity.
In eighteen months, Graffenried could boast that the Palatine
settlement had made more progress than the English inhabi-
tants had in four years. From a combination of the River name,
Neuse, and Bern, the home city of the Swiss, including Graffen-
ried and Michel, the settlement was named New Bern.69

Graffenried also had "a private and very exact treaty with
the Palatines, which was projected, examined and agreed
upon beforehand by the Royal Commission, too ample to be

66 This Edward Hyde should not be confused with Edward Hyde, Lord
Cornbury, one time Governor of New York.

67 C. C. 1J11-1J12, 33.

68 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 57, et seq.

69 Ibid., 71, 378.

io6

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

THE

WESTERN

O C EiiN

yf ^Vr o/6o3nty*h7>Ci{tfi

FACSIMILE
OFA MAP OF THE lmCABTTEJ^
PARTS OF N. CAROLINA

orf/tarcd by Ion Lavrson
SutrrvorOtneral of Af-C-

* 1V09

~fo ZO 3° *" f

Map of North Carolina, simplified and retouched to show the Palatine Settlement
at New Bern in 1710. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 107

inserted here more than in summary: ist, My colonists owed
me fidelity, obedience and respect, and I owed them protec-
tion, zd. I was to furnish each family for the first year a cow
and two swine and some utensils, reimbursement to be made
after 3 years. 3d. I was to give to each family 300 acres of land
and they were to give me for quit-rent two pence per acre,
and I on the other hand was to be responsible for the 6 pence
per 100 acres acknowledgment toward the Lords Proprie-
tors."70 This contract was feudal in character. All that was
needed was to make its provisions hereditary upon the de-
scendants of the settlers as the title of Landgrave was to be
hereditary for Graffenried. That the latter actually exercised
authority was evident, for he incurred the enmity of a Palatine
blacksmith by sentencing him to a day's log-sawing for using
foul language. Some of the Palatines rebelled and left the
settlement. Before they could be brought to terms, the
Tuscarora Indians made a serious attack on the white settle-
ment.

Despite Graffenried's fair treatment of the Indians, New
Bern was subject to Indian attacks in the war which suddenly
broke out in 171 1. Houses were burned, household furniture
destroyed, cattle were shot down and about seventy Palatines
were murdered and captured.71 Graffenried himself narrowly
escaped a horrible death, when he and Lawson, the Surveyor-
General, were captured. They were liberated temporarily, but
Lawson insisted on quarreling with one of the Indian chiefs.
As a result, they were both condemned to die. Graffenried
saved himself by claiming an exemption as "King of the
Palatines."72 His claim was allowed, but Lawson was tor-
tured to death. Before his release in October, Graffenried was
forced to arrange a treaty of neutrality for the Palatines in
case of war between the Tuscororas and the English.73 It came
too late however, for all the splendid promise of the settle-

70 Ibid. t 69.

71 N. C. Col. Rec, I, 9x7 et seq.; Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 82..

72 Ibid., I, 991. 73 Ibid.y I, 935.

108 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

merit was brought to naught by that first attack of the sav-
ages. The leaders of the settlement considered moving to
Virginia or Maryland. GrafTenried set out by water to get aid
from the governor of Virginia. A sloop was loaded there with
provisions and military supplies with the help of a prominent
colonist, Colonel Pollock, but the sloop never reached New
Bern, for due to carelessness it caught fire, resulting in the
total loss of the supplies. A larger sloop or brigantine was
sent after much delay.

The end of the Indian troubles brought the Germans little
relief. GrafTenried exercised one of the rights of a lord over his
dependent tenants and permitted the settlers to leave the
settlement for two years to work for the English planters. His
partner Michel duped him concerning the silver mines he had
supposedly found in Pennsylvania. Heavily in debt, Graffen-
ried's creditors, including Pollock, became impatient. His
slaves were taken and held for their master's debts and almost
penniless, his settlement in need, the mining project an
illusion, his partner faithless, GrafFenried retired to Virginia
on September 2.0, 1712.. There he remained until spring among
his friends, trying to get help. On Easter, April 16, 1713, he
began his return to England by way of New York. He reached
London about September 13th.74

In London, GrafFenried could obtain no help. Neither the
British government nor the Lords Proprietors were inclined
to risk any money. A disappointed GrafTenried could explain
it later only by the deaths of the Queen and the Duke of
Beaufort, one of the Carolina Proprietors, which had occurred
on August 1 st and July 2.5th respectively in 1714, while he
was in Bern.75 The party of miners, however, for whom
GrafTenried had arranged in 1709, were awaiting him in
London. Under J. Justin Albrecht some 40 miners had set out
from Germany with naive faith in the good fortune awaiting
them in America after securing passage there from London.

74 Ibid., II, 58. 75 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 94, Z57.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IO9

Graffenried had written to them from Carolina, relating the
all-too-evident uncertainties, among which was the fact that
no mines had yet been discovered. But he was himself so
wrapped in hope that he was ill-fitted to write counsels of
prudence; he had advised the chief miner and a few others to
come for a reconnaissance, if they felt disposed. Accordingly,
Albrecht had gathered his company together and had managed
to reach London.76

Hard pressed himself, Graffenried did the best he could for
the miners, who refused to turn back. Finally, he found two
merchants trading to Virginia, who agreed to advance the
transportation and subsistence of these Germans above what
they possessed, provided Governor Spotswood of Virginia
would accept them and pay the ship captain the amount due
him. As the governor had recommended Graffenried to a
Colonel Blankistore with regard to mines in that colony, this
recommendation was used to forward the arrangement. In
April, 1714, the miners arrived in Virginia, where they were
well received by Spotswood and founded the settlement of
Germanna on the Rapidan River, a branch of the Rappahan-
nock. For the governor they built and operated iron works
about 10 miles northeast of the present town of Fredericks-
burg.77

Graffenried remained in England only 4 or 5 weeks and
then began his journey home, reaching his family in Bern,
November n, 171 3 . The members of the Bern Company refused
to carry out the agreement. Graffenried was too poor to sue for
breach of contract. He tried but failed to interest others in the
project, and finally he had to abandon his colony.78

Before he departed from Carolina, Graffenried had assigned
the Palatines' land to Colonel Pollock as security for the loans
previously extended to him, though the land was probably

76 Ibid., 157.

77 Faust, op. cit., I, 178; William J. Hinke, "The First German Reformed
Colony in Virginia," in Jour. Presbyterian Hist. Soc. (Philadelphia, 1903), II.

78 Ibid., I, 94.

IIO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

worth only 1.00 pounds, while the debt amounted to 700
pounds. On February 10, 171 5, Pollock wrote in to Graffenried
at Bern, asking him to pay 700 pounds at London and keep the
title to the land he had taken up.79 Pollock wrote a severely
critical fashion but to no avail.80 In Graffenried's own account
of the failure the accusations are so universal as to raise the
presumption that he too was remiss. At least, he did not deal
fairly with the Palatines, who never secured titles to the land
they had taken up with him.

The Palatines at New Bern had in the meanwhile managed
to survive. On November 6, 1714, they petitioned the Council,
stating that they were unprovided with the lands, stock and
other necessaries promised them and that they were reduced to
great want and poverty by the Indian war. They asked that
they might be granted permission to take up 400 acres of land
for each family at the rate of 10 pounds per 1,000 acres, and be
allowed two years to pay for it.81 Nothing seems to have been
done. On March 2.9, 1743, tne Palatines at New Bern requested
titles for the land, but Cullen Pollock, the son of Thomas,
produced his father's patent and the Palatines' petition was
dismissed.82 In 1747, another petition was drawn up by the
Palatines. This was sent to the Privy Council Committee for
Plantation Affairs and at length, on March 16, 1748, the
government issued orders to Governor Johnston to give the
settlers the equivalent of the lands of which they had been
dispossessed in 1743, ^ree of quit-rent for 10 years. The colonial
assembly was to provide for the expenses of surveying and
granting the titles.83 This was done, and the Palatines were
moved to the frontier. Meanwhile other Germans had begun
to move into North Carolina from Pennsylvania following the
natural highway of the Great Appalachian valley. By 1750,
German immigrants had settled in the counties, Craven,
Jones, Onslow and Duplin.

79 N. C. Col. Rec, II, 166.

80 Todd and Goebel, op. cit., 97. 81 N. C. Col. Rec, II, 46.
82 Ibid., IV, 632. 83 Ibid., IV, 868, 873, 954, 967.

CHAPTER V. THE BRITISH NAVAL STORES PROBLEM
AND THE ORIGINS OF THE NEW YORK
SETTLEMENT SCHEME

About seven years before the 1709 Palatine immigration to
Jl\ England, the British authorities began to have serious
and continuous trouble with a foreign monopoly. This foreign
monopoly, established by the Crown of Sweden, controlled
the supply of naval stores, that is to say, tar and pitch. Naval
stores as a general term includes masts, and ship timber of all
kinds as well as tar, pitch, rosin and hemp, and even iron in
some of its manufacture. Here the term will be used partic-
ularly in referring to tar, pitch and other resinous products
of the pine tree.

England was well on her way to the undisputed empire of
the sea, which she held after the War of the Spanish Succes-
sion,1 and she was in serious need of a reliable supply of naval
stores. As there appeared to be no other source of supply for
them in sufficient quantities, the Swedes determined to make
the most of their advantage and charged exorbitant prices;
this was especially true in the first two periods of the Second
Hundred Years' War. During both the War of the League of
Augsburg (1 689-1 697) and the War of the Spanish Succession
(1702.-1713) Swedish tar not only rose to profiteering prices
but was obtainable only under other disadvantageous con-
ditions. A brief history of the Swedish Tar Company, or
Stockholm Tar Company as it was also known, is necessary
to the proper understanding of the British naval stores problem.
The first company was organized in 1654. Fourteen years
of complaints against its irregular proceedings by both Eng-
land and Holland followed. In 1668 bad management finally

1 A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History 1660-1783 (8th ed.,
Boston, 1894), n.4.

112. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

forced the first company's failure and the trade was open until
1671. The second company lasted only eight years. It was dis-
solved in 1680 by the Crown, for its inefficient service to
Sweden during the war with the Elector of Brandenburg.
Sweden at this time was allied with France in the second war
of conquest against Holland. The trade was once again free
until 1689 when another group of merchants with influence
at court secured the monopoly.2

Having intimated in its petition that foreigners were
enjoying the advantages of the trade in naval stores, the
Stockholm Company hit directly at the freight carriers par
excellence, the Dutch. It sold its commodities indifferently to
all nations except to Holland. To that country, the company
reserved for itself the right to export, and it sold there at such
high prices that the Dutch began to encourage the manufac-
ture of naval stores in Muscovy and Norway. The result was
a large quantity of Swedish tar, constantly on hand, which had
to be offered at reasonable prices.

The greatest objection of the contemporary English econo-
mists of the seventeenth century to the traffic in naval stores
was that most of this trade had been carried in the ship-
bottoms of other countries. Sir Josiah Child, in his famous
mercantilist work, The New Discourse on Trade,* devoted several
pages to a discussion of this phase of the Baltic trade. Two
hundred Baltic ships were coming to England and yet not one
English ship had been built for the Baltic trade between 165 1
and 1668. From 1697 to 1700 only half the Baltic trade was
carried in English bottoms, and in the case of Norway, "from
Michaelmas [September 2.9], 1691 to Mich'as 1696, there were
entered on the Customs House at London 1,070 foreign ships
from those parts and but 39 English."4

"P.R.O..C.O. 5/3, 37 ii.

3 Sir Josiah Child, New Discourse on Trade (1693 ed.), 83, 93, 94, 143, 157.
The first edition appeared in 1691.

4 R. G. Albion, Forests and Sea Power (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1916),
158. This is a scholarly treatment of the timber problem in supplying naval
stores for H. M. Royal Navy.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II3

The interest of the English in securing this trade then, was
in the freight as well as in the security of the naval stores
supply. Dr. Albion quotes an Englishman as saying, "Freight
is the most important raw material which we possess."5 One
writer expressed it, "Losing that trade was putting a number
of ships out of employment, and, consequently, paying our
neighbors for work, while our people were unemployed."6 In
addition to these considerations, about 1680, a duty of over
fifty per cent, had been laid on English woolens by Charles
XII and by 1700 English merchants had been virtually forced
out of the Swedish dominions by a series of harsh discrimi-
nations . Professor Cunningham puts ' ' the cart before the horse
when he states, "Eventually the Government adopted the
policy of looking to our plantations in North America for
the supplies of timber and naval stores, which were needed to
supplement British deficiencies, so that less care was taken to
foster the Baltic trade, while a decrease in the demand for
English cloth contributed to their decline."7 In reality, as
Professor Albion shows, the Baltic trade, having been closed
to the English merchants, brought the unfavorable state of
affairs to a head and resulted in decisive action to remedy
the situation.8

As a result of the Swedish tariff, England exported to
Sweden much less than she imported from there, the balance
of trade being unfavorable to her to the extent of more than
2.00,000 pounds annually.9 From 1697 to 1700, the average
adverse balance for England in the trade with Norway and
Denmark was 36,672. pounds; with the East Country, 154,539
pounds; and with Russia, 53,368 pounds.10 This situation, in

6 Ibid., 158.

6 Quoted by E. L. Lord, Industrial Experiments in the British Colonies of
North America (Baltimore, 1898), 56.

7 William Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce
(Cambridge, England, i5)i2.)> H> 2-3^-

8 Albion, op. cit., 159.

9 Osgood, op. cit., I, 495.

10 Macpherson, op. cit., II, 719.

114 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

an age controlled by principles of mercantilism, was con-
sidered highly undesirable.11 The Northern War (1700-17x1)
between Sweden and Russia moreover changed the situation
for the worse. The frequent Muscovite invasions of Finland,
where the best and largest quantity of naval stores had been
made, caused that province to fall very short in its deliveries.
The limited supply was reflected in the Swedish rise in prices.
The Tar Company's directors also seized the occasion not to
sell tar or pitch for England unless it was loaded in ships
belonging to them and at the freight rates demanded. In the
years 1701 and 1702., the English merchants engaged in that
trade were unable to secure the quantity needed by the Royal
Navy. It was learned, however, to the anger of the British
authorities, that France had received a quantity.12 No de-
ficiency was more embarrassing to England than this need of
naval stores which a rival power could and did withhold from
her at will.

Early in 1703, the directors of the Swedish Tar Company
announced that in the future they would not sell any more
naval stores at Stockholm, no matter who wanted them or
where they were to go. All tar and pitch was to be sent on the
company's account and was to be purchased from its factors
abroad. The commissioners of the British Navy sent many
complaining letters on the subject to the proper authorities,13
but protests and diplomatic representations failed to remove
the determination of the Swedish merchants to sell in London
only.14 Finding a satisfactory agreement was impossible, the
British envoy at Stockholm, Dr. Robinson, in 1703, suggested
the development of the resources of the colonies in these com-

11 Cunningham, op. cit., II, 580-1, says that mercantilism aimed pri-
marily at increasing relative national power through a process of maintain-
ing population and the development of English resources, colonial and
domestic, to make England self-sufficient.

»P. R. O..C. O. 5/3,37ii.
» P. R. O., C. O. 388/11,76.
"P. R. 0.,C. O. 5/3, 37 ii-

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II5

modities, even though it might cost a third more to bring
them across the ocean. This was in harmony with the prin-
ciples of mercantilism and had great weight in determining
the ministerial policy.15

The British government was not entirely ignorant of the
resources of America in these respects. The letters of Edward
Randolph, Surveyor General of Customs in America, sub-
sequent to 1 691, referred to the resources of the colonies in
general in pitch, tar, rosin and hemp, as well as in timber for
ships. In 1698, he had observed in New York "abundance of
tar brought down Hudson river to be sold at New York."16
Beginning about 1687, the growing interest in the possibility
of securing England's badly needed naval stores from her
American colonies had been apparent in the effort of a number
of merchants to secure charters of incorporation for their
production. Efforts were also made by individuals or associa-
tions of merchants who wished to undertake their importa-
tion under contract with the government. Sir Matthew Dudley
made a proposal of this kind in 1688 and again in 1702.. 17
Although the organization of a joint stock company was dis-
couraged by governmental requirements,18 the government
itself was not indifferent to the importance of imperial de-
velopment along these lines.19

The Treasury Board and others began to seek comparisons
between the cost of the continental supply and the probable

15 Osgood, op. cit., I, 495; Lord, op. cit., 57 et seq. See also the compre-
hensive Report of Board of Trade to the Queen (Feb. 14, 1710), C. C. ijio-
1711, 45 et seq. Justin Williams, State Teachers College, River Falls, Wiscon-
sin, has pointed out the influence of the crisis in 1701-1703 in determining
the bounty policy in his manuscript "English Mercantilism and Carolina
Naval Stores, 1705-1776," which it has been the author's privilege to read.

16 C. C. 1699, 106.

17 C. C. 1693-1696, 197; Osgood, op. cit., I, 497.

18 A statute of 1697 (8 and 9 William III, C. 10 and 32.) restricted the
number of stockholders in any company to 100 in order to limit speculation
in shares. The government itself in making contracts usually required
that security should be offered for the performance of the agreement.

19 C. C. 1606-1697, 53; Lord, op. cit., 19.

Il6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

cost of colonial naval stores. This was particularly true as
soon as the first colonial war was under way.20 Colonel
Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New York, reported in
August, 1693, that tar was produced there for 12. pounds per
last, that is, per 12. barrels. The Navy Board considered that
too high, since they usually contracted for it at the rate of
11 pounds, 12. shillings and 6 pence. They admitted, however,
that due to the "loss of three of the Years Tarr Ships and the
scarcity of it in Towne," they had to pay fully 13 pounds
per last. A report in the Navy Office for January 30, 1694,
showed that in 1693, pitch was 50%, tar 100%, and hemp
about 30% higher than before the war (1689). References
were also made during these years to the probable production
of naval stores in the colonies in general, and particularly to
the great resources of Carolina in this respect.21

On January n, 1694, the Privy Council ordered that notice
be given upon the Exchange that all proposals for the importa-
tion of naval stores from the colonies would be considered
with a view to give "all fitting encouragement to the under-
takers."22 Lists of specifications with blank columns for the
insertion of bids were sent out.23 The result of this activity
was the acceptance by the King's Council, March 19, 1694, of
a proposal made by Sir Henry Ashhurst and Sir Stephen
Evance, who agreed to import a ship-load of naval stores,
including timber from New England, provided the govern-
ment would pay on sight their bills for cost, interest and other
charges. They agreed to permit the King to make whatever
allowance for their profit he thought their pains and hazard
might deserve.24 A Navy Board invoice of June 10, 1696,
records the fulfillment of the contract.25

20 P. R. O., C. O. 324/5, 317, 331, 340; C. C. 1695-1696, 2.2.6, 143.

21 C. C. 1 695-1 696, 509, 511; Osgood, op. cit., I, 496; Lord, op. cit., 5.

22 P. R. O., C. O. 3x4/5, 319; C. C. 1695-1696, 241.
"P. R.O.,C. 0.314/5,339.

2<P. R. 0.,C. 0.314/5,340, 361.
25 P. R. O., C. O. 314/8, M2..

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II7

In that year, at the instigation of the New England
colonial agents, the Navy Board sent John Bridger and two
others (William Partridge and Benjamin Jackson) to investi-
gate the possibilities of production of ship timber and to
instruct the colonists in the making of tar and pitch.26 The
commissioners were not very well qualified; Bridger, an
English ship-builder, had had considerable experience and
was probably the best-fitted of the three.27 The New Hamp-
shire assembly was induced to urge the inhabitants to sow
hemp as a test of the capacity of their soil to yield that prod-
uct, but the results were disappointing.28

The three commissioners inspected the woods of New
England to some extent and experimented with the Finnish
method of making tar. Bridger was hopeful enough to state
that he could supply the demand of England for these com-
modities from that section, but his colleague, William Par-
tridge, called attention to the scarcity of labor and resultant
high wages as serious obstacles to the enterprise.29 In their
report of their survey of New England with a view to the
production of naval stores, Partridge and Jackson in 1699
proposed that the government send over at its expense "a
sufficient number of poor families to settle in compact towns
in convenient places and that they be encouraged, by giving
them small lots of land as aforesaid, who on account of their
being transported at the King's charge, may be obliged to
attend the service in the woods at a reasonable rate. For
doubtless there are many poor families in England, that would
be willing to come upon such terms, not being able to trans-

26 Acts of Privy Council Col. 1680-1720, 303; C. C. 1697-1698, 537. A Mr.
Furzer was also sent but he died in Barbados on the way over. C. C. 1697-
1698, 141.

27 Osgood, op. cit., I, 499.

28 C. C. 1699, 9.

29 Ibid., 10, 418, 449; C. C. 1700, 71. When the Board of Trade was recon-
stituted in 1697, "the obtaining of naval stores from the Plantations [was]
particularly committed to their attention." C. C. 1696-1697, 541.

Il8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

port themselves.' They recommended this for several reasons.
First, the people of New England were not to be diverted from
their modes of livelihood to which they had been long
accustomed. Then too, the French, making encroachments
on New England, were now claiming land to the Kennebec
River, the best part of which was most fit for naval stores.
It was pointed out that these lands on the Kennebec River
were the best in the province for the production of naval
stores and the commissioners could "see no reason to doubt"
but that the government "may be well supplied and from
hence with those commodies [rosin, pitch and tar] in a very
short time as with timber."30 Jackson had gone so far in a
previous letter as to suggest that there was a "design to
supply the French King with naval stores" from that region.31

The specimens of tar and pitch sent to England by the
commissioners were pronounced inferior by the dockyard
officers,32 but Lord Bellomont, then Governor of New York,
and the Board of Trade were of the opinion that the dockyard
officials were merely unduly prejudiced against products from
a new source.33 The Navy Board's criticism of the quality and
crude methods of production of naval stores was severe and
certainly unfavorable to the policy of encouraging their im-
portation.34 Incidentally the Board probably secured more
profit for themselves by allotting contracts to private parties.35
Indeed in 171 1 , the Commissioner of Accounts discovered some
frauds in supplying the Navy with naval stores.36

Bridger had an enthusiastic ally in Richard Coote, Earl
of Bellomont. Bellomont had dwelt in his letters from New
York to the Board of Trade on the resources of the colonies in

30 P. R. O., C. O. 5/908, 2.13 et seq.

31 P. R. O., C. O. 5/860, 41; C. C. 1697-1698, 537.

32 C. C. 1700, 66.

33 Ibid., 566, 68x.

34 Osgood, op. cit., I, 50i; Albion, op. cit., t-Q, 151.

35 Albion, op. cit., t^j.

36 Gibson, Memoirs of Queen Anne (London, 172.9), 101.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION II 9

general, in timber and other materials for naval stores.37 Real-
izing that the chief obstacles were labor supply and high
wages, he proposed the employing of independent companies
of soldiers, increased to 1,000 men. Additional pay, with land
grants and a small subsidy at the end of seven years, would,
he thought, be sufficient inducement and would result in pro-
tection for the frontier.38 As no one in authority would
assume the responsibility for expending the money required,
this particular scheme came to naught.39 While Bellomont's
plan was not considered favorably, the Colonial State Papers
show that his letters aroused among the officials a general
interest in the subject of colonial naval stores. Between the
offices there were numerous exchanges of views on this subject
during the few years which followed 1700, and these included
many references to the letters of the New York governor.40 On
October, 4, 1700, the Board of Trade made a representation on
naval stores to the Privy Council, largely based on Bello-
mont's letters. Other merchants came forward with proposals
to import naval stores from the plantations for the Royal
Navy.41 The commissioners for executing the office of Lord
High Admiral reported favoring the encouragement of several
proposals "without exclusion to others who shall desire to
follow the like trade."42 Indeed, it appears that other forces
were working in the same direction to encourage colonial
production of naval stores. These were the prospects of another
war with France shortly and the monopolistic attitude of the
Stockholm Tar Company previously described.

Late in 1702. Bridger sent to England a quantity of hemp
and tar which had been produced in New England under his
supervision. On February 18, 1703, the officers of the rope-

37 N. Y. Col. Docs., IV, 501, 587, 707; C. C. 1699, -l^j particularly.

38 Osgood, op. cit., I, 503.

39 C. C. 1697-1698, viii.

40 Osgood, op. cit., I, 503.

41 P. R. O., C. O. 3x4/8, 2.71-178.
"P.R.O..C. O.314/5, 335.

I2.0 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

yard at Woolwich certified to the quality of these samples
In the same year Thomas Byfield and several associates, who
had been in a joint stock company in general trade with
Pennsylvania, petitioned for a charter to enable them to
import naval stores from Carolina. It was already known that
large quantities of pitch and tar were procurable from that
region. The law officers and customs board suggested restric-
tions which were not acceptable to Byfield and his partners,
and so the project failed.44

During the later months of 1703 under orders from Sir
Charles Hedges, one of the principal Secretaries of State, the
Board of Trade considered prices at which naval stores could
be imported from America and the amount procurable. It had
before it proposals to furnish colonial naval stores for the
government by Sir Matthew Dudley, Thomas Byfield, John
Bridger and others. But since the petitioners balked at pro-
viding security for the carrying out of their contracts or re-
quired governmental financing as well as a grant of monopoly,
the Board decided that the plantations could not furnish all
that was needed, and proposed instead that a bounty be given
to off-set the high freight.45 Accordingly in 1704, when the
Stockholm Tar Company was enforcing its most obnoxious
commercial restrictions against the English, the growing dis-
content with the unfavorable Baltic balance of trade and the
precarious dependence on the Northern Crowns found expres-
sion in "An Act for encouraging the Importation of Naval
Stores from America.' Bounties of 4 pounds per ton for tar
and pitch, 3 pounds per ton for "Rosin or Turpentine," 6
pounds per ton for hemp were offered and the Navy was to
have preemption of all such articles within twenty days of
their arrival in England.46 This act, put into force in 1705, also

43 P. R. O., C. O. 314/8, 176.

44 Osgood, op. cit., I, 505; C. C. 1J04-1JOJ, 393.

45 P. R. O., C. O. 5/3, 137, 145; C. O. 32.4/8' 278; Lord, op. cit., 60 et seq.

46 Albion, op. cit., 150; Osgood, op. cit., I, 506.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 2.1

forebade the cutting of small "Pitch Pine and Tar trees, not
being within any Fence or actual Inclosure, under the growth
of twelve inches Diameter."47

Definitely, then, the policy had become one of active and
direct governmental subsidy. The reasons given in the pre-
amble of the act are enlightening. It states that the colonies
were protected with the design of being useful to England.
The manufacture of naval stores, if encouraged, would employ
and increase English shipping, and the naval stores could be
exchanged for woolen and other manufactures from England.
This exchange would relieve England of purchasing naval
stores from foreign countries wich money or bullion.48 The
system of bounties was devised to serve a threefold purpose.
The development of the outlying parts of the empire would
free the mother kingdom from a dangerous dependence upon
foreign countries; the energies of the colonists absorbed
in producing raw materials would be safely diverted from
manufactures;49 and the Baltic lands would lose a monopoly
which enabled them to exploit the market. Mercantilism
permeates the policy.

It is also evident that in the early eighteenth century the
woolen interests were the interest of the dominant group.
Their protection is carefully and continuously provided for.
For example, the Board of Trade in its report to the Queen
upon the Swedish pitch and tar monopoly on February 14,
1710, recommended the encouragement of naval manufactures
in the colonies for the further reason of its "good effect in
drawing off your Majesty's subjects inhabiting the Plantations
from woollen, linen, and other manufactures."50 The protec-
tion of the woolen interests appears repeatedly. On May Z9,

47 3 and 4 Anne, C. 10.

48 Albion, op. cit., Appendix A, also contains this preamble.

49 An excellent discussion of the manufacturing problem in the northern
colonies is Curtis Nettels, "The Menace of Colonial Manufacturing, 1690-
17x0," in The New England Quarterly (April, 193 1), IV, i^o.

50 C. C. ijio-ijii, 48.

12.2. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

1705, the Privy Council considered a report of the Board of
Trade which claimed that woolen goods of all sorts from
England could find a colonial market "in as much as those
people have been induced by proper encouragements to desist
from carrying on and working that manufacture in America,
and in lieu thereof have applied themselves to the produce of
pitch, tar and other naval stores, of which considerable
quantities are now arrived, in barter whereof the woollen
manufactures of England will be readily accepted of."51 A
report of the customs officials to the Lord High Treasurer, on
January 7, 1707, intimated optimistically "they understood
that since the inhabitants of New England had applied them-
selves to the produce of naval stores, the woollen manufacture
was greatly interrupted and it would in all probability be
wholly left off."52 They also stated that if the premium were
not interrupted, all sorts of naval stores would be imported
from New England equal to the best imported from Sweden
and Norway.

Caleb Heathcote, a colonial merchant and a member of the
New York Council, wrote in 1709 to the Board of Trade, re-
ferring to former urgent correspondence, "my proposal was
to divert the Americans from going on with their linen and
woolen manufactories ... so far advanced . . . that three-
fourths of the linen and woolen, especially of the coarser sort
they use, is made among them."53 His apprehension probably
led him into some exaggeration. These reports of colonial
manufacturing, however, stimulated the Board of Trade to
consider some means of providing the northern colonies with
a staple, comparable to tobacco and rice in the southern
colonies.

In 1705 Bridger was appointed Surveyor of Woods in the
colonies. His commission stated that, "we are desirous that our

51 Acts Privy Council Col. Unbound Papers, 47.
62 Cal. Treas. Papers ij 02-1 joy, 48x.

53 Dixon Ryan Fox, Caleb Heathcote (New York, 1916), 155; P. R. O.,
C. O. 5/1050, 74, 537.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION I2.3

Dominions be furnished with pitch, tar and hemp and other
naval stores from the Plantations, and applications [have]
been made to us by divers merchants and traders to the
Plantations that a person expert in the producing and fabri-
cating such stores should be sent to those parts. . . . "54
Bridger took up the work in New England, and there inaugu-
rated the "Broad Arrow" policy.55 He proceeded to his task
with a great deal of vigor and for the next few years the Board
of Trade had many complaints and reports from the zealous
government official.56 Several reports are especially note-
worthy. Bridger wrote on March 9, 1708, "I last summer got
the government to print directions and have been in most
parts that make tarr in this Province, and have instructed and
encouraged them to making of Tarr . . . But they want an
example, saying let us see you do what you have directed, and
if we see that answers, then we will proceed." On the 13th
he further wrote, ' 'New York I know and upon Hudson River
there is pitch pine enough to supply England with tar."57 On
July 6th Bridger was "well assured that at New Yorke there
would be great quantitys of tar made there, if I was there to
instruct them."58

In this atmosphere of official encouragement toward the
colonial naval stores industry, the small company of 55
immigrants, led by Kocherthal, were sent to New York with
the newly-appointed Governor Lovelace, as authorized by the
Order in Council, to manufacture naval stores and protect the
frontier.59 Neither preparations nor plans for the manufacture
of naval stores were made for this group. These settlers were
rather the recipients of a gracious government charity. What

54 C. C. 1704-170;, 731.

55 The "Broad Arrow" was the system of marking trees as reserved for
the use of the Royal Navy.

56 C. C. 1706-1708, 1708-1709, passim.
' 57 Ibid., 698, 704.

58 C. C. 1708-1709, 10.

59 Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 37; Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1J20, 553.

1 2_4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

was the immediate origin then of the government settlement
project in which a large part of the 1709 immigration engaged?

On February 2.7, 1705, John Chamberlayne, agent for the
Massachusetts Bay Colony, and Secretary of the Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel, sent to Charles Montagu, Lord
Halifax, prominent Whig politician and financier,60 an inter-
esting proposal from an anonymous friend. It suggested "as
an addition and advantage to the Crown of England, That a
Colony of Scotchmen may be permitted to take and settle the
territory of Canada on such terms as may be honourable for
the Crown and Encouraging for the Scotch to undertake such
a design." It further proposed that this settlement enter into
terms with the British government to supply it with naval
stores.61

The following quotations from the manuscript give an
excellent idea of the conditions which called forth the pro-
posal. "If her Majestie, The parliament of England, and the
Gentlemen Comrs for providing Stores for the Navy were
Sensible of the great advantage it would bee to the Crown to
take and Settle Nova Scotia and Le Acada with a Colony of
Suitable people whose Buiseness should be to provide Stores,
it is very probably that the Navie of England might in a little
time have large Stores from thence upon Reasonable Terms,
which may be provided with the Manufactury of England
and spare the vast Sums of Ready money which they are forced
to disburse to foreigners for the supply of her Majesties
Navie .... Naval Stores may be provided by English Manu-
factures and English Shipping, whereas they are now bought
from Sweden, Norway, etc. with money and in foreigne
ships . . . the Queens Navy may be furnisht from her own
plantations in Time of Warr, when a Dependence upon
foreigne States for Stores would bee precarious.'

60 G. F. Russel Barker, "Charles Montagu," in Dictionary of National
Biography (London, 1894), XXXVIII, 1.1.1.

61 B. M., Egerton MSS. 92.9, 90 et seq.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 2. 5

In the last statement of the proposal the anonymous pro-
poser seems to foretell the government policy, which found
expression in the Canadian expeditions of 1709 and 171 1.62 He
wrote that "the New England Plantations cannot be effec-
tually Secured till the French are dispossest of Nova Scotia,
Le Cada and Canada either by force or by Treaty of peace.'
The paper, which was endorsed "Proposals for a supply of
Naval Store from America," was left in the possession of
Halifax and apparently remained fresh in his mind. For
directly subjoined to the original proposal is another one
without date or signature, but in the writing of Lord Halifax. 63
This document is endorsed at its conclusion, "Proposal for a
colony on Kenebeck River," the same location Partridge and
Jackson had recommended so highly as a possible source for
naval stores. The occasion for his lordship's proposal appar-
ently was the 1709 Palatine immigration,64 for the formation
of a society "for Encouragine and Employing the poor
Palatines" was planned. Although no record in the Board of
Trade papers indicates its presentation, it may well be that
the settlement plan for the manufacture of naval stores was
passed on to Sunderland, the Secretary of State, and another
prominent Whig. This theory is reasonable, since such a
prominent personage as Halifax, a member of the Whig Junto
in the time of William III, would be unlikely to work through
the ordinary channels of government procedure.

That the plan was seriously considered by Halifax is
indicated by the corrections and additions also in his hand-
writing. The plan was for a private venture into the manufac-
ture of naval stores with some very interesting features. All

62 See William Thomas Morgan, "Some Attempts at Imperial Co-opera-
tion during the Reign of Queen Anne," in Trans. Royal Hist. Soc, 4th series
(London, 192.7), X, 171-194.

63 B. M., Egerton MSS. 92.9, 96; B. M., Add. MSS. 18055, 316.

64 Halifax was one of the Commissioners for Receiving and Disposing of
the money to be collected for the subsistence and settlement of the poor
Palatines, Boyer, Annals, Appendix III, 40.

12.6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

persons investing money were to have an allowance of 8 per
cent per annum interest. The Palatines, who would be invest-
ing their labor, were to have credit given to them propor-
tionable to their ability to work at the rate of 3 shillings per
day for an able man. But out of this allowance was to be
taken all provisions and necessaries furnished to them. The
governor and all other officers belonging to this colony were
to be chosen by the members of the society, the votes being
proportionable to their holdings of stock. For the more
orderly government of the Palatines and for the more easy
adjusting of their accounts, the Palatines were to divide them-
selves into several groups. The chiefs of these groups were to
have credit in the books of the company for those under their
care, and were to account for them.65

For the encouragement of the undertaking the British
government was to contract to buy all naval stores that the
Society would deliver for seven years, at such rates and prices
to be agreed upon with the Lord Treasurer after the next
session of Parliament. A very interesting feature was the pro-
vision for division of profits. Those arising from the sale of
naval stores, cultivating the land, improving the fishery, or
any other way, were to be divided annually among the
members of the Society in proportion to their stock, acquired
by money or labor. This scheme which appears to be so equi-
table in its treatment of capital and labor, at least in theory,
was passed by for a public venture into industry. The plan
seems to have foundered on the provision, "That Her Majesty
do advance a sum of money by way of Imprest for such stores
as they shall deliver.' The Ministry probably felt too that
were any profits to accrue from the Palatines, such money
should go toward repaying the heavy expense defrayed by the
government in the transportation and subsistence of those
people.

65 Several features of this plan were taken over and adapted for the
government project to manufacture naval stores, described in chapters VI
and VII.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 1TJ

At any rate, among the various expedients suggested in the
Board of Trade sessions on the subject of the Palatines, the
German ministers said that many were of the same country as
those gone to New York with Lord Lovelace and had ex-
pressed a desire of being transported there.66 On August 14th
the members of the Board, with the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer among them, considered the settling of some Palatines
upon the Hudson River in New York, and agreeing, sent two
representatives to the Lord High Treasurer.67

The first of these representations of August 30th was con-
cerned with the plans to settle Palatines in Jamaica, but the
second was an alternative suggestion that should the Jamaica
plan be considered too expensive, then the Palatines might be
sent to New York. They declared, "If it be thought advisable
that these poor people or any part of them be settled on the
Continent of America, We are of opinion that such settlement,
especially if made at H. M. charge should be in Provinces
under H. M. immediate government, and we know no place
so proper as Hudson's River on the Frontier of New York.
The Board proposed the same easy conditions as were accorded
the Palatines under Governor Lovelace in 1708. Indeed, the
Board suggested further that the Palatines might encourage
vine husbandry in Virginia.68 However, during most of the
time from July 30th to November 10th the Board of Trade con-
cerned itself exclusively with the consideration of Jamaica as
the better possibility.

But the Commissioners for managing the affairs of the
Palatines (appointed as related in Chapter III) had been receiv-
ing and sifting many proposals for the settlement of these
Germans. As the members of the Ministry were members of
the Commission, that body really exercised through them a
great deal of authority. So it is with little surprise that we find

66 B. T. Jour. 1J08-1714, 2.6.

67 Ibid., 65, 72..

68 C. C. 1J08-1709, 45Z; Eccles. Rec. Ill, 1796.

12.8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

that on November 4th Sunderland's secretary notified the
Commissioners of Transport to prepare two men-of-war as
convoy for 3,000 Palatines to be sent to New York. The Com-
missioners for managing the affairs of the Palatines had al-
ready entered into a contract with several merchants for
transportation of that large group of emigrants.69 The war-
ships were to be ready by December 15 th and orders were
issued to Sir John Norris in command of the convoy to "take
care of the ships with the Palatines as far as his and their way
shall lie together."70

Meanwhile the Board of Trade was informed of the action
taken. On November 11, 1709, it received a letter from Mr.
Pringle, Sunderland's secretary, enclosing a letter "from the
Earl of Sunderland to the President of the Council of New
York, about making provision for the Palatines that are to
be sent thither, desiring the said letter may be sent by the
first opportunity, which was done."71 Sunderland's letter of
November 10th informed the President of the Council of
New York that 3,000 of the Palatines were to be sent to New
York within a month and reassured him that the expenses of
the settlement would be taken care of in England.72 On
November 2.9, 1709, Sunderland referred to the Board of Trade
for consideration a proposal from Colonel Robert Hunter,
who had just been appointed to the governorship of New York
and New Jersey on September 9th,73 relating to the settlement

69 P. R. O., Adm. 1/4093, 137.

70 P. R. O., Adm. 1/431, 518, 519.

71 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 88, also 89. In regard to Pringle, see Luttrell,
op. cit., VI, 391. The authorization for this project was the Order in Council
of July 2.9, 1707 issued with reference to the Palatines led by Kocherthal.
Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1J20, 553.

72 C. C. 1708-1709, 515; Eccles. Rec, III, 1808.

73 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 147; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 91; C. C. 1708-1709,
463; Acts Privy Council Col. 168 0-1720, 801. For information on Hunter's life
consult C. H. Manners, "Robert Hunter," in Dictionary National Biography
(New York, 1891), LXIII, and R. L. Beyer, "Robert Hunter Royal Governor
of New York; a Study in Colonial Administration," a manuscript disserta-
tion at the University of Iowa (1919).

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

I2.9

Portrait of Charles Spencer, Earl of Sunderland. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-
German Society.

of some Palatines at New York. Sunderland requested swift
action.74 As Governor-elect, Hunter had attended a Board
meeting with Mr. Champante, New York's colonial agent,
just one week before Sunderland's letter to the Board of
November 19th. Curiously enough, nothing was then said of
his proposal.75 If Hunter had such a proposal, why was it not
made at that time? Sunderland had decided on New York at

74 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 98.

75 Ibid. , 93 .

I30 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

least by the 4th of November, and so on the X9th he intro-
duced "Hunter's" proposal to the Board. Sunderland probably
evolved the scheme from previous suggestions and then used
Hunter to sponsor it.

Color is lent to this belief by Hunter's statements on the
30th, "Having Received orders to lay before your Lordships
what I had to offer in relation to the 3,000 Palatines to be sent
to New York, and the imploying of them there: — it being
now resolved that these people shall be Imployed in Naval
Stores, and good assurances had of a Fond requisite for setting
of them to work that way. . . ."76 Significantly he also stated,
"Kenebeck River in the northern part of New England is
beyond all dispute the most proper place for that purpose.
. . . "77 The plan of Lord Halifax for a private society to manu-
facture naval stores was endorsed "Proposal for a colony on
Kenebeck River.' There is a strong presumption that this was
the origin of the plan for a settlement to manufacture naval
stores under governmental operation. The Board of Trade
occupied itself solely with "Hunter's" proposal and in three
days had approved the proposition as outlined by him, and
was returning the same to Sunderland in a report.78 This was
remarkable speed for that time and organization.79

Colonel Hunter feared that the Palatines might leave the
naval stores project or be decoyed into the proprietary
colonies. He therefore requested that the Palatines be placed
under contract. On December 2.0, 1709, the Board of Trade
received, "A letter from the Earl of Sunderland of yesterday's

76 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 112.; DuPre, Hunter's commissary, in 1711, said,
"Colonel Hunter being upon his departure for his Government did readily
engage in a design to carry and settle at New York . . . ," B. M., Harleian

MSS. 70x1, X79.

77 C. C. iyo8-iyo(), 538.

78 B. T. Jour. 1J08-1J14, 98; C. C. 1708-1709, 550.

79 H. E. Egerton, Short History of British Colonial Policy (London, 1897),
116, gives a good brief account of the poor organization. He calls the re-
sults "motion without progress."

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 131

date, signifying her Majesty's pleasure that this Board do
advise with Mr. Attorney General about drawing up an instru-
ment to be signed by the Palatines to be sent to New York
with Colonel Hunter, for holding them to the terms proposed
by the representation of this Board of the 5th instant.'
Colonel Hunter was present and presented the draught of such
an instrument. The Board did as it was ordered.80

In regard to the Palatine contract, the Ministry evidently
felt it must protect itself against the threatening attack of the
Tory opposition. Bellomont's scheme for manufacturing naval
stores by soldier labor had largely failed because no one
would assume the responsibility for paying their passage to
New York. The solution of this difficulty was found in
Hunter's proposal for the Palatine manufacture of naval stores
in New York and the application of the proceeds to the reim-
bursement of the government for the passage, etc. The plan
was in the nature of an indenture, making the Palatines
indentured servants until they had repaid the government. The
government was to direct this work for repayment and no
time limit for the required service was set. In this respect the
contract was most unfair; certain it is that none of the other
Palatine groups were treated in this manner. By its terms the
Palatines could have been kept in perpetual serfdom,81 by
simply charging more for expenses than the naval stores
profits could repay.

In this fashion the British authorities embarked on a
venture in government manufacture, similar to the manujac-
tures toy ales of France for the production of cannon, arms and
other articles. Most of the French governmental industries
produced luxury goods, such as lace, tapestry, paper, glass-
ware, etc., for the use of the court at Versailles.82 But in
England the greatest reliance of the government for industrial

80 B. T. Jour. 1J08-1J14, 106; C. C. ijo8-ijo(), 560 et seq.

81 See the contract, N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 111; P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 144.

82 Heckscher, op. cit., 188, 191.

132. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

and commercial ventures was the private company.83 If this
governmental industry for the production of naval stores in
New York had succeeded, the English might well have fol-
lowed the example set by the French.84 This is not assuming
that the economic development of the last two hundred years
would have been different, for it is difficult to believe that the
age of laissez-faire coming in the closing decades of the
eighteenth century could have been resisted. Rather, a robust
group of government industries might have hampered its
whole-hearted acceptance.

The choice of the colony itself was not a bad one, for the
New York frontier was woefully weak and a strategic thrust
by the French would have cut the English colonies into two.
The settlers at Albany had been slightly diminished by the
raids of King William's War and worst of all the Five Nations
of Indians, which formed the great bulwark against the
French, had been reduced from z,8oo to 1,32.1 fighting men.85
Of this number, the Senecas, who numbered about half, were
said to be in the interest of the French.86 The French were
aware of the point of weakness. Frontenac, governor of
Canada in 1697, wrote that the "capture of New York would

83 Ibid., p. 1.2.1. Heckscher points out the total absence among the English
of industrial establishments similar to the French. The Palatine naval stores
industry was an exception to his generalization. For the English reliance on
joint-stock companies, see W. R. Scott, Constitutions and Finances of English,
Scottish and Irish Joint-stock Companies to 1720 (Cambridge, England, i9i2.)>
III, passim.

84 A similar proposal for the establishment of a royal town to be called
Augusta and to be settled by the some 500 families for the manufacture
of naval stores was made by Thomas Coran in 1713 and approved by the
Board of Trade. C. C. 1712-1714, 22.2.; Miss E. L. Lord discusses the proposal,
op. cit., 51 et sea.

85 C. C. 1697-1698, xi, 381, not 387 as noted on page xi; N. Y. Col. Docs.,
Ill, 817; W. T. Morgan, "The Five Nations and Queen Anne," in Mississippi
Valley Historical Review (1916), XIII, 173 et seq.; A. H. Buffinton, "Albany
Policy and Westward Extension," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review
(1911), VIII, 348.

86 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-5, CLXXVI; N. Y. H. S., Hawks Trans., I,
2.2.8; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 174.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION I33

contribute much more to the security of his colony . . . [and]
would be much more easily effected than the capture of
Boston. . . ,"87 The New York frontier had not been materially
strengthened by 1709. 88

The projected settlement to manufacture naval stores under
government operation was a logical culmination of two press-
ing difficulties or problems. The naval stores problem as out-
lined immediately above could be solved by manufacturing in
the colonies, if cheap labor could be provided. In 1709 the
government was urgently looking for means to employ the
Palatines who were encamped round about London at heavy
expense to the government. The settlement appeared to be an
answer to both problems. The scheme itself grew out of a plan,
which was originally made for a settlement of Scots, and then
revised for a stock company. The Ministry preferred to have
the government attempt to regain some of this expenditure in
behalf of the Palatines, especially since even under private
operations subsidies were demanded. An added incentive was
the need for the development in the northern colonies of a
staple desirable to England to pay for more English manu-
factures, for at the turn of the century New York exported to
England only 2.7,567 pounds worth of goods to 356,0x4 pounds
worth for Barbados.89 Indeed, a most illuminating recent study
emphasizes this reason as the decisive consideration in moti-
vating the naval stores policy.90 Also the New York frontier

P. F. X. de Charlevoix, History of New France (London, 1901, J. G.
Shea, trans.), V, 70; See also Morgan, "Five Nations," in loc. cit., 169, et seq.

88 Peter Wraxall, Abridgment of Indian Affairs (Cambridge, Massachusetts,
1915, C. H. Mcllwain, ed.), 61 et seq.; C. C. 1J08-1J09, 316.

89 H. S. P., B. T. Plant. General, IX, 39. Also see N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 616.

90 C. P. Nettels, The Money Supply of the American Colonies before ijzo
(Madison, Wisconsin, 1934), 155, 156. Chapter V is particularly effective in
its treatment of colonial naval stores as a colonial return for English manu-
factures. Professor Nettels corrects Beer's interpretation of English policy
as mainly concerned with the colonies as a source of raw materials, empha-
sized instead the prime consideration of markets for English goods. English
mercantilism wanted the colonies, as Professor Nettels puts it, to buy English
goods, paying with products the English needed, and using English shipping.

134 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

had to be strengthened, and too, the colonial authorities were
not averse to the Royal colony becoming more profitable.
These factors led to the diversion of the Palatines who had
emigrated with the intention of settling in Pennsylvania or
Carolina.

On January n, 1710, the Board of Trade received Sunder-
land's letter inclosing the Queen's approval of the proposal to
settle the Palatines in New York.91 On the 2.6th additional in-
structions, relating to the Palatine settlement, were sent to
Colonel Hunter.92 Preparations were rapidly pushed forward,
though much more slowly than Governor Hunter anticipated,
for as will presently appear he did not sail as early in 1710 as
he had expected.

91 B. T. Jour. 17 08-17 14, in.

92 C. C. 1710-1711, 13; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 160; P. R. O., C. O. 5/1x31, 3.

CHAPTER VI. A GOVERNMENT REDEMPTIONER

SYSTEM

The preparations for the largest single emigration to
America in the colonial period1 were pushed forward with
all possible speed. As related in the preceding chapter, Colonel
Hunter personally gave the Board of Trade an account of the
New York naval stores proposal on November 30th. At the
same time he suggested the various requisites for the settle-
ment. Four persons sufficiently instructed in the methods of
making naval stores were to be sent along to teach the trade
and supervise the work. Commissaries, clerks of stores, and
other officers with sufficient funds would be needed. A
number of cauldrons and other tar-making necessaries would
have to be supplied in England.

As the housing situation in New York appeared to be very
uncertain and some time would elapse before the Palatines
could build huts for themselves, it was suggested that at least
600 tents be sent. Since the prople were "to be planted on the
Frontiers it will be absolutely necessary they be armed with
600 Firelocks & Bayonetts at least, from Her Majesty's Stores
here, and a proportionable quantity of powder and shott
. . . . "2 A quantity of hemp seed was also to be taken along to
provide immediate work in its sowing.

The next day, December 1st, Hunter again appeared before
the Board with several problems on the proposed settlement.
On what lands were the Palatines to be planted? In what
manner were the lands to be granted to them, and in what
proportions and under what reservations? Would it not be
advisable that the Palatines "be servants to the Crown for a

1 Karl Frederick Geiser, Redemptioners and Indentured Servants in the Colony
and Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (New Haven, 1901), 1.^.

2 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 113.

136 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

certain Term, or at least 'till they have repaid the Expences
the Crown is at in setting them to work, and subsisting
them. . ?"3 The governor estimated that twelve iron kettles,
twelve ladles and tunnels to each kettle, would be sufficient for
the tar-making. As for instructors in the trade, he remarked,
'There being no great Mystery in these manufactures, I believe
Mr. Bridger with such as he can bring along with him, if
ordered will be sufficient to instruct them. ' " The plan in simple
form provided that the government was to transport and settle
the Palatines in New York at its own expense. The Palatines
were to make naval stores for the government in return for the
money spent in their behalf.

In their report of December 5th on Hunter's proposal, the
Board of Trade appeared very optimistic. They observed,
"that one man may make by his own labour six tunns4 of these
[naval] Stores in a Year; and we have been informed that a
number of men assisting each other may in proportion make
double that quantity; so that supposing 600 men be imployed
in this work, they make produce 7000 Tuns of these goods a
year, and if in time a greater quantity should be made there,
than shall be consumed in your Majesty's Dominions, We hope
the overplus may turn to a very beneficial Trade with Spain
& Portugal."5

They expected the government premium of four pounds
per ton of tar imported from the colonies would cover the
freight charge. The Commissioners sent over by the Navy
Board in 1696 had reported that tar could be secured in New
England at five pounds a ton. The Board therefore held that
the tar to be manufactured by the Palatines might be sold as
cheaply as that from the northern countries. Nevertheless,
they concluded, "should the American Tarr be something
Dearer, Yet it is the Interest of this Kingdom to have the same
paid for in Woollen and other Manufactures from hence;

3 Ibid., 114; C. C. 1J08-1709, 540.

4 A tun contained eight barrels.

5 Doc. Hist., Ill, 640.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 37

whereas that from the Northern Crowns is bought with ready
money.' The Board of Trade proposed that Mr. Bridger,
Surveyor-General of Her Majesty's woods in America and at
that time in New England for a period of four years, be ordered
to repair to New York with three or four persons skilled in
manufacturing naval stores. Annual salaries of 2.00 pounds in
New York money were to be allowed to each. The officials,
such as commissaries and clerks as outlined by Hunter, were
also approved. To these the Board added a few others. Super-
visors were to live among the Palatines, "to over-see and
keep them at Work."6

To handle the London end of the venture, an agent or
factor was to be appointed by the government. His duties
were to remit "such summs of money as your Majesty shall
from time to time judge proper to be remitted to New York"
for subsistence and to receive and sell all naval stores con-
signed to him on account of the Palatines. The factor was then
to dispose of the naval stores to the Commissioners of the
Navy at the market price, or to other merchants if necessary.
If purchased for the Navy the bills were to be made out in the
usual manner. The factor was to be under the government's
immediate orders, receiving the usual factorage fees for his
services. After all expenses had been deducted, the profits were
to be taken by the government as payment of the money
expended in settling the Palatines in New York.7

In their report the Board of Trade also tried to answer two
of the questions propounded by Hunter. The question as to
whether it would not be advisable to make the Palatines
servants to the Crown for a certain Term' ' was not mentioned .
As to the manner and terms of settlement, the Board thought
that the Palatines might be planted in a body or in different
settlements wherever the governor found it most proper. The

6 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 119. See Doc. Hist., Ill, 561 for a more detailed plan
of Governor Hunter of a later date.

7 Ibid., 11.0; Doc. Hist., Ill, 642..

I38 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

governor was to grant without fee or reward forty acres per
person to each family, after they had "repaid by the produce
of their labour" the expenses of their settlement. The usual
quit-rents were to commence and be payable seven years after
the said grants.8 The Board advised that the Palatines be
"Encouraged to settle and work in partnership, that is 5 or
more families to unite and Work in Common."

In reply to the question as to the lands on which to settle
the Palatines, the Board of Trade suggested the large tracts of
land recently returned to the Crown, being the extravagant
grants vacated by an Order in Council on June 2.6, 1708. 9
These lands in the Mohawk and Hudson Valleys of New
York had been granted ten years earlier by Governor Fletcher,
just before he had been replaced, to a number of colonial
gentlemen, including Nicholas Bayard, Godfrey Dellius,
Captain Evans and Caleb Heathcote,10 whose brother was
governor of the Bank of England.

When late in the seventeenth century Lord Bellomont be-
came governor of New York, he favored another faction of the
landowning class.11 On March 2., 1699, the New York
assembly passed an "Act for vacating, breaking and annulling
several Extravagant Grants of land made by Colonel Benjamin
Fletcher, late Governor of the Province." Upon being referred
to the colonial authorities in England, no immediate action
was taken on the act, this being the usual slow manner of
procedure.12 When Viscount Cornbury became governor in
1702. the assembly suffered either a change of heart or political
complexion, for on November 2.7th they passed an act, repeal-
ing the above act together with several others. This likewise
received no attention in England until July 2.9, 1707, when a
Committee of the Privy Council recommended the approval

8 Doc. Hist., Ill, 639.

9 Eccles. Rec, III, i8ix; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117.

10 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117; Eccles. Rec, III, 1685.

11 C. C. 1698, 914.

12 Ibid., 483. "

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 39

of the first act and the disallowance of the later one.13 The
reasons why the Committee considered it "absolutely neces-
sary the said grants be vacated" are indicative of the more
active colonial policy and the awakened interest in the
colonies as a source of naval stores. "A strong argument
urged for vacating these grants is, that great Quantities of
Masts and other timber fit for Naval Stores, grow upon the
lands thus granted away, which cannot be Regained to the
Benefit of the Crown, till the Grants are vacated.' That
neither satisfactory rents nor other obligations to cultivate
and improve the lands had been secured were other objections.
Other reasons offered in justification of the annulment were
the appeasement of the just claims of the Indians and the
encouragement of further settlement.

Consequently, a new policy was proposed of granting not
more than 2_,ooo acres to any one person, and at an annual
quit-rent of two shillings and six pence for every hundred
acres. At least three acres for every fifty acres taken up had to
be settled or cultivated within three years under penalty of
forfeiture of the grant.14 The vacating of the "Extravagant
Grants" became a new threat to the land-owning class in
colonial New York. Most of them had received their grants
under similar conditions and circumstances. It was objected
in the argument before the Board of Trade, that such pro-
ceedings "would render the Properties of all lands uncertain
and precarious.' Indeed such procedure might conceivably
have bolstered up the governor's attempts to maintain the
prerogative of the Crown. It was argued in 1707, "That if the
power of Revoking grants be left to a Governor, Council and
Assembly, the Governor may have the choice of so many of
the Council, and have such an influence in having his own

13 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1J20, 553. The annulment of the extrava-
gant grants was approved in the same Order in Council which authorized
the settlement of Kocherthal's Palatines in the colony of New York at
public expense.

14 C. C. ijo6-ijo8, 513.

140 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Creatures returned to be of the Assembly, that he may at any
time Act arbitrarily & unjustly in such Revocations.' Of
course, the real obstacle to such a development was the im-
possibility of securing an assembly in New York opposing its
own class interests, that of the landed aristocracy. The larger
landowners were acutely aware of the danger and their efforts
to protect their holdings can be observed in Livingston's case
and in the passage of the Naturalization Act of 171 5, as will
appear later in our story.

These "Extravagant Grants" had been the only land
available in New York upon which to settle the new Palatine
immigrants of 1708; for in that year, in its report on the
settlement of Kocherthal's party, described in Chapter II, the
Board of Trade urged the confirmation of the Vacating Act
for that purpose.15 That the Board should suggest these lands
again for Hunter's scheme was to be expected. The lands in
the Mohawk Valley and those in Schoharie were known to
have an obstacle for transportation in the waterfalls at Cohoes.
This defect was not considered any hindrance to settling the
Palatines there, should there be no other more convenient
site in the province. The selection of the site was distinctly
left in the hands of the governor, Colonel Hunter.16

The Board of Trade, having made no recommendation as to
making the Palatines covenanted servants, was to hear further
from Colonel Hunter on the subject. On December 19th,
Secretary Sunderland wrote to the Board that Hunter had
proposed a contract to hold the Palatines "from falling off
from the employment designed for them, or being decoy'd into
Proprietary Governments."17 At the same time the Board
received a draft of such a covenant from Hunter. This was
referred to the Attorney-General, James Montague, for his

15 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1720, II, 551.

16 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 118. See pictures of Cohoes Falls, Doc. Hist.,
Ill, 638.

17 H. S. P., Jour. B. T., XXI, 315; P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 186.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 141

opinion,18 and on the 2.1st he returned it with a few corrections
and additions.19 This covenant was executed at Plymouth a
few days before the Palatines sailed from England.20

The covenant stated that in consideration of the large sums
advanced by the government "toward the transporting, main-
taining and settling" of the Palatines for their employment m
the production of naval stores, the Palatines for themselves,
their "heirs executors and administrators" contracted to
settle on lands assigned to them by the government and con-
tinue resident upon those lands. On no account or manner of
pretense were the Palatines to quit or desert without leave of
the governor. They agreed to employ their utmost power and
that of their respective families in the "production and manu-
facturing of all manner of naval stores. ' ' It was further agreed
"that as soon as we shall have made good and repaid to her
Majesty, her heirs and successors, out of the produce of our
labors in the manufactures we are employed in, the full sum
or sums of money in which we already are or shall become
indebted to her Majesty," the governor shall grant "40 acres
to each person free from all taxes, quit-rents or other manner of
services for seven years."

No time limit to the length of service was specified, but it
is apparent that these Palatines were indentured servants of
the British government and that they were to be employed m
manufacturing naval stores until the profits had not only
paid their expenses, but also repaid the Queen for their trans-
portation and settlement. The Palatines seriously impaired
their liberty of action, for they entered into contract to obey

18 C. C. ijo8~ijo9, 561; B. T. Jour. 1J08-1J14, 107.

19 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 144; B. M., Harleian MSS. 702.1, 2.79; in Eccles.
Rec, III, 1814, the parentheses are the Attorney-General's additions. The
deletions he made have been omitted. Line seventeen on page 181 5 should
have parentheses before "without leave" and after "so doing and;" N. Y.
Col. Docs., Y, 111 was taken from an Entry Book. It gives the additions of the
Attorney-General in italics but carries the words deleted without any in-
dication, as though they were parts of the document.

20 B. M., Harleian MSS. 70x1, 184.

142- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the governor and work for the government until it was repaid.
This is a unique example of a governmental redemptioner
migration.

On the nth of December, Hunter pressed Secretary
Sunderland to secure for the use of the Palatines the 600 tents
and 600 firelocks with bayonets and ammunition necessary
"upon account of their being to be planted on the Frontiers,
where they will be much exposed if unarmed.' The next day
Sunderland wrote to the Duke of Marlborough, the Master-
General of Ordnance, requesting him at the Queen's command
to secure an estimate of the cost from the Board of Ordnance.
Perhaps the fact that he was the Duke's son-in-law permitted
his personal desires being stated for he wrote in addition to
the Queen's commands, "These poor people being now upon
their Departure it is necessary no time should be lost, where-
fore I desire your Grace will direct this Ace1 to be sent as
soon as may be."21 On the 17th, the Board of Ordnance wrote
to the Duke that at Sunderland's request, they had made an
estimate of the supplies. The cost was 1,479 pounds and 11.
shillings sterling. They stated at the same time that they had
not yet received the 913 pounds due for the loss and damage of
the tents for the Palatines encamped on Blackheath and Cam-
berwell.22 In fact, 9,348 pounds worth of supplies had been
laid out by the Ordnance department without parliamentary
provision for the same. The equipment was ordered for the
Palatines.23

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, a voluntary missionary organization, had troubled
itself with finding a suitable minister for the Palatines.24 The
Bishop of London had concluded a letter of December 9th to
Mr. Chamberlaine, the Secretary of the Society, "Dutch
Minister I have none for the Palatines, neither know I where

21 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 177, 2.2.1-.

22 P. R. O., S. P. 44/108, 185.

23 Cat. Treas. Papers 1J08-1J14, 148.

24 Eccles. Rec, III, 1718, 1811.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 43

to find any."25 Several of the Palatines petitioned the Society
to retain one John Frederick Haeger in this capacity.26 Upon
Reverend Haeger's agreeing to Anglican ordination by the
Bishop of London, he was appointed by the Society at an
annual salary of fifty pounds, with the usual fifteen pounds in
addition, allowed him for books.27 The Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel was interested in the spread of the
Anglican faith, and in this respect, it was an important factor
in the attempts to assimilate the Germans.

On December 2.1st, Hunter made arrangements with the
Lord Treasurer for the remittance to New York of 8,000
pounds sterling for the Palatine settlement.28 John Raynor,
Attorney-General to New York, requested that the arrears
of his salary be paid out of the quit-rent fund, since he would
suffer a great loss in fees due to the grants of land to be made
to the Palatines without fees.29

Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Bendysh, who acted as secretary to
the Commissioners for Collecting for and Settling of the
Palatines,30 had made the necessary arrangements for trans-
portation, as related in Chapter V. On December 17th, he
informed Godolphin, the Lord High Treasurer, that he had
executed charter-parties with commanders and owners of
ships to carry about 3,300 Palatines to New York at five
pounds, ten shillings per head.31 This was a low rate, indeed,
since Luttrell had noted that transportation to Carolina was
above ten pounds,32 and Bohme had specified seven pounds as
the price of passage to Pennsylvania or Carolina.33 The charges

25 Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts MS., 82.,
hereafter cited as S. P. G. MSS.

26 Eccles. Rec, III, 1813.

27 Ibid., 1 8 17.

2SCal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 150.

29 C. C. 1710-1711, 37.

30 For his services Bendysh later received 1,000 pounds. Cal. Treas. Papers
1714-1719, 114.

31 Ibid., 17 08-17 14, x49-

32 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 465. 33 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 11.

144 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

for transportation were to amount to between 18,000 and
19,000 pounds sterling besides demurrage, a compensation for
delay above the time agreed upon.34 The captains and their
owners agreed to have their ships ready to take the Palatines
and their goods on board between the 15th and 19th of De-
cember. They agreed to be at the buoy of the Nore about fifty
miles from London on or before the 2_nd of January, wind and
weather permitting. Mr. Bendysh on his part agreed to have
a convoy at that time and place to proceed "without Stopping
at any Port or Place in England.' The demurrage due, upon
failure to observe these conditions, was at the rate of eleven
shillings and six pence per ton per month for the ships, and
six pence per day for each Palatine.35

The ten ships were in the Thames at the specified time. The
Palatines were taken on board, but when seven of the ten
ships reached the Nore on the 2_nd of January, the convoy
refused sailing orders.36 For the delay, which ensued the ship-
owners and commanders received demurrage and the total cost
of the transportation to New York reached the sum of 2.5,854
pounds, 15 shillings and 8 pence sterling. This sum was paid
by the end of October, 1710.37 On January 2.6, 1710, Sunder-
land sent Hunter "Additional Instructions," which em-
powered him to carry out the project to manufacture naval
stores in accordance with the Board of Trade representation
to the Queen of the previous December 5th.38

Accounts have varied as to the time Hunter sailed for
New York. Conrad Weiser wrote in his Journal, "About
Christmas Day we embarked. . . ,"39 Luttrell noted in his
diary on December 19, 1709, "Colonel Hunter designs, next

34 Cal. Treas. Papers 1J08-1J14, 149.

35 P. R. O., C. O., Admiralty Class 1/4183.

36 Ibid.

37 Cal. Treas. Papers 1708-1714, 148, zo6.

38 P. R. O., C. O. 5/12.31, 3; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 160.

39 Weiser Diary, in Americana (New York, September, 191 3), VIII, 797;
also in Olde Ulster (Kingston, New York, 1906), II, 2.0^.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

[4xA*AMsr (nH)^T )

Portrait of Governor Robert Hunter, the authenticity of which has been

questioned. No other portrait of him is extant.

Courtesy of the New York Public Library.

146 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

week to embark for his government at New York, and most
of the Palatines remaining here goe with him to people that
colony."40 Cobb argued in his account that the departure took
place toward the end of January, 1710.41 DifFenderffer, writing
for the Pennsylvania German Society, said they sailed in
March.42 The London Gazette noted, April 7, 1710, that ten
ships were ready to sail with Palatines from Portsmouth for
New York under convoy.43 In a report to Robert Harley, then
Secretary of State, June 18, 171 1, James DuPre, commissary
at New York for Hunter and who sailed originally with
Hunter, stated that all the Palatines embarked in December,
1709, but did not start until April 10, 1710.44 The demands for
demurrage made by the owners of the vessels also show that
the fleet did not finally leave Plymouth, further west along
the southern coast of England, until April 10th.45 The Palatine
transports had moved along the coast of England, touching
Portsmouth and Plymouth during the early months of 1710
and finally sailed on April 10th. The Palatine accounts of a
long voyage may be reconciled to this revision of the date.
They were on board ship for six long months and the sufferings
of the Palatines were terrible, for misery seems long in dura-
tion. Indeed, one of the Palatine ships had to return to port
and sailed again later.46

Probably because of the low transportation rate, the people
were closely packed in the ships. Many of them suffered from
the foul odor and vermin; some below deck could neither get
fresh air nor see the light of day. Under such conditions the

40 Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 5x9.

41 Sanford Hoadley Cobb, The Story of the Palatines (New York, 1897),
12.5; Osgood, op. cit., I, 513 also accepted this time.

42 DifFenderffer, op. cit., 319.

43 London Gazette, No. 4676.

44 B. ML, Harleian MSS. 702.1, 180.

45 P. R. O., Admiralty Class 1/4183. A. L. Cross, Anglican Episcopate and
the American Colonies (New York, i90x), 91 has a typographical error, 1713
should read 1710.

46 The Berkley Castle, N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 166.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 47

younger children died in great numbers. The last letters before
sailing, written at Portsmouth during April, reported eighty
deaths in one ship and one hundred sick in another.47 Good
healthy food was not provided and its lack no doubt added to
the general unhealthy conditions. Soon the fleet was ravaged
by ship-fever. Modern science has traced this malady, now
known as typhus and recognized as more deadly than ty-
phoid,48 to such carriers as infected fleas and body lice.
Crowded in those foul holds with little or no provision for the
most elementary sanitation, the immigrants were decimated
by this dread disease. From their misery indeed, the disease
took on a rather sad distinction, since it became known to the
doctors of that day as the "Palatine fever."49 A petition made
later in New York by one Thomas Benson, a surgeon, for
reimbursement for medicine stated that on his ship 330
persons had been sick at one time.50 How welcome must the
call of land in sight have sounded to these early immigrants!
The first ship to arrive was the Lyon, which touched New
York on June 13, 1710, Governor Hunter's ship and several
others following the next day.51 One, the Herbert, was wrecked
on the east end of Long Island on July 7th,52 and the last did
not arrive until August znd.53 A letter from Hunter to Lord
Godolphin, the Lord Treasurer, and dated October 2.4, 171 o,
stated that of the 2., 814 Palatines who had started, 446 had

47 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 9; Emil Heuser, Pennsylvanien im ij
Jahrhundert (Neustadt, 1910), 66.

48 Watson Davis, 'Typhus in the New World," in Current History,
XXXIV, 94; "Diary of a Voyage from Rotterdam to Philadelphia in 17x8,"
in Pa. Ger. Soc. Proc, XIX, 17.

49 A. Matthews, "The Word 'Palatine' in America," in Nation (Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts, 1904), LXXVIII, 1x5.

50 Doc. Hist., Ill, 558, December 2.6, 1710. This document is now missing
from the Albany Archives. Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. Eng. 1664-1776 (Albany,
1866), II, 375.

51 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 551; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 178.

52 Doc. Hist., Ill, 559; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 166.

53 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, x8o; Doc. Hist., Ill, 559.

148 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

died before the end of July. Thirty little newcomers joined
on the way over,54 restoring a portion of the loss.

The arrival of nearly 2., 500 immigrants, rumored to be
laden with disease, was no small matter to the New York city
of the second decade of the eighteenth century. A census was
taken June 5, 1712., and showed 4,846 free inhabitants and 970
slaves in the city.55 No wonder the New York City Council
protested the reception of any Palatines within the city,
saying it would endanger the health of the inhabitants and
deter the country people from coming in as usual.56 The Pala-
tines were therefore landed and encamped on Nutten Island,
now known as Governor's Island, which apparently preceded
Ellis Island as an immigrant station or "gateway to America.'
Three doctors were to report upon the condition of their
health. On June 16, 1710, a scheme for governing these Pala-
tines was hastily formulated. The Council also issued a pro-
clamation to prevent extortionate prices of bread and pro-
visions on account of their presence.57

In their tents on Governor's Island, the Palatines were in
a miserable condition. Typhus was still ravaging them.58
These weakened people, lamenting the loss of their relatives,
were forced to settle down and care for the sick and dying.
Two doctors, John Christopher Kurtz and John Philips
Riiger, were in constant attendance.59 Hunter reported to
London on July 2.4th that about 470 Palatines had died on the

54 B. M., Add. MSS. 17677 DDD, 6x4. In 1710, however, the Palatines
themselves estimated that about 4,000 were sent over and 1,700 died on
board, or at their landing. See their petition to the Board of Trade, N. Y.
Col. Docs., V, 553. The statement is an estimate made ten years later and
hence is exaggerated.

55 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 180.

66 Minutes of the Common Council of City of New York (New York, 1905), II,
408; Doc. Hist., Ill, 55i.

57 Doc. Hist., Ill, 552., 554 et seq.

58 C. C. 1710-1711, 119; L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-6, XLIV.

59 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 191; Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS. Eng. 1664-1776,
II, 373-

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 49

voyage and during the first month in New York.60 The
emigrants were slow in recovering their health after their
wretched passage from England. Peter Willemse Romers, a
coffin-maker, was the chief benefactor, for in 171 1 he peti-
tioned for 59 pounds, 6 shillings sterling in payment for 150
coffins used for the burial of Palatines during the summer of
1710.61

Many children were left orphans. The problem of caring
for them was solved by apprenticing them. According to the
records seventy-four were apprenticed by Hunter from 1710-
1714,62 among them being John Peter Zenger, who later be-
came famous in American history for his fight for freedom of
the Press. Unfortunately, Hunter did not stop with orphans;
he also apprenticed children whose parents were still living,
and in this way separated families. John Conrad Weiser lost a
son, George Frederick, in this manner and there were other
cases, causing many a heartache. The petition of the Palatines
of 17x0 lists this as one of their chief grievances.63

Meanwhile, Hunter was attempting to locate a suitable
tract for the settlement of the Palatines. Four tracts in New
York, part of the vacated "Extravagant Grants," had been
considered as possibilities while the Palatines were still in
England. One was on the Mohawk River above Little Falls,
fifty miles long by four miles wide (around Herkimer and
German Flats); another, between twenty-four and thirty miles
in length on the Schoharie River; a third, on the east side of
the Hudson River, twelve miles long by seventy miles wide.
A fourth was also considered, on the west side twenty miles
by forty miles long. When the Board of Trade recommended
to the Council the settlement of Kocherthal's party in New
York in 1708, it pointed out that these lands would be at the

60 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 167; Doc. Hist., Ill, 559.

61 Doc. Hist., Ill, 568.

62 Ibid., 553, 566.

63 Eccles. Rec, III, 1168; Doc. Hist., Ill, 415.

I50 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

•

disposal of the government for that purpose, if it approved the
New York law invalidating those "extravagant grants"
made by Colonel Fletcher as suggested by the Board on July
2.9, 1707. 64 Accordingly, on June 2.6, 1708, the Council ap-
proved the New York act annulling those grants,65 and con-
sequently these lands were available for settlement by the
Palatines. No grant was specifically made in the contract
signed by the Germans. On the contrary, the matter was left
to the discretion of the governor.

Concerning one of the tracts, the Schoharie grant, which
Governor Fletcher had given to Colonel Bayard, an interest-
ing legend arose. A number of the Palatines later became dis-
satisfied with their situation. Some of them realized that they
were to be exploited, and probably in the discussion among
themselves in justification of their opposition, the story of
the Indian grant of Schoharie took shape. Years after the
New York troubles, Conrad Weiser wrote in his Journal, "For
the Indian deputies who were in England at the time the
German people were lying in tents on the Black moor [Black-
heath] had made a present to Queen Anne of this Schochary
that she might settle these people upon it."66 The elements of
truth in the legend are easily recognized. The Schoharie lands
had been one of the four tracts mentioned by the Board of
Trade as possible sites for the naval stores experiment with
German labor. Five Indians had been taken to England in 1710
by Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany, as a publicity scheme to
interest the government in another attempt to take Canada
after the failure of 1709. The references to both these facts
apparently became confused in the heated Palatine discussions,
and finally, they fused into several sentimental and touching
accounts of the pity aroused in the savage breast by the

64 Doc. Hist., Ill, 541; Eccles. Rec, III, 1703.

65 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 48, 141.

66 Weiser Diary, in loc. cit., 797. The Palatine petitic \ to the Board of
Trade on August 2.0, 1710 quoted the Indians as saying that they had given
the land to Queen Anne for the Palatines. Eccles. Rec, III, 1169.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 151

wretched condition of the Palatines on Blackheath, as related
in later histories.67

Unfortunately for the legend, the New York Palatines
boarded their transports between December 2.5 th and 19th,
1709. From then on until April 10, 1710, the ships were
moving along the southern coast of England or awaiting
convoy there.68 The five "Indian Sachems" sailed from Boston
early in February, 1710, and did not arrive in London until
April, where they had an audience with the Queen on the
17th.69 The Queen and all England had been imposed upon,
for "Hendrick the great prince that was so honored in Eng-
land cannot command ten men, the other three were not
sachems."70 Although the Five Nations thanked Governor
Hunter for the fine treatment accorded the "natives of the
Mohogs' nation,"71 the latter were disgraced and never again
were they admitted to Indian Councils.72

Cobb, the most extensive writer on the Palatines, has
attempted to prove this legend by Governor Hunter's state-
ment to the Board that he had sent men to "survey the land
on the Mohaques River, particularly the Skohare, to which
the Indians have no pretence."73 The next four words, "being
Colonel Bayard's Grant,"74 not considered by Mr. Cobb,

67 Cobb., op. cit., 107; Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 2.4; Loher, op. cit., 43; M. R.
Diefendorf, The Historic Mohawk (New York, 1910), 59; W. W. Ellsworth,

'The Palatines in the Mohawk Valley," in N. Y. Hist. Assoc. Proc. (1915),
XIV, z95.

68 P. R. O., Admiralty Class 1/4x83.

69 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1049, 157; Luttrell, op. cit., VI, 571; C. C. 1710-ijn,
40, 78; Morgan, "The Five Nations and Queen Anne," in hoc. cit., XIII, 179
et seq.

70 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-5, CLXXVI; N. Y. H. S., Hawks Trans, of
S. P. G. MSS., I, zi8; Doc. Hist., Ill, 899.

71 C. C. ijio-ijii, 495. Hunter called them in 1713 "men of no considera-
tion or rather the most obscure amongst them." C. C. 1712-1714, 158.

72"Colden Letters," in N. Y. Hist. Soc Coll. (1868), zoo.

73 Cobb., op. cit., 131.

74 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 167.

I52- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

indicate why Hunter felt that the Indians had no claim to
Schoharie, but they were not convenient to the historian's
thesis. Bayard's grant was part of the so-called "extravagant
grants" of Governor Fletcher, which were annulled by the
New York assembly with the approval of the English govern-
ment as mentioned before.

Governor Hunter himself was mistaken however, in his
opinion about the Indians, for they at first refused to allow
the men to survey the land.75 This is not surprising, for the
Board of Trade had mentioned in its recommendation of
Schoharie on December 5, 1709, that the land was "claimed
by the Mohaques, but that claim may be satisfied on very
easy terms."76 Hunter investigated their claims and found at
Albany instructions to the authorities to restore their right
and title to the lands in question. Hunter therefore acknowl-
edged their claim.77 In a conference with Hunter at Albany
on August 2.2., 1710, the Indian Hendrick, apparently the only
genuine sachem on the trip to England, said, 'We are told
that the great queen of Great Brittain had sent a considerable
number of People with your Ex<T to setle upon the land called
Skohere, which was a great surprise to us and we were much
Disatisfyd at the news, in Regard the Land belongs to us.
. . . Nevertheless since Your Excellcy has been pleased to
desire the said land for christian settlements, we are willing
and do now Surrender ... to the Queen . . . for Ever all that
tract of Land Called Skohere. . . . "78 In reply, Governor
Hunter accepted the land in the Queen's name, promising
them a suitable reward.

The Indian gift of Schoharie was made then at Fort

™Doc. Hist., Ill, 560.

76 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1111, 471; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117.

77 C. C. iyio-iyu, 12.-$.

78 N. Y. H. S., Misc. Coll. of MS. on Indian Affairs. Livingston, as
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, omitted the report of this conference in
sending the series to England, C. C. iyio-iyu, 834. Hunter however told the
Board of Trade, Ibid., 113.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 53

Albany, August 2.2., 1710, to the Queen for Christian settle-
ments, referring apparently to the Palatines. It was given to
please Governor Hunter, and perhaps in fear that he would
take it anyway. Certainly the gift was not inspired by the
wretchedness of the Palatine immigrants, and there existed
no obligation on the part of Governor Hunter to settle the
Palatines there. He had no orders from the Queen to do so.
Schoharie was only one of several tracts suggested as avail-
able because of the annullment of the "extravagant grants,"
"In case there be not found an opportunity of doing it more
conveniently in some other part of that Province.'

Bridger, who was to instruct the Palatines in tar-making,
was sent to judge the possibilities of Schoharie. He reported
it as good land but in no wise fit for the object in hand, that
of making naval stores, as there was no pitch pine there.79
The distance from New York City was also considered, but
the real conflict seemed to have been in choosing between
good farm land for the Palatines or proximity to the necessary
pine trees to make naval stores.80 The specific purpose of the
settlement was to make naval stores and Hunter was to
select the spot of settlement according to the contract; while
he realized the difficulties of securing good farm land adjacent
to pine lands "being good for nothing," he was determined
to "accomplish the great Design," and for that the pine trees
were the prime requisites.

One writer has said it was possible that Bridger may have
spoken in the interest of Robert Livingston, a known specu-

79 C. C. 1710-1711, 2.53; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 168.

80 Ibid., 140; Osgood, op. cit., I, 499, states, "The problem was a complex
one for the conditions affecting the production of hemp differed wholly from
those which related to pitch and tar. ..." This same incompatability applied
to all land necessary for other farm products of consequence. H. D. House,
New York State Botanist, in a letter to the author on March 16, 192.7, stated,

'The pitch pine . . . undoubtedly formed at that time a major portion of the
forest upon the sandy and gravelly areas, and in general upon the areas of
poor, sterile, or rocky soil. ..."

154 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

lator,81 who sold the land used for the Palatine settlement
to Hunter. Such a charge, in relation to the selection of the
site of settlement, supposes that Bridger reported falsely in
regard to the absence of pitch pine in Schoharie. Color is
lent to this version by a statement in 1707 of Mr. Champante,
the New York colonial agent. He was arguing for the annul-
ment of the "extravagant grants" of Governor Fletcher, one
of which was the Schoharie lands to Nicholas Bavard. He
said, "a strong argument against the grants is that they con-
tain great quantities of timber fit for masts and naval stores . " 82
This statement, however, included the Mohawk lands and
others as well as the Schoharie and may perhaps be regarded
as probably inaccurate, so far as it relates to Schoharie.

Fortunately, science has developed sufficiently to be able
to shed some light upon the subject. An authority on New
York botany states, "it is extremely unlikely that pitch pine
ever occurred in Schoharie in any abundance for the reason
that geographical formation in that section is chiefly lime-
stone and glacial drift, upon which pitch pine does not grow
in any abundance and upon the limestone formations and re-
sulting soils pitch pine was never found.' He adds, "there
may have been a limited amount of pitch pine along the
Mohawk, since at the present time there are some scattered
clumps of that tree in that region."83 Accordingly, Bridger's
statement seems verified by present day scientists. Hunter,
through his representatives before the Board of Trade on
December 1, 171 1, did not base his decision against settlement
at Schoharie upon the lack of pitch pine. The first reason —
conflicting, it will be seen, with his earlier statement on the
matter — was that "the Purchase thereof from the Indians
was not clear." Other reasons were the difficulty of defending

81Jeptha R. Simms, Frontiersmen of New York (Albany, 1881), I, 107;
hereafter cited as Simms, Frontiersmen.

82 Acts Privy Council Col. Unbound Papers, 61.

83 H. D. House, New York State Botanist, in a letter to the author,
April 11, 19x7.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

J55

Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

it from the French and Indians and the presence of a sixty-
foot waterfall on the river below the proposed site.84 This
waterfall, however, had been adjudged no serious obstacle
before Hunter sailed from England.85

At any rate, the governor thought it advisable to look for
lands nearer at hand, as near as possible to a navigable river
and pine lands. A tract of land of 6,300 acres on the west side
of the Hudson River, about ninety-two miles from New York
City, was in the possession of the Crown.86 It had formerly

84 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, z8o; C. C. ijri-1712, 174.

85 The Board of Trade said, "We do not see that this objection will be
any hindrance to the seating them there." N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117.

86 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, 180; C. C. ijio-ijii, z6i; Ibid., ijn-1712,
174; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 190.

I56 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

been granted to Captain Evans by Governor Fletcher, and had
recently been resumed as one of the "Extravagant Grants.'
This land was used for the settlement of the Palatines and
the experiment in naval stores manufacture. In addition,
Hunter on Bridger's recommendation entered into an agree-
ment with Robert Livingston, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, for another tract on the east side of the Hudson River
near the former Evans tract. On September 19th, 6,000 acres
were purchased with the liberty of using the pitch pine
neighboring the tract on Livingston's land.87 The price was
2.66 pounds of English money, which amounted to 400 pounds
in colonial currency.88 The friendship between Hunter and
Livingston was an interesting development. Both were of
Scotch descent and had need for each other. Only once did
Hunter question Livingston's loyalty to himself, but one
doubt, arising at the time of Colonel Nicholson's visit of
investigation in 171 1,89 did not long affect the tie.

Livingston's holdings were indeed not without criticism
by colonial officials. Governor Bellomont had written to the
Board of Trade on November 2.8, 1700, of other "Extravagant
Grants" not made by Governor Fletcher, but equally worthy
of investigation. Besides van Rensellaer's and Nichols', he
named Livingston's, "of 16 miles long and 2.0 or 2.4 broad."90
In another letter a year later he wrote, "Mr. Livingston has
on his great grant of 16 miles long and 2.4 broad, but 4 or 5
cottages as I am told, men that live in vassalage under him
and work for him are too poor to be farmers. . . ."91 How
Livingston must have welcomed the Palatine settlements!

Livingston's sale of 6,000 acres was surprising in view

87 Livingston Family Ms. of original indenture in possession of Johnston
Livingston Redmont Estate of New York City, with other valuable colonial
manuscripts; hereafter cited as Liv. MSS. Also, Doc. Hist., Ill, 644.

88 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 170, 171.

89 Dominion Archives, Ottawa, G. B. Patent Rolls 1701-1760, I, 31.

90 N. Y. Col. Docs., IV, 791.

91 Doc. Hist., Ill, 619.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION I 57

of the fact that his deeds called for only 2., 600 acres.92 But
still more surprising was the result of the survey made just
before Governor Hunter issued a confirmatory grant to
Livingston, giving his manor representation in the assembly
in 1715. On October 2.0, 1714, the deputy Surveyor found that
Livingston Manor contained 160,140 acres, for which Liv-
ingston paid annually twenty-eight shillings current money
quit-rent.93 A recent authority on New York land laws has
termed such quit-rent as not unusually low, since the lands
were undeveloped.94 It was precisely the fact that such large
grants were undeveloped and often remained so for many
years, which caused the British authorities to object to such
"extravagant grants" and to demand two shillings, six pence
sterling for every hundred acres.95 In return for the confirma-
tory grant and the privilege of sending a representative to the
colonial assembly, Livingston entered the assembly as repre-
sentative of his manor, and he helped Hunter in his admini-
strative difficulties. He was of assistance in securing a friendly
assembly, which held office for many years. When Hunter
was to leave, as Speaker of that assembly Livingston lauded
his friend in high terms and thus contributed to the reputa-
tion of Hunter as the best governor of New York in colonial
history. In consideration of the so-called bargain price for
the land, a contract was also drawn up by the Chief Justice
of New York and every precaution was taken to protect the
Crown's interests. Livingston agreed to furnish one-third of
a loaf of bread (4M pence size) and one quart "ship's beer"
(a very low grade of beer) to each person daily.

92 Ibid., 616, 6ii, 62.2., 6x4.

93 Ibid., 690, map.

94 Julius Goebel, Jr., Some Legal and Political Aspects of the Manors in New
York (Baltimore, 192.8), 17.

95 C. C. ijo6-ijo8, 513.

96 Ibid., 653. Livingston had also been accused in 1700 of being concerned
with Captain Kidd, the pirate, as well as in frauds as collector of excise at
Albany (Ibid., 619). These charges were not proved, however.

I58 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Hunter also purchased for the use of the Palatines a tract
of neighboring land from one Thomas Fullerton, who was
in the Custom Service of Scotland. He paid relatively more
for this tract of 800 acres, saying that Fullerton could expect
no profit from the Palatines' presence as was the case with
Livingston.97 Fullerton gave Hunter power of attorney to
dispose of the same. This tract was almost opposite the pur-
chase made from Livingston and seems for that reason to
have been well selected. It is apparent that three tracts of
land were used for settlement, although quite often only the
two large tracts are referred to.98

Early in October the movement of the Palatines to the
manor began, the cost of this transportation being 100
pounds.99 The land was surveyed and five towns were marked
out, three on the east side of the river and two on the west
side.100 Here the Germans cleared the ground and built them-
selves huts, each one according to his knowledge and abil-
ity.101 Later a number of smaller settlements appeared. In
June, 1711, there were seven villages inhabited as follows:
(on the east side) Hunterstown, 105 families; Queensbury,
102. families; Annsbury, 76 families; Haysbury, 59 families;
(on the west side) Elizabeth Town, 42. families; George Town,
40 families; and New Town, 103 families. The total number
of Palatines on the Hudson was 1,874. 102 A large number of

^ Ibid., 661.

98 Ibid. iyio-iyii, i6i, 484.

99 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, 183; Doc. Hist., Ill, 651. Fullerton's land
was claimed by Dirk Wessel by means of the Sockerman patent, but as the
latter grant was later, it was not allowed. Liv. MS. letter of April 6, 1711.

100 Doc. Hist., Ill, 668.

101 Simmendinger, op. cit., 3.

102 Doc. Hist., Ill, 668. On the east side, Germantown remains to mark
these settlements; on the west side, West Camp (New Town), Evesport
(Elizabeth Town), at Smith's Landing (George Town). Other Palatines
settled at Katsbaan (King's Town), Rhinebeck, and Kingston. Olde Ulster,

II, 103; III, Il6, ZZ<y, VLJ.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION I 59

the Palatines, it will be seen, remained in New York City.
This group numbered about 350 in 1710103 and about the
beginning of 1713, 83 Palatines in 13 families still remained
there.104 Most of these were widows with families, though a
few were employed in the governor's gardens.

103 Ibid., 561 et seq.

104 Simmendinger, op. cit., 11.

CHAPTER VII. THE GOVERNMENT TAR INDUSTRY

IN OPERATION

As the Palatines arrived in Livingston Manor, Livingston
JTx. provided food, tools, tent-poles and other necessities. He
also furnished storage for their supplies, for all of which he
made proper charges.1 The Palatines were then allotted small
plots of land to build their huts. The lots for houses and small
gardens were about forty feet in front and fifty feet in depth.2
The huts were made of rough logs, the cracks plastered with
mud, and each was built according to the builder's own ideas.
When the last group was sent from New York to be settled on
Fullerton's tract, instructions were sent to Livingston to lay
out the lots somewhat wider than the others, but not to make
it too apparent.3 The Palatines were not to receive the forty
acres promised each, until they had fulfilled their contracts.
From November 10, 1710, until the following March 8th,
78 barrels of flour, 19 barrels of salt pork and 2.2. bags of bread
were distributed among the Palatines on the west side settle-
ments.4 They were also given fresh pork and beef. The food
supplies were doled out in this fashion: bread, beer and salt
for every day, beef or pork for three days a week, and fish or a
quantity of butter, cheese, flour or peas for the other four days
in the same quantities usually allotted soldiers being trans-
ported.5 Many fat cattle were purchased from neighboring
farmers and at one time (in January, 171 2.), seventy cattle were
slaughtered for the Palatines' larders.6 During the first two

1 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 1x4a.

2 B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 2.16.

3 Liv. MS., letter of April 14, 1711.
4N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 174.

s P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67.

e N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 12.4b, LIV, 57.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION l6l

years it would appear that the immigrants were supplied with
enough food to keep body and soul together, if not free from
care. It was not until July 13, 1711, that the commissary on
Livingston Manor felt assured of enough supplies on hand not
to worry;7 and we may therefore express no surprise that the
storehouse was robbed early in January of 1711.8 In April the
people on the west side unavailably asked for permission to
make their own bread, for reasons unmentioned, but probably
well-founded.9

In 171 1 many things quite necessary for the proper settle-
ment of the Palatines were still wanting. Among the items
listed as immediately needed we may note, steel for mending
edged tools, three sets of smithy tools, three pairs of mill-
stones, sixteen whipsaws, warehouses, and a church on each
side of the river. Other essentials were plow shares, pitch and
dung forks, iron for horseshoes, nails and harness for horses.10
As for the spiritual needs of the Palatines, besides Reverend
Kocherthal, a German minister named John Frederick Haeger,
served the Hudson River settlements. Haeger had been em-
ployed by the London Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel to preach to the Germans and incidentally convert
them to the Church of England.11 This he endeavored to do,
but only with great difficulty. He strove to hold them together
in one church, but bickering between the Lutherans and the
Reformed began as soon as they landed m America.12 Haeger
was responsible for the building of a schoolhouse in Queens-
bury early in June, 1711.13 He petitioned the governor in 171 5,
and in 1717 he obtained a license to build a church, but the

7 Doc Hist., Ill, 672..

8 Liv. MS., letter of January 7, 171 1.

9 Ibid., letter of April Z9, 171 1.

10 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 98a.

11 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-6, XLV; A-9, IV; A-15, 5; A-10, 181.

12 Ibid. A-6, XXI.

13 N. Y. Col. MSS., LV, x9b; LVIII, 57a.

l6z THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

building lagged for several years.14 The Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel incidentally was much interested in
assimilating the Germans in a generation at least.15 But the
Germans, unmindful of this concern for the next generation,
continued to multiply, for Reverend Haeger baptized 61
children and married 101 couples from July, 1710 to July, 1711. 16
Kocherthal was performing similar services for the Lutheran
settlers.17

The organization, which was to manage the business of
manufacturing naval stores for the British Royal Navy, was
military in character. This was to be expected, since the
organizer18 was a military man who had seen active service
under Marlborough. Colonel Hunter, of course, was in charge,
subject only to orders from London. Under him were assorted
groups of officials, whose salaries and incidental expenses
amounted to 1,800 pounds sterling annually. George Clarke,
then Secretary of the Province, was listed as Treasurer and
Commissary of Stores. The tentative salary was 2.00 pounds
sterling which does not appear to have been paid.19 Robert
Lurting, deputy commissary, was not active so far as appears
in the colonial records that remain, but he received a salary of
100 pounds colonial currency, which equalled 66 pounds, 13
shilings and 4 pence sterling. The duties of these two officers
seemed to be concerned with the securing of various supplies
such as meats, which were often obtained from New York
City. Another Commissary of Stores was to receive 2.50 pounds
colonial currency (166 pounds, 13 shillings, 4 pence sterling),

14 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-ix, 341.

15 Ibid. A-7, IX. The efforts of the Society were not successful, for in
1836 a description of the Palatine settlements holds that "German largely
prevails among the older inhabitants but their children are educated and
converse in English." Thomas F. Gordon, Ga^eteer of the State of New York
(Philadelphia, 1836), 695.

16 Ibid. AS, 31, 158.

17 Kocherthal Records MS. shows 35 baptisms from 1710 to 1711 and
100 marriages during the same period. See Olde Ulster, III, 31, 91; IV, 2.4, 56.

18 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIII, 160b.

19 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, 185; N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 98a.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 63

James DuPre, who had served as commissary for the Palatines
in London, holding this position in the New York project.20
He had two assistants, Jean Cast, a Frenchman, and Andrew
Bagge, at salaries of 60 pounds (New York currency) annually.
Cast had charge of the supplies given the settlers on the east
side of the Hudson River, on the Livingston Manor, while
Bagge had charge of the supplies on the west side of the river.21
John Arnoldi served as "Phisitian General,' at the annual
salary of 100 pounds (New York currency). Salaries were also
specified for two surgeons, two overseers, two clerks or
schoolmasters, six captains, six lieutenants, two messengers
and four nurses. It does not appear that these positions were
regularly occupied.22 The captains and lieutenants were ap-
pointed, however, as a manuscript, partly burned, preserves
eight of their names.23 Seven listmasters, Palatines, were
appointed, one for each village; these were to keep the rolls of
their villages and aid the tar instructor in handling the
Palatine labor. They were, for Hunterstown, John Peter
Kneskern; for Queensbury, John Conrad Weiser; for Annsbury,
Hartman Windecker; for Haysbury, John Christopher Fuchs;
for Elizabeth Town, John Christopher Gerlach; for George
Town, Jacob Manck; and for New Town, Phillip Peter
Grauberger.24

In May of 171 1 a rebellion of some three or four hundred
Palatines gave excuse for a more stringent military rule. A
secret association had been formed among the Palatines, who
did not intend to remain on Livingston Manor. Hunter met
them and tried to reason with them, but they stubbornly de-
manded that they should receive "the lands appointed them
by the Queen" in the Schoharie Valley. Some of the Palatines,

20 Doc. Hist., Ill, 561.

21 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 174.

22 Ibid., LV-LIX, passim.

23 Ibid., LIII, 160b. The fire of 1911 in the State Building was responsible
for the damaged condition of the document.

24 Ibid., LV, 100; LVII, 114b; Doc. Hist., Ill, 671.

164 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

more violent, cried that "they would rather lose their lives
immediately than remain where they" were. "To be forced by
another contract to remain on these lands all their lives, and
work for her Majesty for the ships use, that they will never
doe.' The Palatines charged that they were cheated by the
contract. They did not believe that it was the same contract
which Cast had read to them in their own language in Eng-
land. They said that it had then provided, that seven years
after they had forty acres per person given them they were to
repay the Queen with hemp, masts, tar, and pitch. They also
declared that, were they not allowed their contract, three or
four men would go to England and lay their case before the
Queen.25

Hunter put them off until he was reinforced by a military
detachment of seventy men from Albany. He then disarmed
the Palatines in each village and they were at his mercy.
Realizing this, the deputies submitted and the people asked
for pardon and seemed again willing to work.26 The fact of the
matter was, as Hunter himself admitted later to the Board of
Trade, the Palatines had forced the governor to "abscond" for
fear that they would capture his person.27 Hunter appeared to
be slow in forgiving the affront.

As a result of the disorders, he revoked all Palatine mili-
tary commissions and put the people entirely under the com-
mand of their overseer and the officials. They were to be
treated "as the Queen's hired Servants," which they were.
Determined to prevent the recurrence of such disorders in the
future, Hunter issued a commission establishing a court over
the Palatines on June 12., 1711, with Robert Livingston as the
president and six other commissioners, Jean Cast, Richard
Sackett, Godfrey Wulfen, Andrew Bagge, Herman Schiineman
and the commanding officer of the detachment of soldiers

25 Doc. Hist., Ill, 664.

26 Ibid., 667.

27 B. T. Jour. iyi8-ij22, 195, August 9, 1710.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 65

placed at the manor.28 But the court was full of dissension.
Cast wrote to Hunter, July 13, 171 1, 'The President of the
Court, who in view of the public interest, ought to be the least
in the Board on account of his private interests, makes no
scruple of despising and treating with indignity a colleague
who, with a good intention, confers a pleasure on the people,
which the other does not find to his advantage. . . . "29 The
court had power to punish the Palatines for all "Misde-
meanors, Disobedience or wilfull Transgressions" by confine-
ment or corporal punishment, not extending to life or mutila-
tion.30 Hunter evolved a scheme for employing the Palatines
and it was one of close supervision, with the ever-present
threat of punishment as the incentive to keep the people at
work.31

The subsistence supplies of the Palatines were principally
bread, meat and beer; the bread and the beer were supplied by
Livingston at New York rates, subject to alteration should
the assize of New York change.32 The Palatines were not
permitted to make their own bread.33 Meats might be sent up
the river from New York34 or secured by Livingston from the
neighboring Dutch farmers.35 The Commissaries of Stores
meticulously used certificates and receipts for the stores re-
ceived and issued. Masters of sloops, who carried supplies to
Messrs. Cast and Bagge, on their respective sides of the river,
had to sign for the articles they carried, and upon their de-
livery of the goods, the commissaries certified to that effect.36
Every month or two, Cast certified the amount and quality of
the bread and beer delivered by Livingston for the use of the
Palatines.37

N. Y. Col. MSS., LV, 100; Doc. Hist., Ill, 669 et seq.
29 Doc. Hist., Ill, 673. 30 Ibid., 669.

31 Ibid., 678. 32 Ibid., 655.

33 Liv. MS., letter of April 19, 171 1.

34 Ibid., March 10, 171 1.

35 N. Y. Col. MSS., LIV, 57.

36 Ibid., 191a and b. 37 Ibid., 19a and b.

1 66 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Livingston also served the settlement well in his readiness
to give cash, when needed.38 He kept a detailed account of
these disbursements, which he then collected from Secretary
Clark, the treasurer, sometimes after a great deal of argument . 39
Among the items, every six months, was that of forty-five
pounds, two shillings colonial currency for storage of supplies
and two chambers for the use of the commissary.40 In addition,
Livingston claimed a salary of 158 pounds colonial currency as
an Inspector of the Palatines from August 14, 1710, to March
2.5, 1713.41 When Richard Sackett, a nearby farmer, came to
direct the work, he depended to a large degree on Livingston
to supply his wants. He especially wrote short orders for cash
or supplies for Palatine workers.42

Dissensions existed between the commissaries. Andrew
Bagge wrote to Livingston concerning Cast, "as other
affaryr[s] are keep from my knowledge soe must this. His
privat peck [pique] to me ought not to interfere with the
Publick" business. Since Cast could not understand English,
Bagge was unable intelligently to converse with him, and was
probably jealous of the reliance the governor placed upon
Cast. At any rate, the bickerings referred to were serious
obstacles to a business-like issuing and accounting for
provisions.43

The Palatines were given their supplies in a very irregular
fashion. In the rough drafts of the accounts remaining, occa-
sionally two to five days' subsistence were given as one item.
The Palatines were supplied for days or perhaps a week at a

™Ibid., LVIII, 48e, 62-a-d.

39 Ibid., 107, 108a; LIX, 36; LV, 7.7; Liv. MSS., letters of March 10th and
17th, 171 1.

40 Ibid., 17.

41 Ibid., LIX, 37.

42 Ibid., LVII, 169b.

43 Bagge wrote further, "and untill he letts me know what quantity of
Beere each family have rec'd:, and how much they are to have either quar-
terly or otherwise, my notes signifyes noething. ..." Liv. MS., letter of
January 7, 1711.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 67

time. All of them did not receive the same articles in equal
amounts, especially since frequently there was not sufficient
goods to be distributed to all. The final draft of the subsistence
account is too regular to be strictly accurate. The decrease in
numbers of from one to ten is indicated in a steady loss. It
would appear that the number of deaths was noted and the
daily account was then calculated on the basis of so many less
the previous totals.44

These subsistence accounts were kept in a "ledger," as it
was called though it was really a day-book, in which so many
days' subsistence was charged to someone as it was issued.
This "ledger" had cross references to a 'journal," which
would be called a ledger today, made up of the alphabetical
list of Palatine families with their charges.45 The accounts,
based on the regular subsistence allowances of six pence per
day for adults and four pence, all in sterling, for children under
ten years of age, were not accurate. Hunter himself admitted
on two occasions, that all other miscellaneous expenses, such
as the salaries of the officers, came out of the Palatines' meager
subsistence allowances.46 Indeed, since the Palatines were to
repay the subsistence allowed to them, it can be concluded that
they were also bearing the cost of the miscellaneous expenses
as well as the officers' salaries.

Another direct source of dissatisfaction was the subsistence
furnished. The food supplies furnished by Livingston were
alleged to be deficient in amount and inferior in quality,47
despite Cast's certification to the contrary. In those days this
was almost sure to be the case with farmed contracts. The

44 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVI, 97, 98b. Bagge complained in January, 1711
that he could not keep an exact account. Liv. MS., January 9, 1711.

45 The "journal" and "ledger" are P. R. O., C. O. 5/1130 and 1131 re-
spectively. The summary of the "Subsistence Lists," taken from the " jour-
nal," are published below in Appendix E., with certain modifications
explained there.

46 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 341, 449; C. C. 1711-1712, 305.

47 Osgood, op. cit., I, 514.

1 68 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

contract was well drawn and Livingston could certainly
have been required to furnish good food, and it seems that
Cast took care that Livingston did not gain too much from the
transaction. Yet in spite of their best intentions and efforts the
service of supply apparently left much to be desired.

Cast wrote to Hunter, May i, 171 1 : "The experience of the
tare [weight marked when empty] of the Barrels is very in-
correct, and that such deception causes the people not to take
the flour in barrels according to the Tare, but ordinarily to
return the barrels to me that I may make a new tare, led me to
make a bet with Mr. Robert Livingston, Junr that a barrel,
tared 17 lbs., weighed 10 lbs. I was universally censured for
making such a wager. But when the Barrel was emptied and
well shaken and cleaned, it weighed n lbs. tare. Judge, Sir,
what a loss of flour this is. I sent Mr. Bagge 2.0 barrels today
. . . and requested him to investigate the cheat. The 18 barrels
are tared 16 lbs., 1 barrel 17 lbs. and one 19 lbs. I would
make another bet that not one of them runs below 2.0 lbs. tare.
It is too palpable a fraud to mark so many at 16 lbs. Mr.
Bagge will not fail to advise you how the tare turns out."48
Again on July 13, 1711, Cast wrote the governor in complaint
of Livingston, "But since the reconstruction of our Board, I
have found that his design has ever been to obtain the manage-
ment of all the supplies for the People, and had I not had the
foresight to demand a declaration from the general commission
he would have seized it altogether and had made Mr. Meyer
his clerk whom he would have got to do what he could not
get me to do — that is, everything that may content his
cupidity."49

As for the supplies of meat Hunter simply bought much of
it in New York and salted it well before sending it up the
river. As time passed, and Hunter's credit with it, the meat
apparently became worse. In a letter of May 1, 171 1, Cast
wrote to Hunter, "I have received the 2.0 barrels of Pork

48 Doc. Hist., Ill, 660. 49 Ibid., 674.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 69

which I distributed among the people at this side and supplied
all with some to the ioth of May. ... I never saw salted meat
so poor nor packed with so much salt as this Pork was. In
truth one eight of it was salt."50 Some two months later, Cast
wrote again to Hunter, "Whatever little I may receive, I only
hope that the meat which is brought me will be of good
quality. For however submissive the people are at present . . .
I could not avoid arranging with the listmasters to induce the
people to take the meat last sent me. I shall be in despair
should I have again to receive any such. ... I beg you, sir, to
attend to it and relieve the people as much as possible from
salted provisions." But even with such food, orders had been
given to retrench in distributing it, which meant even less of
that. In the same letter, Cast said, "It is less difficult to re-
trench bad than good food. But he must also bear in mind that
this is carrying things to extremes."51

In the first year in New York, Governor Hunter had spent
11,700 pounds sterling on the Palatines. Of this sum, 19,2.00
pounds went for subsistence at the rate of 1,600 per month.
At that time DuPre, the Commissary of Stores, was sent to
London to secure an additional 15,000 pounds sterling a year
for two years, when, it was asserted, the venture would not
only be self-supporting but would be repaying the large sums
invested.52 Instead of securing the grants, DuPre was busily
occupied, defending Hunter and Livingston from the attacks
of the Earl of Clarendon, formerly Governor Cornbury of New
York.53 On arriving at New York in 1710 Hunter had helped
Cornbury to escape his creditors, and when the noble lord

50 Ibid., 659.

51 Ibid., 671. July 13, 171 1. On July 30, 171X5 retrenchment of beer was
ordered by issuing it "only to the men that work and not for their familys."
N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 191a; Doc. Hist., Ill, 68i.

52 B. M., Harleian MSS. 7011, i8z; P. R. O., C. O. 5/1050, 33; H. L.,
L. O. MSS., 7.

53 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 189; C. C. iyio-iyn, 172., 389; Liv. MS., December
11, 1711.

I70 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

departed, July 31, 1710, he wrote a note to Hunter, telling
him how much he appreciated his help and that it would be a
pleasure to be of service to him at any time.54 When the time
came however, within a year, Cornbury, then Lord Clarendon,
forgot his obligation to Hunter in his hatred for Robert
Livingston.55 Clarendon wrote, March 8, 171 1, to Secretary of
State Dartmouth that it was unfortunate that Hunter had
fallen into Livingston's hands and that, were any more outlay
made, it would only contribute to Livingston's further
wealth.56 The Board of Trade apparently favored Hunter and
desired to go ahead,57 but the Treasury was apathetic with
sad results for the governor as we shall see.

Meanwhile Hunter was also having difficulty with the
only competent instructor in the manufacturing of naval stores
available. Having aided in the selection of a suitable tract,
Bridger secured Hunter's permission to return to New England
until spring, when he would be needed again. In the spring
of 171 1, he refused to return to New York. Hunter charged
him with unfaithfulness.58 A recent writer, nevertheless, gives
Bridger a high commendation for his years of faithful service
in the colonies, stating that "actuated by the interest of the
Navy, which he had previously served as a shipwright, he did
more than any other man to inaugurate the Broad Arrow
policy."59 Why did Bridger leave Hunter and his project and

54 Ibid., 406.

55 H. L., L. O. MSS., 11. Livingston, who bitterly opposed Cornbury
in New York, wrote to England, describing Cornbury's weakness for
promenading in women's attire and his Lordship's day "after dinner till
twelve at night" as spent at the bottle. Cal. Treas. Papers ijo2~iyoy, 511.
Clarendon's animosity might also be attributed to Hunter's dismissal of
Sheriff Anderson, despite Clarendon's strong recommendation of him.
N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 406; I. N. Phelps Stokes, Iconography of Manhattan Island
(New York, 192.8), IV, 471.

56 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 195.

57 H. L., H. M. MSS., iG^-l; C. C. 1712-1714, 170.

58 C. C. iju-1712, 98.

59 Albion, op. cit., 143.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 171

refuse to return from New England to instruct the Palatines?
It might have been because of the influence of someone who
did not wish the project to succeed. Hunter insinuated to the
Board of Trade on January i, 1711, "how basely Mr. Bridger
has endeavor'd to betray this service, he has since wrote to
me that it was not by his own will that he absented himself,
he best knows whose will determined him to soe black a
purpose. . . . "60 It is explained more probably by Bridger's
requests for his traveling expenses, which the Board of Trade
referred to Hunter to pay, and which, it appears, he referred
back to the Board. At least, Bridger wrote, "I have apply'd to
Col. Hunter, who refuses me travailing charges."61 This he
followed with insinuations to the Board of Trade, July 2.3,
171 1, which seem tainted with an ambition of his own: "I am
told that the victualing of the Palatines and not the raising
of naval stores induced a general to undertake an affair he was
wholly ignorant of. ' ' He then made a proposal to manufacture
naval stores in New England with soldier labor, providing
he was made lieutenant-governor of New Hampshire.62 On
September 12., 171 1, Hunter complained that Bridger refused
to return to the Palatine settlement, "pretending want of
sufficient encouragement,"63 although Hunter had recom-
mended to the Board of Trade that he be granted an additional
salary.

60 C. C. 1711-1712, 194. Hunter hinted that this was Francis Nicholson,
in New England in 171 1 for the expedition against Canada. N. Y. Col. Docs.,
V, 449; Doc. Hist., Ill, 675. Colonel Nicholson arrived at Boston June 8th,
171 1, C. C. 1J11-1J12, 38. In " Androborus," a drama in manuscript undoubt-
edly written for private enjoyment, Hunter describes Nicholson as a potential
enemy, Widener Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts. In 171 5 he referred to
him as that "Teazer Nicholson," C. C. 1714-171 5, 306. Also, see N. Y. Col.
Docs., V, 449.

61 Ibid. 1708-1709, 2.0, 2.59, 693; Ibid, 1710-1711, 1.^, 514; B. T. Jour.
1708-1714, 2.2.7.

62 Ibid. 1711-1712, 2.5 .

63 Ibid., 98. As early as February 19th, 171 1 the Board was assuring
Bridger of an increase in salary for his work with the Palatines. C. C. 17 10-
17 1 1, 369; also, C. C. 1714-1715, 303, 306.

172- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

It is fairly clear that in their rivalry for leadership in the
important enterprise of naval stores production, for the pres-
tige and honor that would come from such success, these two
officials had gone beyond indifference to a sharp antipathy in
their relation to each other. Bridger, who had been advocat-
ing a development of such a manufacture on a large scale in
the colonies for thirteen years before 1709, now doubtless felt
that Hunter had stolen his fire. On the eve of the new venture
in New York, Bridger had sent a proposal from New England
in regard to naval stores, for on January 16, 1710, the Board
wrote to Bridger, "We have had under our consideration the
method proposed by you for encouraging the making of tar
and pitch in New England.' The Board then stated that as
3 ,000 Palatines were to go to New York under Hunter, Bridger
was to receive further information in that matter upon
Hunter ' s arrival . 64 In short, as one writer put it in commenting
on Bridger's action against Caleb Heathcote's proposal of
1705, "Bridger seemed a rather jealous official."65 Of Heath-
cote's proposal to produce naval stores in New York and build
a ship, Bridger wrote, "I do, with the result of my own
experience, say it is impossible and he cannot performe any
one thing he aims at."66 This jealousy and the possibility of
seeing another man take the credit for the accomplishment of
his dream of supplying England's needs for naval stores in the
colonies probably hastened the rupture between him and
Hunter, if it did not altogether account for it.

The manufacturing of tar in 171 1 was held up by the
second Canadian Expedition (171 1). Hunter was intensely
engaged in the gathering of provisions and military forces.67

64 Ibid, ijio-ijii, 10.

65 Fox, op. cit., 153. Heathcote proposed to build government frigates at
New York, out of naval stores from there, thus saving the costs of shipment
to England.

66 C. C. ijo6-ijo8, 54. Heathcote also submitted this proposal to Hunter
in 1712., who sent it on to the Board of Trade, Ibid. 1711-1J12, 2.41.

67 Ibid. 1J11-1J12, 97, 100.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 173

In July Bridger wrote to the Board of Trade that the Palatines
would not work; a number of them were to go on the expe-
dition against Quebec.68 Two months later Hunter acquainted
Bridger at Boston, "that I have employed the Palatines in
preparing the Trees this Summer under the direction of Mr.
Sackett however the Season drawing nigh for barking again
if you think fit you may come and give them your direc-
tions. . . ."69 Since the preparations for the expedition re-
quired a great deal of Hunter's time and effort as well as that
of some 300 of the most able-bodied Palatines,70 the tar
business on the Hudson River suffered accordingly.

Richard Sackett, whom Hunter placed in charge as in-
structor of tar-making, was a local farmer who claimed to
have lived three years in the "Eastern countries" among the
manufacturers of tar. Hunter reported that he gave a very
rational account of the method of preparing the trees.71
Therefore, Bridger who had manufactured both tar and hemp
satisfactory to the Navy Board,72 was superseded by Sackett,
whose knowledge and experience, to say the least, was doubt-
ful. Mr. Sackett took charge with energy. About 100,000
trees were barked, a special preparation necessary before the
tar burning could take place.73 A foot-bridge was built across
RoelofF Jansens Kill, a creek just above Livingston's grist-
mill, not far from its junction with the Hudson River.74 Of
the bridge, Hunter wrote, "I have made the best bridge in all
North America over the river between the pine woods and

68 Ibid., 2.5; N. Y. Col. MSS., LV, m.

69 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVI, 18b.

70 Ibid., LV, 112.; B. T. Jour. iyi8-ij22, 107. The Palatines thought by-
taking Canada to make Schoharie safe for their settlement there in the
future. The memory of the sack of Schenectady (1690) was scarcely twenty-
years old. Doc. Hist., Ill, 658.

71 C. C. ijio-ijii, 485.

72 P. R. O., C. O. 314/8, 176.

73 C. C. 1J11-1J12, 97.

74 LV. Hist., Ill, 673, 679.

174 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

their settlements. . . . "75 Carpenters were put to work on
storehouses and barrels under a plan whereby they received
two shillings a day, half in cash from Livingston, and the
other half in credit on their accounts.76 As early as June 16,
171 1, Sackett was using horses and wagons rented from
Livingston to bring in tar knots for making tar. Casks were
also collected by the teams.77 At the same time Sackett was
having a cart made and on the 19th he purchased two horses
for ten pounds for use in the works.78

Early in July, the commissioners for the governing of the
Palatines made arrangements to hasten the production of tar
barrels. The listmasters of the Palatine towns were required
to appoint thirty-six men every Monday to take their turn
in aiding the coopers. Delinquents were to be reported and
punished. The listmasters were also cautioned to "take care
their people do not stragle again, that if they want to go to
work in the Harvest, Leave shall be given them provided it
may be known whether [whither] they goe, that they may
be sent for upon occasion."79

The detachment of soldiers held in readiness to enforce
the decrees of the commissioners was not conducive to better
feeling on the part of the Palatines. For the most part hus-
bandmen and vine-dressers, they were dissatisfied with their
work and their location. They disliked to work in gangs and
under rigid supervision.80 There was no incentive to work
hard to pay back the funds spent on them; they sought only
to receive the forty acres each of soil for their settlement.
They remarked to one another that they had come to America
"to secure lands for our children on which they will be able
to support themselves after we die, and that we cannot do

75 C. C. 1J11-1J12, 99.

76 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, x7b.
"Ibid., LV, z8g, 101.

78 Ibid., x8a, 2.3d; Ibid., LVI, 177.
"Doc. Hist., Ill, 671.
80 Osgood, op. cit., I, 514.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 175

here. ' '8l The Palatines worked but manifestly with repugnance,
and merely temporarily.82 Perhaps the repairing of the iron
bolts on "the prison door" twice in one year had some
significance,83 for the Palatines were to be punished for lax-
ness and the listmasters were reprimanded on occasion.84

The reports on the progress of the manufacturing were
nevertheless promising. On June 6, 171 1, Hunter wrote from
Albany, "Our Tarr work goes on as we could wish God
continue it. . . . We shall be at a losse for Casks in a little
while for we go to work with the Knots. I have however
sett all hands to work. . . ,"85 "That no hands may be idle
we employed the boys and girls in gathering knotts whilst
their fathers were a barking, out of which hee [Sackett] had
made about three score barrells of good tarr, and hath kills
ready to sett on fire for about as much more soe soone as he
getts casks ready to receive it."86 Pork barrels were used of
necessity but they were not satisfactory.87 Another group of in-
teresting items in the Palatine receipts, preserved in the colonial
records, are those given for "6 gallons of Rum for use of the
Palatines at work in the Tarr work." It was required not only
in the winter months such as January,88 but also in the mild
weather of June and July.89

The defection of Bridger and the appointment of Sackett
as tar instructor caused uneasiness in England, and the Board
of Trade began to inquire into the method of manufacturing
naval stores. The reports secured were so divergent,90 that

81 Doc. Hist., Ill, 658.

82 Ibid., 659.

83 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVIII, 63e.
8iDoc. Hist., Ill, 670, 671.

85 H. S. P., Greer Coll., Governors of the Colonies MSS., I, June 6, 1711.

86 C. C. 1J11-1J12, 98.

87 N. Y. Col. MSS., LV, 43.
** Ibid., LVIII, 61a.

89 Ibid., 6ie; H. S. P., Greer Coll., Governors of the Colonies MSS., I,
June 6, 171 1.

90 C. C. ijio-ijii, 369.

I76 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the Board decided to ask the British representative in Russia
as to the method of manufacturing tar there. The representa-
tive, Mr. C. Whitworth, advised the Board from Riga that
he knew nothing about the methods, but that he would
inquire as soon as he arrived in Petersburg.91 In April, 1711,
he described the "Method of Preparing Tar in Muscovy.'
The fir trees were barked in the month of October (not in the
spring) from the bottom eight feet high, except for a strip
three or four fingers broad, which was left up the north side.
In this condition the trees were to stand at least for a year,92
and better still, for two or three years. The turpentine settled
in the barked parts during this period.

When ready for use, the tree was cut down, usually in
winter for the convenience of sledways. The part, which was
barked, was cut off, carried to the place where it was to be
burned, and split at full lengths into billets about the thick-
ness of an arm. Laid in piles six feet high, a computation
of the tar which it was to yield could be made. The slow
heating or sweating was then done in a kiln very similar to
that of charcoal burning, except that more care had to be
taken to prevent leakage and a trench had to be provided to
tap the tar from the kiln.93

The Board noted immediately that the Muscovy method
was somewhat different from that of Mr. Sackett, and they
forwarded the account to Hunter with that comment.94 In
the spring, Sackett barked the north quarter of the tree's
circumference about two feet; in the fall, the south quarter
about two feet, four inches; the second spring, the east quarter

91 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1050, 36.

92 The excellence of this method, the depriving of the trees of their bark
and felling them the following year, has been recently approved and might
be profitably applied in the U. S. Thomas Gamble, ed., Naval Stores, History,
Production, Distribution and Consumption (Savannah, Georgia, 192.1), 13.

93 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1050, 40.

94 C. C. 1711-1712, X98. Hunter attributed the differences to climate.
N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 348.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION IJJ

about two feet, eight inches; and the second fall, the remain-
ing quarter, approximately three feet. The cutting down of
the trees, the splitting into billets and the sweating process
were the same as in the Muscovy method.95

Sackett's method was not productive of results. Not more
than 2_oo barrels of tar, if that, were produced from all the
trees prepared.96 It would appear that Sackett had not barked
the trees sufficiently when the sap was flowing toward the
roots. Furthermore, the inner bark either had not been removed
in sufficient quantities or with proper care. To the latter was
attributed the lack of success. Hunter at first justified Sackett's
procedure in 1712., attributing the difference to the heat of
the sun, "I myself have observed that where by mistake the
trees have been first rinded on the side where the sun's heat
had most influence, the ground near it was filled with turpen-
tine drained by it from the tree." After tests three years later,97
Hunter was "at a loss for the true cause of the disappoint-
ment from the trees prepared for tar, knowing nothing of the
art . . . what I chiefly guess to be the cause of the miscarriage
is this, that the trees being barked by an unskilful and unruly
multitude were for the most part pierced in the inward rind
contrary to strict directions by which means they become
exhausted by the suns heat in the succeeding summer during
which they stood,98 after the time appointed and proper for
felling of them, many of them are good but not in the quantity
that will answer the expence and labour. . . . " 99 It was ten

95 Ibid., 98. It may be noted in passing that the colonists, generally
without instructions, extracted their tar almost entirely from fallen trees
and pine knots. The use of this unprepared wood may account for the
"burning" quality of the colonial product complained of by the Navy
Board.

96 Eccles. Rec, III, t.i6<).

97 N. Y. Col. Doc, V, 348, 450, 471.

98 But North Carolina planters in 1730 made tar from "Light wood,"
that is, the trees which had fallen to the ground from decay, the turpentine
having been removed from the cavities for three years. Gamble, op. cit., 16.

99 N. Y. Col. Doc, V, 479.

178 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

years later that, Governor Spotswood of Virginia claimed to
have convinced the Board of Trade that tar could not
be made with the class of labor available in the plantations.
He then urged that tar burners be brought from Finland for
the purpose.100

Cobb suggested that the failure occurred because the pine
trees of the Hudson could not produce tar and pitch in profit-
able quantities.101 Other writers have followed this view.102
Cobb pointed out of course that a different pine, the Georgia
pine Qpinus palustris) was used successfully in the Carolinas
to produce tar and pitch, but he hinted that the New York
workers attempted to use the white pine Qpinus strobus)
which is unfit for the tar industry. He admitted the presence
in New York of the pitch pine Qpinus rigida), a tree abun-
dantly supplied with resin needed for the production of naval
stores, but argued that it did not occur in sufficient size or
forests to permit an expensive settlement in Hudson district
for that purpose.103 Cobb suggested further to support his
argument that Bridger discovered his mistake and for that
reason absented himself from the foredoomed settlement.
This view is most improbable, for Bridger undoubtedly was
well acquainted with the difference between white pine and
pitch pine, since he was marking the best of the former in New
England with the "Broad Arrow," reserving them for masts
to be used by the Royal Navy and he used the latter to make
tar and pitch, as described earlier. 104 Moreover, there were
sufficient reasons, already pointed out in this study, for Brid-
gets defection. As for Cobb's argument that the pitch pine was
not found in forests of sufficient quantity, Bridger wrote to the
Board of Trade and Secretary of State in London that he had

100 Osgood, op. cit., II, 333.

101 Cobb, op. cit., 171.

102 For example, see Mary Riggs Diefendorf, The Historic Mohaivk (New
York, 1910), 6i.

103 Cobb, op. cit., 173.

104 C. C. 1710-1711, 141; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 169.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

"'itch

\>.

ncn r m<«

Reproduction of Pitch Pine, pinus rigida (% natural size) from F. A.
Michaux, North American Sjlva, 1819 ed., II, 2.87.

l8o THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

" view' d several great tracts of pitch pine proper for making tar
and pitch,"105 and he had selected the Livingston Manor site.
Was Bridger trustworthy in choosing the tract on Living-
ston Manor? Did he deliberately establish the government
industry in country barren of the pitch pine and ensure its
failure? The botanist Andrew F. Michaux, who in 1807
traveled this country and observed the forest trees, noted the
presence of pitch pine in abundant quantities in sandy soils
and mountain ridges along the Atlantic coast, and in such
cases it was compact, heavy and surcharged with resin,106
necessary for the production of tar and pitch.107 In a letter to
the author in March, 192.7, the State Botanist H. D. House
wrote that, "the pitch pine Qpinus rigida) undoubtedly formed
at that time a major portion of the forest upon the sandy
and gravelly areas, and in general upon the areas of poor,
sterile, or rocky soil throughout the Hudson Valley and north
to Lake George. It is still one of the commonest and most
conspicuous trees on this type of soil throughout the region,
withstanding better than white pine ground fires, etc."108
As the Palatines claimed the lands were almost barren,109
and there are certainly hills on Livingston Manor several
miles from the river, we may safely conclude that there was
at least sufficient pitch pine present some miles back of the
Hudson to provide the project with a good beginning,110 and
further, that Bridger was honest in his choice of a location,
for the disagreement with Hunter had not yet occurred.

105 Ibid., 153, 2.61.

106 F. A. Michaux, The North American Sylva (Philadelphia, 1817), I, 151.

107 The pitch pine Qpinus rigida) has been successfully used for the pro-
duction of tar, pitch and turpentine. Romeyn B. Hough, The American Woods
(Lowville, New York, 1891), Pt. II, 42..

108 H. D. House, New York State Botanist, letter of March 2.5, 1917.

109 Doc. Hist., Ill, 708, map on 690; Eccles. Rec, III, 1169.

11(1 The Earl of Clarendon, formerly Lord Cornbury and governor of New
York, denied that pine forests were to be found on Livingston Manor, but
his animous against Livingston and Hunter incidentally are reflected in the
entire letter of March 8, 1711. N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 196.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION l8l

While the tar manufacture still promised so much, on
March i, 1712-, Hunter distraught with a problem growing
more difficult every day, wrote to the Board of Trade, "Your
Lordships may guess at my uneasiness having heard nothing
from your Lordshipps since last summer neither have I advice
of the Paym't of any of my Bills on account of the Palatines,
but I go on with work as if I had, having as your Lordships
well know her Majesty's Commands to that Effect. I wait
with great impatience for your Lordships commands. . . ."1U
But Hunter's bills of exchange continued to return to him
with legal protests. One protest related that the clerk at the
Treasury had answered, "He knew not of any orders touching
the payment" of the said bill. Another clerk had replied that
the bills "must be kept till the Lord Treasurer should give
Direction about them, which would be suddainly. . . .' A
third gentleman at the Treasury answered that the Lord
Treasurer was not in and had not left any orders, touching the
payment of the bill, "but believes the same will be paid."112

This state of affairs was due to the Ministerial Revolution
of 1 7 10, referred to on an earlier page, in which the Tories
superseded the Whigs through bedchamber politics and in-
fluence. Upon the Tories' accession to office in 1710, the
condemnation of all Whig projects was politically necessary
to maintain the Tories in power. The Palatine immigration,
so distasteful to the native English poor,113 became a valuable
political weapon and any national advantages accruing
therefrom were sacrificed to the political exigencies of the
moment.114 The Tories pretended that the whole affair of
the Palatines was a design against the Established Church,

111 N. Y. Col. MSS., LVII, 102., 107.

112 Ibid., z9, 57, 148a.

113 Parlia. Hist., VI, 999; Gibson, op. cit., 83.

114 Somerville, op. cit., 367 thought that "a more shocking example of
political rancour can hardly be imagined;" Abel Boyer, Political State of
Great Britain (London, 171 1), ^ltl mentions "the great noise the business
of the Palatines made [in 171 1] both in the Parliament House and without
doors."

1 82. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

to increase the numbers and strength of the Dissenters.115
Queen Anne strongly favored the High Church party, as did
the Tories generally. Hence, this charge that the Palatines
strengthened the Low Church or Protestant party, probably
gained the Queen's sympathy for the opposition and lost for
the Whig Ministry the Queen's approval of their policy in
regard to the Palatines.116 At any rate, Dr. John Arbuthnot,
Anne's Tory physician, represents her as becoming aware later
of this Palatine immigration having been foisted upon the
Established Church, as a sort of opiate to keep it acquiescent
to the Whig Ministry's tolerant religious policy.117 Old sec-
tarian rancors of the seventeenth century were not yet for-
gotten; the Glorious Revolution had left them deep in party
politics. Hence, despite considerations which we might ex-
pect to see more largely emphasized, such as the possible
inexpediency of supporting such an immigration in a time of
war depression, the issue was fought out in some degree on
religious grounds. Francis Hare, Whig pamphleteer, defended
the reception of the Palatines almost entirely along these
lines, citing the reception of the French and the Flemish im-
migrants in Elizabeth's reign as a precedent.118 The official
documents as well as the Whig propaganda in favor of the
Palatines, invariably referred to them as "Poor German
Protestants," although it has been shown that nearly a third
were of the Catholic faith.

A parliamentary investigation was conducted in 171 1,
with the design "to load the late administration with all
that was possible."119 The investigation did reveal that up to

115 W. T. Morgan, "The Ministerial Revolution of 1710 in England," in
loc. cit., XXXVI, 188, 2.10; Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 16, calls it a plot; Burnet,
op. cit., VI, 39.

116 Gibson, op. cit., 73.

117 Dr. John Arbuthnot's "Law is a Bottomless Pitt," Pt. Ill, in G. A.
Aitken, Later Stuart Tracts QAn English Garner, E. Arber, ed., London, 1877-

80), 349-3S2-

118 [Hare], The Reception, passim.
1,9 Burnet, op. cit., VI, 39.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 83

April 14, 171 1, over 100,000 pounds had been expended upon
the Palatines in various ways.120 The House of Commons
passed two resolutions: first, "That the inviting and bringing
over into this kingdom of the Palatines, of all religions, at
the public expence, was an extravagant and unreasonable
charge to the kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of
the public money, tending to the increase and oppression of
the poor to this kingdom and of dangerous consequence to
the constitution in church and state; second, That whoever
advised the bringing over the poor Palatines into this king-
dom, was an enemy to the Queen and kingdom." It was pro-
posed to lay the blame on Sunderland because of his letters
to the Board of Trade, ordering it to consider plans for settle-
ments, but this was put off from time to time, and delayed
by adjournments until the matter was quietly dropped.121 An
insinuation was also directed against Marlborough because
of the letter from his secretary Cardonnel of May 2.1, 1709,
described in chapter III. As the 1709 emigration had been
under way for several months before that date, the attempt
to saddle Marlborough with the role of instigator was hardly
to be taken seriously. As the report indicated, the result of
the letter was that the Lord Treasurer ordered "Mr. Sweet
at Amsterdam to supply him with such sums of money as
that Service shall require."122 The responsibility of Marl-
borough for the shipping of the Palatines at government
expense has already been disclosed. Of course, Mr. Dayrolle
and Lord Townshend also shared in the responsibility. But
since the arrangement had been authorized by the government
with the Queen's approval, there was little the Tories could
do about it, except make political capital during the election
of 171 1. The change in administration as a result of that

120 C. J. XVI, 598. The act of naturalization of 1709 was repealed (Feb-
ruary, 1712.) as a result of this investigation, ibid., 471; XVII, 75; Parlia.
Hist., VI, 1088.

121 Parlia. Hist., VI, iooi; Burnet, op. cit., VI, 39.

122 C. J., XVI, 597. This correspondence has been described in Chapter III.

184 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

election was to have an adverse effect on the naval stores
project in New York. On the very day that Hunter landed in
New York, June 14, 1710, Sunderland, the Whig Secretary of
State responsible for the New York venture, had been dis-
missed in favor of Harley.123 As late as October 31, 1712., the
other new Secretary of State, Lord Dartmouth, wrote to
Hunter with assurances of the remittances being speedily
answered, and though it brought him "New Life,"124 it left
him in a state of suspense.

Several incidents are significant as pointing to the conclu-
sion that the failure to support the venture was purely politi-
cal. Hunter was still pleading without success for financial
support when he received his commission as Brigadier, for
which he thanked Lord Bolingbroke, one of the leading Tory
Secretaries of State, in a letter dated October 31, 1711. 125
Apparently the Tory Ministry did not disapprove of Hunter
and perhaps regretted the political necessity that left him in
such financial straits. It must be remembered too, that
although a Whig and friendly to Marlborough, Hunter had
a strong friend in the Tory, Dr. Arbuthnot, the personal
physician of Queen Anne.126

In great uncertainty and yet with hope, the governor
continued to provide subsistence for the Palatines until
September 12., 171Z. A few helpless widows and orphans were
taken care of until the 2.3rd. The total expenditure was 31,144
pounds, 17 shillings and 2. pence sterling. Of this sum, the
greater part of which was secured on Hunter's credit, he
received 11,375 pounds: 10,000 pounds, the parliamentary

123 William Frederick Wyon, History of Great Britain during the Reign of
Queen Anne (London, 1876), II, 109.

124 n y. Col. Docs., V, 353. Dartmouth had been a member of the Board
of Trade and was present when it approved the venture on December 5, 1709,
B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, 99.

125 C. C. 1712-1714, 85.

126 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 453; "The Colden Letters," in N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Proc. (1868), 196.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 85

appropriation made in 1709 for the encouragement of the
production of colonial naval stores, intended for the payment
of the bounty on tar and pitch; and 1,375 pounds, secured by
the sale in 171 5 of various supplies left from the unsuccessful
venture. Therefore, from the Palatine accounts there was due
to the governor about 2.0,769 pounds sterling.127

By 1715 Hunter's finances were in very bad shape. His
credit was exhausted because of the debt he had made himself
responsible for in connection with the Palatine subsistence,
and he had not received his salary as governor, which was
then five years in arrears. The New York assembly was dis-
puting the right of the Crown to appoint a salary for the
governor out of the revenues of the province.128 When Hunter
reported the situation to the Board of Trade, it recommended
to the Ministry that Parliament pass an act establishing an
independent support for the governor of New York. Although
the Ministry approved the bill for presentation to Parliament,
Hunter's friends decided to drop the matter, fearing that, if
the New York governorship became more attractive by
reason of Parliamentary support, the political plum might go
to someone with more influence than Hunter.129

Having suffered the desperate situation for four years and
failing aid from England, Hunter came to terms with the
assembly in 171 5. It had been pressing him for the uncondi-
tional approval (contrary to his instructions) of a general
naturalization bill, which would legalize certain deficiencies
in the colonial land-titles (see the terms of the act given in
Chapter VIII), even offering him a present of several thousand
pounds for his assent. Hunter finally agreed to the passage of
the bill in return for a five years' appropriation for the gov-

127 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67. These figures vary slightly from the figures
presented by the New York agent to the Board of Trade in 1717. C. C. 1717-
1718, 117. Also, C. C. 1714-171;, 340; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 461.

128 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 481; B. T. Jour. 1708-1714, xi8.

129 B. T. Jour. 1708-17 14, zzS; C. C. 1714-171;, 306.

1 86 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ernment's expenses.130 Most of the debts outstanding against
the provincial government, including the governor's arrears
in salary, were also paid at the same time. This relieved the
pressure upon the governor and it soon appeared that his
friends in England had not deserted him either, for they
secured the permission of the Ministry to present a bill to
Parliament for reimbursing Hunter for his expenditures in
behalf of the Palatines.131 It was unsuccessful however, as
Parliament adjourned before it could be properly pressed for
enactment.132 The appropriate time for approaching Parlia-
ment was never found apparently, for in 172.2. Hunter peti-
tioned for the grant of islands in the Delaware River as pay-
ment for the money due to him. 133 Two years later he had
his report of the Palatine accounts audited and certified by
government officials and on November 15, 172.7 he presented
a petition, with the auditor's report attached, to the King.134
Evidently the petition was unsuccessful, for later Hunter's
son and heir, Thomas Orby Hunter, presenting a memorial
requesting the Manor of Crowland in Lincolnshire, said that
no part of the claim had been satisfied.135

In 1 71 6 the Board of Trade, under the Whig Ministry of
George I, was favorable to a continuation of the naval stores
industry. But although Hunter was of as firm opinion as ever
that "this country contains pine woods enough to answer
the uses of all the navigation of England," and that the
industry was beneficial, he refused to take it up again. "After
the disappointments I have met with I cannot advise the
renewing the project until we have persons skilled & prac-
tised in the method of preparing the trees in the country

30 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 416.

31 Ibid., 481.

32 C. C. ijij-iji8, 191.

33 Acts Privy Council Col. 1680-1720, 775.

34 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67.

35 P. R. O., Gifts and Deposits 8/73 (no date).

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 87

from whence we have that commodity, for I doubt all others
are but pretenders."136

The colonial naval stores industry was developed never-
theless, especially in the Carolinas, under the encouragement
of the government bounty of four pounds per ton. By 171 5
the total barrels of tar and pitch imported into England from
the plantations nearly equalled the importations from
Europe. 137 In 171 8 the plantations sent England 82., 084 barrels,
which were seven times the amount secured from the conti-
nent. Accordingly, colonial naval stores were produced suc-
cessfully under the bounty system without the need for a
government industry similar to Louis XIV s workshops. The
settlement failed because of the lack of continued financial
support by the English government, because of an unwilling
labor supply under frontier conditions, and perhaps, because
of poor management and incapable instruction in the methods
of manufacturing naval stores.

136

36 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 479; Professor Osgood (op. cit., II, 515) was mis-
taken in stating that by 1714 all thought of continuing the production of
naval stores was abandoned.

137 Appendix B, Lord, op. cit., 141.

CHAPTER VIII. THE PALATINE SETTLEMENTS ON
THE FRONTIER OF THE OLD WEST

Governor Hunter could not believe that the project
would be allowed to fail for lack of financial support
from England, but his discouragement increased with the
passing months. The Palatines, who had never received the
full subsistence for which they were charged, petitioned the
governor for more supplies.1 Eight days later the blow fell.
Although the pine trees had received their last preparation,
staves prepared for barrels, the magazine almost finished, and
a road nearly completed between it and the pine forest, the
enterprise was halted.2 On September 6, 1712., Hunter gave
orders to Cast to inform the Palatines that they would have
to subsist themselves until further orders, his credit being
exhausted. They were to hire themselves out if they could.
They might go anywhere in New York or New Jersey, both
under the jurisdiction of Hunter, but they had to secure a
ticket of leave and register their destination. If they attempted
to leave without these formalities, Cast was ordered to raise
the hue and cry for them and imprison them until further
orders.3 The purpose of these conditions was to keep the
Palatines in readiness upon the first public notice to return
to work, as specified in the covenant.4 This notice reached the
Palatines about the middle of the month. The last day of the
government subsistence for most of the Palatines was Sep-
tember ixth.5 The Palatines were taken by surprise and ex-

1 Eccles. Rec, III, 1169. The order "to retrench in the article of beer" was
issued late in July. Liv. MS., letter of July 30, 1711.

2N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347.

3 Doc. Hist., Ill, 683.

*N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347.

6 P. R. O., C. O. 5/1085, 67.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 89

perienced some anxiety as to their ability to survive the
winter.6

Many of the Palatines scattered about the neighborhood
of the settlements, seeking employment to provide themselves
and their families with food during the coming winter. Some
remained in the settlements where they had been placed by
Hunter. During that winter without government aid their
suffering was particularly pitiful. Their minister Reverend
Haeger wrote to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
on July 6, 1713, that "they boil grass and the children eat
the leaves of the trees. I have seen old men and women cry
that it should almost have moved a stone. [Several] have for
a whole week together had nothing but welsh turnips which
they did only scrape and eat without any salt or fat and
bread."7 Haeger had given what little he had so that he was
in no better condition. Worse yet there was no hope of any
alteration in their condition. Within the next five years many
Palatines moved elsewhere. Several went to Pennsylvania,
others to New Jersey, settling at Hackensack, still others
pushed a few miles south to Rhinebeck, New York, and some
returned to New York City, while quite a few established
themselves on Livingston Manor itself. The last group had
to accept Robert Livingston's terms and they were soon
heavily in his debt.8

The more restless among them, who resented their condi-
tion of serfdom, immediately bethought themselves of the
legendary Schoharie when they were thrown on their own
resources. On October 31, 1712., Hunter wrote to the Board

6 Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 44.

7 L. C, S. P. G. MSS. A-8, 189.

8 C. C. IJ20-IJ2I, 180; Simmendinger, op. cit., Appendix (see lists in Ap-
pendix F); Liv. MS., "Debt List of Palatines living in the Manor of Liv-
ingston," December 18, 172.6. The Palatines who lived in the original settle-
ment also fell into Livingston's debt but for more modest accounts. Liv.
MSS., "Debt List of the Palatines living in the four villages in the Manor
of Livingston," December 16, 1718, also January 1, 172.1.

190

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 191

of Trade relating that "some hundreds of them took a resolu-
tion of possessing the land of Scoharee & are accordingly
march'd thither have[ing] been buisy in cutting a road from
Schenectady to that place. . . ."9 The governor was far from
pleased at this removal without negotiation but was in a
poor position to interfere, "it being impossible for me to
prevent this;" in other words, Hunter thought of preventing
it but of course saw no logical way of do so, since he could
no longer subsist them.

It also appears that Hunter bore a real animus against the
troublesome Palatines, especially those who had settled in
Schoharie between September izth and October 31, 1712.,
some forty or fifty families. In March, 171 3, he remarked in a
letter to Livingston, "Since nothing can restrain the madness
of that people [the Palatines], I'm afraid I must apply an
extraordinary severity."10 On May 11, 1713, he wrote to the
Board of Trade that he had used "all means imaginable to
keep the Palatines together . . . but many are gone of their
own heads to settle at Scoharee and the frontier."11 Two
months later he wrote concerning the deprivation of "those
who run to Scohare."12 The governor had been bothered so
much by the Palatines, attracted by the storied claims of the
Schoharie Valley, that he had become irritable on the
subject.

The Palatines who intended to settle in Schoharie Valley
first sent a number of deputies to make arrangements with the
Indians there. The Indians were easily persuaded to sell the
land to the deputies.13 The fact is that they parted with their
claims to the same lands on three separate occasions, once
when Nicholas Bayard had purchased it about 1695, again by
gift to Governor Hunter for the government as was related

9N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347.

10 Liv. MS., letter of March 30, 1713.

11 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 364.

12 Ibid., 1,66.

13 Weiser Diary, 15, in loc. cit., VIII, 798; Olde Ulster, II, xca.

1^2- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

earlier in this paper, and now to the deputies for the Palatines.
The land-title difficulties which the Germans encountered
were partly due to such uncertain memory of the savages,
who were not averse to selling their claims as often as they
could get an offer.

The procedure by which title to land was secured was well
established by this time. One had to apply to the Governor
in Council for a license to purchase from the Indians a tract
of a certain number of acres in a particular locality. Fees of
2.0 shillings to the Governor, 6 shillings to the Clerk of the
Council, in addition to i shilling, 6 pence for reading the
petition in Council and 6 pence for filing it (all in colonial
currency) were necessary. Then the purchaser made his deal
with the Indians for a deed in English, practically always
with the aid of "fire-water." After securing the Indian deed,
the prospective patentee applied to the Governor and Council
for a survey of the grant, and received a warrant of survey
for a fee of 6 shillings. In the period of the early eighteenth
century, these surveys were quite carelessly made and the
land taken in was invariably many times larger than specified.
A patent was then granted by the Governor and Council for
the following fees in colonial currency: Clerk of Council, 3
shillings for drawing up a warrant or order for the patent;
Attorney-General, 10 shillings for drafting the patent; Secre-
tary of the Province, 30 shillings more or less for engrossing,
sealing and recording; and the Governor, various amounts
depending upon the size of the grant.14 From this description
of the method of securing title, it should be apparent that
the Palatines engaging for land in Schoharie were buying
trouble for themselves by their ignorance of procedure. It
should be clear moreover how necessary the Governor's good
will was for success in securing title.

Upon the return of the deputies from Schoharie about 150
families moved the same autumn (171 2.) to Albany and Sche-

14 Ruth L. Higgins, Expansion in New York with Especial Reference to the
18th Century (Columbus, Ohio, 193 1), 30; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 511.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 93

nectady.15 Here in Schenectady, Conrad Weiser told us his
father stayed during the winter with Johannes Meynderton.
He also related that bread was extraordinarily high but that
the inhabitants were very liberal to the Germans. If Weiser' s
Journal has been read aright, it was in Schenectady that the
Indian Quaynant visited his father and as a result Conrad was
sent to live with the Indians about the end of November. It
also appears that fifty families could not wait for spring but
cutting a rough road from Schenectady to Schoharie in two
weeks, they settled there for the winter throwing up rough
shelters. With the help of the Indians they weathered the
cold winter but with great suffering. How different the ex-
perience of these hardy pioneers contrasted with that of our
complaining Matanuska Valley settlers sent to Alaska last
year (1935).

At this time Governor Hunter sent orders, forbidding
their settlement in Schoharie. Nevertheless, in March, 1713,
the remainder of the 150 families joined their friends at
Schoharie, traveling with roughly-made sledges through
snow three feet deep. 16 The emigrants settled in seven villages,
named as we are told for the deputies who made the arrange-
ments with the Indians. The most northern village, Knis-
kerndorf, of which there are no remains today, was opposite
the village of Central Bridge, nearly opposite the point where
Cobleskill Creek empties into Schoharie River. Two miles
south was Gerlachsdorf, of which there is no vestige left.
Two miles further south was Fuchsendorf, later called Fox
Town, where the Old Fort Museum of Schoharie now stands.
Schmidsdorf, later called Smith's Town, is marked today by
the little railroad station at Schoharie. Brunnendorf, later

15 Weiser Diary, 15, 17, 2.1, in loc. cit., VIII, 797. Weiser gives 1713 as the
date of the migration but it is apparent from Governor Hunter's letters
already cited that this movement took place in 1711. It is also plain from
the diary, for Weiser gave 1713 as the year when the government sub-
sistence was stopped, also an error.

16 Kapp, Die Deutschen, I, 56; Eccles. Rec, III, 1170.

i94

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

T J 1 1 m c t a\ ^ He I d
GertnanTl-lais

A-^%

— - --^Ag.

Facsimile of part of map: The
provinces of New York and New Jersey.
Drawn by Capt. Holland. En-
graved by Thomas Jefferys (1755).
Published in London (1768). A
number of Palatine settlements
have been inserted into the illustra-
tion to increase its usefulness.

Map of Central New York, showing the Palatine settlements in New York.
Courtesy of New York Historical Society.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 195

known as Fountaindorf or Waterstown, was around the site
now occupied by St. Paul's Lutheran Church in Schoharie.
The last three mentioned were in what is now the incor-
porated village of Schoharie and were all three within a
radius of one mile. Two and a half miles southwest of Brun-
nendorf was Hartmansdorf, of which an iron marker is the
only indication now. Two miles further south was Weiserdorf
on the edge of the present town of Middleburgh. Oberweiser-
dorf, a split off from Weiserdorf some years later, was the
most southern settlement about three miles away.17 In its
early days Weiserdorf was supposed to have forty small rude
huts, built of logs and earth, with bark for roofing and with
skins covering the doorways.

The exact numbers moving to Schoharie do not appear in
the records, but on October 2.6, 1713 Governor Hunter re-
ported to an investigator of British projects in America,
Colonel Nicholson, that 1,008 Palatines were in the Hudson
River settlements, 500 in Schoharie Valley and about 500
among the various planters.18 In 1718 a report of the Palatine
ministers places 2.2.4 families of 1,02.1 persons along the Hud-
son River and scattered areas, while 170 families of 58opersons
were in Schoharie.19

The first year in Schoharie (1713) was one of bitter
struggle for the Palatines. Conrad Weiser in his Journal
related how one borrowed a horse and another a cow. Some-
one else borrowed harness and a plow. Hitching the horse
and cow together they broke up so much land that in 1714
they had almost enough corn for their needs. Meanwhile
they often went hungry or appeased their appetites with wild

17 See map of New York. Weiser Diary, 17, in loc. cit., VIII, 797. The
locations of these villages is based on information secured from Mr. Chaun-
cey Rickard, the director of the Old Fort Museum, Schoharie, New York.
The German word dorf means village or town. Also see John Heustis French,
Gazeteer of the State of New York (8th ed., Syracuse, New York, i860), 601.

18 C. C. 1J12-1J14, 163.

19 Doc. Hist., I, 693.

196 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

potatoes and strawberries which grew in abundance and
which the Indians had recommended to them. For flour,
Weiser said they had to go 35 or 40 miles, presumably count-
ing to and from Schenectady, where on credit a bushel or
two might be obtained. This journey, starting early in the
morning, took all day, and then after their business was com-
pleted in the town, they make the return trip, lasting through-
out the night. Women as well as men undertook the trip.
Weiser wrote too of the pain and tears of the hungry ones
awaiting their return. If they went to Albany, the journey
took three or four days.20

But there were silver linings in the dark clouds of adver-
sity. The charity of the good people of Schenectady has been
referred to. In addition records tell us of several occasions in
1 71 3 when the Dutch Church of New York sent supplies for
the Palatines in Schoharie. In July of that year the commu-
nicants of the Dutch Church sent to Albany 80 bushels of
corn, fifty pieces of rookspeck (smoked pork), weighing
about 500 pounds, 100 pounds of bread and six pounds of
money for the purchase of flour. The Palatines were glad to
go to Albany to receive these items and carry them home
from there.21 Hunting and fishing completed their scanty
larder. Judge John M. Brown, in his History of Schoharie,
largely based on tradition and published in 182.3, wrote that
Lambert Sternbergh of Gerlachsdorf purchased a skipple
(three pecks) of wheat and sowed it in the fall of 1713. The
yield of this most carefully cultivated wheat was said to have
been 83 skipples.22 But whatever the truth of the amount,
we may be sure that it was most preciously treated and pre-
served. Within a few years regular over-day and night trips

20 Weiser Diary, 13, in loc. op., VIII, 798; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 12.9.

21 J. Munsell, Annals of Albany (Albany, 1856), VII, 136.

22 J. M. Brown, op. cit. (Schoharie, New York, 1813), 10; Jeptha R.
Simms, History of Schoharie County (Albany, 1845), S2-' hereafter cited as
Simms, Schoharie.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 1 97

were made to Schenectady to have the grain ground into
flour at the grist-mill there.

The Palatines had not been permitted to bring to Scho-
harie the tools supplied them by the government in the
Hudson Valley settlements. Indeed, they feared they might be
charged with theft. Consequently, they were hard-pressed to
fashion substitutes with which to start building their settle-
ment. In the old Fort Museum at Schoharie are many relics
of pioneer life in the Schoharie Valley and from these we can
secure a fair idea of the difficulties of the settlers and the
courageous way in which they met them.23 One settler fash-
ioned a shovel from a log end, painstakingly hollowing it
out. Another used the branches of a tree for a fork to be used
in hay-making. A maul was made from a heavy knot of wood,
the protruding branch being used as a handle. A mortar for
grinding corn was made by taking a log two feet high, and
cutting a hole 12. inches in diameter about 18 inches to 2.0
inches deep into one end. The sides at the top remained about
an inch thick. A cornbread mixer was constructed by nailing
together two half logs, after the edges joined together had
been cut by two spheroid holes of about 8 inches in diameter.
The hole of the mixer was about 10 inches deep while the
depth of the log itself measured 14 inches. Iron gouges had to
be secured to bore holes and the process of furnishing their
huts with articles of convenience must have been quite labori-
ous.

Their furniture must have been very crude for the time
of the men was occupied in clearing the land and securing
food, while the women had not only their household duties
to perform but farm work as well. A split log with four stout
sticks set in for legs was their table. Crude stools made in the
same manner or rough sections of logs completed the furnish-

23 Much of this information on early life is derived from an examination
of the Old Fort Museum relics so courteously and effectively explained by
Mr. Chauncey M. Rickard, the director of the Museum.

198 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ings. These first huts apparently lacked fireplaces; cooking
was done in stone ovens out of doors, built for the use of
several neighboring families. As soon as more permanent
dwellings could be built of log and stones, the fireplaces, so
necessary in winter, were made by attaching a stone chimney
to the outside wall and preparing a small stone floor and
stone sides for fire protection. A bar across the fireplace and
chains for hanging the pots gave the hausfrau a feeling of
domestic security so desirable to these wanderers. Kitchen
utensils were next acquired. Rocking chairs were the height
of luxury and a prized possession in the settlements. As the
years passed these early homes came to have benches with
backs, solid tables and well-made chests, artistically deco-
rated in bright colors and carrying Biblical verses in German
worked into the design.

The earliest artificial light used by the Palatines were
pitch pine knots. Tallow dips were scarce, necessitating rising
at dawn and retiring at dusk. As the cheap clothing of ker-
seys, nap-shag and flannels, provided for the Palatines by
the British government, wore out, the skins of the deer and
beaver were fashioned into breeches, skirts and caps as pro-
tection from the elements. Shoes, excepting the moccasin,
were made of heavy leather studded with iron clips for hard
wear, and fastened with a buckle, or tied with leather thongs
near the top.

The Palatines had large families as a rule, the children
often numbering close to twenty or more, but the mortality
was exceptionally high. The maidens married quite young,
increasing their fecundity. The Palatine women were generally
robust and strong, for within one week of their arrival in
Schoharie Valley four children were safely born.24 Diffi-
culties were encountered in entering the sacred bonds of
matrimony. Since the preacher was an infrequent visitor,

24 Simms, Schoharie, 51; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 117. The children were
named Catharina Mattheus, Elizabetha Lawer, Wilhemus Bauch, and
Johannes Erhardt.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 199

couples sometimes neglected the ceremony itself, but their
marital faithfulness was well enough established to be pro-
verbial.

Conrad Weiser' s Journal tells us that "Here the people
lived for a few years, without preacher, without government,
generally in peace. Each one did what he thought was right.'
Of course, part of this orderly conduct was due to the respect
held by the people for their listmasters, placed over them in

Palatine Shoes

Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

the Hudson River settlements and who retained their author-
ity in Schoharie too.25 Elderly John Conrad Weiser, a magis-
trate in old Wurtemberg in Germany, was perhaps the most
eminent as well as the most fiery leader.

Governor Hunter in opposing their settlement in Scho-
harie,26 probably feared that once there, they would never
return to the manufacture of naval stores along the Hudson.
He comforted himself somewhat as he told the Board of
Trade that the Palatines at least strengthened the border, and
that the Palatines "at Schoharee may be imploy'd in working
in the vast pinewoods near to Albany, which they must be

25 Weiser Diary, 17, in loc. cit., VIII, 799.

26 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.146, 1170; C. C. 1712-1J14, 82.

2.00 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

obliged to doe they having no pretense to possession of any
land but by performing their part of the contract relating to
that manufacture."27 In June, 1714, Hunter was interested in
renewing the project. He had Sackett test the trees to see if
they would do, observing, "If the trees answer I'll fall to
work at my own Cost."28 In August he informed the Board
of Trade, "The trees are now ready for manufacturing, and I
want nothing but money to imploy hands to made a very
considerable quantity of tarr, having had the trees tryed
which for the most part answer expectations."29 Perhaps
Hunter expected to drive the Palatines back into the Hudson
Valley settlements.

Conditions were improving when in the summer of 1714
a colonial gentleman of prominence, Nicholas Bayard, visited
the Palatines at Schoharie. He gave out that to every house-
holder who would describe the boundaries of the land held,
he would issue a deed in the name of Queen Anne. Tradition
has described him as a royal agent.30 This cannot have been
the case, since he had no official connection at the time. In
fact, Governor Hunter composed about that time an unpub-
lished farce in three acts called "Androboros" in which
Bayard is castigated in no uncertain terms.31 Bayard belonged
to the colonial opposition to the governor. His intentions
with regard to the Palatines are unfortunately not clear. But,
a consideration of his background32 suggests that Bayard,
whose grandfather had once purchased the Indian claim to
Schoharie and whose patent had been disallowed by the
Colonial and British authorities as an "extravagant grant"

27 C. C. 1712-1714, 8i; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 347.

28 Liv. MS., June 15, 1714.

29 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 380.

30 Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 145.

31 Widener Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Hunter MS., "Andro-
borus," 14, 2.0 , 2.7; Higgins, op. cit., 53.

32 Mrs. A. P. Atterbury, The Bayard Family (Baltimore, 1918), 16. The
elder Nicholas Bayard died in 1707.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ZOI

in 1708, was trying to save something of his relative's invest-
ment. In 1710 he had petitioned that either the charges and
fees be refunded or that the former grant be confirmed.33 He
may even have envisioned an appeal to London for a confir-
mation of the patent as Captain Evans, another dispossessed
grantee, was doing.34 Had the Palatines accepted his deeds
and claimed the land from him, his case would have been
materially strengthened as he could point then to improve-
ments and settlement, the lack of which was a strong argu-
ment against the original grant.

Regardless of his intentions, Bayard was taken for a rep-
resentative of Hunter and barely escaped the settlements with
his life under the cover of darkness. He was besieged in John
George Smith's house by an angry mob and shots were ex-
changed. Escaping after nightfall to Schenectady, Bayard sent
word that if any would appear before him there, acknowledge
him and name their boundaries, they should still receive a
free deed and a lasting title.35 How galling this experience
must have been to Bayard and how it consequently must have
pleased Hunter, but at the same time warned him of the
temper of these German settlers.

The Palatine tradition has it that Bayard then sold the
Schoharie title to five citizens of Albany. This may refer to
his grandfather's Indian title, which had been voided as
described in Chapter VI, for the Albany partners, who be-
longed to the governor's party in the colony, received their
patent from Hunter on November 3, 1714.36 This grant in-
cluded 10,000 acres of Bayard's vacated grant upon which the
Palatines were settled. The patentees were Myndert Schuyler,

33 Cal. N. Y. Land Papers (Albany, 1864), 97-

34 C. C. 77 20- iy 21, x8. The Board of Trade recommended to Secretary of
State Craggs that Evans be given an equivalent grant elsewhere, and issued
orders accordingly. Eccles. Rec, III, 1194.

35 Simms, Schoharie, 61.

36 N. Y. Patent Books, VIII, 74; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, no; N. Y. Land
Papers, VI, x6, 80; N. Y. Council Minutes, XI, 145.

2.02. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Peter van Brugh, Robert Livingston, Jr., John Schuyler and
Peter Wileman. When Lewis Morris, Jr., and Andrus Coeman
surveyed these lands for the Five Partners, they found that
the flats of Fox Creek and a large part of Kniskerndorf had
been omitted. These lands they secured for themselves and
joined forces with the Albany group. The Five Partners there-
fore became the Seven Partners.37

The Palatines were called upon in 171 5 to purchase, lease
or vacate their land. Hunter claimed (in 172.0) that at his
instance favorable terms were extended to the Palatines,
offering the land free from all rent for ten years, and after
that on only a very moderate quit-rent.38 They refused, and
grew violent. When Adam Vrooman, a resident of Schenec-
tady, tried to settle on land in Schoharie which he had secured
by purchase from the Indians in 171 1 and government patent
in 1714,39 they tore up his fences and pulled down the stone
walls of his home. The Palatines evidently thought that the
land was theirs. When warnings failed to drive out Vrooman 's
son, he was pulled from a wagon and beaten. When Vrooman
reported these incidents to Governor Hunter, he also informed
him that John Conrad Weiser and several others spoke of
going to Boston, intending to sail for England.40

Upon this information Hunter issued a warrant for the
arrest of John Conrad Weiser.41 Apparently attempting to
serve this warrant a sheriff from Albany, named Adams,
came into the Schoharie Valley. No sheriff of the name of
Adams has been listed in the Civil List of the time, but Judge
Brown who related this story in his History of Schoharie, in-
formed Mr. Jeptha R. Simms, the historian of our New York

37 Simms, Schoharie, 60.

38 Eccles. Rec, III, 1146.

39 N. Y. Patent Books, VIII, 91; N. Y. Land Papers, VI, 13, 37, 64;
N. Y. Council Minutes, XI, 167; Simms, Schoharie, 55. Yrooman's Indian deed
is in the Old Fort Museum, Schoharie, N. Y.

40 Doc. Hist., Ill, 687; N. Y. Col. MSS., LX, 3, 10.

41 Ibid., 688; N. Y. Col. MSS., LX. 2.6.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.03

frontier, that he had heard the story from Mr. Adams' own
lips.42 Perhaps Adams was deputized for the occasion. If so,
it was most unfortunate for him, for the Seven Partners
greatly underrated the bravery of these people. Adams, con-
scious of his own honorable intentions, passed up through
the valley and made a halt at Weiserdorf. No sooner had he
explained his business and attempted the arrest than a mob
appeared. The women of that generation, it would seem,
possessed Amazonian strength. Under the direction of Mag-
dalena Zeh, a self-appointed captain, they took the sheriff
into their hands and dealt rather harshly with him. He was
knocked down, and inducted into various places where the
sow delighted to wallow. After receiving many indignities in
the neighborhood of Weiserdorf, Adams was placed upon a
rail and ridden through several settlements. Finally, he was
deposited on a small bridge across a stream along the old
Albany road, a distance from the starting point of between
six and seven miles, quite a lengthy journey for such a con-
veyance. The captain then seized a stake and laid it over the
sheriff's person until two of his ribs were broken. He was
rescued a little later and eventually recovered.43

Matters rested thus for two more years. Then in 171 7
Hunter ordered that John Conrad Weiser, together with three
men from each village appear before him. He told them that
he expected orders from England to remove them to another
region, unless they came to an agreement with the owners
of the land. They protested that they had built their homes
and had made improvements. Hunter agreed to send twelve
men to estimate the value of their improvements and reim-
burse them, but he failed to carry out his promise. Mean-
while they were not to plow the land. Needing food that

42 Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 150, Brown, op. cit., 13. No sheriff of Albany
County was named Adams until 1840. E. A. Werner, N. Y. Civil List for
1M6, 455-

43 Brown, op. cit., 11; Simms, Frontiersmen, I, 146, et seq.

ZO4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

winter, they sent deputies requesting permission to plow, and
being refused, they disregarded the orders altogether.44

In 1718 the Palatines sent John Conrad Weiser, William
Scheff and Gerhart Walrath45 to London to ask for justice.
They sailed from Philadelphia, but, were robbed of their money
by pirates. The ship had to put into Boston for new supplies,
and upon reaching London the Palatine deputies were im-
prisoned for debt. By that time Hunter himself had returned
to London to recoup his fortune. He falsely claimed that the
Palatines had taken possession of lands in Schoharie already
granted to others.46 He pointed out that the proprietors had
offered them easy terms — no rent for ten years and thereafter
only a moderate rent. His suggestion that they be removed
to other lands on the frontier was adopted. The Palatines'
deputies were not in agreement themselves as to what should
be done.47 This and their lack of financial resources lent feeble
opposition to the influence of Hunter. Walrath, homesick,
sailed for New York but died before reaching his destination.
Toward the close of 172.1 Schef returned but he too died soon
— in his case within six weeks of his homecoming. At last in
November of 172.3 John Conrad Weiser came back to New
York still unreconciled to the government's proposals.48

Colonel Hunter's successor, Governor William Burnet
was ordered to settle the Palatines on some suitable lands.49
In 1711 Burnet gave a number of the Palatines license to pur-
chase land of the Mohawks provided that it was at least

44 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.171; Doc Hist., Ill, 713.

45 C. C. 1720-1721, 102.. The letter of attorney sent by the Palatines in the
autumn of 1719 gives us Walrath's name as Gerard, but it appears on the
Subsistence List and in Simmendinger's List as Gerhardt.

46 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 551.

47 Ibid., 574; Eccles. Rec, HI, 2.177.

48 Weiser Diary, 39, 43, in loc. cit., VIII, 800. Before his return Weiser
had carried the fight unsuccessfully to the highest authorities, the Lord
Justices. C. C. 1-722-1-723, 311.

49 N. Y.Col. Docs., V, 582..

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 105

forty miles above Fort Hunter and at least eighty miles from
Albany. He explained to the Board of Trade that he had made
this condition in order to have the frontier extended. He also
stated as evidence of the good will now prevailing that some
Palatines had actually taken leases from the Seven Partners.50
In 172.2. Burnet purchased land in the Mohawk Valley (Bur-
netsfield) for the Palatines but they were slow in responding
to his offers. About sixty families wanted to settle apart from
the others and as they had been "most hearty for the govern-
ment," Burnet permitted them to settle between Fort Hunter
and Canada.51 The leader of this group was John Christopher
Gerlach. They petitioned for a patent in March, 172.1, then
realizing that they had to do their own purchasing from the
Indians, they made the necessary arrangements.52 On October
19, 172.3, the Stone Arabia patent was issued to twenty-seven
persons. It contained 12., 700 acres about two or three miles
back from the Mohawk River. The annual quit-rent of 2.
shillings, 6 pence per hundred acres and customary conditions
were made. This settlement developed into Palatine Bridge
and the town of Palatine.53

Tradition has it that in 172.3 fifteen families of the Pala-
tines removed to the Tulpehocken district just east of the
Swatara Creek in Pennsylvania. They migrated at the invi-
tation of Sir William Keith, Governor of Pennsylvania, who
invited them on the occasion of his visit to attend an Indian
conference in Albany in 172.2.. The Pennsylvania records con-
firm the fact that Governor Keith invited them then. In
truth the Pennsylvania records suggest further that several
Palatines from New York settled in Pennsylvania "about
1717."54 As Weiser wrote in his Journal, "the people received

50 C. C. 1720-1721, 468; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 634.

51 Eccles. Rec, III, 2.196; C. C. 1722-1723, 168.

52 Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, no, 138, 195, 196.

53 N. Y. Land Papers, VI, 138; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, 12.0.

54 Pennsylvania Archives, md series, VII, 78, 94; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 677.

2_o6

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Map of Eastern Pennsylvania, showing Tulpehocken_(Wormelsdorf) settled by
the Palatines. Courtesy of Pennsylvania-German Society.

news from the land at Swatara and Tulpehocken in Pennsyl-
vania. Many of them came together, cut a way from Schoharie
to the Susquehanna and brought their goods there and made
canoes and journeyed down to the mouth of the Swatara
Creek and drove their cattle overland in the spring of 172.3.
Thence they came to the Tulpehocken settlement; later others
followed and settled there, at first without permission of the
owner of the land or company, or from the Indians from
whom the people had not yet bought the land."55 It seems

55 Weiser Diary, 45, in hoc. cit., VIII, 801.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.O7

that other Palatines preceded the 172.3 emigrants from Scho-
harie to Pennsylvania, for a letter written in Albany on Oc-
tober 16, 172.0, stated that some of the Palatines had gone
"to [the] Philadelphia government, where they think they
fare best."56 But since Weiser wrote in his Journal that the
settlement in the spring of 172.3 was the beginning of the
Tulpehocken settlement, it does not appear that the earlier
group settled there.

The Palatine settlements at Womelsdorf in the Tulpe-
hocken region made the Indians restless and caused the colo-
nial authorities of Pennsylvania great concern.57 Several other
groups are said to have followed the 172.3 emigrants. In 17x5
there were thirty-three families settled there58 and fifty more
families expected. These moved in 172.9 and among them was
the family of Conrad Weiser, who served Pennsylvania and
the colonies generally as a valuable intermediary with the
Indians.59 The elder John Conrad Weiser did not move to the
Pennsylvania frontier with the first families as he had often
threatened to do in earlier days. In 172.6 he entered into an
agreement with John Van Kampen of Huntington County,
New Jersey to procure an Indian deed for land on the west
side of the Delaware River.60 The attempt to secure this land
apparently failed, for Weiser later joined his son in Womels-
dorf near the Swatara Creek in Pennsylvania.

Taking advantage of the offer made by Governor Burnet
to settle the rest of the Palatines on the twenty-four mile
tract above Little Falls, the family of Johan Jurgh Kast ob-
tained in June, 172.4, a patent for 1,100 acres. The patent in-
cluded the usual reservations and required 2.7 shillings, 6

56 C. C. IJ20-IJ2I, l8o.

57 Pennsylvania Provincial Papers, III, 51.

58 Col. Rec. of Pa., Ill, 351. See lists of names in Appendix G.

59 Daniel Haberle, Auswanderung und Koloniegriindungen der Pfdlzer in i8ten
Jahrhundert (Kaiserlautern, 1909), 94.

60 Cal. N. Y. Hist. MSS., II, 497.

io8

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

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THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION LO9

pence for annual rent.61 One of the Kasts was also included in
the nearby Burnetsfield patent, granted a year later. Another
group of Palatines settled west of the same falls on lands
offered by the Governor. This land was purchased from the
Indians by John Conrad Weiser and other Palatines on July
9, 1712.. 62

The Burnetsfield patent, granted April 13, 172.5, assigned
one-hundred-acre lots to some ninety individuals. Some re-
ceived their land all in one place, while others had thirty
acres in the river bottoms between the Mohawk River and
the West Canada Creek just before it joins the Mohawk, and
seventy acres in woodland back of the river. As in the
other patents they were required to pay the customary quit-
rent.63 The meadow lands south of the river were later known
as the German Flats while the village opposite was called
Palatine village and later Herkimer after the German- American
general who won fame in the Revolutionary War. At last
these Palatines occupied land to which they had undisputed
possession. The Burnetsfield community prospered until the
French and Indian War threatened the New York frontier.

In 173 1, 8,000 acres, known as the Canajoharie patent,
were granted to certain members of the colonial aristocracy.64
These lands as well as certain others granted a little earlier
were located in the present towns of Minden and Canajoharie.
Palatines who early settled on these lands rented them from
the Indians. There was considerable dispute between the
Indians and the several colonial patentees in which the
London authorities eventually intervened because of charges
of fraud.65 A compromise was finally effected in 1768 mainly

61 N. Y. Land Papers, IX, 75, 76; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, 173.

62 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 634; N. Y. Land Papers, VIII, 168; Cal. N. Y.
Land Papers, 171.

63 N. Y. Land Papers, IX, 2.1, 48, 174; Cal. N. Y. Land Papers, 166, 169,
181; N. Y. Patent Books, IX, 139, 165.

64 N. Y. Patent Books, XI, 53; N. Y. Land Papers, 89, 103, 111, nz.

65 N. Y. Col. Docs., VI, 851, 1017, 1178; VII, 671, 876.

2.IO THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

through the good offices of Sir William Johnson, the great
colonial trader of central New York and the Palatines event-
ually purchased the lands they were occupying.66

In similar ways other groups of Germans heeded the call
of the new lands and the frontier was pushed westward.
About 1710 a company of Palatines, in faith Mennonites,
settled "toward the River Susquehanna" in Pennsylvania.
Palatines continued to arrive in that colony in increasing
numbers. For example, in 1717 one hundred "sold themselves
for servants to Pennsylvania for five years." About 400 more
were in London, awaiting disposition67 when in 1717, the
registration of immigrants was required by the Pennsylvania
colonial authorities.68 On September 14, 172.7, a ship from
Holland arrived in Philadelphia with 400 Palatines. It was
then said a much greater number would follow.69 This com-
manded the attention of the governor and council of Pennsyl-
vania, who demanded a declaration of allegiance to the King
and fidelity to the proprietary government.70 In fact in the
following year, John Penn, one of the heirs of William Penn,
considered the advisability of prohibiting or restricting the
German immigration.71

The stream of Deutches Volk ran rather steadily to Pennsyl-
vania. Writers touching on this subject have attributed the
apparent preference for Pennsylvania to New York or other
colonies, to the harsh treatment of the Schoharie settlers.72

66 Ibid., VII, 850; VIII, 70, 78, 91, 94.

67 C. C. 171J-1718, 19.

68 Minutes of Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, III, 19.

69 H. S. P., Pennsylvania Misc. Papers, Penn and Baltimore MSS., 172.5-

1739^ 2-7-

70 Minutes of Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, III, 183; Samuel Hazard,
Register of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1818), II, 103.

71 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, XXVII, 378.

72 Faust, op. cit., I, 105; Bolton and Marshall, Colonisation of North America
(New York, 1910), 319; Greene, op. cit., 180, 130; M. W. Jernegan, American
Colonies (New York, 19x9), 308; Proper, op. cit., 39; Beidelman, op. cit., 60;
Cobb, op. cit., 108.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION XII

In this they follow the statement by the Swedish traveler,
Kalm, who in 1748 wrote, "I am told of a very different
reason which I will mention here [Kalm then describes the
ill treatment, such as loss of land] . . . The Germans not
satisfied with being themselves removed from New York,
wrote to their relations and friends and advised them, if ever
they intended to come to America, not to go to New York,
where the government had shown itself so unequitable. This
advice had such influence, that the Germans, who afterwards
went in great numbers to North America, constantly avoided
New York and always went to Pennsylvania. It sometimes
happened that they were forced to go on board such ships as
were bound to New York; but they were scarce got on shore,
when they hastened on to Pennsylvania in sight of all the
inhabitants of New York." 73 Kalm himself was careful to men-
tion that he had been told this.74 The last sentence, indeed,
has the flavor of a story told for effect.

But Kalm was not satisfied with that, for his next sentence
was, "But the want of people in the province [New York]
may likewise be accounted for in a different manner.' He
then attributed the lack of settlers in New York to the large
landowners and their reluctance to sell even at high prices.
New York governors had made similar comments in earlier
days. Governor Dongan called attention to the small number
of immigrants who entered the province after its capture
from the Dutch.75 Governor Bellomont wrote in 1700, 'The

73 Peter Kalm, Travels in America (Warrington, England, 1770, Forster
Trans.), I, 171.

74 Kalm remarked about the importance of the French as neighbors in
preserving the colonial loyalty. He made the startling prophesy in 1748 as
told him by colonial gentlemen, which was fulfilled in 1776-1783, "that the
English colonies in North America, in the space of thirty or fifty years, would
be able to form a state by themselves, entirely independent of Old England "
op. cit., I, 2.65. This is an early evidence of what Professor Jernegan has
recently referred to as "the Movement for Independence." Amer. Hist. Rev.,
XXXVI, 503.

75 Proper, op. cit., 39.

2-12. THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

people are so cramp'd here for want of land, that several
families within my own knowledge are remov'd to the new
country (a name given by them to Pennsylvania and the
Jersies) . . . What man will be such a fool to become a base
tenant to Mr. Dellius, Col. Schuyler, Mr. Livingston (and
so he ran through the whole roll of our mighty Landgraves)
when, for crossing Hudson's river, that man can for a song
purchase a good freehold in the Jersies."76 On October 2., 1716,
Governor Hunter advised the Board of Trade that, "it is
apparent that extravagant tracts of land being held by single
persons unimproved is the true cause that this province does
not increase in number of inhabitants in proportion to some
of the neighboring ones."77

Nevertheless, Hunter too had allied himself with the
speculators and the large landowners. The Schoharie grant
was given to the Seven Partners, young gentlemen, sons of the
landed aristocracy, as a speculative venture. He also granted
a large tract in Ulster County to his friend, Lewis Morris
and others, in 171 5, 78 for speculative purposes. Of all the New
York governors, Hunter, though known as the most able,
probably did most to perpetuate the land problem. The con-
firmatory grant with representation in the assembly to Robert
Livingston for his over-large manor has already been described.

Hunter, however, was a party to a unique naturalization
act, which naturalized the dead ! The ulterior purpose of the
New York Act of 171 5 was to confirm the possession of large
tracts of land to certain holders, whose titles might have
been challenged as illegal. When the colony had been taken
over finally by the English in 1674, t^ie articles of surrender
stipulated that all the people in the colony at the time should
continue free denizens and enjoy their lands and houses and
dispose of them as they pleased. An act of the assembly of

76 C. C. 1700, 678.

77 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 480.

78 N. Y. S. L., Frey Collection, MS. of the Grant, February 10, 1715.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.1 3

New York in 1683 naturalized all those of foreign nations
then in the colony and professing Christianity. To further
encourage the immigration of foreigners, it was also provided
that any foreigners professing Christianity might any time
after their arrival be naturalized by an act of the assembly,
if they took the oaths of allegiance required.79

Now, there were at least two possible difficulties for the
land proprietors of New York. The articles of surrender
might not be fully carried out, and those who held lands
based on patents issued before the surrender might find their
title challenged; or, the proprietors might have acquired land
from aliens who had neglected to be naturalized by act of
the assembly as required by the law of 1683 . Such aliens could
not sell or devise land legally and consequently such titles
might be assailed. That there was a disposition on the part
of the British authorities to challenge the legality of large
grants has been mentioned earlier. The 1708 confirmation by
the London Authorities80 of the "Act for Vacating, Breaking
and Annulling the several Extravagant Grants" made by
Governor Benjamin Fletcher, passed in New York in 1699,
appears to have alarmed the New York proprietors. The
adoption of a new land policy by the Crown of restricting
New York grants to 2., 000 acres to any one person for a quit-
rent of 2. shillings, 6 pence for every hundred acres and requir-
ing the cultivation of at least three acres for every fifty acres
held, within three years of receiving the grant,81 also hinted
at trouble.

When Hunter arrived in the colony with the Palatines and
instructions to have them naturalized immediately by act of
the assembly "without fee or reward," the assembly was

79 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 496.

80 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, Z5, 48. Indeed, on March 15, 1716, the Board of
Trade suggested to Hunter that the New York assembly might be induced
to vacate other extravagant grants of land. C. C. 1716-171 7, 49.

81 Eccles. Rec, III, 1709.

2.14 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

apathetic.82 Years passed and nothing was done. In fact, the
governor's salary was not paid and even the ordinary expenses
of the government were not provided for, so that an act of
Parliament was considered in London to establish a revenue
for the New York government. These developments have been
referred to in Chapter VII. Hunter grew tired of waiting for
succor from England, and finding his credit so seriously
impaired by the attitude of the assembly and the lack of
financial support from London for the Palatine project to
manufacture naval stores, he became more amenable to the
suggestions of the New York proprietors in the assembly.

The naturalization act, passed July 5, 1715,83 was part of
a working agreement arranged between the governor and the
assembly. The governor was to approve the naturalization
act and was to receive in reward "an honourable support of
the Government and not a scanty one" for five years, and the
payment of the debt owed to the governor by the province.84
This compromise was a culmination of a long struggle in the
colony between the prerogative and the landowning class.85
The prerogative gave way for a temporary gain and lost the
more permanent threat it had held of revising the land grants
possessed by the New York aristocracy. Hunter apologized to
the British colonial authorities for his approval of the law.86
In spite of Attorney-General Northey's opinion that it was
contrary to the act of navigation,87 the naturalization law
of 171 5 was not disallowed for some time largely because of
Hunter's desires that such action be delayed so that his
difficulties in New York might be eased.88

82 Charles Z. Lincoln, Messages from the New York Governors 1683-1906
(Albany, 1909), I, 146, 147.

83 Colonial Laws of New York (Albany, 1894), I, 858.

84 Jour, of the New York Legislative Council, 386; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 416;
C. C. 1J14-1JIJ, 308; Osgood, op. cit., II, 113; C. W. Spencer, Phases of Royal
Government in New York 1691-1719 (Columbus, Ohio, 1905), 146, 149, 155.

85 Greene, op. cit., 184.

86 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 403, 416. 87 Ibid., 497.
88 C. C. 1J16-171J, 181; 1J17-1J18, 360.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.15

Ostensibly, the naturalization act was suggested by
Hunter pursuant to his instructions to secure the naturaliza-
tion of the Palatines. This suggestion took the form of a
general naturalization act.89 It was seized by the anxious
landed gentry in the assembly as a foil for the protection of
their ill-gotten possessions, for it provided that all persons
of foreign birth alive in New York in 1683, possessing land,
were naturalized by the act and their grants made good; all
persons of foreign birth who had come and inhabited New
York since 1689 and secured lands, or died in possession of
them, were deemed to be naturalized; and all persons of
foreign birth inhabitants of New York in 171 5 and Protes-
tants were naturalized, provided they took the oath of
Allegiance and Supremacy and subscribed to the Test and the
Abjuration Oath. But if the latter class died without taking
the oaths within the nine months grace allowed, they were
naturalized.90 It should be clear that by this act all weakness
of land titles, secured before the English took possession of
New York or acquired from aliens since then, was legally
removed. The Attorney-General of England, in recommending
the disallowance of this act, suggested that instead of en-
couraging foreigners to settle in the colonies without natural-
ization, it would be better to confirm the titles of the subjects
of New York even though they claimed from persons not
naturalized.91 His suggestion does not appear to have been
accepted, however.92 A large number of Palatines availed
themselves of their opportunity for naturalization under the
act.93

Turning for a last glance at the Newburgh settlement
made by Kocherthal and his party in 1709, we find that they

89 Jour, of New York Legislative Council, 305.

90 Col. Laws of New York, I, 858.

91 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 497.

92 Carpenter, loc. cit., 302..

93 Munsell, op. cit., VII, 40-51 passim.

XI 6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

had not prospered. It was a poor commentary on either the
Palatines or New York that all of the people had sold or
disposed of their rights and moved away by 175 1, except a
Margaret Ward. The latter was willing to conform to the
Church of England and so the Lutheran Glebe was turned
over to the Anglican Church.94 Few Palatines were settling
in New York. The stream of German immigration was flow-
ing heavily into Pennsylvania and we may next seek reasons
for this phenomenon.

That Pennsylvania was the beneficiary of a large amount
of publicity has been noted. The effects of the advertising
were felt throughout the eighteenth century. In 1717 an agent
of George I, then King of England, offered lands to Germans
beyond the Allegheny Mountains west of Pennsylvania.95 A
group of German immigrants in Pennsylvania in 1734 wrote
that they had "heard when in our native Country the great
Blessings of Peace and Liberty enjoy'd by the People of
Pennsilvania under a good and Pious Proprietor."96 Christo-
pher Sauer, who came to Pennsylvania in 172.5, remarked,
"I wrote largely to my friends and acquaintances of the civil
and religious liberties. . . . My letters were printed and re-
printed, whereby thousands were provoked to come to the
province, and they desired their friends to come."97 The land
agents (or Neiilanders) often repressed unfavorable news from
the colonies.98 In fact, advertising materials in various forms

94 Doc. Hist., Ill, 598-606.

95 J. D. de Hoop Scheffer, "Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania,"
in Pennsylvania Magazine of History (1878, no. 1), II, 119.

96 H. S. P., Misc. Papers, Streper, Bucks County i68x-i77i.

97 I. D. Rupp, History of Northumberland . . . Co. (Lancaster, Pennsyl-
vania, 1845), 55- How the friends in the Fatherland must have envied the
New Jersey pioneer who wrote to them, " jeder hat 50 Morgen Land, halt 11
Kuh und 8 pferde, gibt jahrig einen Reichs thaler schatzund." Goebel,
"Briefe," in op. cit., 188.

98 Mittelberger, op. cit., 42.; Hallesche Nachrichten, II, 411.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION LI7

were issued throughout the greater part of the century." An
important consideration for those Germans contemplating
settlement in British America was "that more German colo-
nies have established themselves there [in Pennsylvania] than
in any other single part of the English plantations in America,
a thing which those people should note, who perhaps might
be expecting some help and assistance upon their first arri-
val."100 This became increasingly important as the arrival of
religious sects began to swell the immigrant numbers.101

That the advertising received by Pennsylvania had great
influence in causing the flow of migration thence, was ad-
mitted by Clarke, President of the New York council, and
later Lieutenant-Governor. On May 2.6, 1736, he informed the
Board of Trade that what New York needed was publicity of
its land terms and opportunities.102 A number of New York
proposals were actually sent to Amsterdam, to be translated
into "high Dutch,' and disseminated.103 Although New
York had occasional German immigration, as the small
group under Reverend John James Ehlig in 172.2.104 who settled
at Canajoharie among the other Palatine settlers in the
Mohawk Valley, it never was so well known and appreciated
in the Germanies as was Pennsylvania.

It appears that writers have lost sight of the fact which
explains the phenomenon of German immigration to Penn-
sylvania. Pennsylvania was the most widely advertised of
the British colonies in America. The liberal terms offered,
the promised religious toleration, the known settlements of
Germans already there, were more important factors than

99 Geiser, op. cit., 14.

100 Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 4.

101 H. S. P., Misc. Perm and Baltimore MSS., 1715-1739, 2.8.

102 Eccles. Kec, IV, 1671.

103 Ibid., z68o.

104 Ibid., Ill, 1195; L. C, S. P. G. MSS., A-z6, 68. This immigration also
used Nutten Island (now Governor's Island) as an immigration station.
Doc. Hist., Ill, 715.

2_l8 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

the resentment of the sixty families who moved to Pennsyl-
vania from Schoharie. For to be truly effective, such letters,
as Kalm mentioned condemning settlement in New York,
must necessarily have been widely published in Germany.
In 1750 a Reverend Peter Brunnholtz in Germantown, Penn-
sylvania, thought that the real difficulties in America should
be reported in newspapers in Germany, but reconsidering
asked, "Still what good would it do? The farmers don't get
to read the papers, and many indeed would not believe it as
they moreover have a mind to come."105 The German readers
too would have had to accept the statements at their full
value rather than as German governmental propaganda to
keep them in the Rhineland. Such an improbable sequence
was unlikely and indeed unnecessary for New York was not
widely known in the Palatinate and its neighboring districts.
Pennsylvania was the "promised land.' The Palatine immi-
grations of 1708 and 1709 were diverted to New York by the
British government for its own purposes. New York was a
royal province and it was thought that the manufacture of
naval stores could be promoted there. It was also considered
quite important to strengthen the New York frontier,106 and
we may next consider how the Palatines fared in their rela-
tions with the French and Indians.

The relations between the Indians and the Palatines of the
Schoharie Valley were usually quite friendly and satisfactory
as has been pointed out earlier. Perhaps the chief reason
was the influence with the natives held by Conrad Weiser,
who it will be remembered was taken when a young man by
the Indian chief Quaynant to live with him. Weiser lived
with the Indians for several years, often hiding in fear of his

105 Hallesche Nachrkhten (Oswald trans.), II, 413.

10R The December 5, 1709 representation of the Board of Trade on the
New York experiment in the production of naval stores emphasized first of
all the importance of strengthening the New York frontier, the "most
advanced" of all the colonies and necessary "to the security of all the rest."
N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 117.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION ZIJ

life from the drunken braves, but he learned their language
and later served as interpreter and peacemaker between the
settlers and their savage friends.107 Indeed, the danger from
drunken Indians was no small matter, as Reverend Frederick
Haeger found on one occasion in October, 171 7, while driving
down from Schenectady to the Livingston Manor settlement.
A party of Indians on a spree gave chase after the wagon.
The driver whipped up the horses to such a speed that the
pastor feared they would be dashed to pieces instead of being
scalped.108

When the settling of Palatines in New York was first
considered by the Board of Trade on August 30, 1709, the
Board had hopes that they would not only serve as a frontier
barrier to the French but that "in process of time by marrying
with the neighboring Indians (as the French do) they may be
capable of rendering great service to Her Majesty's subjects
there."109 While the frontier was pushed westward into the
Schoharie and Mohawk Valleys by these Palatine pioneers,
it does not appear that they intermarried with Indians as the
Board of Trade's matchmaking desires anticipated.

The participation of 300 Palatines in the failure of the
joint English and colonial expedition against Canada in 171 1
has been mentioned in Chapter VII. The Palatines had gone
quite willingly, expecting to make the frontier safe for their
eventual settlement there110 and the failure was a grievous
disappointment to them. When the French and Indian War
broke out, the Palatines in the Mohawk Valley were con-
cerned for their safety, although they had five blockhouses,
and a fort was situated several miles away. They made over-
tures to the French Indians, complaining of the treatment
accorded them by the English, and proposed an alliance for

107 Weiser Diary, 17, 19, 2.5, in loc. cit., VIII, 798.

108 L. C, S. P. G. MSS., A-12., 341; N. Y. H. S., Hawks Trans., I, 53Z.

109 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 88.

110 L. C, S. P. G. MSS., A-7, 113.

12.0 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

joint defense against the English. The Indians reported the
proposal to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the Governor of
Canada, in a conference on December 2.4, 1756. 1U De Vaudreuil
advised the Indians to inform the Palatines that if they were
sincere, he would sustain them as soon as they joined the
Indians, and "If it [the Palatine nation] will retire close to
me, I shall receive it and furnish it with lands.' But he
warned that in case the proposal of the Palatines was offered
only to guarantee their settlements against the French and
their Indians, the trick would not avail them.

The French Governor's threat was not idle language, for
in November of 1757 a strong force of 300 marine troops,
Canadians and Indian braves descended upon the Mohawk
Valley Palatines. On November nth, they attacked with
such vigor and blood-curdling war-whoops that the Mayor
of the village of Palatine, Johan Jost Petrie, threw open one
blockhouse and asked for quarter. After plundering for forty-
eight hours and standing off meanwhile an English attack
from the neighboring fort, the French and Indians retired
with nearly 150 men, women, and children as prisoners. They
had great booty and lost not a single man, so they reported
with glee.112 The Germans remained in Canada until they
were exchanged for other prisoners of the English in Sep-
tember of 1758. 113

Our classic historian of the frontier, the late Frederick
Jackson Turner, pointed out the non-English character of the
frontiersmen of New York and Pennsylvania and the conse-
quent typical "American" character of that part of the "Old
West,' with respect to tolerance and an easygoing cosmo-
politanism.114 Turner likewise appreciated that the difficulty
New York had to surmount, because of the Indian barrier

111 N. Y. Col. Docs., X, 513, 514.
™Ibid._, X, 673.

113 Ibid., X, 881.

114 Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York, 1910), 11, x8.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION XXI

presented by the Six Nations, was the sparseness of the Euro-
pean population, which may be said to have lacked effective
expansive power for that reason.115 He also regarded the land
system of the colony as a serious obstacle, not only because
of the large grants of land to the Lords of Manors but also
because of their insistence on leases or shares often, as opposed
to outright sale. In this connection, he mentioned the exper-
ience of the Palatines at Schoharie, feeling that had their
their experience been more successful, "the tide of German
settlement which finally sought Pennsylvania and the up-
country of the South might have flowed into New York."116
This view supposes that Pennsylvania was settled by the
Germans, because the bad land system of New York was
well-known in Germany. That such was not the case has been
indicated in this study, and it therefore seems that the appeal
of Pennsylvania in the Rhineland lay rather in the effective-
ness of the publicity put over by William Penn. On the other
hand it is quite possible that had New York embarked on an
advertising campaign similar to the pamphlet barrage of
Pennsylvania and publicized the German settlements in New
York, the Germans would have chosen the latter place for
their destination.

Professor Turner's emphasis on the frontier as productive
of individualism has served a useful purpose in calling the
attention of American historians to an indigenous influence
not fully appreciated before. In view of this study of the
Palatine immigration, a small modification of the frontier's
influence should be considered. In the first place the frontier
did not only force modification on mankind by the need of
conforming to natural environments, as described by Turner,
but it also attracted only certain types of mankind to its
area. These types were the unruly, the rash, the non-conform-
formists who often refused to accept the regulations and

115 Ibid., 80.

116 Ibid., Si.

Z2.2- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

obligations of more organized communities. The timid, faint-
hearted conformist usually favored the comparative safety of
the established settlements. This was largely true of the Pala-
tine immigration under discussion. Only one-fourth of the
Palatines on Livingston Manor moved to the unprotected
Schoharie frontier, and these were largely the trouble-makers,
so Governor Hunter and other officials often stated.117 Re-
gardless of the handicaps they suffered, three-fourths of the
Palatines remained on lands, in the possession of which the
Indians need not be challenged or the French incursions feared.
Is it not possible that the individualism produced by the
frontier was largely due to the type of men it attracted? Was
not the frontier influence a selective process as well as a
creative power?

Furthermore, if we are to consider the Palatines in the
Schoharie and the Mohawk Valleys as typical examples of
the "Old West" frontier,118 we should note that their indi-
vidualism was tempered by much community co-operation.
The very necessities of the hard frontier life produced a co-
operation often lacking among the individuals of an older
community. The joint purchase of a horse, the borrowing of
harness, plows and other scarce articles and the combined
effort to clear the land and win sustenance, to omit the re-
quirements of joint defense against the savages, were ex-
amples of this co-operation. Individualism there certainly
was on the frontier, but was it due to the frontier conditions
or the calibre of the men, or to both? Is it not true that the
frontier conditions called for a type of co-operation different
from that required in more civilized communities, but even
more essential for survival?

In passing it may be noted that the first limitations on the
power of the Crown as it reposed in the governor was made in
eighteenth century New York by the colonial proprietors,

117 C. C. 1712-1714, 71; N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 552.; C. C. 1722-1725, 318.

118 Turner, op. ctt., 18.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.1^

who in their selfish desire to be free from direct control and
taxes, were refighting the English constitutional battles of
the seventeenth century, by controlling the purse-strings, and
laying down the conditions of political co-operation.119 The
coastal settlements and the great proprietors could hardly be
considered as influenced by the frontier. But when the domi-
nance of the hinterland by the coastal settlers became a
political issue with the frontiersmen, Turner's thesis of demo-
cratic influence resulting from proximity to the frontier seems
well established. Even then however, it may be considered as
a continuation of the struggle of the underprivileged for
rights corresponding to the political theories of the day. The
occurrence of these phenomena is not peculiar to America,
but it may assuredly have been stimulated here and hence
developed earlier than in Europe because of the nature of the
settlers, repelled by European oppression and attracted by
the free conditions of the New World. The environment of
the frontier, it seems to me, must share honors with the
dissatisfied temperaments and the new-deal desires of the
pioneers.

In summarizing the role played by the Palatine immigra-
tion in the history of the "Old West," it may be pointed out
that the Palatines pushed westward the New York frontier
into the Mohawk Valley, and the Pennsylvania frontier into
the Great Appalachian Valley. They gave valiant service
against the French and their Indians, while their friendly
relations with the Indians of the Six Nations allied with the
English was in sharp contrast to the general hostility of
the Scotch-Irish settlers, who invariably had trouble with
the Indians. In their efforts to settle the frontier lands, the
Palatines had many obstacles to overcome in addition to the
hardships of pioneer life. The difficulties occasioned by the
short-sighted opposition of colonial authorities and the self-

119 N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 552., C. C. 1711-1712, 2.2.8; P. R. O., C. O. 32.4/1 1,
!77> 2-14-

2.Z4 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ish exploitation by colonial land speculators were courage-
ously, one might even say obstinately, fought by the Palatine
settlers. The eighteenth century immigrant was the same fair
game for exploitation by selfish interests as today. It should
not be surprising then that immigrants often turned resentful
and difficult to assimilate.

CONCLUSION

Influenced by a robust mercantilism, full fifty years before
the age of laissez-faire, the British government attempted
an experiment in public operation of an industry in compe-
tition with private business. This experiment was neither
scientifically planned nor deliberately undertaken. The Brit-
ish government had obligated itself by implication to support
German immigrants. It had transported them and given them
relief at public expense, thus establishing a precedent for
state aided and controlled migration. The authorities simply
sought under the spur of the drain on the treasury some way
of recouping the unexpectedly heavy expenditures. How they
tried to "kill two birds with one stone" by solving their
naval stores problem as well, has been pointed out. From a
rational point of view, the venture had everything to recom-
mend it. It gave promise of providing England with a highly
valued staple commodity from the northern continental
colonies, comparable to the tobacco from Virginia and the sugar
from the West Indies. The weakest part of the colonial fron-
tier was also to be strengthened by the settlement. Of all
these promises, only the last was actually realized, and that,
indeed, over the opposition of the governor in charge of
operations.

It remains to point out why this forgotten attempt at
public operation of an industry failed, even before the days
of prejudice against government operation of industry. The
very haste with which the venture was decided upon and
prepared were obstacles. Proper instruction by experts, defi-
nitely assigned to the work and given responsibility for it,
was not insisted upon. Nevertheless, the venture might have
muddled through to success, had financial support from En-
gland not ceased before it was well under way. The decisive
influence of the Ministerial Revolution in England in 171 1

2.Z6 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

and the subsequent search for campaign material to win the
next election has been emphasized. It would seem that such
political considerations must be ruled out, if public operation
of any industry is to succeed.

The naval stores project, however, was not a sheer failure.
The British attempts to build up a naval stores industry in
their colonies in America were effective in maintaining low
prices for Swedish tar. Without the possibility of colonial
competition the Swedish tar would have been obtainable only
on most disadvantageous terms. Therefore, the British Navy
Board played into the hands of the Swedish Company when
it opposed the encouragement of colonial naval stores on the
grounds that they were much more expensive than the prod-
ucts of the Baltic countries. Considering only the practical
side of securing moderately priced naval stores, the colonial
project would seem to have been reasonably successful.

The failure of the naval stores settlement spelled oppor-
tunity to the Palatines and indeed this too must be considered
in explaining the lack of success with tar manufacturing. The
Palatines were individualists, as most farmers are, and sought
fertile lands for themselves and their posterity. The virgin
lands of the frontier beckoned to these Old World farmers.
They pushed the frontier before them as they moved into the
Mohawk and Susquehanna Valleys. They prospered and many
of their descendants still own the lands taken up by their
ancestors in the eighteenth century. The dreams of these early
pioneers have been realized.

More importance should be attached to the effect these
migrations of 1708 and 1709 had in the Germanies. The re-
ports of the good treatment received from the British govern-
ment, which really was most benevolent under the stress of
a war period, encouraged a steady stream of emigration.
Kocherthal's pamphlet with its appendix, describing the aid
extended to the immigrants, was one of the most influential
of these works, encouraging emigration. To this group must
be added Simmendinger's little pamphlet, with its appendix

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.2-7

of many pages of Palatine families happily settled in the
"Land of Promise.' Shortly after the latter publication ap-
peared, about 1717, a steady stream of German redemp-
tioners began to flow into Pennsylvania.

It has seemed advisable to point out that our colonial
histories have overstressed Peter Kalm's casual explanation
in accounting for the absence of German immigration to the
colony of New York, while Pennsylvania felt itself so flooded
by these people that it considered restricting the immigration
to preserve the English character of the settlement. The real
problem has been to explain why Germans settled in New-
York rather than why they continued to immigrate to Penn-
sylvania. Pennsylvania of all the English colonies was the
most publicized in Germany in the early eighteenth century.
The Palatine immigrations of 1709 and 1710 to New York
were diversions from the normal course of German immigra-
tion, made by the British government for its own purposes,
as this study has shown. No other English province was able
to overcome the magnetic attraction of Pennsylvania for the
Germans in the eighteenth century.

This study further suggests that Frederick Jackson Tur-
ner's thesis of the frontier's influence on the European settlers
should be understood not only as a creative but also as a
selective process, for the frontier attracted only the inde-
pendent, freedom-loving types of men. It also appears neces-
sary to appreciate that there was much co-operation required
in frontier life. Only the trappers and the rabid frontiersmen
were as anti-social as Professor Turner described the pioneers.
While his theory of the influence of the frontier on the rise
of democracy in this country appears to be sound, it should
be realized that in the colonial period it was the wealthy
merchants and the landed proprietors who laid the basis for
the American Revolution by limiting the power of the
Crown's representatives, the colonial governors. The frontier
had little influence upon those privileged classes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bibliographical Guides

Allison, William Henry, Inventory of Unpublished Materials for American
Religious History in Protestant Church Archives and other Repositories (Wash-
ington, 1910).

Andrews, Charles M., Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the
Public Record Office of Great Britain, 2. vols. (Washington, 191Z-1914).

Andrews, Charles M. and Davenport, F. G., Guide to Manuscript Materials
for the History of the United States to 1783 in the British Museum (Wash-
ington, 1908).

Da vies, Godfrey, Bibliography of British History; Stuart Period, 16 03-17 14
(Oxford, 19x8).

Faust, Albert B., Guide to the Materials for American History in Swiss and
Austrian Archives (Washington, 1916).

Flagg, C. A. and Jennings, J. T., Bibliography of New York Colonial History
(Albany, 1901).

Greene, E. B. and Morris, R. B., Guide to the Principal Sources for Early American
History Q1600-1800) in the City of New York (New York, 192.9).

Learned, Marion Dexter, Guide to the Manuscript Materials Relating to American
History in the German State Archives (Washington, 1912.)-

Morgan, William Thomas, Bibliography of British History 1700-171; (Bloom-
ington, Indiana, 1934-), only Volume I has appeared so far.

Primary Sources
unpublished

British Museum, London. This depository contains many valuable manu-
script materials, especially the Strafford Papers in the Additional Manu-
scripts Collection.

Historical Society of Pennsylvania Library contains colonial correspondence,
and transcripts of Dutch Archives made for J. F. Sachse. It also contains
a splendid collection of transcripts of the British Colonial Office Records,
including the Board of Trade Journal 1675-1781 (93 large folio volumes),
Plantations General 1689-1780 (31 large folio volumes), and the Pro-
prieties 1 697-1776 (24 large folio volumes).

Huntington Library, San Marino, California, possesses many contemporary
manuscripts of great value secured from English sources. Letters of
William Penn and Robert Hunter are included.

Kingsley Manuscripts in the possession of the Kingsley family, The Rocks,
Schoharie, New York, are made up principally of an old recommendation
and a Family Bible brought from Germany.

2-3° THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, has transcripts and photostats of
British documents, especially of the Colonial Office. It also possesses the
Archdale Manuscripts valuable for the activities of the Carolina pro-
prietors. It has recently acquired transcripts and photostats of the Records
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel from London. These are
letters from the ministers in the colonies and extremely valuable, as they
sometimes contain vital statistics.

Livingston Family Manuscripts in the possession of the Johnston Livingston
Redmont Estate, New York City. This valuable collection contains many
items on Indian Affairs, the first lord of the Manor having been commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs in the early eighteenth century.

Moravian Archives (Moravian Seminary), Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, con-
tains the first records of the early church at Tulpehocken, entitled
"Kirchen Buch von die Evangelisch Lutherisch Gemein in Tulpehocken,
1733." This is the manuscript account of the so-called "Tulpehocken
Confusion," attested to by Conrad Weiser, and later published. The early
records of the Schaffer, Walborn, Rieth, Losh, and Zerbe families are in
this script book.

New York Historical Society Library contains a manuscript of an Indian
Treaty with regard to Schoharie, New York and the Palatines. It also
possesses several colonial manuscripts on the subject as well as a tran-
script of a Harleian Manuscript in the British Museum. The Hawks
Transcripts of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel, London, were transferred here from the Church Mission House,
New York. Many of the latter are only extracts.

New York Public Library preserves manuscript notes of Abraham Yates on
early colonial history of New York, and the Chalmers Collection of New
York colonial documents. It also contains rare volumes, particularly
Simmendinger's Pamphlet.

New York State Archives at Albany, New York are rich in colonial manu-
scripts on the subject. The few volumes on this period lost in the 191 1 fire
contained only two documents on the Palatines, as indicated by the
Calendar. It also has valuable manuscript materials for the 171 1 expedition
against Canada.

Old Stone Fort of Schoharie County Historical Society, Schoharie, New
York, contains many items of great value dealing with the early Palatine
settlers. The collection is particularly rich in historical relics, showing
the life of pioneer days.

Pennsylvania State Archives at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania are comparatively
poor in materials on this particular migration. Correspondence of the
Penn family and Conrad Weiser are the chief items. The archives are
sadly in need of a subject index as the present name index is adequate for
genealogical purposes only.

Public Record Office, London. A large proportion of the official records con-
cerning the governmental project are preserved here. Reclassification in

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.3 I

progress accounts for variations in the method of citation in some foot-
notes.

Schwenkfelder Library at Pennsburg, Pennsylvania, has purchased
many items formerly in Judge Pennypacker's collection of pamphlets on
Pennsylvania German immigration.

Widener Library, Harvard University, possesses several rare contemporary
pamphlets as well as the only known copy of Robert Hunter's ' ' Androborus '
(August, 1714), a biographical farce indicating his friends and enemies
in the province of New York.

Other libraries consulted include Yale University Library at New Haven,
Connecticut; Lebanon County Historical Society, Lebanon, Pennsylvania;
Historical Society of Berks County, Reading, Pennsylvania; the Public
Library of Boston, Massachusetts; the Morgan Library, New York City;
and the Holland Society Library, New York City.

PUBLISHED OFFICIAL

Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, 1680-1720 (1910), also volume of Unbound

Papers (published in 1912.)-
Calendar of Council Minutes of New York 166 8- 1683 (Albany, 1901).
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and the West Indies, 1689-1693 (1911)

to 1722-1723 (1934).
Calendar of Treasury Papers 1556-1696 (1868) to 1714-1719 (1883).
Calendar of New York Colonial Manuscripts indorsed Land Papers 1643-1803

(Albany, 1864).
Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan,

2. vols. (Albany, 1865-6).
Colonial Laws of New York from 1664-1776, 5 vols. (Albany, 1896).
Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1662-1790 (Raleigh, North Carolina,

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THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 141

17x4), translated by R. W. Kelsey in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and

Biography, Vol. XLV (Philadelphia, 192.1).
Scheffer, J. G. de Hoop, "Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania," in

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II (1878, number z).
Seidensticker, Oswald, "William Penn's Travels in Holland and Germany in

1677," in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II (Phila-
delphia, 1878).
Smith, C. H., "The Mennonite Immigration to Pennsylvania in the 18th

Century," in Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings, Vol. XXXV (Norris-

town, Pennsylvania, 1919).
Spencer, C. W., "The Cornbury Legend," in New York Historical Association

Proceedings, Vol. XIII (191 6).
Spencer, C. W., "The Land System of Colonial New York," in New York

State Historical Association Proceedings, Vol. XVI (1917).
Todd, C. B., "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines 1710-1719,"

in Wilson, J. G., Memorial History of New York, Vol. II (New York, 1891).
Todd, C. B., "Robert Hunter and the Settlement of the Palatines," in The

National Magazine, Vol. XVII (February, 1893).
Todd, C. B., "The Story of the Palatines," in The Lippincott Magazine, Vol.

XXXI (March, 1883).
Trinity College Historical Society, "De GrafFenried and the Swiss and

Palatine Settlement of New Bern, North Carolina," in Trinity College

Historical Society Papers, 4th series (1900). ,

Wilson, J. G., "Lovelace and the Second Canadian Campaign," in American

Historical Association Annual Reports for 1891 (Washington, D. C, 1891).

INTRODUCTION TO APPENDICES

The Palatine Immigration was so involved financially with
the British government that many lists of these immi-
grants were drawn up. Most of these lists, heretofore unpub-
lished, were turned up in the course of this research. They
constitute a most valuable addition to genealogical informa-
tion, since the most difficult problem confronting the geneal-
ogists is that part of the link which establishes just when the
colonial ancestor arrived. Heretofore, the largest list of these
emigrants published contained only 6,000 people. The lists
given here double that total.

For convenience in referring to the lists, they have been
arranged in this order under these headings.

A. The Kocherthal Party — the 1708 Emigration.

B. The First Board of Trade List of Palatines in London
(May 6, 1709).

C. The Embarkation Lists from Holland.

D. The Roman Catholic Palatines Returned to Holland.

E. The New York Subsistence List.

F. The Simmendinger Register.

G. The Pennsylvania Palatine Lists.

H. The Petition List of Palatines in North Carolina.

I. The Irish Palatine List.
Each list has been briefly described under its heading and
the source of the information given. All information in the
lists has been included, except where otherwise stated as in
Appendix B. No attempt has been made to reconcile the spell-
ings between any two of the lists as it was felt that each
record had best stand upon its own merits. There is a great
deal of variation in the spelling of the names among the
various lists, which may be accounted for by the eighteenth
century habit of spelling a word the way it was pronounced,

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION 2.43

a habit now lost but of some merit, and by the difficulties of
list-makers writing names in a language often strange to
them. The latter difficulty is not so valid with the Palatine
list-makers, who were in most instances German or Dutch,
the latter not unrelated to German. Perhaps the worst diffi-
culty was the illiteracy of a number of the Palatines, who
may be presumed to have been able to pronounce but not
spell their names. The use of the feminine ending "in" at
the end of the women's family names should not be confusing
to the casual reader of the lists; it simply denotes that the
female in question was unhampered by any present male
attachment, she being either an unmarried girl or a widow

A. THE KOCHERTHAL PARTY— THE 1708
IMMIGRATION TO NEW YORK

Reverend Kocherthal was the leader of a band of forty-
-one persons from the Palatinate, who came to London in
1708 and were sent to New York with Governor Lovelace as
described in Chapter II. They first settled at Newburgh on
the Hudson River. The data given in the list below was
compiled from the following sources: P. R. O., C. O. 5, 67 ii;
N. Y. Col. Docs., V, 51; Doc. Hist., Ill, 543; C. C. 1706-170$,
JUL. "w." indicates wife in the family notations.

Family No. of Persons

Fiscar (Fischer), John; w. Maria Barbara. 2.

Gulch (Hilg or Gilles), Melchior; w. Anne Catherine and

ch., Magdalena 12. and Heinrich 10. 4

Kocherdal (Kocherthal), Joshua de; w. Sibylle Charlotte
and ch. Benigna Sibylle 10, Christian Joshua 7 and
Susanna Sibylle 3. 5

Plettell (Pletel), John Jacob; w. Anne Elisabeth and ch.

Margaretha 10, Anna Sara 7 and Catharine 7. 5

Rennau, Henry; w. Johanna and 2. sisters Sussanna Liboscha
15, and Maria Johanna Liboscha 10; ch. Lorenz 2. and
Heinrich 2. mo. 6

2_44 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Schwiser (Schwisser), Lorentz; w. Anne Catherine and ch.

Johanna 6 mo. 3

Turk (Tiirck), Isaac (a bachelor). 1

Volck, Andrew; w. Anna Catherine, 3 ch. Maria Barbara 5,

Heironemus 4 and Anne Gertrude 1. 5

Weber, Jacob; w. Anna Elisabethe, and 1 daughters, Eva

Maria 4 and Eva Elisabethe 1. 4

Wigand (Weigand), Michael; w. Anne Catherine and ch.

Anna Maria 13, Tobias 7 and Georg 5. Also a cousin 2.2.. 6
To the forty-one persons of Kocherthal's original party
were added fourteen Germans who came to London a little
later as described in Chapter II. The list of them given below
is taken from P. R. O., C. O. 1049/57, 139 and C. C. ijo6-
ijo8, 738.

Feber, Isaac; w. Catharine, ch. Abraham 2.. 3

Fiere, Daniel; w. Anna Maria, ch. Andreas 7 and Johannes 6. 4
Hiibertsen, Peter (widower); son Jacob 15. 2.

Rose, Peter; w. Johanna. 2.

Schiineman, Herman (a bachelor). 1

Wemarin, Maria (Peter's widow), and daughter Catha-

rina 2.. 2.

B. THE BOARD OF TRADE LIST OF FIRST PARTY OF
PALATINES IN LONDON, MAY 3, 1709

This list is the first of four lists of Palatines compiled up
to June 16, 1709 by Reverend John Tribbeko and Reverend
George Andrew Ruperti. The four lists include only the first
6,000 of the Germans to arrive in that year. The lists, which
contain information on the age and occupation of the head
of the family, numbers and age of the members of the family
and religion, may be found in the Public Record Office, C. O.
388/76, 56 ii, 64, and 68-70. They have been published with-
out change in the New York Genealogical and Biographical
Records (New York, 1909 and 1910), XL, 49-54, 93-100, 160-
167, X4I-2-48; XLI, 10-19. They are also published in L. D.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Mac Wet hy, The Book of Names especially Relating to the Early
Palatines and the First Settlers in the Mohawk Valley (St. Johns-
ville, New York, 1933) in an alphabetical order and an
abridged form. In the latter version there are errors, which
are excusable because of the nature of the material but the
bad alphabetising of the names is not to be regarded so
lightly.

Only the first of the four Board of Trade Lists (that of
May 6, 1709) is included here because that group of 82.5
persons is unmentioned in the Embarkation Lists from Holland,
which are here given in Appendix C. They were sent, as
related in Chapter III, before the arrangement, by which the
British government financed their passage to London, was
well worked out. This first Board of Trade List given below
has been carefully alphabetised, but the information given
as to occupation, religion and age has not been included here
for a number of reasons: 1) it is accessible elsewhere, 2.) it
would crowd an already lengthy Appendix, 3) it would not
conform to the Embarkation Lists which it is intended to
supplement here. The abbreviation w. denotes the presence
of the wife.

Adder, Henry — w. i son
Albenz, Christoph
Albrecht, James — w.
Andrew, Benedict — w. i son
Anke, Joseph

Bahr, John — w. 3 sons

Bauer, Christian — w. 2. sons, 3 daus

Bauer, Christina

Bauer, George

Baumann, Michael — w. 1 dau

Becker, Gerhard — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Bekell, Philip — w. 1 son, 5 daus

Beller, Jacob — w. 1 son

Berg, Frederick — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Bergleuchter, Anton

Berstler, Adam — w. z sons, 1 dau

Bettinger, Anna Christina

Bien, John

Blesinger, Daniel — w. z daus

Bohm, Johannes

Bolker, Charles — w.

Bollon, Christoff — w. 1 son, 2. daus

Boos, John Henry — w.

Bretschi, Lorentz

Bruchly, John Henry — w. z sons

Buehler, John — w. 3 daus

Buff, George — w. 1 dau

Cathrina — servant maid
Clemens, Gerhard — w. z sons
Closterbeker, John — w. 1 son, z daus

Daninger, Jacob — w. z sons, z daus

Daun, George — w. 1 dau

Degen, Felix

Denias, Philip

deRocheford, Peter — w. z sons, z daus

Dieterich, John — w. 1 son

Dixion, David — w. 1 son

Drechsler, John Peter — w. 1 dau

DuBois, Abraham — w. 3 sons, 1 dau

Durbecker, John Adam — w. z daus

Durk, John Adam — w. 1 son, z daus

246

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Ebert, Hartman — w.

Emichen, Ernst — w. 4 sons

Ende, John Philip am — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Ends, Matthew — w. 1 son

Engelsbruecher, Nicol — w. 1 dau

Erkel, Bernard — w.

Eschelmanns, Anna — 1 son

Escherich, John

Eyeach, John Valentine

Faubell, John — w. 1 dau
Fodder, John — w. z sons, 1 dau
Frey, Conrad — w. z sons, z daus
Friede, Cathrina
Fuhrman, Jacob — z daus

Galathe, Jacob

Galathe, John Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Garrinot, Peter — w.
Geisell, George — w. z sons
Gerhard, John George — w. 2. sons, 4 daus
Gessienger, Henry — w. 1 dau
Glaents, John — w. 1 son
Gnaedi, Benedict — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Goebell, Paul — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Gothzeit, William — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Graeff, Jacob — his parents live in Penn-
sylvania
Gring, Jacob — w. 1 dau
Gruendner, Matthew
Guth, Henry

Haas, John — w. z sons, z daus

Hagder, John

Hagenbeck, Frederick — w. z sons

Hahrlaender, Conrad — w. z sons

Hakl, John George — w. 1 son, 3 daus

Hartman, John George — w. 1 son

Hassmer, John

Haun, Andrew — w. 5 sons, z daus

Hebenstreit, John Jas. — w.

Heffen, Bartin

Heidman, Peter — w. 3 dau

Helffert, Peter — w.

Henrich, Lorentz — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Herman, Daniel — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Herman, Jacob

Herman, Niclas

Herman, Peter — w. z sons, 1 dau

Herman, Valentine — w. 1 son

Hermann, Niclas

Hesse, John — w. z daus

Heyde, Peter — w. 1 son

Hirtzbach, Anton — w. 3 sons, 1 dau

Hirzeach, Martin — w. z sons, z daus

Hobler, Abraham — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Hocky, Andrew

Hocky, Peter

Hoffart, John Adam — w.

Hoffstaetter, Philip

Hohenstein, Christian — w. 2. sons, 1 dau

Hoherluth, George Adam — w. z sons,

z daus
Hornigh, John George — w. z sons, z daus
Hubscher, Andrew — w. 1 son, 4 daus
Hubmacher, Niclas — w. 1 son, z daus
Huebner, Anton — w. z sons, 1 dau

Jacobi, John Thomas — w. z sons, 1 dau
Jalathe, John William — w. z sons, 1 dau

Kaff, Bazar — w. 3 sons

Kaldauer, Valentine — w. z sons, 3 daus

Keyser, George Frederick — w. z daus

Kinfeller, Frederick — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Kirchofen, Francis Ludwig

Klaemer, Ludwig — w. 1 son, z daus

Klein, John Jacob — w. 1 son

Klein, John — w. z sons

Klein, Michael, sister-in-law of

Klein, Michael — w. z daus

Klein, Peter — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Klug, George — w. 1 son

Klug, George, his sister and son, a boy

of 15 years
Koenig, John Adam
Kolb, Arnold
Kolb, Henry — w. 3 daus
Kueffer, John — w. z daus
Kuhlwein, Philip
Kuhner, Jacob — w. 3 sons, 1 dau

laForge, John Wm. — w.
Lang, Johan — 4 in family
Lang, Philip — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Lauber, Jacob — w. 3 daus
Le Dee, John — z daus
Le Fevre, Abram — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Leibengut, John Wendell — 1 son
Leucht, Lewis — w. 1 son
Lichtnegger, Gottlob August
Lucas, Francis — w. z sons, 5 daus
Lup, Henry — w. 3 sons, 1 dau

Machtig, Jacob — w. z sons, z daus

Martins, Gertrud — 1 son

Mason, Niclas

Mendon, Jacob

Meningen, John — w. z sons

Messer, Sylvester — w. z sons, z daus

Mey, David — w.

Meyer, Hartman — w. 1 son, z daus

Meyer, Henry — w. z daus

Meyer, Henry — sister of

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2-47

Moor, Austin

Moor, John

Moor, John William

Mueller, John Jacob — w 6 sons, i dau

Mueller, Valentine

Muller, Daniel

Nagel, John — w. i dau

Neidhofer, John Quirinus — w. i son,

i dau
Notzel, Rudolf — w. 3 daus

Obender, Samuel — w. i dau
Oberholtzer, Mark — w. 3 sons, 1 daus

Pelle, Peter

Penning, Daniel

Pens, Benedict — 4 in family

PfeifFer, John Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Presler, Valentine — w. 3 sons, z daus

Rath (Bath), John — \v. 1 son, 1 dau

Raths, Jane

Rausch, George

Rebell, Jacob

Reiser, John Peter — w. 5 sons

Reuling, Jacob — w. 1 dau

Rheine, John am — w.

Rider, Niclas — w.

Riedel, George — mother-in-law of

Riedell, John George — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Rohrbach, Christian — w. 1 dau

Rose, Anna — 1 son, z daus

Rose, Catherine — 1 dau

RudolfF, John

Schaeffer, John — w. 1 son
Schaeffer, John — w. 4 sons, z daus
Schaeffer, John Conrad
Schaeffer, Joseph — w. 1 sons, 4 daus
Schletzer, Jeremy — w. z sons, 3 daus
Schlingluff, John — w. 3 sons
Schlottenhofer, Christof — w. z sons
Schmitzer, John Martin — w. 1 son
Schneider, Philip) — w. z sons, 1 dau
Schneider, John Michael — w. 1 son,

1 dau
Schoen, Maria Cathrina — 3 sons, 1 dau
Schrager, Andrew — w. 2. daus
Schuetz, John — w. 4 daus
Schwaegerin, Apollonia
Schwengel, John — w. 1 son, 3 daus

Seibert, Conrad — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Seibert, Martin — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Sheuer, John Adam — w. z sons, 1 dau
Shonweiss, John — w. 1 son, z daus
Shwab, Peter — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Shwartz, Matthias — w. 2. sons, 1 dau
Shwartze, John — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Smith, Henry — w. 4 sons, 1 dau
Smith, Jacob — w. 2. sons, 1 dau
Smith, John — w. 4 sons, 6 daus
Spuehler, Jacob — w. 1 son
Staehler, Peter
Stutz, Eberhard — 5 in family
Stutz, John Eberhard — w. 2. sons, 1 dau

Turch, Caspar
Tanner, Cathrina — 1 dau
Thevoux, Daniel — w. 1 son, 1 dau
Thomas, John George — w. z sons, 1 dau
Thor, Conrad am — w. 1 dau
Trombauer, Niclas — w. 1 son, z daus
Truat, John — w. z sons
Trumph, John Michael — 1 son

Vogt, Abraham — w. 1 son, 3 daus
Vogt, John — w. 1 son
Volweider, Jacob — w.

Wagner, John — w. z sons, 3 daus

Wagner, Mary Elizabeth

Walter, John George — w. 3 sons, z daus

Warambour, Mary — 4 sons, 1 dau

Wayner, Henry — w. z sons, 1 dau

Weber, John Engel — w. 5 daus

Weber, John Jacob — w.

Weinrich, Balzar — w. 3 sons, 1 dau

Weitzell, John — w. z sons

Wenig, Peter — w. 1 dau

Wentzen, Peter

Werner, Christoff — w. 1 dau

Willich, Peter — w. z daus

Winter, Maria Cathrina — 1 dau

Wismar, Jacob — w. 1 son, 1 dau

Zeber, John — w. z sons, z daus

Zeisler, Lorentz — w. z sons, 1 dau

Zeitz, John Peter

Ziegler, Michael

Zimmerman, John Wolff — w. z sons,

4 daus
Zinkhan, Conrad — w. 1 son, z daus
Zitel, Jacob — w.

X4^ THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

C. THE EMBARKATION LISTS FROM HOLLAND

These lists comprise the enumeration of five separate sail-
ings of Palatines from Holland, as sent by the Rotterdam
Commissioners, van Toren and van Gent, to Minister Day-
rolle, who forwarded them to England. The lists were found
in the Public Record Office, T 1/119, 6-10, 19-2.6, 68-71, 58-65,
79-82.. They comprise notations of about 11,000 persons, by
far the largest list of all the lists relating to this immigration,
although even the Embarkation Lists are not complete. They
lack the enumeration of the first party to sail in 1709, the 82.5
persons given in Appendix B. They do not include those
Palatines who paid their own way to London or were sent
by private charity in August and October, 1709 as related in
Chapter III.

So far as possible the enumerations have been retained in
exactly the form in which the Dutchmen made them. This
was considered most desirable for genealogists, who will use
them to greatest advantage. For the ordinary reader, it may
be necessary to explain further that "vrouw" means wife;
"weduwe," widow; "moeder," mother; "swister," sister;
"s wager," brother-in-law; "swagerin," sister-in-law; and
"knegt," servant. Of course, each sailing list has been alpha-
betised to facilitate their use. When names are indented, they
are the names of children which happen to be mentioned,
and they are not included in the additional number of chil-
dren ending the line.

SECOND PARTY SAILING MAY 23, 1709

Aldemos, Philip Balbar, Kryn & vrouw, 2. ch.

Altum, Hans & vrouw, 2. ch. Bampert, Johans & vrouw
Aman, Johannes Anna Krita, Gysbert, Frans

Amand, Johannes & vrouw Adam, & 2. ch.

Arm, David & vrouw Barban, Hans Wolf & vrouw

Johan Arm, Izaak, Kristina, Anna & 2. ch.

David, & 1 ch. Bastiaen, Andries

Atam, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch. Batyn, Nicolaas & vrouw, i ch.

Baur, Elias

Back, Johs & vrouw Beck, Johannes

Anna Margreta, Ane Marya, Beck, Thobias & vrouw, 5 ch.

& 1 ch. Bergs, Hans

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

249

Berkman & vrouw

Anna Elisabet Betha, Anna

Margreta, Anna Barbera,

Johannes Berkma [sic], & 1 ch.
Berthram, Pr
Besser, Johan Peter
Better, Johan Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.
Bickman, Jacob & vrouw

Andries Vredrig, Justina

Madeleena, Anna Christina,

Abraham, Maria Dorta, & 2. ch.
Bilar, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Binder, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Binder, Valentyn & vrouw, 1 ch.
Bischop, Lodewyk
Blaum, Herman & vrouw

Gerrard, Anna Cartel, & 1 ch.
Bolla, Jacob
Bols, Johan
Bols, Jorig & vrouw

Jurig Bols & 2. ch.
Bornman, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Bortran, Pieter
Bos, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.
Bos, Philip & vrouw

Hans Bos, Mighiel Bos, & 3 ch.
Bouwer, Elias
Bouwer, Kristiaan & vrouw

Elisa Margreta & 1 ch.
Brensard, Johan Jurrey & vrouw, 3ch.
Bresly, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Brug, Johannes
Buck jo, Abraham
Buckjo, Izaak

Buckjo, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Buckjo, Johan Jorge
Burdin, Johan

Nog een vrouws persoon
Bus, Daniel & vrouw

Margriet [child]

Cartuir, Peter & vrouw

Johannes & 2. ch.
Cauer, Jacob Mittell & vrouw, 3 ch.
Clos, Henrig & vrouw

Maria Dore, Maria Clos, & 4 ch.
Codevina, Sterna
Couis, Magdeleena
Couis, Maria
Cous, Hans & vrouw

Johannes & 2. ch.
Crisser, Hans Musil & vrouw

Hans Musil, Katrina, & 2. ch.
Cuits, Johan Kristoffel

Darsel, Philip & vrouw

Abram Dars, Maria Susanna, & 3 ch.

Daslum, Lampare & vrouw

Maria Lysa
de Waal, Antony & vrouw, 3 ch.
Diderig, & vrouw, 2. ch. [sic]
Diderig, Hans & vrouw, 6 ch.
Diderig, John Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Dilbern, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Dinant, Hans Pieter & vrouw

Susanna, Hans Philip, & 4 ch.
Dinges, Paulus & vrouw, 3 ch.
Dirll, Bernhard & vrouw

Anna Elisa, Magdaleena, Maria Croda,

Hans Fildin, Jorg Henry, & 3 ch.
Divin, Anna
Dobys, Jorig & vrouw
Dopper, Leborges & vrouw

Johan Peter, Angeniet, & 2. ch.
Dor, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Doub-dysul, Peter
Duister, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Duits, Pieter

Ebrosard, Johannes & vrouw

Jacob, Sirnner, Hanrich, & 1 ch.
Eemig, Johan Nicolaes
Eger, Daniel

Einbag, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Elenberger, Jurig & vrouw

Jurig
Ewold, Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch.

Falee, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch.
Falthum, Peter & vrouw

Henrig, & 1 ch.
Feske, Jacob & vrouw

Daniel, Jacob
Fischbac, Johannes & vrouw

Johannes & 2. ch.
Fraus, Peter & vrouw, 9 ch.
Freeder, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.
Frei, Jo Hendrik & vrouw, 2. ch.
Frenger, Michel
Fridl, Jacob & vrouw
Froes, Hans Jacob & vrouw
Froth, Fredig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Froug, Jurig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Fusror, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Gewte [blotted] Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Gocu [?], Ulia

Godvried, Ester Sosannah

Katrina, Rosemonda, Nicolaas, & 1 ch.

Gramli, Soloma

Greef, Andreg

Griet, Hans Jurig & vrouw

Maria Bern, Hans Lenart, Johan Jurig,
Hans Miggel, Hans Peter, & 3 ch.

i5o

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Groos, Philippus & vrouw

Geertruy, Anna Madeleena
Groots, Philipps, z, ch.

Haber, Barthel & vrouw

Susanna & 3 ch.
Haen, Marthin & vrouw
Haiser, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Haldeman, Ulrig & vrouw

Hans Henrig & 3 ch.
Halig, Koenraet & vrouw

Johan Diderig, Johan Phillippus, &

Anna Katrina
Hannal, Camurs & vrouw, 2. ch.
Hardwick, Mattys & vrouw
Harman, Bastiaan
Harnas, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hart, Simon & vrouw, 3 ch.
Hartman, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hartogin, Anna Elisabet
Hartong, Kasper
Hart wig, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.
Heller, Hans Atam & vrouw

Johannes
Heller, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Helm, pr & vrouw

Simon, Leenhart, & 5 ch.
Helwig, Hendrik & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hendrig, Wendel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Henkel, Hans Jurig & vrouw
Henrig, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Hepman, Williger & vrouw

Haningel, Maria Geertuit, & 1 ch.
Herber, John Jacob
Hermickel, Hendrig & vrouw

Maria Beck & 2. ch.
Heve, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hivang, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Hobbersin, Johan Jurig
Hoest, Jacob & vrouw

Michel, Johannes
Hofer, Simon & vrouw
Hofman, Gabriel
Hofman, Johan Kasper
Holzir, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hureuter, Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Imig, Paulus & vrouw

Jaeger, Daniel & vrouw
Jacob, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.
Jacob, Hans & vrouw

Anna & 1 ch.
Jacob, Kristiaan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Jong, Elisabeth

Pieter Jong, Katrina, Maria Katharina,

Hendr. Pieter

Jonge, Jacob

Joost, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Jorden, Koenraed

Jorgen, Hans

Jorter, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch.

Joseph, Jurig

Jourg, Hans & vrouw, z ch.

Judik, Maria, 1 ch.

Jung, John & vrouw

Jurig, Abraham

Kaeiman & vrouw, z ch. [sic]

Karty, Johan

Kast, Baiter & vrouw

Marita, Anna Mary, & 2. ch.
Katrina [sic]
Keizer, Mattheus & vrouw

Anna Elisabet
Kelger, Peter

Keller, Johs & vrouw, 1 ch.
Keller, Nicolaas & vrouw
Kernar, Wolf & vrouw, 2. ch.
Kernerin, Anna Maria
Kernreiter, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Kerry, Falentyn & vrouw, 5 ch.
Keulen, Koenraet
Keyzer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Kilberin, Barbera
Klein, Jacob
Kleus, Johannes & vrouw

Harler, Margriet
Klinger, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Kliuwe, Johs

Kloutt, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Koen, Koenraet & vrouw

Hans Veldekoen, Hans Deterkoen,

Hans Jurgekeon, & 1 ch.
Koen, Mattheus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Koenraed, Johan
Koenraet, Martyn & vrouw

Anna Katrina, John Joris, & 2. ch.
Kont, Nicolaas & vrouw
Kop, Henrig, & vrouw

Hans Peter, Ursela, & 2. ch.
Korin, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch.
Krems, Johannes & vrouw

Anna Kristina & 1 ch.
Kreps, Pieter & vrouw

Salme, Johannes Rudolf, & z ch.
Kriget, Arnold & vrouw, 2. ch.
Kris, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Kristaan & vrouw, 4 ch. [sic]
Kristoffel, Johan & vrouw

Andreas, Hans Sellim, Johan Henrig,

& 3 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.5 I

Kroevenag, Penetik & vrouw
Marv Sebille, Juliaen, Anna Eva,
& 3 ch.

Krol, Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kroohart, Michel

Kuiber, Daniel

Kurby, Michel & vrouw, 2, ch.

Lang, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Lang, Johannes & vrouw

Barbera, Peter, Catharina, & 2. ch.
Langbrin, Kristoffel
Laurens, Peter & vrouw

Anna Margreta, Maria Margreta,

Anna Rosina, & 1 ch.
Leiser, Castiaen & vrouw

Johan Jacob, Anna Margraet, Anna Lys,

Anna Castiaens, Hans Jurig, & 5 ch.
Lenhart, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.
Listaboris, Lucas & vrouw
Litig, Hans Jagol
Litig, Hans Koenraet
Litig, Jacob
Litig, Kristoffel
Lodwig, Antony

Loedolf, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Loedolf, Koenrad
Loet, Hans Peter & vrouw

Balthazer Loet & 2. ch.
Lott, Johs & vrouw, 9 ch.
Lourens, Johannes & vrouw

Anna Lys, Anna Margriet, Magdelena,

& 3 other children
Lusa, Maria
Lutig, Johan
Luts, Hans Adam
Luts, Jan Jurig & vrouw, 4 ch.
Luttig, Kristiaan
Luur, Johan & vrouw

Kornelus & x ch.

Maartsen, Hans Jurig & vrouw

Mary, Magdeleena, Anna Katrina,

Hans Jurig, & 2. ch.
Maerten, Matthys & vrouw

Maria, Katharina, Barbera, & 1 ch.
Marines & vrouw [sic]
Martyn, Thoms

Mathell, Willem & vrouw, 1 ch.
Meder, Johan & vrouw
Meier, Johannes & vrouw

Johan Koenraad, Johannes, Anna

Devoda, Maria Lisaba
Melck, Mighel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Melries, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch.
Messer, Pieter,

Jacobus & 1 ch.

Michel, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Milbert, John Martin & vrouw
Miller, Falentyn & vrouw, 1 ch.
Miller, Hans Jacob, i ch.
Miller, Johannes
Miller, Johannes & vrouw

Jacob Miller & 4 ch.
Miller, Peter & vrouw

vrous swister & 2. ch.
Miller, Smich & vrouw

Johan Nickel, Willem, Johannes,

Katrina, & 1 ch.
Miller, Steve & vrouw

Philips
Minkeler, Kelioen & vrouw

Anna Margreta
Misselman, Daniel & vrouw

S wagers Moeder & 3 ch.
Miyn, Joseph & vrouw, 1 ch.
Mockel, Ulrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Montria, Paulus, & vrouw, 4 ch.
Moon, Klemen & vrouw, 4 ch.
Morrer, Jacob & vrouw

Anna Appel, Susan, & 2. ch.
Morrits, Mattheus
Mossel, Jacob & vrouw

Hans Develt, Anna Maria, Johannes

Mossel, & 1 ch. [The last two are

probably sister and brother of Jacob

Mossel, since their names are given

after those of the children in the

family.]
Muding, Pieter & vrouw

Maria & 1 ch.
Muldering, Maria Katharin over
Mulnier, Johannes & vrouw, 2. ch.
Muver[?], Hans Jurig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Naebour, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch.
Nicolaes & vrouw [sic]

Ode, Johannes & vrouw, 5 ch.
Omstad, Veldin
Ooster, Arent & vrouw

Pallaueborg, Koenraed & vrouw, 1 ch.

Pelmug, John & vrouw, 3 ch.

Peter, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Peter, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Peters, Frans Henrig

Petri, Johan Henrig

Phat, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Phat, Masel & vrouw

Philips, Johan & vrouw

Kristina, Anna Dors
Pogeman, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

2_52-

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Ponis, Julius & vrouw

Johannes & 2. ch.
Poort, Pieter

Porst, Joris, & vrouw, 2. ch.
Pyn, Marten & vrouw

Reiner, Hans Jurig & vrouw

Johan Peter Reiner, Barbera,

Elisabet, & 3 ch.
Reitwel, Jacob
Reynart, Hans, & vrouw

Katrina Reynart, Michel, Margreta,

& 3 ch.
Reynart, Pieter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Riesin, Mathys & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ritwell, Fredrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Rohter, Hans Pet & vrouw, 1 ch.
Roost, Johan & vrouw

Anna Maria
Rop, Johannes

Roth, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Roug, Kasper

Rustiw, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.
Ruth & vrouw, 5 ch. [sic]
Ruth, Kristiaan, & vrouw, 1 ch.

Scheever, Hendrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Scherp, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Schipper, Jurig
Schneider, Bernhard & vrouw

Ariaan, Anna Bara, & 1 ch.
Scholtes, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schoolmeester, Suurlotte
Schreets, Mighiel
Schruner, Isaak & vrouw
Siake, Susan
Sigmund, Johannes
Simbluv, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.
Sleephaan, Johannes
Sluyber, Sacharias & vrouw, 3 ch.
Smies, Theodorus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Smith, John Willem & vrouw

Margreta & 3 ch.
Smith, Kasper

Magdeleena, Maria Barbera, Nicolaus,

Peter, & 4 ch.
Smith, Sigmud
Snel, Mathys

Snitzer, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Soerl, Michal & vrouw, 2. ch.
Soets, Diderig & vrouw

Hans Pieter & 1 ch.
Sous, Hans Pieter
Sous, Johannes & vrouw

Hans Pr Sous, Maria, Magdaleena,

Maria Lucina

Spanemer, Jurig & vrouw

Maria Rosina, Anna Maria, & 2. ch.
Spinier, Kasper, & vrouw

Liliana, Dorethea, Zimon, & 1 ch.
Sprosser, Anthony & vrouw
Spykerman, Sebastiaen
Spys, John Peter
Staan, Johannes & vrouw
Stambag, Jacob & vrouw
Steenbergen, Hans Jacob & vrouw

Johan Adam, Anna Katrina, & 2. ch.
Stevvel, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch.
Stoffer, Andries, z ch.
Stol, Johannes

Stoppelbeen, Pieter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Suller, Hans Jorig & vrouw

Anna & 1 ch.
Swarts, Kristiaan
Swik, Mathys & vrouw

Anna Margriet, Hans Jurig, & 2. ch.

Tebalt, Jurig

Terber, Johan Adolf, 4 ch.

Toup, Michel & vrouw

Ulrig, Kristoffel & vrouw

Daniel, Anna Maria, Elisabet,
Katharina, & 3 ch.

Urzel, Hans Migel & vrouw, 1 ch.

van Kunter, Klaas, & vrouw, 5 ch.
Vereter, Hans Jurig & vrouw

Anna Lotsia & 2. ch.
Ving, Andreas, & vrouw, 1 ch.
Vinis, Hans Jacob & vrouw

Johannes, Elizabet, Nicolaes, & 2. ch.
Vink, Hendrik Lodwig
Vink, Johan Cristof
Vink, Johan Godvyd
Voerman, Hans Michel & vrouw

Magdleena & 2. ch.
Voes, Andries & vrouw

Anna Lys & 3 ch.
Voes, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Vogel, Spavger Jochem
Volhand, Engelhart & vrouw
Vrick, Hendrik & vrouw
Vriesig, [Wiesig?], Kasper & vrouw

2. ch.
Vuer, Jacob

Wagenaar, Andries & vrouw, 2. ch.
Walrenis, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wanbag, Nicolaes & vrouw

Hans Peter & 4 ch.
Webel, Hans Jacob & vrouw

Orzel & 4 ch. t

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

•53

Weier, Johan Jorig & vrouw, z ch.
Weistemar, Velten

Johan Philip, Anna Barber, & z ch.
Wentel, John Jurig
Werner, Mighel & vrouw

Anna Geertruyt
Wever [blotted], Philip
Wihart, Jacob & vrouw

John Hendrig & 3 ch.
Wilhelm, Johan & vrouw, z ch.
Willem, Hans
Willi, Johan Hanrus & vrouw

Johan Gristia & z ch.
Wilsing, Maria
Winbold, Burg
Windel, Johan
Wittel, Geertruy, 3 ch.

Wolf, Michel

Woltman, Leenhard & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wonderlig, Kristiaan

Wortman, Johannes & vrouw

Anna Margreth, Hendr. Wortman

& z ch.
Wustum, Peter
Wyneberger, Jacob & vrouw

Johannes & 3 ch.
Wyterman, Ulrig & vrouw

Koenraet, Frans Seler

Zegeler, Henrig & vrouw

Andries, Kasper, & 1 ch.
Zsimet, Joost & vrouw, z ch.

Anonymous 4

THIRD PARTY— EMBARKED JUNE 5 TO JUNE 10, 1709

Abal, Michel & vrouw, z ch.

Abelman, Jacob

Abelt, Hans Jacob

Aberrs (Aberse), Ulrig

Achber, (Nachber?), Falenteyn & vrouw,

z ch.
Adam, Johan 's soujuger
Aeier, Hans Jacob
Aelbert, Jacob
Aelbert, Johan
Albersmit, Wilhelm
Alleman, Simon

Alsemusch, Philippus & vrouw, 4 ch.
Altfatter, Felten & vrouw
Althenser, Mattys
Altlind, Arnold & vrouw, 6 ch.
Andries, Hans Mighel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Andries, Peter, & vrouw, 3 ch.
Anweillersz, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Aochn, Johan & vrouw, 8 ch.
Appel, Johan Hoog & vrouw, 5 ch.
Arbonus, Kasper, & vrouw, 1 ch.
Assenbier, Frans Willem & vrouw
Atzperger, Anna Maria

Balniger, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch.
Barbara, Maria & child
Barkman, Joost & vrouw, z ch.
Barrabam, Andries & vrouw
Bast, Michel & vrouw, 6 ch.
Bauer, Anna Margreet
Beckman, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Beisch, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Bek, Johannes & vrouw
Bekker, Michel

Bekker, Mighel & vrouw, z ch.
Bekker, Johan Peter

Bekker, Simon & vrouw, 8 ch.

Bekker, Antony & vrouw, z ch.

Belts, Leenart

Bender, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Berger, Kornelis Reusner, & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bergman, Andreas & vrouw, z ch.

Bes, Johan & vrouw

Beschop, Berhard

Beschop, Henrig, & vrouw, z ch.

Beyscher, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bieler, Henrig

Biettelman, Hans Michel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Birber, Sacharias & vrouw

Blasch, Koenraet & vrouw, 5 ch.

Bles, Penetek & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bloms, Kristiaen & vrouw

Blosch, Jacob

Boey, Wendel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Bol, Gerarde, & vrouw

Bom, Frans, & vrouw, 6 ch.

Bonderskel, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Bonn, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Borits, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Borniger, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Borsing, Rudolph

Bos, Hans Janz

Botermer, Joseph & vrouw, z ch.

Bouwer, Johan

Bouwer, Tomas & vrouw, 9 ch.

Braem, Bastiaen & vrouw, 3 ch.

Brand, Koenraet

Brandlyn, Kasper & vrouw, z ch.

Braum, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.

Brekedir, Barent & vrouw, 4 ch.

Brekhamer, Throk & vrouw, 4 ch.

Brill, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Brom, Johannes Joost & vrouw, 7 ch.

2-54

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Brosch, Frederig, & vrouw, z ch.

Brouwer, Diderick

Brummer, Johannes & vrouw, z ch.

Brunk, Johan Michel

Buisch, Johan Rain & vrouw, 1 ch.

Buks, Johan Bernhart & vrouw, 5 ch.

Burner, Simon

Bun, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bungert, Hans Willem & vrouw, z ch.

Bungert, Jacob & vrouw, z ch.

Bungert, Mattys & vrouw, z ch.

Burger, Fryt, & vrouw, z ch.

Biisch, Herman & vrouw, 6 ch.

Ceubel, Hans Dienes & vrouw
Chiernte (?), Mischael & vrouw, z ch.
Chreiter, Kristoffel
Chrisfilips, Domink & vrouw, 5 ch.
Chrisfilips, Hans Wilhem & vrouw, 4 ch.
Chrisfilips, Jeurg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Ci [blotted], Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Cirbb, Philippus Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.
Citider, Martin & vrouw, 5 ch.
Cloos, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Copal, Barnhart (minister) & vrouw, 1 ch.
Crieg, Johan Just & vrouw, 4 ch.

Danner, Urban & vrouw, 4 ch.

Daull, Mattys

Daumer, Johan

Deis, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Deur, Koenraet

Deutger, Paulus & vrouw, z ch.

Dich, Martin & vrouw, 5 ch.

Diderick, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.

Diderick, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Didert, Andries & vrouw, 1 ch.

Diel, Johan & vrouw

Dieleman, Hans & vrouw

Dies, Johan & vrouw

Diredurf, Henrig

Ditir, Hans Bernhart

Dog, Frans Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Dolmet, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Domnis, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

Dorff, Reys, & vrouw, z ch.

Dulies, Koenraet & vrouw, 5 ch.

Durding, Koenraet

Ebregt, Johan & vrouw, z ch.
Eding, Bastiaen & vrouw, 1 ch.
Eeger, Dirk & moeder
Eker, Jacob & vrouw
Emmell, Johannes & vrouw, z ch.
Emrig, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.
Engel, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.
Engel, Martin & vrouw, 4 ch.

Engel, Robbt. & vrouw, 5 ch.

Eperhart, Johan Mighel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Eralter, Hans Jacob

Erbs, Hans Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Evathi, Barbara, z ch.

Eweling, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Falig, Arholt, & vrouw, z ch.

Filips, Paulus & vrouw, 5 ch.

Flehr, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Flies, Nicolaes

Floer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Flohr, Johan Peter

Folleg, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Forer, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.

Frank, Johan Marten

Frank, Michal

Frantz, Johan Koenraet

Fredrig, Gerard

Fredrig, Johan Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Fremmen, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Fres, Tomas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Freysen, Johan Rikes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Frib, Hans Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Fuhrman, Mattys & vrouw

Fuyken, Orghel & vrouw, z ch.

Ganner, Jacob nog twe gebroeders

Gants, Johan Nicolaes

Geiser, Johan Paltzer

Genedig, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Genir, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.

Gerard, Hans Peter & vrouw

Gerhart, Valenteyn & vrouw, 5 ch.

Get, Peter

Gilig, Andreas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Gitz, Frederigh, & vrouw, 3 ch.

Glaser, Hans Jurg & vrouw, z ch.

Gloos, Valenteyn — Anna Maria

Gneyzer, David & vrouw, 4 ch.

Goestamt, Johan Philip

Gorg, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Gottel, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.

Graef, Hans Jacob Mark & vrouw, 4 ch.

Grousch, Han Miggel & vrouw, z ch.

Grejster, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Greyloff, Urby & vrouw, z ch.

Grieschman, Johan Heinrig

Grosch, Falenteyn & vrouw

Grosch, Joggen & vrouw

Grosch, Philips Leinhart & vrouw, 5 ch.

Grosch, Wilhem & vrouw-, z ch.

Groschman, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Gross (?), Bendrick & vrouw

Gross, Johan & vrouw

Gross, Johan Jorg & vrouw, z ch.

Grysman, Henrig

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^55

Giiint, Anders, i ch.

Gulk, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hack, Johan Koenraed & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hairtinam Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.

Haister, Martin & vrouw, 6 ch.

Halles, Johan Willem & vrouw, 4 ch.

Hamer, Johan Peter

Hansz, Schrenhart & vrouw, 4 ch.

Harna, Jacob & vrouw, z ch.

Hart, Johannes

Hasch, Anna Elisabeth

Hasch, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Hasen, (Hafen?), Willem

Haubt, Kristoffel

Haus, Johan Adam

Hebus, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Heck, Sebastiaen & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hegt, Kasper & vrouw, 7 ch.

Heimsein, Paul & vrouw, 1 ch.

Heister, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Heistrebach, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Helscher, Kristoffel & vrouw

Herbener, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Herber, Johan Kasper

Herman, Philippus & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hernan, Frederig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Herst, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hertman, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hes, Fredrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hes, Andries

Hetin, Anna Maria

Heyg, Alexander

Heyll, Balser & vrouw, 5 ch.

Heyll, Mattheys Jurg & vrouw

Heym, Johs & vrouw, 5 ch.

Heymerley, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Heyster, Herman & vrouw, 4 ch.

Hiebis, Henrig & vrouw

Hiel, Rudolf & vrouw

Hielman, Johan

Hirt, StorTel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Hisirber, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Hobst, Tomas & vrouw

Hoentz, Nicolaes & vrouw

Hoeper, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hofen, Wilhem & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hoffenbraut, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hoffner, Jeuly Mayer

Hofman, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hofmenin, Katarina

Hoigt, Wirchart & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hoi, Migel

Holgaerden, Hans Peter

Hollander, Johan Melchior(?)

Hollerin, Anna Katrina

Holwaserz, Antony, 1 ch.

Homberg, Kryn

Hoppf, Hans Jurg & vrouw

Horents, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Horling, Johan Koenraet

Horts, Walter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hortz, Hans Fletter & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hosserlwegh, & vrouw, 4 ch.

Huberin, Margreta

Hun, Matys

Huns, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch.

Husman, Johannes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Isler, Nicolaes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Jacob, Hans

Jacob, Hans & vrouw, 10 ch.

Jacob, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Jacobi, Johan Adam & vrouw, 8 ch.

Johan Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

jsbraut, Hans Wolf

Junik, Hans Ari

Junik, Johan

Jurg, Hans & vrouw

Jurg, Johan

Jurig, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kaisser, Johs & vrouw, 6 ch.

Kak, Peter, & vrouw, 4 ch.

Karb, Johan Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kaulil, Frederig, & vrouw, 2. ch.

Keichel, Johan

Keiger, Johan

Keil, Henrig, & vrouw, 2. ch.

Keler, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kelil, Johan

Keller, Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Kerger, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kersner, Philip & vrouw, 3 ch.

Keuler, Hans Peter

Keyserin, Anna Maria

Kien, Hendrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kirches, Paulus

Kisleback, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kister, Fredrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kister, Palters & vrouw, 3 ch.

Klaas, Peter

Klaser, Ditter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kletters, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kleyn, Hans Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kleyn, Koenraet

Kleyn, Lodewyk

Kleyn, Ludwig

Kleyn, Michael & vrouw, 5 ch.

Klevter, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Klippingen, Johan Peter

Klos, Willem & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kloter, Johan Paul & vrouw, 4 ch.

■L<y6

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Kloter, Paulus & vrouw, 5 ch.

Klun, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Klyn, Johan Palser & vrouw, 4 ch.

Knaus, Hans KristofFel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Knegt, Miggel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Knykers, Johan & vrouw

Kock, Martin

Koeman, Bastiaen & vrouw, 1 ch.

Koenraet, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch.

Koenraet, KristofFel

Koenraet, Mattys

Koenraet, Nicolaes

Kohler, [Jacob?] & vrouwT, 9 ch.

Koll, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Koller, Martin

Koller, Simon & vrouw, 3 ch.

Konig, Johan Joost & vrouw, 2. ch.

Korier, Karel Henrig & vrouw

Koris, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kormer, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kost, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kount, Philippus

Kraft, Valenteyn & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kramer, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kramer, Philippus & vrouw

Kraud, Johan

Kraut, Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kreegelman, Leenhart, & vrouw, 3 ch.

Krestoffel, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kreyser, Lodewyk

Krimp, Frederik

, Kristiaen ( no other name given)

& vrouw, 1 ch.
Kristina, Anna

Kroon, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.
Krouwel, Loret & vrouw, 1 ch.
Kriiel, Herman

Krymaiser, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Kuseteler, Hendrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Kulk, Johan Peter
Kumel, Peter & vrouw, 6 ch.
Kuminer, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Kummer, Hans Peter & vrouw
Kunen, Nicolaes & vrouw, 2. ch.
Kuntelman, Kasper & 2. ch.
Kurger, Henrig — Elisabeth

Laam, Frans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Lambreg, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Lamoth, Johan Daniel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Land, Andanig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Lang, Eles

Lang, Kristiaen & vrouw, 4 ch.

Lang, Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.

Lank, Hans Philip

Lant, Philippus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Laurens, Mattys

Laurmen, Eva

Layper, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Lecobs, (or Lecolis), Peter & vrouw, zch.

Leenhart, Hans Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Leinweber, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Lenard (no family name given) & vrouw,

2. ch.
Lepus, Mattys

Lersas, Hans Philips & vrouw, 1 ch.
Lesch, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Leschemis, Jeremias & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lesorin, Magdalena
Lesser, KristofFel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Libern, Ludwig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Liespel, Maria
Lippert, Johan Walter
Los, Johan Adam
Lots, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Lou, Johan Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Lourens, (only name given) & vrouw,

7 ch.
Lout, Henrig, & vrouw, 3 ch.
Luth, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Lutz, Jeorg & vrouw, 1 ch.
Lutz, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lutz, Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Lybok, Reinhart & vrouw, 3 ch.

Madelaer, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Maes, Johan Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.

Maeyer, Just Tomas & vrouw, z ch.

Mager, Nicolaes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Maier, Andries

Mailer, Bastiaen & vrouw

Maltsberger, Philippus & vrouw, 1 ch.

Marea, Eva & 1 ch.

Margriet, Anna

Maria, Anna

Marks, Joseph & vrouw

Marman, Hans Joost & vrouw

Marstall, KristofFel

Marsteller, Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Marstil, KristofFel

Marten, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Marten, StofFel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Martin, Nicolaas & child

Matheys, Hendrig & vrouw, 6 ch.

Mattys, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Mattys, Peter's (Wede.), 3 ch.

Mattyskolk, Johan & vrouw. 6 ch.

May, Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.

Mayer, KristofFel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Meeis, Matys & vrouw, 1 ch.

Meier, Paulus & vrouw, 5 ch.

Meinhober, Philippus & vrouw

Meis, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

257

Meliger, Frans & vrouw, z ch.

Menges, Hans & vrouw

Menias, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Mensch, Antony & vrouw, z ch.

Mensch, Johan Jurg

Mentzeberges, Diderig & vrouw, 7 ch.

Merks, Peter

Merschel, Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.

Mese, David & vrouw, z ch.

Messer, Koenraet & vrouw

Metor, Dangel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Mets, Andreas & vrouw, 4 ch.

Metsler, Philippus & vrouw, 6 ch.

Meyer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Meyer, Hans Jacob

Meyer, Henrig & vrouw, z ch.

Meyer, Johannes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Michel, Otto Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Miesch, Paul & vrouw

Migel, Hans & vrouw, z ch.

Migel, Otto Henrig & vrouw, t ch.

Miler, Hans Jurig

Millerin, Susanna

Ming, Kristoffel & vrouw, z ch.

Mink, Hans Hendrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Mink, Hendrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Mites, Hans Bartel & vrouw

Mitteler, Engel Bertus

Mitteler, Juliaen & vrouw

Moelleremt, Kasper & vrouw, z ch.

Mohr, Jonas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Moht (Mohr), Kristoffel & vrouw

Monbouwer, Hans Adam

Monik, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Mosch, Emgen & vrouw

Moiil, Hans Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Muillensz, Georg Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.

Mukket, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.

Mullendyk, Herman & vrouw, z ch.

Muller, Johan Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Muller, Johan Philips

Mullerin, Margreta

Muncanas, Joseph & vrouw

Muse, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Muster, Lambaert & vrouw, z ch.

Nagel, Hans Jacob

Nagtegael, Koenraet & vrouw, z ch.

Nasar, Hans Migel, & vrouw, 4 ch.

Nau, Peter Hans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Nauthil, Sacharianen & vrouw, 4 ch.

Neey, Hans Michel & vrouw, 6 ch.

Nepeler, Johan

Neuman, Lodewyk & vrouw, 5 ch.

Neumeiyer, Frans & vrouw, z ch.

Neusch, Andreas

Neymeyer, Ats & vrouw, 4 ch.

Nidermeyer, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.
Noll, Johan Danyell
Nols, Bernhart & vrouw

Olthanier, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 6 ch.
Olthanier, Hans Jurg's moeder
Ordenier, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Ott, Johan & vrouw

Pachman, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Pack, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Palerwaltman, Johan

Paul, Johan Daniell, 4 ch.

Peckert, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Pergen, Jorig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Peschart, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Peter, Johan Adam

Petrey, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Petri, Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Petri, Nicolaes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Petry, Henry & vrouw, 5 ch.

Petteren, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Pettig, Johan Dederig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Pfeffer, Hans Peter & vrouw, z ch.

Philips, Hans Jacob

Philyps, Hans

Pinter, Johan Foost

Pirk, Johan

Pith, (sic) Jacob & vrouw

Pits, Joseph & vrouw, z ch.

Pittig, Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Plak, Kristiaen

Pliemelin, Krestman & vrouw, 4 ch.

Poller, Philippus & vrouw, 5 ch.

Prang, Herman

Prauw, Arnold & vrouw, 1 ch.

Praux, Felten & vrouw, 3 ch.

Preg, Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Preker, Paulus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Pscheere (no other name given)

Pudum, Liicus & vrouw, z ch.

Puths, Wilhem

Putsch, Johannes & vrouw, 1 ch.

Rab, Killiaen & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ram, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Reiger, Henrig

Rein, Antony & vrouw, z ch.
Reygert, Kaspert & vrouw, z ch.

Kaspert Reygerts vrouws moeder, 4 ch.
Reynard, Johan & vrouw, z ch.
Reynhart, Hendrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Reyser, Michel

Ribel, Johan Nicolaes & vrouw, 6 ch.
Rickert, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.
Rieckker, Johan Tiell
Rief, Hans Pieter

2-58

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Rigel, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Rigell, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.

Ritter, Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.

Rob, Hans Jurg

Roe, Hans Jacob & vrouw, z ch.

Ros, Frederig & vrouw

Rot, Philyppus & vrouw, 4 ch.

Roth, Johan Joost & vrouw, 3 ch.

Ruchsal, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Rupert, Rudolph

Russer, Johan Peter

Sainmoft, Sailalt & vrouw, 7 ch.

Samuel, Jonas

Sarborger, Frans & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sarborger, Hans David & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sardis, Isaek & vrouw

Sauffert, Felten & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schafer, Philip & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schaffer, Bernhard & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schaffer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Scham, Hans Jurg & vrouw

Schammel, Peter & vrouw

Schant, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Schar, Peter

Schbut, Ellrug & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schefer, Lourens

Scheffer, Hans Adam & vrouw, 6 ch.

Scheffer, Hans Peter & vrouw

Scheffier, Matteys & vrouw, z ch.

Schellenperge, Koenraet & vrouw, z ch.

Schellenperger, Hans Jeorg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schenkelberger, Hans Jacob & vrouw,

5 ch.
Scherhinger, Joh8, & vrouw, 3 ch.
Scherman, Valentyn
Schermig, Andries & vrouw, z ch.
Scherver, Joost & vrouw, 4 ch.
Schesting, Johannes & vrouw, z ch.
Schetmak, Johan

Scheureder, Handerig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Scheyt, Mander & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schier, Hans Ulrig, 2. ch.
Schiloser, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schimell, Johan Nicolaes
Schimtin, Eva Maria
Schlegt, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schlepusch, Hans Peter
Schleyer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schlug, Johan & Paulus
Schluk, Martin & vrouw
Schmick, Nicolaes & vrouw, 6 ch.
Schmiet, Nicolaes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schminch, Johan

Schmit, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schmit, Esmist
Schmit, Johan Adam

Schmit, Hans Migel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Schmit, Hans Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Schmit, Mattys & vrouw, 2. ch.

Schmit, Nicolaes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schmit, Philippus & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schmit, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schmit, Kasper & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schneide, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schneide, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schneider, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch.

Schnel, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

Schneyer, Hans Georg & vrouw, 2. ch.

Schober, Kristiaen & vrouw, 2. ch.

Schoeck, Nicolaes & vrouw, z ch.

Schoenmager, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schreiner, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schriber, Albertus

Schwan, Johan

Schul, Martin & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schwarts, Jurg & vrouw, 8 ch.

Schwartz, Jacob & vrouw

Schwartz, Jacob en knegt & groohm

Schwel, Roedolf & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schwin, Johs & vrouw

Seipert, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Seldvau, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

Serberger, Hansatt & vrouw, 2. ch.

Sermis, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Sescher, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sigeler, Kristiaen & vrouw, z ch.

Sikert, Basser & vrouw, z ch. Johannes 1

Silbus, Hans

Sildere, Johan

Sillo, Klaiid & vrouw

Simen, Johan Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Simmerman, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Simon, Philippus & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sinder, Henrig Johan, 5 ch.

Singraaf, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Smeyer, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Smit, Andries & vrouw, 5 ch.

Smit, Daniel & vrouw, z ch.

Smit, Hendrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Smit, Johannes & vrouw, 4 ch.

Smit, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.

Smit, Michel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Snegel, (Fregel?) Johan Nicolaes & vrouw,

3 ch.
Snyder, Koenraet & vrouw, z ch.
Souwerman, Samuel
Spath, Mattheys & vrouw, z ch.
Spengeler, Fredrig & vrouw, z ch.
Spengeler, Johan Frans & vrouw
Spies, Werner & vrouw, 6 ch.
Spolgt, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Spropssel, Jeorg & vrouw, z ch.
Staenhauwer, Kristian & vrouw, 6 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^59

Staes, Hans Bernhard & vrouw, z ch.

Stauck, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Steinbekker, Hans Philip & vrouw, 1 ch,

Stek, Herman, & vrouw, z ch.

Steyner, Migel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sticker, Johan

Stikker, Michel

Stil, Willem & vrouw, 4 ch.

Stoffel, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Stog, Hans Ledendig & vrouw

Stok, Johan Henrig & vrouw

Stork, Hans Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Strab, Lourens & vrouw, 6 ch.

Straetbarger, Baltzar & vrouw, 1 ch.

Straup, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Straysmil, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Streyt, Ludwig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Strib, Hans Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sturpert, Kasper

Stury, Alexander

Stuts, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Suchs, Johan Tilbs, & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sukors, Johan

Suller, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Tainck, Kasper & vrouw, 2. ch.
Tamis, Ary & vrouw, 5 ch.
Teister, Daniel & vrouw, 2. ch.
Tes, Johan Wilhem & vrouw, 1 ch.
Tharsch, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Thomar, Gerhart
Tibere, Peter

Tibre, Jean & vrouw, 2. ch.
Timmerman, Matys & vrouw, 2. ch.
Titemer, Hans Martin & vrouw
Torer, Hans & vrouw, 2. ch.
Treatteman, Martin
Trift, Matteus & vrouw, 2. ch.
Trip, Mattys & vrouw

Katarina Margreet, 2. ch.
Tsmallenberger, Zill & vrouw, 1 ch.

Ubel, Kristiaen & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ullerig, Hans Jeorg & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ullersz, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Unis, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Van Staek, Peter

Vapaneiker, Nicolaes & vrouw

Vasch, Godevrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Vaugh, Johannes

Velinger, Hans Ulrig & vrouw

Veller, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Vendel, Johan Nicolaes & vrouw, 3 ch.

Vetgen, Henrig Peter & vrouw, z ch.

Vevel, Daniel

Vhoris, Johannes

Voerman, Nicolaes
Vogt, Daniel & vrouw, 3 ch.
Vogt, Joh. & vrouw, 3 ch.
Volkenburg, Johan Felden & vrouw, zch.
Volpertin, Anna Margreta, 3 ch.
Vondermul, Philippus & vrouw, 9 ch.
Von Reyn, Kristiaen & vrouw, 1 ch.
Vootenfloor, Joh: & vrouw, 4 ch.
Vossina, Antony & vrouw
Vosseyen, Goyert & vrouw, 5 ch.
Vrisal, Fredrik & vrouw, 1 ch.

Wagenaer, Berhart & vrouw, 2. ch.
Wagenaer, Koenraet & vrouw, 6 ch.
Wagenaer, Lodewig & vrouw, 6 ch.
Wagenaer, Velden & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wagenaer, Windel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Walkker, Johan Henrig & vrouw
Walpnet, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Walter, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Waschpaelt, Johan & vrouw, 7 ch.
Wasser, Rudolf & vrouw, z ch.
Weber, Martin & vrouw, z ch.
Weber, Mighiel & vrouw, z ch.
Weber, Philip & vrouw, 1 ch.
Weber, Nicolaes & vrouw, z ch.
Weber, Valenteyn & vrouw, 1 ch.
Wedz, Anna Maria, z ch.
Weer, Frederig & vrouw
Wegman, Matys & vrouw, 7 ch.
Wehr, Kristiaen & vrouw, 2. ch.
Weickel, Velden & vrouw, 5 ch.
Weiller, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch.
Weiller, Johan & vrouw
Weiner, Simon & vrouw, 5 ch.
Weitseerges, Magdelena
Wekiter, Philip & vrouw, z ch.
Wekkert, Johan Melgert
Weller, Kasper & vrouw, 2. ch.
Wendel, Peter & vrouw, z ch.
Wens, Johan

Wensch, Johannes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wensell, Lourens & vrouw, 6 ch.
Wensz, Balzer

Weper, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.
Werner, Hendrig
Wesbak, Wendel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Westheser, Johan Jacob, 1 ch.
Wetteg, Barht. & vrouw, 2. ch.
Wever, Henrig & vrouw, 6 ch.
Weyngert, Johan Melchier
Wiekel, Johan & vrouw
Wilbert, Hans Marten & vrouw, 5 ch.
Wilhelm, Henrig & vrouw
Wilhelm, Johan Simon & vrouw, 2. ch.
Winter, Melger, & vrouw, 1 ch.
Wintter, Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

2_6o

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Wissenmiker, Kasper
Wollten, Philip & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wolf, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.
Wolf, Johan
Wolf, Petrus

Wolf, Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.
Wolffler, Peter & vrouw
Wolfskel, Hans Jurg & vrouw
Wolleben, (John) & vrouw, 5 ch.
Woller, Philip & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wollfslager, Melchior
Wolter, Adam & vrouw, 8 ch.
Wou, Hans Frederig

Wupf, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Wyngert, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.
Wynman, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch.

Zebersz, Joseph
Zeyps, Baiter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Zingeler, Nicolaes & vrouw, 4 ch.
Zink, Rudolf & vrouw, 4 ch.
Zolzeber, Albertus & vrouw, 5 ch.
Zutinger, Georg Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Zyck, Koenraet

Anonymous (6)

FOURTH PARTY— EMBARKED JUNE 10 TO JUNE 19, SAILED JUNE 21, 1709

Adam, Jacob & vrouw
Adler, Paulus & vrouw, 5 ch.
Albiger, Wilhelm & vrouw

, Anna Maria (no other name given)

Arnolt, Philippus & vrouw, 2. ch.

Atter, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Backer, Ferdinant & vrouw, 2. ch.
Baltzer, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Bambra, Johan
Barbara, Anna & 3 ch.
Barkman, Izaac & vrouw, 3 ch.
Bart, Henrik & vrouw, 5 ch.
Bartel, Henrik & vrouw, 5 ch.
Basseler, Frants & vrouw, 3 ch.
Baug, Fredrig & vrouw, 4 ch.
Baug, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.
Baum, Abram & vrouw, 5 ch.
Baur, Johan Mikel
Baur, Kristoffel
Bechtel, Jacob & vrouw
Becker, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Becker, Johan & vrouw
Becker, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Beehr, Nicolaas & vrouw, 1 ch.
Beller, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Bensch, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Berdolff, Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.
Bergen, Hans & vrouw, 2. ch.
Besser, Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.
Besser, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.
Beyer, Tomas & vrouw, 3 ch.
Birck, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Birk, Lys

Birk, Mattys & vrouw, 6 ch.
Bleezen, Kristiaan & vrouw
Bohr, Mattys & vrouw, 2. ch.
Born waster, Herman & vrouw, 1 ch.
Bots, Fredrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Boumain, Anna Maria
Brandeau, Johan Weyant & vrouw

Brando, John Willem & vrouw, 1 ch.

Braun, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Braun, Johan Niklaas & vrouw, 6 ch.

Bresch, Klaas

Briti, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

Brohen, Nicolas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Brotheder, Joost & vrouw, 5 ch.

Brull, Joost & vrouw

Buchler, Michel & vrouw, 6 ch.

Buderman, Johan & vrouw, 7 ch.

Buenner, Jeurg Baltazev

Bug, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Buger, Kasper

Bugspul, Augustyn & vrouw, 7 ch.

Bulffer, Wendel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Burner, Jurg Baltzaser

Bummery, Bongratsgi & vrouw, 3 ch.

Burger, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Burobesch, Herman & vrouw, 1 ch.

Busch, Daniel & vrouw

Busekart, Daniel & vrouw, 8 ch.

Bustz, Joost

Butting, Eberhard

Camerd, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.
Coblentzer, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Creitzin, Elizabeth & 6 ch.

Dames, Mattys

Daniel, Antony & vrouw, 7 ch.

Dauck, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Decker, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Dedler, Johan Jacob

de Witz, Frantz

Dieer, Philippus

Diel, Henrig

Dimer, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Dimkel, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.

Dohi, Johan Martin & vrouw, 2. ch.

Drisel, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Drissell, Willem, & vrouw

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2_6l

Eberhart, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Egh, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Egh, Hans Jurg & vrouw
Eigman, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Eiller, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Einel, Stoffel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Engel, Jacob & vrouw
Engel, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Engel, Johan Willem & vrouw
Engeler, Peter & vrouw, z ch.
Erberg, Ary Mag Ronolt & vrouw, 4 ch.
Ermitter, Frants & vrouw, 3 ch.
Eschweiler, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Eschweiler, Tomas & vrouw, 2. ch.
Eulembag, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch.
, Ewertry (no other name)

Faver, Adam

Felt, Gerhart & vrouw, 6 ch.
Feuhert, Emig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Focks, Johan Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Fogelsberger, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.
Folhart, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.
Forbet (Sorbet?), Hans Jurg & vrouw,

1 ch.
Formen, Kristoffel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Forster, Johan Mikel
Freyhausch, Joseph & vrouw, 1 ch.
Frisch, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.
Frits, Niklaas & vrouw, 7 ch.
Frobus, Jorug & vrouw, 5 ch.
Fukendem, Bernhart & vrouw, 4 ch.
Fux, Johan Jorig & vrouw, 6 ch.

Gablen, Johan

Gebell, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Gebell, Johan Andries & vrouw, 1 ch.

Geerlach, Johan Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch.

Geisch, Johan

Gesel, Johan Philippus & vrouw, 6 ch.

Gessner, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch.

Gib, Michel & vrouw

Ginter, Kristiaan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Gottman, Kasper & vrouw, 8 ch.

Grausch, Katrina & 1 ch.

Gritnig, Hans & vrouw, 2. ch.

Grosch, Diderig & vrouw

Grosch, Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Grybel, Johan Bernhart & vrouw, 4 ch.

Gutir, Johan Philip & vrouw, 2. ch.

Gysbert, Johan Joost & vrouw, 4 ch.

Haas, Michel

Hag, Johan Henrik & vrouw, 5 ch.
Hagedoren, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Hanheimer, Paulus & vrouw, 3 ch.
Haub, Leickert & vrouw, 2. ch.

Heer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Heitwig, Frants

Helfrig, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Heller, Wolff

Henrig, Andreas

Hensch, Hans Adam & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hensell, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Herdel, Adam & vrouw, 1 ch.

Herman, Bastiaan & vrouw

Herman, Johan Joost & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hermans, Jan

Herschbag, Diederig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hetirm, Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.

Heud, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Heus, Johan Mikel

Katrina
Hodel, Izaak & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hodrigzedel, Lauren ts
Hoffman, Johan Philippus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Hoffman, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.
Hofman, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Holts, Andreas
Holts, Hans Peter
Hong, Lucas & vrouw, 9 ch.
Hontsz, Koenraet & vrouw, 2. ch.
Hoofdman, Sofia

Hornung, Gerhart & vrouw, 2. ch.
Hubig, Lisa Margreta & 3 ch.
Huerig, Joost & vrouw, 6 ch.
Hupter, David & vrouw, 2. ch.

Jacobs, Barth

Jeger, Karolus & vrouw, 2. ch.

Jeorg, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.

Jeug, Johan Mikel

John, Johan Elia

John, Johan Philips

, Jud (no other name given)

Julig, Johan Henrig

Kalbour, Johan Kasper
Kargard, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

, Katrina (no other name given)

Kauts, Andreas

Kers, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Keseler, Kasper & 2. ch.

Kessler, Frans Niklaas & vrouw, 2. ch.

Keusel, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Klaas, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Klein, Johan Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Klein, Philip & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kleman, Pieter

Klepper, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kloosch, Simon & vrouw, 1 ch.

Knauer, Sacharias

Koenraet, Johan

Kog, Johan Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

2.62.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Kog, Johan Philips & vrouw, i ch.

Kokkin, Anna Lys

Koog, Johan & vrouw, i ch.

Korlus, Lucas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Krants, Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.

Krauwer, Hans Jacob

Kreuber, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

Krisman, Hans & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kro, Johan Jeorg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kruitsch, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kiifaber, Johan Adam & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kulen, Peter

Kun, Herman & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kurts, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Landolt, Samuel & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lang, Hans Wolf & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lang, Morits & vrouw, 5 ch.
Laurens, Diderig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lauv, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
LaVore, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Leenhart, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.
Leib, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.
Leig, Simon & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lenarker, Peter & vrouw, 8 ch.
Lenenbaig, Stoffel & vrouw, z ch.
Lerner, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.
Lesch, Burchent & vrouw
Leschner, Michel & vrouw, z ch.
Liesen, Anna Eva & 3 ch.
Linck, Martin & vrouw, 5 ch.
Linenbaug, Peter & vrouw, z ch.

, Lodewig (no other name

given)
Lodewyk, Antony & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ludt, Castman & vrouw, z ch.
Ludwig, Johan Henrig & vrouw, z ch.
Luts, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.
Liitz, Hans & vrouw
Luwy, Hans Nickel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Lys, Mattys & vrouw, 7 ch.

Mag, Johan Jurg

Maier, Hans Adam & vrouw

Mansbeil, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.

, Maria Barbara (no other name)

, Maria Magdleena & z swisters

(no other name)
Martin, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

, Mary Barbara (no other name)

Matterm, Abram

Mattheus, Martin & vrouw, 4 ch.

Mattys, Laurents & 1 ch.

Maur, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Maus, Michel

Maybag, Dirk & vrouw, 3 ch.

Megel, Hans Wendel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Meister, Koenraet
Menimeier, Frants
Mest, Abram & vrouw, 2. ch.
Mets, Simon & vrouw, 3 ch.
Metseger, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.
Meurin, Margreta
Meyer, Arent

Meyer, Bartel & vrouw, 4 ch.
Meyer, Henrig & vrouw, z ch.
Meyer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Meyer, Paulus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Michel, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Michel, Niklas & vrouw
Miller, Antony & vrouw
Miller, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Miller, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.
Miller, Johan Willem
Miller, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch
Miller, Samuel

Mitelig, Herman & vrouw, z ch
Mohr, Augustyn & vrouw, 4 ch.
Moll, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.
Morheisser, Niklaas & vrouw, 3 ch.
Motji, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.
Moze, David

Muller, Gerlag & vrouw, 1 ch.
Muller, Hans Martin & vrouw, 4 ch.
Muller, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Muller, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Muller, Michael & vrouw, z ch.
Muller, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Mummenthal, Jacob & vrouw
Munster, Johan Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Muts, Diderig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Mutsch, Fredrig & vrouw

Nadoor, Johan

Nobel, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Nou, Wendel

Nudig, Hans & vrouw, 5 ch.

Nusch, Lodwyk & vrouw, 3 ch.

Nutzberger, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Oberhubel, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Odilioswal, & vrouw [sic]

Ohll, Peter & vrouw, 7 ch.
Ostwalt, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Paf, Johan Andries & vrouw, 5 ch.
Paltzer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Paul, Henrig & vrouw, 7 ch.
Pellesheim, Johan Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.
Peter, Jacob & vrouw
Peter, Klaas & vrouw, 6 ch.
Peter, Klaas & vrouw, 7 ch.
Peter, Philip & vrouw, 1 ch.
Piccisch, Adam & vrouw, z ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

l£^

Ping, Melger

Pinheimer, Barth & vrouw, 4 ch.

Ponts, Niklaas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Pribl, Michel

Propper, Johan Just & vrouw, 3 ch.

Pull, Johan Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Raads, Pieter

Red, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Redel, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Reiter, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Reiter, Johan Lodewyk & vrouw

Reutter, Nicolas

Reyer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Richart, Frangois & vrouw, 1 ch.

Rieter, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Rigel, Kristiaan

R5mer, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Roos, Kristoffel

Rosenboom, Pieter & vrouw, 4 ch.

Rosor, Martinus Fredrik & vrouw, 2. ch.

Rostbach, Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.

Rot, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Riibel, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Ruch, Nicolas & vrouw, 5 ch.

Russing, Mattys

Saar, Johan & vrouw, 7 ch.
Salbach, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Salbach, Johan Emend & vrouw
Sanse, Peter
Sauns, Johan Peter
Schalosch, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Scheffer, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.
Schein, Michel Meing
Schellenberger, Koenraet
Scheller, Johan & vrouw
Schelling, Johan & vrouw
Schesbli, Joost Koenraet
Schesselnin, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schester, Serbus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schilt, Johan Henrig & vrouw
Schithel, Jacob & vrouw
Schits, Marten & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schling, Henrik & vrouw
Schmit, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schmit, Henrig & vrouw, 7 ch.
Schmit, Jeorg Mikel & vrouw
Schmit, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schmit, Johan Peter
Schmit, Johan Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Schmit, Niklaas & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schmit, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Schneiter, Ulrig & vrouw, 2. ch.
Schnitzerling, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schnoenmaker, Barth & 5 ch.

Scholler, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Schommer, Johan

Schonwolff, Johan

Schopfer, Hans Jacob & vrouw

Schoutner, Diebelt & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schreits, Mattys & vrouw, 6 ch.

Schreling, Peter & vrouw, 6 ch.

Schreyer, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schreyts, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schumacher, Johan

Schumes, Ebrehart

Schwarts, Hans Jacob

Schwed, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.

Seimer, Simon & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sibel, Falenteyn

Siles, Mickel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Silesy, Katrina & 1 ch.

Siller, Johan & vrouw

Sipler, Kristiaan

Sitig, Herman & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sleiger, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sleiger, Johan Michel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Smit, Georg Volpert & vrouw, 7 ch.

Smit, Hans Miggel & vrouw

Smit, Johan & vrouw

Smit, Johan Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Smit, Karel & vrouw, 6 ch.

Smit, Kasper & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sneyder, Frants

Snor, Johan Nickel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Soffer, Niklaas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sondtag, Frants & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sorg, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.

Speiherman, Johan Henrig & vrouw, zch.

Staal, Johan Diderig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Steem, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Steeren, Mattys

Steffen, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Steiner, Michel & vrouw

Steun, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Stouts, [illegible] & vrouw

Stroser, Daniel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Suner, Johan Michel & vrouw, 6 ch.
Sweeber, Bastiaan
Sweeber, Hendrik
Sypel, Hans Jurg

Talheimer, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Telers, Johan

Thenster, Sibmasers

Thirffenbach, Hans Koenraet & vrouw,

3 ch.
Thirffenbachrin, Anna
Tiell, Ananias & vrouw, z ch.
Tiell, Herman & vrouw, 1 ch.
Tiell, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.
Tielman, (no other name)

2.64

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Tilman, Hans Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch.
Tubenbeeker, Johan

Ulrig, Johan Elias & vrouw, 3 ch.

Valendin, Velden & vrouw, 7 ch.
Veesch, Johan Adam & vrouw, 5 ch.
Veldents, Henrig
Vinschbag, Kristiaan & vrouw
Visser, Pieter & vrouw, 2 ch.
Vogt, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Volks, Arnold & vrouw, 4 ch.
Vorster, Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wadenpoll, Jacob & vrouw, 2 ch.
Walter, Johan & vrouw, 2 ch.
Walter, Kasper & vrouw, 10 ch.
Weber, Diderig & vrouw, 2 ch.
Weins, Bastiaan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Weiroug, Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Weyant, Johan Martin & vrouw
Weyant's Swager & 1 ch.

Weysgerber, Johan & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wiggert, Hans & vrouw, 5 ch.

Wighalm, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wilhelm, Jan & vrouw

William, Johanna

William, Paul

Wilmer, Anton & vrouw, 1 ch.

Wind, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wind, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Windt, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Winkel, Henrig

Wisser, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Wob, Philippus

Woger, Nicolas & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wulgraaf, Muller

Zeb, Leonart & vrouw, 4 ch.
Zeerbisch, Johan Peter & vrouw, 9 ch.
Zerber, Johan Martin & vrouw, 4 ch.
Zerber, Philip

Zeyt, Mattys & vrouw, 1 ch.
Zigler, Andries & vrouw, 4 ch.

FIFTH PARTY— EMBARKED JULY 3 TO JULY 10, SAILED JULY 15, 1709

Adolf, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Albert, Lodewyk & vrouw, 2 ch.

Andries, Koenraet & vrouw, 7 ch.

Andries, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Anna Katrina, 2 ch.

Anna Magdleena (Wede.), 1 ch.

Anna Mary, 2 ch. (no other name)

Appel, Andreas

Appelman, Hans Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Arnolt, Hans Gorg & vrouw, 6 ch.

Arnolt, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Atorf, Tys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Aust, Johan Philips

Autfetter, Felten & vrouw, 1 ch.

Baar, Johan

Baptist, Johan

Barbera, Anna

Barbera, Anna, 1 ch.

Batelman, Mattias & vrouw, 2 ch.

Baur, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bauwer, Peeter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Becker, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Becker, Zoden & vrouw, 6 ch.

Beesch, Ludwig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Bender, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bender, Johan Bernhart & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bender, Koenraet & vrouw, 2 ch.

Benedik, Peter

Benter, Bakes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Bentram, Geerlof

Ber, Andries & vrouw

Ber, Hans Peter & vrouw

Berderum, Philips

Berg, Kasper

Berlag, Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch.

Berman, Johan & vrouw

Berner, Mattys & vrouw, 2 ch.

Bernhart, Peeter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bert, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bert, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bert, Willem

Besser, Niklaas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Beus, Ferdinant & vrouw, 1 ch.

Bevit, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Beyer, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2 ch.

Beyer, Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Bickel, Hans Michel & vrouw, 2 ch.

Bienlein, Hans

Biettel, Willem

Biltstein, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bintslin, Anna Kornelia

Birck, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bitz, Hans Gorg & vrouw, 4 ch.

Blank, Niklaas & vrouw, 2 ch.

Blittersdorf, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Blomreeder, Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bok, Joseph

Bol, Gerland & vrouw, 8 ch.

Boiler, Philips & vrouw, 5 ch.

Born, Gorg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Born, Hans & vrouw, 1 ch.

Borninger, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Bouman, Jacob & vrouw

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

165

Bouman, Joost & z ch.

Bouwerman, Miggel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Braedvis, Godvried

Branck, Emanuel

Brandeurf, Joost & vrouw, 4 ch.

Braun, Bastiaan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Braun, Ulrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bretta, Mary

Breyn, Johan Belzar

Brick , Maria Elizabeth

Brounet, Hans Philips & vrouw, 3 ch.

Brouve, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Brown, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Brown, Johan Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.

Bruckin, Katrina, 5 ch.

Brug, Carla

Buch, Fredrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Buch, Hans Gorg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Buk, Dunges & vrouw, 1 ch.

Burckert, Mattys & vrouw, 1 ch.

Burger, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Burket, Kasper & vrouw, z ch.

Buster, Henrig & vrouw, 6 ch.

Cebi, Kristiaan
Cloos, Peeter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Collet, Michel & vrouw, 7 ch.
Copiak, Mattys

Dal, Andreas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Daub, Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Debesman, David

Decker, Hans Schiedt & vrouw, 1 ch.

Dederin, Maria

Deis, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Deis, Marcus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Deisinger, Hans Jorg

Deisinger, Peter

Dem, Joost & vrouw, 4 ch.

Denemarker, Kristoffel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Dennerey, Jacob & vrouw

Derner, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

Diel, Kristiaan & vrouw

Dielsneyder, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Dierig, Neeltje

Dieschell, Hans Gorg

Diets, Johan Jorg & vrouw, 6 ch.

Dikert, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Dilshinit, Johan

Dorst, Robbert & vrouw

Doup, Diderig

Drom, Andries & vrouw, 5 ch.

Droiis, Kristiaan

Dubous, Michel

Duffing, Willem & vrouw, 4 ch.

Ecktwalt, Kasper & vrouw, z ch.

Egeler, Johan & vrouw

Egred, Lou wis

Elhart, Johan & vrouw

Elizabeth, Anna

Elkener, Hans Adam & vrouw, 4 ch.

Elroot, Johan Dider & vrouw, 1 ch.

Emmell, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

En gel, & vrouw (no other name)

Engel, Johan

En gel, Margreta (Wede:), z ch.
Engel, Philip & vrouw, 4 ch.
Erbs, Hans Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Escher, Jacob & vrouw, z ch.
Eva, Anna

Faech, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Feel, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.

Fink, Johan Willem & vrouw, 6 ch.

Fink, Kasper & vrouw, z ch.

Finkin (Wed6.), z ch.

Finsinger, Philips & vrouw, 1 ch.

Fisel, Adam & vrouw, 3 ch.

Flip, Jorg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Foght, Hans Peter

Frans, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Fransnus, Johan Paul & vrouw

Fredrig, Cartes & vrouw, 5 ch.

Fredrig, Hans Adam & vrouw, 1 ch.

Fredrik, Koenraet & vrouw, z ch.

Freymeier, Michel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Freonet, Philip & vrouw,

Frolug, Valentyn & vrouw, z ch.

Frowberg, Mattys

Furiger, Fredrig & vrouw, z ch.

Gardner, Peeter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Geerlof, & vrouw, 3 ch. (no

other name)
Geerlof, Johan Krist & vrouw, 3 ch.
Geerlof, Peeter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Geertrug, Anna
, Geertruy (Wede.), 3 ch. (no

other name)
Gees, Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.
Geis, Niklass & vrouw, 4 ch.
Gems, Jorg Adam & vrouw
Gerber, Jacob
Geres, Jurg & vrouw, 5 ch.
Gerhart, Falentyn & vrouw, 5 ch.
Gerhart, Johan & vrouw
Gerheim, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Gerlin, Johan
Gertner, Jacob, 1 ch.
Giseling, Johan Hendrig
Goettel, Daniel & vrouw, 7 ch.
Goftig (Gostig), Korn, & vrouw, 4 ch.
Gonan, Johan Hendrik

±66

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Gopalt, Kasper

Grausch, Jacob's (Wede:), 3 ch.
Grausch, Johan Peeter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Grefter, Simon & vrouw, 5 ch.
Grug, Hans Gdrg & vrouw, 5 ch.
Grunnig, Bendik & vrouw, 4 ch.
Gudtud, Peter & vrouw

Haas, Hend':

Haas, Paulus, & vrouw, 2. ch.

Haber, Ditmut & vrouw, 6 ch.

Hag, Kristiaan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Ham, Mattys & vrouw, 2 ch.

Haman, Andries & vrouw

Hannes, Willem & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hans (Haus), Glein & vrouw

Harbag, Andreas & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hardwig, Johan Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

Haring, Godvryd

Harman, Johan

Hatenkrowst, Philip

Hattler, Ulrig & vrouw, 9 ch.

Hausman, Ludwig & vrouw

Heipt, Philippus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Helmet, Philips & vrouw, 6 ch.

Helsch, Maarten & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hemberg, Johan

Henrig, Andreas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Herschner, Steve & vrouw

Hertzeel, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hes, Johan

Hes, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hes, Tomas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Hes, Ulrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Het, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Heu, Fredrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Heu, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Heul, Mattys Gdrg & vrouw

Heyt, Joost & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hiebesch, Johan

Hilsch, Kristoffel & vrouw

Hober, Krist

Hoch, Michel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hoepert, Hans & vrouw

Hoffman, Albert & vrouw, 6 ch.

Hoffman, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Hoffman, Mattys & vrouw, 2. ch.

Hoffman, Michel

Hoffrin, Katrina

Hoof, Hans Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.

Hoofman, Joost & vrouw

Hoost, Johan Felten & vrouw, 4 ch.

Horlakker, Hans Jurg

Horn, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Horsch, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Houser, Hans & vrouw, 3 ch.

Houtrug, Jorg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Huniaben, Willem

Hies, Roypert & vrouw, 4 ch.

Jacob, Johan

Jager, Bakes & vrouw, 1 ch.

Janse, Willem

Jeger, Kristiaan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Jemal (Wede), 5 ch.

Joggem, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Joosten, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.

Jorg, Hans

Josep, Anna

Jung, Johan

Jung, Johan & vrouw

Jung, Johan Peter

Jung, Klaus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Jungst, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Jurg, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

K-

4 ch.

[blotted], Johan Jacob & vrouw,

Kamd (Kame?), Gorg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kamp, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kanhorner, Margreeta, 1 ch.

Karn, Michel & vrouw, 2. ch.

Karol, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Kas, Andries Laurens & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kasner, Andreas & vrouw, 5 ch.

Katrina, Anna

Katrina, Maria

Katrina (Wede:), 1 ch.

Kayg, Anna Katrina, 3 ch.

Kebels, Andries & vrouw, 1 ch.

Keelman, Michel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kees, Johan Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kel, Peeter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kell, Niklaas & vrouw

Keneman, Jurg Karel

Kenmer, Hans Nikel

Kerbel, Kasper & vrouw, 7 ch.

Kerbel, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kerger, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kermerroot, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.

Kerver, Niklaas & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kessen, Houpvig & vrouw

Kever, Hans Philip & vrouw, 7 ch.

Kever, Philip & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kieselbag, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kigel, Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kindr, Bendik & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kittert, Mattys

Klaar, Anna

Klaas, Bartel & vrouw, x ch.

Klam, Daniel & vrouw, 3 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.67

Klapper, Johan Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Klaus, Bernhart & vrouw, 4 ch.

Klein, Jeronimus & vrouw, 3 ch.

Klein, Mattys & vrouw, 1 ch.

Klein, Peeter & vrouw

Klein, Peter & vrouw

Kleinkor, Korh & vrouw, 1 ch.

Kletters, Johan & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kloe, Barlin & vrouw, 2. ch.

Klop, Johan Nikel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Klopper, Johan Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Knap, Hans Nikel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kneskern, Johan Peter & vrouw

Knevel, Andries, 2. ch.

Knever, Paiilus & vrouw, 6 ch.

Koen, Dinges

Koenraet, Hans

Koert, Michel & vrouw, 8 ch.

Kog, Niklaas & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kollet, Gerhart & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kdnig, Johan Joost & vrouw, 2. ch.

Kop, Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kreber, Peeter & vrouw

Kreffulm, Jacob

Kreider, Bernhardt

Kremer, Peter

Kreps, Joost

Krilion, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Krist, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kroutner, Mattys

Krow, Koenraet & vrouw

Kruis, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.

Krum, Johan Herman

Krys, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.

Kumenstein, Johan Nikel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Kun, Philippus & vrouw, 6 ch.

Kuntz, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Lab, Georg & vrouw, 2. ch.

Labag, Adam & vrouw, 5 ch.

Lang, Abm. & vrouw, 3 ch.

Lang, Johan & vrouw

Langevelt, Hendv.

Lank, Peter & vrouw

Lankr (?), Felten & vrouw, 4 ch.

Leber, Willem & vrouw, 2. ch.

Lei, Hans Henrig & vrouw

Leidecker, Henderick & vrouw

Leitner, Johan Adam & vrouw, 2, ch.

Lenken, Jan Willem & vrouw

Lepper, Philippus Herman & vrouw,

5 ch.
Lergerseiler, Johan Willem & vrouw,

1 ch.
Lesering, Antony
Leuven, Mary Katryn

Level, Johan Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.
Licks, Willem Bernhart & vrouw
Lieger, Johan Adam
Lingelbach, Bakes & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lingoret, Bernhart & vrouw, 1 ch.
Lochrugs, Ulrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Locks, Hans Nikel & vrouw, 3 ch.
Lodewyk, Hendrik & vrouw, 4 ch.
Logrugs, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.
Losch, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.
Louck, Hans Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Louck, Johan

Luber, Gabriel & vrouw, 3 ch.
Ludwig, Andreas
Ludwig, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.
Ludwig, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.
Lukas, Hans Gorg & vrouw, 7 ch.
Lutz, Peter & vrouw, 4 ch.
Lvs, Katrvn
Lysbet, Anna

Maester, Paulus & vrouw, 1 ch.

Magdleena (wede.), 5 ch.

Man, Herman & vrouw, 3 ch.

Mandenagt, Willem

Mangel, Johan Jurg

Margreet, Anna

Maria, Anna

Maria, Anna (Wede:), 1 ch.

Maria (Wede.) (no other name)

Maria (Wede.), 1 ch. (no other name)

Martman, Ludwig

Mary, Anna

Masge, Niklaas & vrouw, 7 ch.

Matser, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Mattys, & vrouw, 2. ch. (no other

name)
Mattys, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Mattys, Webbers
May, Johan Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Meesterin, Margreeta, 2. ch.
Meier, Koenraet & vrouw
Meinhober, Philippus & vrouw
Meinsinger, Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.
Melbreg, Adam & vrouw
Melbreg, Johan

Melsers, StofFel & vrouw, 2. ch.
Meltsberger, Philips & vrouw, 2. ch.
Mengel, Hans Jorg & vrouw, 5 ch.
Mengje, Fredrig & vrouw, 8 ch.
Menin, Johan

Menst, Peter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Mese, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.
Mets, Andreas & vrouw, 4 ch.
Metsgennen, Doretta
Mey, Johan Dinges (Wede.), 1 ch.

x68

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Meyer, Bastiaan

Meyer, Henrig & vrouw, 2. ch.

Mikkeler, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Mikle, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Miller, Johan

Miller, Niklaas

Minsinger, Bastiaan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Mitler, Joost

Miyn, Johan & vrouw, 7 ch.

Mond, Ferdinand & vrouw, 4 ch.

Moor, Andreas & vrouw, 7 ch.

Moor, Johan Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.

Moor, Johan Krist & vrouw, 6 ch.

Moor, Philip Willem & vrouw, 2. ch.

Morial, Hendr!<.

Morees, Frans

Mous, Miggel & vrouw

Muleri, Ula

Muller, Anna Mary

Muller, Hans Georg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Muller, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Muller, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Muller, Johan Benedik & vrouw, 3 ch.

Muller, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Muller, Johan Jacob & vrouw

Muller, Johan Joost & vrouw, 6 ch.

Muller, Johan Mikel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Muller, Johan Sebastiaan & vrouw

Muller, Johan Tys & vrouw, z ch.

Muller, Michel & vrouw, 6 ch.

Muller, Niklaas & vrouw, 5 ch.

Muller, Peter

Muller, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Muller, Philip & vrouw, z ch.

Muller, Philippus & vrouw, 8 ch.

Mulleryn, Anna Mary

Museler, Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Negs, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.
Niesch, Gorg Willem & vrouw, z ch.
Niklaas, Juries & vrouw, 7 ch.
Niklaas, Peeter & vrouw, z ch.
Nol, Herbert & vrouw
Nonius, Johan Peter

Obel, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Obreschur (?), Johan Hendrig & vrouw,

7 ch.
Octer, Kristoffel
Odilja (Wed6.), 3 ch.
Ogs, Hans Mikel & vrouw, z ch.
Oosterman, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.
Openheizer, Philip

Patturf, Peter & vrouw, 5 ch.
Paulus, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Paulus, Michel

Peerelman, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Peerschoor, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 6 ch.

Peeter, Andreas

Peeter, Johan

Peeter, Mattys

Peffer, Miggel & vrouw, z ch.

Pender, Jacob

Penenstehl, Niklaas & vrouw, z ch.

Perriger, Jacob & vrouw

Peter, Ludwig

Petorius, Gerhart & vrouw, 7 ch.

Pettemer, Fredrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Pheyffer, Juriaan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Pieleman, Pieter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Plein, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.

Poel, Mikel & vrouw, z ch.

Poel, Nikel & vrouw, z ch.

Prak, Hans Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Prettert, Jeunes & vrouw, z ch.

Printz, Daniel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Prouk, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Priinck, Peter

Rageutzwey, Huybert & vrouw, 3 ch.

Ram, Niklaas & vrouw, 4 ch.

Range, Martin & vrouw

Ras, Michel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Rau, Johan Jacob & vrouw, z ch.

Rechten, Tunes & vrouw, 1 ch.

Reder, Laurents

Regebag, Johan & vrouw, 8 ch.

Reinbalt, Mattys & vrouw, z ch.

Reinhart, Kasper & vrouw, 3 ch.

Reinhart, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Reiter, Mattys & vrouw, z ch.

Reiter, Samuel, 3 ch.

Remmer, Johan Willem & vrouw, 5 ch.

Rensten, Henrig

Riger, Johan Philips & vrouw, 4 ch.

Ringer, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Risch, Hans Jorg & vrouw, 5 ch.

Rodenberger, Johan

Rodenmeyer, Tobias

Roel, Maria Katrina

Roel, Niklaas & vrouw, z ch.

Roer, Laurens & vrouw, 3 ch.

Roeterscheg, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Roll, Jorg Willem & vrouw, 3 ch.

Roschkop, Martin & vrouw, 3 ch.

Rover, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Riibert, Arnold

Ruff, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Runtz, Matteus & vrouw, 6 ch.

Sacks, Bastiaan & vrouw, 4 ch.
Sairburger, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.69

Sairburger, Hans Michel
Saly, Dominic & vrouw, 6 ch.
Schaff, Bartel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schaft, Bartel & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schaft, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schart, Johan Daniel
Scheefer, Geerard & vrouw, z ch.
Scheefer, Niklaas & vrouw
Scheenberger, Johan
Scheever, Johan Hendrig & vrouw
Scheffener, Reinart & vrouw, x ch.
Scheffer, Jacob & vrouw, 2. ch.
Schehart, Michel & vrouw, z ch.
Schel, Jacob & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schelter, Kasper & vrouw, 4 ch.
Schenk, Hans Koenraet & vrouw, z ch.
Schenk, Hans Nikel & vrouw
Scherdel, Koenraet & vrouw, 4 ch.
Scherver, Philippus
Scheser (Schever?), Hans Hendrik
Schester, Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.
Scheucher, Michel & vrouw, 5 ch.
Scheue, Gilles & vrouw, 3 ch.
Scheugh, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.
Schey, Hans Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schilderin, Margreet, 3 ch.

Schilling, — & vrouw, 3 ch. [Sic]

Schimberger, Henrig

Schinberger, Bartel

Schinberger, Susan

Schmit, Michel

Schmitz, Johan & vrouw, z ch.

Schneider, Peter & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schner, Johan & vrouw

Schniter, Peter & vrouw

Schnitspan, Korn & vrouw, 5 ch.

Schniig, Johan Adam

Schnug, Willem

Schober, Peter

Schoek, Niklaas & vrouw, z ch.

Schoenmager, Jorg Willem & vrouw,

4 ch.
Schoenmager, Mattys
Schoffer, Jacob & vrouw, 8 ch.
Schog, Johan Hendrig & vrouw, 1 ch.
Schog, Kristiaan & vrouw, 6 ch.
Schoof, Johan

Schoteis, Johan Jurg & vrouw, z ch.
Schover, Kristiaan
Schram, Pieter & vrouw, 3 ch.
Schreeder, Onelgert & vrouw, 7 ch.
Schreider, Philip & vrouw, 5 ch.
Schriber, Jacob & vrouw, 7 ch.
Schrout, Levi

Schudelbag, Martin & vrouw
Schug, Miklaas & vrouw, 8 ch.
Schulerd, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schuller, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Schultheisch, Johan

Schumager, Daniel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Schupman, Herman & vrouw, 7 ch.

Schus, Johan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schuts, Philips & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sch warts, Jurg & vrouw, 4 ch.

Schwer, Adam & vrouw, 1 ch.

Seder, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sies, Hans Peter & vrouw, 6 ch.

Sikart, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Simon, Benedik & vrouw, 4 ch.

Simon, Laurents

Simon, Peter

Simon, Sagarias & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sitig, Krist & vrouw, 1 ch.

Slesser, Hendrik & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sligt, Hans

Slosher, Andreas, z ch.

Smit, Hans Peter

Smit, Johan Andreas & vrouw, 4 ch.

Smit, Joost

Smit, Niklaas & vrouw, 4 ch.

Smit, Thomas

Sneider, Arnold & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sneider, Jacob

Sneider, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sneiter, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sneyder, Johan & vrouw

Sneyder, Johan Willem & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sneyder, Kasper & vrouw, 6 ch.

Sneyder, Kristiaan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Sneyder, Miggel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Sneyter, Juriaan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Snyder, Johan & vrouw, 3 ch.

Soelst, Johan Jurg & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sommer, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Sool, Johan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sool, Kristiaan & vrouw, 6 ch.

Spengeler, Johan Frans & vrouw

Sporin, Anna Katrina

Stal, Martin & vrouw, 1 ch.

Stall, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Stamber, Melger & vrouw, 1 ch.

Stauber, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Steen, Elias & vrouw, 3 ch.

Steever, Mattys & vrouw, z ch.

Steier, Johan Mikel

Stein, Martin

Stein, Michel & vrouw, 3 ch.

Steiner, Jorg & vrouw

Stekle, Benedik & vrouw, 5 ch.

Sterm, Kristiaan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Stern, Jacob & vrouw, z ch.

Stern, Philip & vrouw, 1 ch.

Stik, Mattys & vrouw, 3 ch.

Stor, Miggel & vrouw, 4 ch.

2.70

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Straes, Andreas & vrouw, i ch.

Straetsborger, Bakes & vrouw, i ch.

Stree, Herman

Streit, Kristiaan & vrouw, 5 ch.

Strook, Kristiaan & vrouw, 2 ch.

Stub, Maarten, 3 ch.

Stubinger, Hans

Swal, Johan Geerard & vrouw, 1 ch.

Swart, Hans Adam & vrouw

Swartbag, Hartel & vrouw, 7 ch.

Switseler, Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Tamboer, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.
Tewisman, Emrig & vrouw, 2 ch.
t'Foos, Serris & vrouw, 5 ch. [sic]
Theis, Johan
Theis, Thomas

Thomas, Peeter & vrouw, 2. ch.
Tietruy, Hans Willem & vrouw, 5 ch.
Timmerman, M. & vrouw, 1 ch.
Timmerman, Willem, 2. ch.
Tipenhove, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 3 ch.
Tomas, Hans Willem & vrouw, 1 ch.
Tomas, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.
Tomas, Mattys
Triespeisser (?), Johan
Tys, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.
Tzoll, Hans Jacob

Ulrig, Albregt & vrouw, 1 ch.
Ulrig, Hans

Umdrucht, Jacob & vrouw, 5 ch.
Urban, Michel & vrouw, 4 ch.

Vaar, Daniel & vrouw

van Bergen, Hans Peter & vrouw, 2 ch.

Vasbender, Bertram & vrouw, 3 ch.

Vegt, Simon & vrouw

Vesser, Hans Jurg & vrouw, 2 ch.

Visser, Garrard & vrouw, 3 ch.

Visser, Hans & vrouw, 2 ch.

Visser, Hendk & vrouw

Visser, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Vos, Johan

Vulman, Laurens

Vulman, Mattys & vrouw, 4 ch.

Waal, Kristoffel & vrouw, 6 ch.

Wagenaar, Johan Hendrik

Wagenaar, Niklaas & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wagman, Ab"1: & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wagnaar, Willem

Wagner, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Wagner, Niklaas & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wagner, Philippus & vrouw, 2 ch.

Walen, Johan

Walter, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wannemager, Peter & vrouw

Weber, Bakes

Weber, Hans Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Weber, Jacob & vrouw, 1 ch.

Weber, Johan Henrig & vrouw, 1 ch.

Weber, Johan Koenraet & vrouw, 5 ch.

Weber, Mattys

Weber, Niklaas & vrouw

Weber, Philip

Weber, Simon & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wechel, Hans Michel & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wedebag, Peter

Weilant, Peeter & vrouw, 2 ch.

Weiller, Johan & vrouw, 1 ch.

Weinberg, Koenraet & vrouw

Welsaker, Stoffel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Welter, Matteus

Wendesheimer, Stoffel & vrouw, 5 ch.

Weysch, Matteus & vrouw, 5 ch.

Weyspaart, Jurg & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wiesener, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.

Wilhellem, Henrig & vrouw, 5 ch.

Willem, Jorg & vrouw

Willem, Mikel & vrouw, 2 ch.

Wilmy, Jacob & vrouw, 4 ch.

Winsman, Henrig & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wintik, Johan Jacob

Wisner, Johan & vrouw, 6 ch.

Wistenroot, Anneke

Wolfskel, Hans Gorg & vrouw

Wolft, Bertram & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wolkin, Anna Barber, 2 ch.

Wolleben, Hans Felten & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wolleben, Hans Miggel & vrouw, 1 ch.

Wolleben, Johan

Worms, Kristiaan & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wormster, Bastiaan & vrouw, 2 ch.

Woust, Felix

Wugin, Lizabet, 1 ch.

Wyngaertenaer, Peter & vrouw, 3 ch.

Wys, Johan Hendrig & vrouw, 4 ch.

Wyskerver, Johan Hendrig, & vrouw,

4 ch.
Wyst, Koenraet & vrouw, 3 ch.

Yslant, David & vrouw, 1 ch.

Zamer, Maarten & vrouw, 5 ch.
Zeiger, Jurg & vrouw, 2 ch.
Zeiter, Andries & vrouw, 3 ch.
Zeiter, Hans & vrouw
Zekel, Willem & vrouw
Zetgen, Henrig Peter & vrouw, 2 ch.
Ziel, Marcus & vrouw, 1 ch.
Zigler, Koenraet & vrouw, 1 ch.

Zosin, & vrouw, 4 ch. [sic]

Zouwe, Mattys & vrouw, 5 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

271

SIXTH PARTY— EMBARKED

Ache, Johan

Achenbag, Johan

Agenbag, Anna Margreta

Aggenbag, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 4 ch.

Allebag, Andrass & vrouw

Allebag, Elizabet

Antonin, Anna Margreta & 1 ch.

Appel, Johan

Ar, Johan Willem & vrouw & 6 ch.

Arendorff, Johan Henrig & vrouw & 1 ch.

Arnold, Johan & vrouw

Arommenuil, Geerhart

Aterbag, Jurg & vrouw

Bang, Kristiaan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Bast, Joost Hendrig & vrouw & 5 ch.

Bauerin, Anna Maria

Baume, Frants Heller & vrouw & 4 ch.

Beck, Simon & vrouw & 8 ch.

Becker, Albert & vrouw & 1 ch.

Becker, Hans Henrig

Becker, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Bele, Johan Jacob

Belger, Johan & vrouw & 1 ch.

Belts, Johan

Berdram, Johan & vrouw

Berg, Johan Henrig

Berks, Martin & vrouw

Berlee, Frans & vrouw & z ch.

Berner, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Bernhard, Jozep & vrouw

Bernhart, Johan

Bernhart, Johan & vrouw & z ch.

Bescher, Henrig & vrouw & 3 ch.

Besme, Henrig & vrouw & 3 ch.

Best, Johan Hirg & vrouw & 1 ch.

Beyer, Mikel & swister

Beyer, Sagond & swister

Blasch, Johan & vrouw & z ch.

Botser, Anna Maria

Botser, Johan Herman, & vrouw & 8 ch.

Bremer, Jacob & vrouw & 4 ch.

Bron, Mattys & vrouw & z ch.

Bruch, Hans Henrig & vrouw & 4 ch.

Brusel, Johan Nikel & vrouw & 4 ch.

Brustel, Johan Gorg & vrouw & 4 ch.

Daustel, Johan Melgior & vrouw & 3 ch.

de Hed, Kristoffel & vrouw & 4 ch.

Deiritsbacher, Michel

Deisch, Andreas & vrouw & 4 ch.

Deiwig, Simon & vrouw & 3 ch.

den Decker, Peter Jansz & vrouw & 5 ch.

Detweider, Jacob & vrouw & z ch.

de Wolf, Godvried & vrouw & 3 ch.

JULY 2.7, SAILED JULY 2.8, 1709

Dickl, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.
Diel, Johan Jurg & vrouw & 1 ch.
Diepel, Johan Peter & vrouw & 3 ch.
Dilcher, Herman & vrouw & 3 ch.
Dilser, Koenraet's (Wede.) & 1 ch.
Diltey, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 5 ch.
Dinges, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 4 ch.
Doll, Hans Adam & vrouw, & z ch.
Domels, Barber & z ch.
Dorman, Johannes & z ch.
Dorreman, Geertruy
Draks, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 4 ch.
Drechel, Johan Jurg & vrouw
Drefhauser, Willem & vrouw & 3 ch.

Eberhartin, Anna Barber
Ebers, Daniel -& vrouw & 3 ch.
Eberts, Johan Peter & vrouw & z ch.
Eeisenberg, Antonius
Ekman, Daniel & vrouw & 1 ch.
Emaus, Bonefacius & vrouw & 5 ch.
Engelsman, Jurg & vrouw & 3 ch.
Erlang, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Feigsfint, Mattys

Feschler, Johan Wendel & vrouw & 3 ch.

Feysters, Herman & vrouw & z ch.

Fiedel, Fredrik & vrouw & 3 ch.

Fischbag, Diderig

Fischbag, Johan Bast & vrouw & z ch.

Fischbag, Joost

Fisser, Andries & vrouw & 7 ch.

Fleuter, David

Folant, Johan Willem & vrouw & 3 ch.

Fosch, Martin's (Wede.) & 3 ch.

Frants, Anna & z ch.

Frants, Henrig & vrouw & 7 ch.

Frants, Paulus

Fredrig, Hans Felten & vrouw & 5 ch.

Frits, Jurg Willem & vrouw & 3 ch.

Fiinck, Anna Katrina

Funck, Peter & vrouw & 4 ch.

Furster, Michel & vrouw & 3 ch.

Fyk, Anna Katrina

Geiseler, Andreas & vrouw & z ch.

Gerdener, Hans Jurg & vrouw & 1 ch.

Gerserin, Geertrug

Getter, Henrig & vrouw & z ch.

Giseler, Johan Henrig & vrouw & 1 ch.

Gleich, Sovia

Gnalder, Andries

Godwig, Antonius & vrouw

Goltman, Koenraet & vrouw & 5 ch.

Greff, Philips Jacob & vrouw & z ch.

Greidter, Joggem

2_72_

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Grein, Anna Katrina
Grosch, Johannes & vrouw & 5 ch.
Gruwer, Hans & vrouw & 3 ch.
Guth, Johan

Haan, Johan Jurg & vrouw & 7 ch.

Haberstig, Henrig & vrouw

Halte, Hans Felten & vrouw & z ch.

Hamon, Johan Willem & vrouw & 4 ch.

Harger, Sondag

Hartman, Fredrig & vrouw & 1 ch.

Hartwig, Hans Gorg & z ch.

Haus, Johan's (Wede.) & 3 ch.

Heck, Henrig & vrouw & 3 ch.

Heger, Johan Fredrik

Heidelberger, Hirchel & vrouw & 2. ch.

Heil, Hans Jacob

Held, Henrig & vrouw & 3 ch.

Hell, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Helman, Adam

Henrig, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Herberts, Jacob & vrouw & z ch.

Herling, Henrig

Hesche, Niklas & vrouw & 1 ch.

Hey dee, Peeter & vrouw & 1 ch.

Heyer, Johan Jurg & vrouw

Hindterschit, Michel & vrouw & 3 ch.

Hitserin, Kristiaan

Hock, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Hoff, Johan Melgior & vrouw & 6 ch.

Hoffman, Henrig & vrouw & z ch.

Hoffsteittler, Kristiaan & vrouw & 5 ch.

Hoperhempt, Fredrik & vrouw & z ch.

Hummel, Herman & vrouw & 1 ch.

Huppers, Henrig & vrouw & 8 ch.

Ingold, Hans & vrouw & 5 ch.

Jacob, Johan

Jacob, Johan & vrouw & z ch.

Jacobi, Philip & vrouw

Jacobsz, Roel

Joggem, Mattys

Joost, Kristoffel & vrouw & 1 ch.

Jorg, Antony & vrouw & 6 ch.

Josten, Margreta & 1 ch.

Jung, Johan Eberhard & vrouw & 1 ch.

Junge, Johannes' (Wede.) & 5 ch.

Jurg, Johan

Kartneer, Johan & 3 ch.

Kastner, Johan & 7 ch.

Keil, Johann & vrouw & z ch.

Keiming, Johan Markus & vrouw & 3 ch.

Keiseham, Johan Joost's (Wede.) & 1 ch.

Keldereich, Abram & vrouw & 3 ch.

Kell, Jurg, Andries, & vrouw & 1 ch.

Keys, Johan Philip & vrouw & 1 ch.

Kirch, Johan Deisch

Klein, Johan & vrouw & 2. ch.

Kleisch, Kristoffel & vrouw

Klengs, Johan & vrouw

Klengs, Johan Gorg & vrouw & 3 ch.

Klengs, Johan Henrig & vrouw & 4 ch.

Knuppelberg, Paul

Koch, Johan & vrouw

Koenraed, Johan Anders & vrouw & 5 ch.

Koenraed, Salmon & 1 ch.

Kog, Hans Henrig & vrouw & 5 ch.

Kogh, Jurg & vrouw & 4 ch.

Kolb, Jacob & z ch.

Kolbin, Maria Tys

Kolle, Hans Jacob

Koltman, Koenraet & vrouw & 5 ch.

Koog, Johan Antony

Koog, Johan Willem & vrouw & 1 ch.

Koselich, David

Kramerin, Susanne

Kristhaus, Johan & vrouw & 6 ch.

Krooschler, Johan Koenraet

Kum, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 5 ch.

Kumpff, Johan Peeter & 5 ch.

Kurts, Johan Kristoffel & vrouw & z ch.

Lamain, Frants & vrouw & 4 ch.
Laue, Johan Peter & vrouw & 4 ch.
Lents, Henrig

Lents, Willem & vrouw & 5 ch.
Leuben, Peter & vrouw & z ch.
Leyger, Koenraet & vrouw & z ch.
Leyn, Eberhart Hieronimus & vrouw &

4 ch.
Lind, Gerhard

Loost, Andires & vrouw & 3 ch.
Luck, Anonius

Margreet, Anna

Mattern, Marcus

Matthys, Hans

Maul, Fredrig & vrouw & z ch.

Maul, Hendk. & vrouw

Maul, Johan & vrouw & 7 ch.

Meisser, Johan Jurg & vrouw & 4 ch.

Melsch, Johan & vrouw

Merlee, Willem & vrouw

Mescherling, Benedik

Mets, Johan & vrouw & z ch.

Metsch, Maria Tys

Meyer, Antony & vrouw & 3 ch.

Meyer, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 6 ch.

Meyer, Kristiaan

Meyer, Leendert & vrouw & 1 ch.

Meyer, Simon & z ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Meyer, Weyand & swister

Michel, Johan & vrouw & i ch.

Michel, Kasper & vrouw & 3 ch.

Miller, Hans Gorg & vrouw & 1 ch.

Moll, Johan Wiand

Mons, Paulus & vrouw & 2. ch.

Mouts, Kleman & vrouw

Muller, Hans Merde

Muller, Jozep

Muller, Thys & vrouw & 1 ch.

Musche, Maria Tys

Nagel, Herman

Nef, Jurg, Fredrig & 1 ch.

Nier, Johan Godvried & vrouw & 1 ch.

Niesch, Anna

Niesch, Anna Margreta

Niesch, Hans Henrig & vrouw & 5 ch.

Niesch, Jacob

Niesch, Thomas & 1 ch.

Noigt, Johan Philip & vrouw & 1 ch.

Obber, Valentyn & vrouw & 2. ch.
Obers, Peter & vrouw & 1 ch.
Order (?), Johan Adam & vrouw & 1 ch.
Ort, Hans Jacob & vrouw

Peeter, Johan & z ch.

Peeter, Johan Koenraet & vrouw & 1 ch.

Peifer, Johan Willem

Petri, Johan Jacob

Petrin, Elizabet & 1 ch.

Petrosines, Remedius & vrouw

Petry, Arent & vrouw & 1 ch.

Petry, Kristiaan & vrouw & 1 ch.

Philip, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Philips, Johan Fredrig & vrouw & 2. ch.

Pinel, Antony & vrouw & 3 ch.

Plenter, Frants

Poller, Kristiaan

Poppelsdorff, Kasper & vrouw &. 3 ch.

Prints, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Provo, Hans Peter & vrouw & 3 ch.

Raminger, Daniel & vrouw & 1 ch.

Raubei, Jacob

Rauch, Johan Kasper & vrouw & 3 ch.

Reck, Samuel

Reinhart, Jozep & vrouw & 6 ch.

Reinhelt, Jurg & vrouw

Repscher, Johan Peter

Repscher, Philip & vrouw & 3 ch.

Restein, Johan & vrouw & 1 ch.

RetschhufF, Johan Paul

Ritsel, Johan & vrouw & 6 ch.

Ritter, Johan Michel

Rogge, Hans

Ronche, Thys & vrouw & 1 ch.
Rosenberger, Johan Philip
Roth, Johan Engelbert
Roth, Joost & vrouw & 3 ch.
Rutsel, Kasper & vrouw & 1 ch.

Salbag, Anna Margreta

Sampt, Johan Sudor & vrouw

Sargusch, Philip & vrouw & 5 ch.

Sattler, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 1 ch. *

Schalt, Johan Peter & vrouw & 6 ch.

Schantsman, Koenraet & vrouw & 3 ch.

Scheefer, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 4 ch.

Scheefer, Johan Andries & vrouw & z ch.

Schefer, Johan Mikel & vrouw & 6 ch.

Scheff, Johan Willem & vrouw

Scheffer, Johan Gorg

Scheffing, Johanna

Scheifer, Gerhardus

Scheifer, Hans & vrouw & 3 ch.

Schenkelberger, Herman & vrouw & 4 ch.

Schepp, Antony

Schesdons, Kristoffel & vrouw & 3 ch.

Schet, Johan Henrig & 1 ch.

Schilfer, Ludwig & vrouw & 2. ch.

Schitsin, Anna & 7 ch.

Schneider, Gorg

Schneider, Henrig & vrouw & 1 ch.

Schneider, Johan Jacob

Schneiter, Johan Henrig

Schnider, Valentyn & vrouw & 6 ch.

Schniter, Johan Diderig & vrouw & 6 ch.

Schniit, Anna Geertruyt

Schog, Johan Henrig

Schonholts, Ulrig & vrouw & 3 ch.

Schonwolf, Johan Bernhardus

Schredt, Johan & vrouw

Schreiner, Jacob & vrouw & 3 ch.

Schriber, Tieleman

Schu, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Schwab, Hans Otta & vrouw & 1 ch.

Schwachin, Maria Durt & 1 ch.

Sch warts, Antony & vrouw & 3 ch.

Sedel, Johan

Seel, Koenraet & vrouw & 2. ch.

Seger, Johan Henrig & vrouw & 1 ch.

Senn, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Seiner, Gorg

Selter, Kristoffel & vrouw & 3 ch.

Sempt, Peter Adam & vrouw & 6 ch.

Siegman, Hans Peter & vrouw

Smit, Bernhart & vrouw

Smit, Hans Martin & vrouw & 2. ch.

Smit, Johan & vrouw

Smit, Johan Elias

Smit, Johan Joost & vrouw & 4 ch.

Sneider, Hans Willem & vrouw & 6 ch.

^74

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Sneiter, Johan Wilhellem

Soeg, Henrik & vrouw & 3 ch.

Solinger, Peter

Spanjert, Johan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Stang, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 3 ch.

Steibing, Johan Peter & vrouw & 1 ch.

Steinebag, Kristoffel & vrouw & i ch.

Steinbag, Willem & vrouw & 4 ch.

Steir, Joost & vrouw & 3 ch.

Stelzer, Kasper & vrouw & 5 ch.

Steyg, Miggel

Stier, Peter Adolph & vrouw & 3 ch.

Straup, Mattys

Stul, Johan Henrig

Stumpf, Hans Gorg & vrouw & 2. ch.

Stuner, Johan Michel & vrouw & 2. ch.

Sweever, Margreeta & 3 ch.

Tiedberger, Hans & vrouw & 3 ch.
Teilhauzer, Jacob & vrouw & 7 ch.
Tilenz, Johan Martin
Timmerman, Johan Peter
Timmerman, Koenraet

Ulrig, Fredrig Hartman & vrouw & 2. ch.
Ulrig, Johan & vrouw

Vater, Henrig Michel & vrouw & 3 ch.
Vierstein, Hans & vrouw & 3 ch.
Visbag, Joost

Vischbag, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 7 ch.
Vischer, Sebastiaan & vrouw & 2. ch.
Volk, Johan & vrouw & 1 ch.

Wabel, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 5 ch.
Wabel, Miklas & vrouw & 3 ch.
Walje, Jacob

Wanmager, Koenraet & vrouw & 8 ch.

Wanniger, Johan & vrouw

Wanpag, Herman & vrouw & 4 ch.

Weber, Michel

Weil, Hans Jacob & vrouw & 3 ch.

Weischgerterin, Maria Katrina

Weiser, Johan Koenraet & vrouw & 8 ch.

Wendel, Johan Jacob & vrouw & 1 ch.

Wendel, Peter & vrouw & 3 ch.

Wepel, Valentyn & vrouw

Werner, Hans & vrouw & 1 ch.

Weyants, Benedik & vrouw & 1 ch.

Widt, Johan Joost & vrouw & 1 ch.

Wiesner, Gorg & vrouw & z ch.

Wilhellem, Andreas' (Wede.) & 4 ch.

Wilhellem, Johan Joost & vrouw & 3 ch.

Willem, Antony & vrouw & 2. ch.

Willem, Johan & vrouw & 3 ch.

Willemse, Adriaan & vrouw & 4 ch.

Winter, Thomas & vrouw & 4 ch.

Witsch, Niklaas & vrouw & 2. ch.

Witse, Johan Ulrig & vrouw & 2. ch.

Wolff, Hans

Wolff, Johan Richard

Wolfin, Anna & 1 ch.

Wolfin, Eva

Wust, Leenhart & vrouw & 1 ch.

Yung, Johan Mikel & vrouw

Zambag, Mathys & vrouw & 5 ch.
Zelts, Adam & vrouw & 1 ch.
Zimmerman, Jacob & vrouw & 3 ch.
Zoot, Fredrig & vrouw & 4 ch.
Zuber, Ulrig & vrouw
Zufungs, Gorg & vrouw & 3 ch.

D. ROMAN CATHOLIC PALATINES
RETURNED TO HOLLAND

The two lists presented below were found in the Public
Record Office, T 1/119, 136-153; T 1 131, 167-170. The
first list comprises 2., 2.57 Palatines sent back in 1709, the
second includes those 618 returned early in 171 1. Because of
the difference in the time of their sailing to Holland, it has
been considered desirable that the lists be given here sepa-
rately. Indeed, from the correspondence it appears that another
list of about 900 Catholic Palatines should be found in the
Treasury Papers in the Public Record Office. Such a list has

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^75

not turned up and it may be that the 900 mentioned as sailing
in 1 710 were simply part of the 1,2.57 Palatines returned in
1709. The lists are not labelled carefully. As to their value
generally, the disappointed Palatines may have found their
own way eventually to the English colonies, particularly to
Pennsylvania, as the large movement to that colony was to
swell about 1717 and these people certainly had shown a
desire to emigrate.

RETURNED TO HOLLAND IN 1709

Abel, Michel — w. & z ch.
Acht, Velden — w. & z ch.
Anweyler, John — w. & 1 ch.
Appel, John Jacob
Arnoldi, Philippus — w. & 1 ch.
Arnolt, John — w. & 5 ch.
Assenbreuer, Wolff

Bachteler, Michel — w. & 4 ch.

Backer, Henry — w. & 8 ch.

Bakkus, Ferdinand — w. & 1 ch.

Balinger, Frantz — w. & 1 ch.

Baseler, Frans — w. & z ch.

Bauer, Andreas — w. & 6 ch.

Baum, Feirig — w. & 4 ch.

Baur, Peter — w. & 3 ch.

Baur, Thomas — w. & 8 ch.

Becker, Anthony — w.

Beckman, Michel — w. & 1 ch.

Bekker, John — w.

Bekker, John — w. & 1 ch.

Bellesheim, Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Benedictus, Peter

Bergman, Nicolas — w. & 1 ch.

Bernet, Matthias — w. & z ch.

Berrier, John — w. & 2. ch.

Bidsi, Adam — w. & z ch.

Bidtiss, John Riedrich — w. & 1 ch.

Biedliss, Henry — w. & 5 ch.

Bietz John's, — widow & 3 ch.

Bigerin, Elisabeth & 1 ch.

Bigerin, Magdalena & 5 ch.

Bilstein, Jacob — w. & 4 ch.

Binder, John — w. & 3 ch.

Birgh, Henry & 3 ch.

Blaese, Christian — w.

Blase, Mary

Boepeleriter, Christian — w. & 3 ch.

Borber, Philips

Bortholm, Matthias — w. & z ch.

Braun, Ulrich — w. & 4 ch.

Braune, Andries — w. & z ch.

Brick, John — w. & z ch.

Brieck, Matthias

Bruiner, John — w.

Brune, Philip — w. & 4 ch.

Bucks, John Bernard — w. & 4 ch.

Bug, Henry — w. & z ch.

Bug, John — w.

Bumri, Pancras — w. & 3 ch.

Bundersgell, John — w. & 4 ch.

Calas, Lucas — w. & 3 ch.

Catharina, Anna

Claes, Peter

Claes, Simon — w.

Claesen, John Dietrich — w. & 3 ch.

Cobwasser, Anton — w. & 1 ch.

Coenrad, Matthias

Collet, Michel — w. & 6 ch.

Comas, Peter — w. & 4 ch.

Conrads, Conrad — w. & 1 ch.

Cosch, John Dam — w. & 4 ch.

Crist, John — w. & z ch.

&5
[ ch,

ch.

Daniel, Anthony — w.

Dekker, John — w. &

Delman, John — w.

Diere, Hans Martin — w. & z ch.

Dietrich, Claes — w. & 7 ch.

Dievedal, Hans Jurg

Dipo, Abraham — w. & 3 ch.

Diwid, Frans— w.

Dohsban, Michael — w. & 4 ch.

Dol, John

Domas, Frans — w. & 1

Domin, Anna — & 3 ch.

ch.

Eberhard, John — w. & 4 ch.
Edian, Bastian — w. & 1 ch.
Eeter, John — w. & 4 ch.
Ehrhard, Michel — w. & 1 ch.

2.76

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Eiep, Conrad
Eigenman, John — w.
Einhorn, Caspar — w. & 3 ch.
Ellenbergerin, Eva
Engel, John Wm — w. & 1 ch.
Engel, Martin — w. & 2. ch.
Engel, Peter — w. & 2. ch.
Engel, Robert — w. & 4 ch.
Eninghover, Philip — w.
Erwein, John — w.
Eteler, Paulus — w. & 3 ch.
Euller, Jacob — w.
Eweling, John — w. & 3 ch.
Eyg, Martin — w. & 4 ch.
Eyler, Henry — w. & 2. ch.

Feld, Hans Gerard — w. & 6 ch.

Fing, Adam — w. & 1 ch.

Fingin, Orsel — w. & 1 ch.

Finken, Elisabeth

Fischer, Gerhard — w. & 3 ch.

Fischer, Henry — w.

Fischer, John — w. & 1 ch.

Fischerin, Marg

Flohr, John — w. & 4 ch.

Flohr, Peter

Foog, Henry — w. & 1 ch.

Forer, John — w. & 2. ch.

Franck, Michel

Friderick, Charles — w. & 4 ch.

Frisch, Nicolas — w. & 3 ch.

Friss, John — w. & 2. ch.

Funck, Caspar — w. & 1 ch.

Gali, Andreas

Gali, Jacob

Gallobers, Gobeck — w. & 3 ch.

Garino, Peter — w.

Gavas, Thomas — w. & 3 ch.

Gebel, Anth. — w. & 6 ch.

Gebell, Henry — w. & 2. ch.

Gerber, Jacob

Geres, John — w. & 2. ch.

Gerhard, Hans Peter — w.

Gieng, Elisabeth

Glasser, Bartholomeus — w. & 2. ch.

Graber, Peter — w.

Gress, Georg — w. & 5 ch.

Gress, Georg, jun. — w. & 1 ch.

Grosman, John — w. & 3 ch.

Gru, David — w.

Gudt, John — w. & 2. ch.

Guttien, Nicolas — w. & 6 ch.

Haen, Michael — w.

Hag, Christian — w. & 3 ch.

Hageboech, Dietrich — w. & 2. ch.

Hain, Friedrich — w. & 2. ch.

Hains, John Valentin — w. & 2. ch.

Hamer, John Wilhelm — w. & 4 ch.

Han, Caspar — w. & 1 ch.

Han, Matthias — \v. & 1 ch.

Hans, Michel

Hansen, Bernard — w. & 3 ch.

Hansin, Anna Maria & 5 ch.

Hansin, Eva

Hardman, John Conrad — w. & 2. ch.

Hardt, John

Hartman, Hans Jurg — w. & 1 ch.

Hartwig, Matth. — w.

Hauff, Peter — w.

Havig, Jost — w. & 6 ch.

Heber, Joseph

Heins, Nicolas — w. & 1 ch.

Heiser, Jacob — w. & 4 ch.

Heiserin, Cristina

Hell, Balth — w. & 5 ch.

Helmschrodt, John — w.

Hemerstorff, Haubert

Herbst, Hans Georg — w. & 3 ch.

Herfener, John Steffen

Hergaet, Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Herland, Conrad — w. & 3 ch.

Herman, Wikket — w. & z ch.

Herr, John — \v. & 3 ch.

Hersin, Margareta & 3 ch.

Heyneman, John Henry — w. & 2. ch.

Hill, John— w. & 2. ch'.

Hoff, Peter— w. & 5 ch.

Hoffer, Christian

Hoffman, Jost — w. & 2. ch.

Hogenberger, John Nicolas — w. & 4 ch.

Holtzlender, Albertus — w. & 5 ch.

Huberin, Marg

Hulgas, Conrad — w. & 4 ch.

Jacks, Peter — w. & 3 ch.
Jagerin, Mary
Jener, Jorg — w. & 1 ch.
Jkkert, Paltis — w. & 2. ch.
Jndepan, Stoffel — w. & 1 ch.
Jockim, John — w. & 1 ch.
Jong, John — w. & 1 ch.
Joon, Henry — w. & 5 ch.
Jorgo, Anthony — w. & 5 ch.
Joseph, Cornel is — w. & 3 ch.
Josten, Johannes — w. & 5 ch.
Jrwitter, Francis — w. & 2. ch.
Justina, Margareta & 1 ch.

Kaltdauer, Michel — w.
Kaltdauer, Velten — w. & 5 ch.
Keers, Adam — w. & 1 ch.
Keiseler, Hans Jurg — w. & 1 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^-77

Keisser, Philippus — w. & i ch.

Kerger, John — \v. & i ch.

Kern, Frederic — w. & i ch.

Kern, Michel — w. & 2. ch.

Kerpen, Nicolaes — w. & 1 ch.

Kert, Anthonius — w. & 1 ch.

Kesserling, Henry — w. & 1 ch.

Keyer, John

Kien, Herman — \v. & 1 ch.

Kien, John — w. & 1 ch.

Kies, John Jost — w. & 3 ch.

Kiffer, Philip— w. & 7 ch.

Kimmel, Hans Peter — w. & 5 ch.

Klaes, William— w. & 1 ch.

Kle, Charles & 1 ch.

Kleemans, Felte — w. & 1 ch.

Klees, John — w.

Klein, Matth. — w. & 1 ch.

Klein, William — w. & 3 ch.

Kleiss, Jorg — w.

Klapper, Conrad — w. & 3 ch.

Kleyn, Michel — w. & 5 ch.

Klitter, Georg — w.

Knauber, Paulus — w. & 6 ch.

Knedig, Jonas — w. & 1 ch.

Knees, Michael — w. & 4 ch.

Knepel, Andreas — w. & 3 ch.

Knittelmeyer, Caspar

Kochin, Cath. & 3 ch.

Kolb, Frans — w. & 2. ch.

Koll, Conrad

Koll, Peter

Kollet, Gerhard — w. & 2. ch.

Konig, Jacob — w. & 8 ch.

Kontenskein, Andreas — w. & 3 ch.

Koping, Cristoph

Korn, Michel — w. & 8 ch.

Kosserer, John — w. & 4 ch.

Krafft, Matthias — w. & 3 ch.

Krass, Philip — w. & 4 ch.

Krebs, Jost

Krehmer, Philip — w.

Krielion, John — w. & 1 ch.

Kries, John — w. & 5 ch.

Krissilles, Dominick — w. & 1 ch.

Krissilles, Wm. — w. & 4 ch.

Kristilles, Jurg — \v.

Kroebard, Matth. — w. & 4 ch.

Krumbs, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.

Kryss, Matth. — w. & 6 ch.

Kryts, John — w. & 1 ch.

Kyrsteen, Martin

Kun, Mattheus — w. & 1 ch.

Kurtz, John — w. & 1 ch.

Laan, Philip — w. & 2. ch.

Land, Anthon — \v.

Land, Philip — w.

Lang, Christian — w. & 4 ch.

Lang, Peter — w. & 2. ch.

Langin, Lea

Lans, Moritz — \v. & 4 ch.

Laras, John — w. & 6 ch.

Lasara, Anna & her sister

Lassarig, John — w.

Lauer, Hans Nicolas — w. & 1 ch.

Lauer, John — w. & 3 ch.

Lauer, John — w. & 4 ch.

Laurens, Michel — w. & 4 ch.

Lautwein, Henry — w. & 4 ch.

Leberd, Hans Jacob — w. & 3 ch.

Leborn, Matthias

Ledig, Hans Nickel — w. & 1 ch.

Leephaen, John & 1 ch.

Lei j decker, Henry — w.

Lenaker, Peter — w. & 4 ch.

Lens, Henry — w. & 3 ch.

Leonhard, Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Leonora, Barbara

Leora, Anna

Lerny, Matth. — w. & 3 ch.

Less, John Adam — w. & 3 ch.

Levin, Maria

Levin, Wm.— w. & 1 ch.

Liber, John

Lindeboom, Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Linderin, Anna Maria

Littermeyer, Andreas — w. & 3 ch.

Loos, John — w. & 2. ch.

Loriss, Matthew — w. & 3 ch.

Loriss, Ulrich — w. & 1 ch.

Louka, Maria & 4 ch.

Ludwig, Andreas

Ludwig, Anthony — w.

Lut, Ulrich — w. & 3 ch.

Luts, John — w. & 2. ch.

Lutser, John — w. & 2. ch.

Lutz, John — w. & 4 ch.

Lux, Adam

Malena, Maria & 1 ch.

Malleberger, Till — w.

Mallefyn, John Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Mallerswed, Bastiaen

Mandernock, Wm.

Marcks, Matth. — w.

Marg:, Anna

Maria, a widow, 2. ch.

Martin, Matth. — w. & 3 ch.

Martin, Peter — w.

Massia, Nicolas — w. & 6 ch.

Massin, Cath.

2.78

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Matthew, Peter — w. & 4 ch.
Matthias, John — w. & 3 ch.
Matzer, Paulus — w.
Maur, Hans — w. & 5 ch.
Maurer, John Jacob — w. & 1 ch.
Meenen, John

Meens, Anthony — w. & z ch.
Meerman, Jost — w.
Megler, John Mattheus
Melchior, Frantz — w.
Mellerd, John Nikel — w. & 1 ch.
Mengel, Hans Georg — w. & 4 ch.
Mets, Simon — w. & 3 ch.
Metshouer, John — w. & 1 ch.
Mey, Peter — w. & 2. ch.
Meyer, Hirg — w.
Meyer, John Adam — w. & 1 ch.
Meyer, Paulus — w. & 1 ch.
Mieler, Caspar — w. & z ch.
Miller, Anna Marg
Miller, Peter — w. & z ch.
Miller, Peter — w. & z ch.
Min, John — w. & 6 ch.
Minck, Peter — w. & z ch.
Mini, Jor — w. & 4 ch.
Mitwig, Hermanus — w. & z ch.
Mondriaen, Salus — w. & 3 ch.
Moor, Gerhard — w. & 4 ch.
Morheister, Nicolas — w. & z ch.
Moriz, Dietrich — w. & 3 ch.
Mosi, Matthias — w. & 5 ch.
Mostert, Lambert — w. & 3 ch.
Mots, Frederick — w.
Muller, Ehrhard — w. & 1 ch.
Muller, Hans Hurge — w.
Muller, Henry — w. & 4 ch.
Muller, John — w. & 1 ch.
Muller, Kilian — w.
Muller, Nicholaus — w. & 4 ch.
Muller, Philip — w. & 3 ch.
Mullerin, Barbara
Mullerin, Maria
Mullerin, Maria & 6 ch.
Mulseberg, Dietrich — w. & 6 ch.
Musseler, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.

Negener, Michel — w. & 1 ch.

Neles, Michel — widow & z ch.

Nelles, John Jacob — w. & 3 ch.

Nettel, Laurens Hagen

Neumenin, Maria

Neumeyer, Wentz — w. & 2. ch.

Neuss, Andreas

Nicola, Peter — w. & 3 ch.

Nilgen, Maria

Noll, Herbert

Notterman, John — w. & 4 ch.

Null, Herbert

Obel,John — w. & 1 ch.
Obernheimer, Henry — w. & 1 ch.
Oberreidter, Hans Georg — w. & 3 ch.
Oberscheiner, Peter — w. & z ch.
Obert, Martin — w. & 1 ch.
Oostwaltin, Otelia & 1 ch.
Opperdubbel, John Jacob — w. & z ch.
Ortering, Nicolas — w. & 4 ch.
Otsbergerin, Anna Cath.
Otsenberger, John — w. & 1 ch.
Otterman, John — w. & 4 ch.

Palser, Jacob — w. & 3 ch.

Paner, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.

Paulus, Michel

Paulusin, Agnes & z ch.

Peer, Frederic — w.

Peltemer, John — w. & z ch.

Pens, Jacob — w. & z ch.

Perkin, Elisabeth

Petri, Adam — w.

Petri, Andreas — w. & 3 ch.

Petruzin, Remetius — w.

Petter, Jacob — w.

Pieck, Conrad

Pinheimer, Bartholome — w. & 3 ch.

Pleij, John — w. & 3 ch.

Pletseler, Georg — w. & z ch.

Plinling, Cristian — w. & 4 ch.

Poeck, Joseph

Polser, Henry — w. & z ch.

Pon, Hans William — w.

Pons, Nicolas — w. & 3 ch.

Pooser, Nicolaes — w. & 3 ch.

Portman, Jost — w. & 1 ch.

Poself, John

Poster, Arend — w.

Pouer, Matthew — w. & z ch.

Pras, Andreas — w. & z ch.

Preiss, John

Premer, Jacob — w. & 4 ch.

Pretser, Ulrich — w. & 3 ch.

Prietzgis, Friederic — w. & 1 ch.

Pritz, John — w. & 3 ch.

Prol, Jost — w.

Pross, Hans Peter — w. & 3 ch.

Pull, Nicolas

Quint, Anthony — w. & 1 ch.

Rauch, Matthias — & 4 ch.
Reggert, John Henry
Rehrer, Hans Jacob — w. & 1 ch.
Reicherd, Dietrich
Reidinger, Adam — w.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2-79

Reinhart, Caspar — w. & i ch.
Reise, John Henry — w. & 4 ch.
Reisenberg, Lorens — w.
Reiter, Matth. — w. & 1 ch.
Remer, John — w. & 2. ch.
Rick, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.
Riel, Jacob — w. & 5 ch.
Ries, Matthew

Riesen, Anna Catharina — & 1 ch.
Ring, Anthony — w. & 1 ch.
Ringer, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.
Ritterstein, Georg — w. & 3 ch.
Ritz, John
Ritz, Jorg — w.

Ritzkorn, Hans Michel & 1 ch.
Robbenicker, Nicolaes — w.
Rodenfluger, John — w. & 1 ch.
Rose, Laurentz — w. & 2. ch.
Rosmarien, Catharina
Rosskops, Martin — w. & 3 ch.
Roth, Jacob — w. & 2. ch.
Rupen, Arnold
Rupix, Matth.
Ryes, Hans Georg — w. & 2. ch.

Sachs, Bastian — w. & ch.
Sarton, Henry — w. & 3 ch.
Schadt, John Peter — w. & 5 ch.
Schaff, Bartholomeus — w. & 1 ch.
Schaffern, Marg: & 3 ch.
Schamerin, Catharina & 4 ch.
Scharning, Andreas — w. & 2. ch.
Scheefer, Gerhard — w. & 2. ch.
Scheeser, Philip — w. & 1 ch.
Scheffer, John— w. & 4 ch.
Scheffer, Laurens
Scheffer, Reinhard — w. & 2. ch.
Scheffer, Servas — w. & 1 ch.
Scheffle, Henry — w. & 1 ch.
Schemer, Michael — w. & 5 ch.
Scheul, Fig. — w. & 2. ch.
Schiffer, Nicholaus — w.
Schilder, John — w.
Schinkel, Hans Jacob — w. & 3 ch.
Schleyer, John — w. & 1 ch.
Schlitz, Martinitz — w. & 1 ch.
Schmidt, Hans Michel — w.
Schmidt, Matthias — w.
Schmidt, Nicolas — w. & 4 ch.
Schmidt, Peter

Schneider, Arnold — w. & 2. ch.
Schneider, Casper — w. & 5 ch.
Schneider, Hans Michel — w. & 2. ch.
Schneider, John — w. & 2. ch.
Schneider, Nicolas — w. & 3 ch.
Schneider, Peter — w. & 2. ch.
Schneider, Philip — w. & 3 ch.

Schneider, Philip — w. & 4 ch.

Schnell, Mattheus

Schofferin, Catharina

Scholt, John — w. & 1 ch.

Scholter, Tebalt — w. & 4 ch.

Schonberger, Bartholomeus — w. & 1 ch.

Schorin, Anna Cristina

Schreiner, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.

Schreiner, John Martin

Schryver, Jacob — w. & 6 ch.

Schuch, Nicolas — w. & 7 ch.

Schiiler, Matthias — w. & 4 ch.

Schiiler, Peter — w. & 5 ch.

Seiger, John — w.

Serbing, John — w. & 1 ch.

Sernart, John, Jr. — w.

Seyberger — w. & 4 ch.

Sider, John — w. & 1 ch.

Sieffer, Bastian — w.

Sirin, Jurg Peter — w. & 1 ch.

Siss, Peter — w. & 6 ch.

Sissig, Herman — w. & 3 ch.

Sivin, John — w. & 1 ch.

Sleiss, Matth. — w. & 7 ch.

Slick, Martin — w.

Smit, Hans Peter — w. & 2. ch.

Smit, Jaspar — & 8 ch.

Smit, John — w. & 1 ch.

Smit, Michel — w. & 1 ch.

Smit, Nicolas — w. & 3 ch.

Smith, Nicolas — w. & 1 ch.

Smonck, Joseph — w.

Soeck, Peter — w. & 2. ch.

Soller, Dominicus — w. & 6 ch.

Sommer, Jacob — w. & 1 ch.

Sondag, Francis — w. & 2. ch.

Sorg, Matthias — w. & 3 ch.

Spadt, Ludwig

Specht, John — w. & 2. ch.

Speiss, Ferdinandus — w. & 1 ch.

Spierck, Martin — w. & 6 ch.

Spinier, Caspar — w. & 4 ch.

Spoor, Matth. — w. & 1 ch.

Stahl, Dietrich — w. & 1 ch.

Stahl, Hans Georg — w. & 3 ch.

Stahl, Martin — w. & 1 ch.

Steenhouer, Christian — w. & 4 ch.

Stefhng, Catharina

Stein, Hans Michel — w. & 3 ch.

Ster, Cristian — w. & 1 ch.

Steyn, John — w.

Steyner, Michel — -w.

Stick, Herman — w. & 2. ch.

Sticker, Michel — [sic]

Stress, Michel

Stucker, John — [sic]

Sturtiie, Caspar

x8o

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Stutz, John — w. & 4 ch.
Swaebs, Philip
Swertel, Conrad — w. & 4 ch.
Syman, Simon — w. & 4 ch.

Taelem, Lambert — w. & 1 ch.

Taes, John — w. & 3 ch.

Tamper, Henry — w. & 3 ch.

Taub, Michel — w. & 1 ch.

Teiss, Thomas — w. & 1 ch.

Thibelhoffen, Jorg — w. & 3 ch.

Thilschneider, John — w. & 2. ch.

Thinkel, Andreas — w. & 2. ch.

Thomas, Johannes — w. & 5 ch.

Thomas, John

Thomas, Matth:

Thomas, Matth.

Thomasin, Barbara & 2. ch.

Tielman's widow & 3 ch. (no other name)

Tielsbergen, Georg — w. & 1 ch.

Ties, Hans Peter

Tirstin (jic) — w. & 4 ch.

Tirt, Hans Adam — w. & 2. ch.

Tragseil, Jacob — w. & 5 ch.

Trap, Laurens — w. & 4 ch.

Treeser, John — w. & 2. ch.

Tres, John — w.

Trip, Matth: — w.

Tusch, John — w. & 4 ch.

Uder, Michel — w. & 5 ch.

Vagner, Nicolas — w. & 1 ch.
Valadin, John — w. & 4 ch.
Veigert, John Valentin
Veilandt, Peter — w. & 1 ch.
Yiber, John Matth.
Visering, Anna Marie
Vogelsberger, Peter — w.
Vogt, Daniel — w. & 2. ch.
Volck, John — w. & 1 ch.
Voltraut, John Matthias-
von Bergen, Hans Peter —
Voos, Serves — w. & 5 ch.
Vorbeck, Hane Georg — w. & 2. ch.
Vot, Hans Peter — w. & 2. ch.
Vuchs, Arnold — w. & 3 ch.

-w

&
w. & 1

5 ch.
ch.

Wagener, Cath:

Wagener, Felte — w. & 3 ch.

Wagener, John — w. & 1 ch.

Wagener, John Eberhard — w. & 2. ch.

Wagener, Nicolas — w. & 4 ch.

Wald, Caspar Rickte — w. & 2. ch.

Waller, John — w.

Walter, Adam — w. & 3 ch.

Walter, Matth. — w. & 4 ch.

Wanemacher, Henry — w. & 1 ch.

Warner, Andreas — w. & 2. ch.

Weber, Auinstin — w.

Weber, Dietrich — w. & 2. ch.

Weber, Jacob — w. & 3 ch.

Weber, Matth. — w.

Weber, Michel — w. & 2. ch.

Weber, Philip

Weillmacher, Matthias — w. & 3 ch.

Weinberg, Conrad — w.

Weisgerber, John — w. & 1 ch.

Wels, Jacob

Wenmer, John — w.

Widi, Bernard — w. & 4 ch.

Widschlagem, Magdalena

Wikketey, Philip — w.

Wilbert, Hans Martin — w. & 4 ch.

Wilhelmi, John — w. & 3 ch.

Wilhelmse, Adrian — w. & 2. ch.

Will, John

Wilier, Philips— w. & 3 ch.

Wimer, Simon

Wind, Peter — w. & 3 ch.

Wintenseimer, Christoph — w. & 5 ch.

Winter, Thomas — w. & 3 ch.

Wintzenheimer, Peter

Witer, Martin — w. & 4 ch.

Witner, Michel — w. & 3 ch.

Wolff, Caspar

Wolff, Henry — w.

Wolff, Jorg — w. & 4 ch.

Wolffle, Peter— w.

Wolschlager, Michel

Wyckel, Felte— w. & 5 ch.

Ysel, Anthony — w. & 1 ch.

Zirvas, Peter — w. & 6 ch.

RETURNED TO HOLLAND IN 1711

Additional persons are signified by pr. or prs.

Albrecht, Jacob Bahr, Andreas & 1 pr.

Altvader, Faltin & 2. prs. Bath, George & 1 pr.

Alwiger, Hans Wilhelm Bauman, Joost & 2. prs.

Apple, Christian & 5 prs. Bauwer, Christiaen & 2. prs.

Ascher, Jacob & 4 prs. Becker, Frederick & 2. prs.

Bher, Peter & 1 pr.

Baeker, Andreas & 3 prs. Beihard, Eliz.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.8 1

Bihm, Martin & 1 pr.
Braun, Dewald & z prs.
Brener, George & 1 pr.

Casner, Andreas & 5 prs.
Casnerin, Mar: Eliz: widow
Cleman, Bestian & 4 prs.
Cleman, Peter & 1 pr.
Cramer, Ludwick & 1 prs.
Craemer, Pieter
Creitzin, Eliz., wid. & 4 prs.

Dauhn, George & z prs.
Dhiel, Christiaan & 1 pr.
Diehl, Herman & 3 prs.
Ditner, David & z prs.
Dohrbach, Johan Jost
Donnerel, Jacob & 1 pr.

Eberech, Johannes & 3 prs.
Eberhartin, Fronick & 3 prs.
Ecker, Jacob & z prs.
Elberger, Hans George & z prs.
Emmel, Anthony & 4 prs.

Faller, Johannes & 5 prs.
Farey, Henrich & 4 prs.
Fatheyer, George & 4 prs.
Father er, Martzele & 1 pr.
Fey ers teen, Leonard & 5 prs.
Fucs, Andreas & 4 prs.
Fuhrman, Mathias & 1 pr.
Frebes, Joh. Nicolaes & 7 prs.

Gerbie, Michael & z prs.
Gess, Godfried & 3 prs.
Getell, Joh. Peter & 1 pr.
Geyer, David & 4 prs.
Gross, Frederick & z prs.
Gruberin, Marg.

Hahn, Mathias & 1 pr.

Harnisch, Johannes & z prs.

Hatt, Conrad & z prs.

Hawel, Andreas & z prs.

Hecht, Caspar & 7 prs.

Heck, Conrad & 3 prs.

Heck, Henrick & 3 prs.

Hein, Daniels

Herbert, Jacob & 3 prs.

Herman, Bastian & 1 pr.

Hern, Hans Henrich & 4 prs.

Hertzheimer, Henrik Thiel & 1 pr.

Hes, Jeremias & 3 prs.

Heym, Paul & 2. prs.

Heymaker, Johan Jacob & 1 pr.

Hillard, Marg.

Hiram, Christina & 1 pr.

Jacob, Christian & 3 prs.
Jacobs, Barth. & z prs.
Jager, Balthazer & z prs.
Jost, Christopher & z prs.

Kehl, Adam & 1 pr.
Kehl, Peter & 3 prs.
Khyn, Hendrick & 3 prs.
Kiefer, Daniel & z prs.
Klogner, Adam & 5 prs.
Klop, Nicolaes & 5 prs.
Klotter, Johan & 1 pr.
Koller, Jacob & 7 prs.
Kornman, Peter & z prs.
Kuts, George & 3 prs.
Kyhn, Peter & z prs.
Kytter, Diedrick & 5 prs.

Labegeyer, Godfried & 1 pr.
Lang, Johannes & 5 prs.
Leiterman, Christopher & 1 pr.
Lingelbach, Barbara, widow & 3 prs.
Loch, Henrich & 4 prs.

Messer, Sylvester & 4 prs.
Meyer, Henrick & 3 prs.
Meyer, Leonard & z prs.
Mick, Johannes & z prs.
Mickel, Caspas & 4 prs.
Miller, Jacob & z prs.
Mitterbauer, Jacob & 3 prs.
Muller, Peter & 7 prs.
Muller, Valentin & 1 pr.
Musher, Jacob & 1 pr.

Netzel, Rudolph & 3 prs.
Neyman, Ludwick & 3 prs.
Nonius, Johan Peter & z prs.

Ohness, Henrich & z prs.

duPre, Johan & z prs.
Reisser, Michael & z prs.
Reitzer, Johannes & 1 pr.
Reuter, Wilhelm & z prs.
Rinck, Melchior & 4 prs.
Ritte, Nicolaes
Roerbach, Christian & z prs.
Rohn, Johan & 7 prs.
Roop, Johannis & 1 pr.
Roth, Johannes & 3 prs.
Roth, Johannes Jost & 3 prs.
Rottelin, Maria, widow & 6 prs.

Schaffer, Adam & 3 prs.
Schaffer, Conrad

2.8L

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Schelberger, Conrad & i prs.
Schenk, Nicolaes & i pr.
Schenkin, Anna Maria & i pr.
Schick, Mathys & z. prs.
Schickedanee, Christopher & 3 prs.
Schildebuck, Martin & 1 pr.
Schildt, Henrich & 2. prs.
Schuck, Nicolaes & 5 prs.
Seydelmeyer, Mich. & 1 pr.
Shaffer, Johan & x prs.
Shaffer, Nicolaes & 4 prs.
Shaller, Jacob & 1 pr.
Sharr, Daniel & 2. prs.
Shober, Christiaen & 3 prs.
Sieb, Michael & 2. prs.
Simon, Zacharias & 4 prs.
Sinkhaen, Conrad & 2. prs.
Sletzer, Jeremias & 5 prs.
Slingloff, Johannes & 4 prs.
Slisser, Andreas & 3 prs.
Smith, Casper & 3 prs.
Smitzer, Martin & 2. prs.
Sneider, Peter & 2. prs.
Spengler, Frans & 1 pr.
Spengler, Fredr. & 4 prs.
Steyer, George & 4 prs.
Swartz, Christiaen & 1 pr.
Swartz, Johannes & 3 prs.

Theyse, Peter & z prs.
Thiel, George & 4 prs.
Thiel, Johannes & 1 prs.
Tickert, Andires & 3 prs.

Umbach, Johan Georg & 3 prs.
Unverricht, Jacob & 5 prs.

van der Myl, Philip & 8 prs.
Voight, Abraham & 5 prs.

Wabbel, Jacob & 5 prs.
Walter, Philip & 2. prs.
Waltman, Leonard & 3 prs.
Weber, Casper
Weber, Henrich & 5 prs.
Weisman, Henrick & 4 prs.
Weisner, Elisabeth, widow & 2.
Weissin, Elisabeth & 1 pr.
Weyler, Andris & 4 prs.
Wickel, Jonas & 1 pr.
Windt, Henrich & 5 prs.
Wipff, Jacob & 1 pr.

Zents, Mathias & 1 pr.
Zieger, George & 3 prs.
Ziegler, Nicolaes & 4 prs.
Zinck, Rudolph & 4 prs.
Zittel, Jacob & 3 prs.
Zwartz, Jacob & 7 prs.

prs.

E. THE NEW YORK SUBSISTENCE LIST

This list was compiled from the 'journal" of Palatine
debtors to the British government for subsistence given
either in New York City or in the Hudson River settlements,
from their landing in 1710 to September, 1712.. The list was
found in the Public Record Office, C. O. 5 12.30 and was
corrected from the accompanying "ledger," C. O. 5 12.31.
As it seemed advisable to include some indication of the
number in each family and since limitations of space forbade
the inclusion of the six notations at various times given in
the journal, only two notations have been given here, that is,
the first in 1710 usually and the last in 1712. normally. Thus,
with "Abelman, Johann Peter 2.-1, 2.-0," the size of the
family signified is two adults and one child under ten years
of age; by 1712. the child had died for we have noted only
two adults. All children over ten years of age were given the

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

x83

full allowance for adults and were therefore not distinguished
from more mature members of the family. Where only one
notation of family size appears, the presumption is of death,
or in the case of women, of marriage.

Abelman, Johann Peter x-i, x-o
Anspach, Johann Balthaser x-o, 2.-0
Anthes, Conrad's (widow) Margretha

3-1, 2.-1
Arnold, Jacob (Arnoldi, Johannes) 4-0,

5-°
Arthopoeus, Johann Adolph 3-0, 3-0

Asmer, Philipp 2.-0, x-o

Baches, Agnes 1-0
Bahr, Johannes x-x, 6-x
Bahr, Jacob's (widow) 2.-1, 2.-0
Ballin, Anna Catharina 3-1, 3-1
Barthel, Henrich 4-1, 4-1
Barthelin, Anna Dorothe 1-0
Barthin, Anna 3-1
Bason, Nicolas i-x, 2.-2.
Bast, Johann Henrich 2.-7., 2.-3
Bast, Jacob x-o, 2.-0
Bast, George 1-1, x-o
Battorffin, Anna 3-0, 1-0
Batzin, Anna Catharina 1— 1, 1-1
Bauch, Christian 2.-1., 4-1
Baum, Mathias 3-0, 1-0
Baumann, Adam 4-2., 3-1
Baumannin, Anna Margretha 1-0, 3-0
Baumarsin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0
Bayerin, Anna Margretha 2.-0, 2.-0
Beck, Andreas Friderich 1-2., 2.-1.
Becker, Peter 2.-0, x-i
Becker, Johann Friderich 0-1, 4-1
Beckerin, Maria 1-0, 1-0
Beckerin, Senr, Elizabeth 1-0
Beckerin, Junr, Elizabeth 1-0, 1-0
Beckerin, Anna Catharina 2.-2., 1-2.
(married Johann Christian Haus)
Beckerin, Anna Dorothe 1-0, 1-0
Beckerin, Magdalena x-x, 2.-2.
Bellin, Elizabetha 2.-0, 4-1
Bellinger, Henrich 2.-0, x-i
Bellinger, Johannes 4-0, 5-0
Bellinger, Marcus 4-0, 4-1
Bellinger, Nicolaus 6-0, 3-0
Bellingin, Elizabeth 2.-0, 2.-0
Bender, Georg x-i, 3-1
Bender, Valentin 2.— 1, x-o
Bender, Peter's (widow) 3-1, 3-1
Benderin, Anna Maria 3-2., 1-1
Berck, Christian 1-0
Berg, Johannes 2.-1, 3-0

Berg, Abraham x-o, x-i

Bergman, Andreas 3-0, 1-0

Beringer, Conrad 1-0, x-x

Berlemann, Johannes 1-0, x-i

Berner, Georg Ludwig 1-3, x-i

Bernhardt, Johann Jost x-o, x-i

Bernhardt, Johannes x-x, 3-3

Bernhardt, Ulrich x-o, x-o

Berter, Gerhard & Anna Bertin 1-0, 1-0

Bertram, Jacob 3-0, x-o

Betzer, Hermann 5-x, 5-1

Beyer, Johann Jacob 1-1, 1-1

Beyerin (dicta Beurin), Susanna 1-1, 1-1

Bierman, Johannes i-x, 3-1

Blass, Johannes x-i, 3-x

Bohler, Johann Henrich 1-0, 3-3

Bohm, Henrich x-o, 3-0

Bollin, Sophia 1-0, 1-0

Bonn, Frantz (Le Febvre dictum Bonn)

x-o, 1-0
Bonenstiel, Niclaus x-o, 3-1
Bonroth, Johannes 1-0, 4-0
Born, Jacob and his sister x-o, x-o
Borsch, Ludwig x-i, 3-x
Borsch, Jonas 3-x
Borst, Jacob x-o, x-x
Boshaar, Jacob 6-x, 5-x
Boshaar, Johann Jacob x-o, 3-0
Bousche, Daniel x-o, x-o
Brachin, Anna Catharina 1-0
Brack, Johann Michael x-o, x-o
Brandaw, Wilhelm x-i, x-x
Brandorff, Jost 3-1
Braun, Johann Jost 3-5, 5-3
Braun, Johann Paul x-o, x-o
Brendel, Caspar x-x, 1-1
Bresseler, Valentin 4-x, 5-x
Bretter, Anthoni 1-0, x-o
Briegel, Georg x-o, x-o
Brillin, Anna Margretha x-i, 3-1
Brillemannin, Helena 3-0, 1-0
Bromwasser, Anna Gertrud 1-0, 1-0
Brong (Bronck), Matheus 3-0, 4-0
Bruchle, Henrich 1-0, x-o
Bruyere, Susanne x-o, x-o
Bruyere, Jeanne x-i, x-i
Buff, Johann Georg x-o
Buok (Buk), Martin x-x, x-x
Burckardt, Ulrich (dicta Brucker) 3-0, 3-1
Burckhardt, Johannes 4-1, 1-0

i84

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Bouche, Daniel z-o, i-o
Busch, Sen1", Daniel 2.-2., 3-0

Caputscher, Johann Jacob 4-1, 4-1
Cast, Johannes 1-0, 1-0
Castner, Johann Conrad 5-0, 1-0
Castner, Johann Peter 2.-0, 3-z
Champanois, Daniel 2.-1, z-z
Christmann, Hanns 3-3, 5-3
Christmannin, Elizabeth i-z, 3-0
Clevenius, Bernhard 2.-3, 4-0
Conrad, Henrich z-o, z-i
Conradin, Anna z-i, z-i
Coring, Ludolph 6-1, 3-1

Dachstatter, Georg 2.— 1, z-z

Dahles, Johann Wilhelm z-o, z-i

Danler, Ulrich 1-0, z-i

Dannemarcker, Christoph 3-1, 3-1

Darrey, Conrad 1-0, 1-0

Dather, Lorentz 3-0, 3-0

Datt, Johann Bernhard 2.-2., 3-1

Dausweber, Melchior 5-0, 4-1

Deffu, Daniel 1-2., 3-1

Demuth, Jacob 4-1, 5-0

Demuthin, Anna Catharina & son George

Demuthin, Anna Maria 1-0
Demuthin, Agnes 2,-0
Deubig, Johann Paul 1-1, 1-0
Dietrich, Christian 3-z, 4-0
Dietrich, Johann Jacob 6-z, 5-z
Dietrich, Johann Wilhelm 4-0, 4-1
Dietrichin, Anna Elizabeth 3-1, 3-0
Dievenbach, Conrad & mother Anna 3-1,

1-0
Diewel, Johannes 2.-1, 3-z
Diewel, Johann Peter z-o, z-i
Diewehert (Deuchert), Werner 5-1, 6-3
Dill, Annanias (alias Thiel) z-z, i-z
Dill, Wilhelm 1-2., 1-0
Dillin, Anna Clara 1-0, 1-0
Dillebachin, Barbara & son Martin 1-0,

z-i
Dilteyin, Catharina 5-1, 6-0
Din ant, Peter 2.-2., z-i
Dings, Jacob 4-0, 5-0
Dorn, Lazarus (alias Trum) 2.-4, 2.-3
Dorner, Johannes 2.-1, z-o
Dorner, Jacob 3-0, 3-0
Dornheiser, Jacob 1-0
Dontzbachin, Anna Elizabeth 3-0
Dontzbach, Frantz 4-0, z-i
Dopff, Johann Peter 5-0, 5-0
Drauth, Ludwig's (widow) 1-0, 1-0
Drechsler, Peter z-i, z-z
Dreuthin, Catharina 4-1, 1-0

Dreuthin, Elizabeth 1-0
Drumm, Andreas 3-1, 3-1
Drumbaur, Niclaus 1-3, 3-3
Duntzer (Duntier), Paulus 2.-1, 3-0

Eberhard, Johannes 1-0, 1-0

Eckardt, Niclaus 2.-0, 1-0

Eckardtin, Gertrud z-i, 3-0

Eckhardt, Adam z-i, 3-0

Eckling, Johann Georg 1-3, 4-3

Ehemann, Thomas 1-1, 3-0

Ehlig (Ehelig), Andreas z-i, z-z

Eigenbrod, Elizabeth z-o

Eigler, Christian z-o, z-i

Elsass, Paul 1-0, 1-1

Emichen (Emigen), Johann Ernest 2.-2.,

Emich, Johann Niclaus 2.-0, z-i
Emmerich, Johannes 3-0, z-i
Emmerich, Johann Michael z-o, 1-0
Emrichin, Anna Maria 1-1, 1-1
Engel, Johannes 2.-1, t-t
Engelin, Maria Elizabetha 1-0, 1-0
Engelbert, Johan Peter 3-0, 3-0
Engelsbrucher, Niclaus 3-0, 3-0
Engstenburger, Tilleman 1-0
Enners, Bertram 3-0, 3-0
Erbin, Catharina 1-1, 1-1
Erckel, Bernhard 1-0, 1-0
Erhardt, Simon 1-3, 3-1
Eschenreuter, Henrich 2.-0, x-o
Eschoffin, Catharina 1-0, 1-0
Eschwein, Thomas' (widow) x-o, i-o
Ess, Jacob z-o, 2.-0
Eswein, Jacob 3-3, 1-3
Eygner, Peter's (widow) 1-0, 2.-0
Eygner, Peter 2.-0, x-i
Eygnerin, Jeremia 1-0

Faeg, Peter 1-3, 3-x

Faeg, Johannes 7-0, 7-1

Fahling, Henrich 2.-1, x-i

Falck, Arnold 2.-1, 2.-0

Falckenburg, Johann Wilhelm 1-1, 2.-1

Fasius, Johannes 0-1, 1-0

Fasius, Valentin 1-0, 1-0

Feller, Niclaus 2.-2., 4-1

Fewersbach, Dietrich 1-0, 1-0

Fidler, Gottfrid x-o, i-o

Fils (Fills), Wilhelm Philipp 1-0, 1-0

Fills, Philipp z-o

Finck, Johann Wilhelm 2.-2.

Finck, Frantz z-o, 1-0

Finck, Andreas 3-0, 3-1

Finckin, Magdalena 2.-2., 1-1

Filtz, Melchior 2.-0, 2.-1

Finckel, Johann Philipp 2.-2., 2.-1

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.8-

Fischer, Peter i-o
Fischer, Sebastian z-i, z-i
Flugler, Zacharias 1-1, 3-0
Forster, Johan Georg 3-1, 3-2.
Franck, Johannes 1-0, 3-2.
Fred, Johann Georg 2.-0, 1-0
Freil, Christoph 1-0
Frey, Henrich z-i, 2.-0
Freyin, Barbara 1-1, 2.-0

(married Paulus Duntzer)
Freymeyer, Michael 3-1, 3-4
Friderich, Conrad 4-0, 4-0
Friderich, Hanns Adam 1-0, 2.-0
Frillin, Maria Elizabeth 1-0, 1-0
Fritz, John Wilhelm (Johann Wilhelm)

3-0, 3-0
Frolich, Stephan 2.-35 3-1
Frolich, Valentin z-z, 2.-2.
Fuchs, Johann Christoph i-o, 3-0
Fuchs, Johann Philipp 8-0, 7-0
Fuchs, Johann Peter 2.— 1, 3-0
Fuhrer (Fiihler), Johannes 3-1, 4-1
Funck, Peter 1-4, 4-2.
Fuhrman, Jacob (Fuhrmann) 3-1, 4-0

Galadeh, Anna Maria & brother z-i, 1-0
Gantz, Johannes 3-0, 2.-1.
Gebelin, Anna Margretha 2.— 1, 1-2.

(married Philipp Wolleben)
Georg, Johann x\nthoni 1-0, 1-0

(Johann Anthony)
Georg, Johann Wilhelm z-o, z-i
Georgin, Anna Elizabeth 1-0, 1-0
Gerlach, Johann Christ 3-2., 5-1
Gerlach, Peter 3-0, 3-0
Gerlachin, Ottilia i-z, i-z
Germann, Jacob z-i, z-i
Gerner, Georg
Gesinger, Henrich 3-0, z-i
Getel, Daniel's (widow) 6-z, 3-0
Gettmannin, Barbara z-o
Gettmannin, Maria Barbara z-o
Gieserin, Sibilla (Sybilla) 1-0

(married John Eberhardt)
Giesler, Peter 3-1, z-z
Glock, Henrich 1-3, 3-2.
Glump, Philipp z-o, z-i
Goldmann, Conrad 2.-3, 4-1
Gondermann, Johann Friderich 3-z, 6-0
Grad, Johannes 3-z, 3-3
Grauberger, Philipp Peter z-o, 3-1
Graw, Gerlach's (widow) 4-3, z-o

(Ledger adds Catharina Grawin)
Grawsin, Anna Maria i-z, i-z
Greisler, Johann Philipp z-z, 4-0
Gresserin, Maria Elizabeth 3-1, 3-1
Griffon, Marie 1-1, 1-1

Griot, Jean 1-0, 1-0
Grucko, Arnold i-z, i-z
Grucko, Johann Peter 1-0

Haas, Simon z-i, 3-z
Haas, Niclaus 3-3, 4-3
Haber, Christian 3-0, 1-0

(Ledger adds Elizabeth Haberin)
Hagedorn, Peter 7-0, 6-0
Hagedorn, Johann Peter 1-0, 1-0
Hager, Johann Friderich 1-0, 1-0
Hagerin, Maria 1-1, z-o

(married a Joh. Muller)
Hahn, Johann Georg z-i, 3-1
Haintz, Urbanus 3-0, 3-1
Hambuch, Johann Wilhelm z-o, z-o
Hamer, Johann Henrich 4-0, 4-1
Hamm, Conrad z-o, z-i
Hamm, Peter z-i, z-z
Hammin, Gertrude 1-0

(married Zacharias Flugler)
Harter, Johan Michael 3-3, 4-z
Harter, Johann Niclaus 3-z, 3-z
Hartman, Johann Herman z-o, z-i
Hartmann, Peter z-i, z-i
Hartmannin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0
Hartwig, Caspar z-3, 3-z
Harttwell (Harttel), Adam 3-0, 3-1
Hasel, Wilhelm 1-0, 1-0
Haselin, Johann Henrich 1-0, 1-0
Hassmann, Dietrich z-o, z-i
Haupt (Haupt), Philipp 3-0, z-i
Hassman (see Hussmann), Herman
Haug, Lucas' (widow) (Margretha) 4-z,

6-1
Haug, Plaichard z-i, z-z
Haus, Johann Christian 4-3, 5-4
Hayd, Niclaus z-o, z-i
Hayd, Johann Jost z-o, z-i
Hayd, Peter z-z, z-i
Haydin, Maria Cunigunda 1-1, 1-0
Haver, Henrich z-i, z-i
Hebmann, Michael 4-z, 6-0
Heel, Jacob z-i, z-o
Heitersbach (Heyterbach), Niclaus i-z,

i-z
Helmer, Philipp 5-3, 7-1
Helmer, Peter z-z, z-z
Hemmerle, Anna Barbara 1-1, 1-1
Henneschiedt, Michael z-3, 3-z
Henrich, Lorentz 1-1, z-4
Herman, Jost 3-1, 3-1
Herner, Ludwig Ernest 4-1, 3-1
Hertzel, Jacob 3-1, 3-0
Hertzog, Henrich's (widow) 1-0, i-c
Hess, Johannes 1-0, z-o
Hess, Niclaus z-3, z-3

i86

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Hetterich, Johannes z-i, 2.-0
Hettich, Johannes Conrad 2.-0, z-i
Heuser, Johann Peter 3-0, z-z
Heydelberg, Georg Jacob 2.-3, 1-3
Heydin, Anna Maria 1-1, 1-0
Heydorn, Henrich 3-1, 4-1
Heyner, Johannes 1-0, z-i
Hildebrand (Hildebrandtin) Anna Catha-

rina 1-0
Hirchemer, Georg z-i, 4-0
Hoff, Johann Adam 3-0, 3-0
Hoff, Andreas z-o, z-o
Hoffertin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0
Hoffin, Margretha 3-0
Hoffmann, Conrad 3-3, 4-3
Hoffmann, Gabriel z-o, z-z
Hoffmann, Herman z-i, z-o
Hoffmann, Jacob z-o, z-i
Hoffmann, Henrich 1-2., 5-1
Hoffmannin, Anna Eva 1-0, 1-0
Hoffmannin, Anna Catharina 1-0
Homburger, Thomas z-o, 1-0
Honiger, Michael z-o, z-o
Home, John 2.-0, 3-0
Home, Caspar z-o
Hornich, Niclaus z-o, 1-0
Horning, Gerhard z-o, z-o
Hothenrothin, Veronica z-o
Huckin, Barbara 1-0, 1-0
Huls, (Hulls), Christoph 4-1, 4-z
Hummel, Georg 3-0, 3-0
Hummel, Herman 3-0, z-o
Huner, Benedict z-z, z-z
Huppert, David 3-1, 4-0
Hussmaun, Johann Adam 1-0
Hussmann, Hermann 3-5, 6-z

Jacobi, Ulrich z-o, z-o

Jager, Wendel 3-1, 3-0

Jager, Christian 1-0, z-i

Jamm, Peter 1-1, 1-1

Jifflandt, Johann David z-i, z-3

Jngold, Ulrich z-o, z-o

Jttich, Johann Michael i-z, 3-z

Jung, Henrich z-o, z-i

Jung, Johann Eberhard z-i, 1-1

Jung, Johannes z-o, z-o

Jung, Peter z-o

Jung, Theobald 1-0, 1-0

Jungin, Anna Elizabeth 3-1, 4-0

Jungin, Juliana 1-0, 1-0

Jungin, Maria 3-0, 3-0

Jungens, Niclaus z-o, z-o

Kabsin, Anna Sibilla (Anna Sybilla) 1-0,

1-0
Kahl, Johann Wilhelm z-i, z-i

Kamer, Johann Wilhelm 3-z, 3-1
Kamg, Johann Peter 3-0, 3-0
Kaschelin, Anna Margretha 1-0, 1-0
Kasselmann, Christian z-o, z-i
Kasselmann, Dietrich 4-1, 4-1
Kasr, Johann Georg z-3, 3-3
Kaysser, Johann Wilhelm 3-1, 4-1
Kayser, Johann Matheus 1-0, 1-0
Kayserin, Maria 3-0, 1-0
Kasin, Eva Catharina 1-0, 0-1
Keller, Frantz z-o, z-i
Keller, Christian's (widow) 5-1, 4-1
Kercherin, Anna Maria 3-1, z-o
Kessler, Johannes z-o, z-o
Kisslerin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0
Ketter, Henrich z-z, z-z
Kieffer, Johann Wilhelm 4-z, 5-0
Kiesler, David 1-0, z-o
Kirtzenberg, Elizabetha 1-0
Klapperin, Anna Agatha 1-1, 1-0
Klein, Adam 1-0, 1-0
Klein, Henrich 1-0, 1-0
Klein, Hyeronimus z-z, 4-1
Klein, Johann Herman 1-0, z-o
Klein, Johann Jacob z-i, 3-1
Klein, Johannes z-o, z-o
Klein, Peter's (widow) 1-1, 1-1

(married John Blass)
Kleinin, Helena 1-1, 1-1
Klopp, Peter 1-0, 1-0
Klotterin, Susanna & son Caspar z-4, 1-0
Klotter, Henrich z-z
Klug, Johann Georg z-i, z-i
Knab, Ludwig 1-1, 1-1
Kneibin, Helena Sophia 1-0, 1-0
Kneskern, Johann Peter z-o, 3-0

(Hans Peter)
Kobel, Jacob 1-0, z-i
Koch, George Ludwig z-o, z-i
Kocherthal, Josua 1-0, 4-z
Kohlmeyerin, Catharina 1-0, 1-0
Kolsch, Anna Eva 1-0
Kolsch, Johann Henrich 1-0, 1-0
Konig, Marcus 4-0, 3-1
Kopff, Jacob 1-0, 6-0
Korn, Johann Henrich 1-0, z-i
Korner, Niclaus z-4, 4-1
Kornmann, Peter Jacob 3-0, 4-0
Krafftin, Ann Ursula 1-0
Kramer, Anthoni 1-1, 3-0
Kramer, Johannes z-i, i-z
Kramerin, Anna Maria & Michael Kramer

4-3* 2.-3
Krantz, Johann Henrich i-z, 4-0
Krantz, Conrad z-i, 1-0
Krembs, Johannes z-o, z-z
Kugel, Johannes z-o, z-o

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

187

Kuhlmer, Johannes 3-3, 4-z

Kuhlmann, Georg 1-3, 6-z

Kuhn, Conrad & son Valentin 2.-1, 2.-0

Kuhn, Johann Jacob 3-0, 3-0

Kuhn, Samuel 6-1, 4-z

Kuhn, Valentin (son of Conrad) 1-0, 2.— 1

Kuhner, Benedict 2.-1, 2.-2.

Kundy, (Gundy) Matheus' (widow) 1-0,

z-o
Kuntz, Mathias 5-1, 3-1
Kuntz, Matheus 3-0
Kuntz, 1st, Jacob 2.-0, 2.-0
Kuntz, znd, Jacob z-o
Kuntz, Johannes 1-1, 4-1
Kurtz, Johann Christoph z-z, z-z

Labach, Johannes z-o

Laib, Johann Caspar 1-1, 1-1

Lahmeyer, Johannes 1-0, 1-0

Lambertin, Elizabeth 3-1, z-o

Lamet, Johannes z-o, z-o

Lampmann, Peter 3-z, 3-1

Lancker, Johannes z-o

Landgraff, Georg 4-0, 4-0

Langer [alias Lelong], Abraham z-i, 5-0

Langin, Magdalena i-z

Lantin, Anna Catharina 3-1, 5-0

Lappin, Agnes z-o, 3-0

Lauck, Abraham z-i, 4-1

Lauck, Johann Jacob's (widow Eliza-
beth) z-o, 1-0

Laucks, Johann Niclaus z-o, z-i

Laux, Georg 6-0, 5-0

Laux, Johann Dietrich z-i, z-o

Laux, Johann Jost z-o, 3-0

Laux, Johann Philipp 3-0, z-z

Laux, Johannes z-o, z-o

Laux, Philipp 1-0, z— 3

Lawer, Peter 3-1, 3-1

Lehemann, Wilhelm z-i

Lehr, Johannes 3-z, 5-1

Leicht, Henrich z-o, 3-0

Leicht, Ludwig z-o, z-o

Leick, Johannes z-o, 3-0

Lein, Conrad 4-3, 5-1

Lenckin, Maria Catharina (& son) z-o,
z-o

Lepper, Philipp Hermann's (widow) 1-0,
z-o

Lesch, Balthasar's (widow) (Susanna)

2-~3. 3"1

Lescherin, Magdalena 3-z, 1-1

Lever, Johannes 4-0, z-i
Lickard, Bernard z-o, z-o
Lincken, Johann Wilhelm z-o, z-z
Linsin, Appolonia 3-1, 3-1

Lorentz, Johannes 5-1, 5-1
Loscher, Jacob z-z, z-3
Loscher, Sebastian 5-4, 5-3
Lottin, Anna Catharina z-z, z-z
Lucas, Georg z-i, 6-1
Lucas, Francois 3-3, 4-3
Ludwig, Johann Henrich z-o, 3-1
Lutzin, Anna Barbara z-o, z-o
Lutzin, Magdalena z-o, z-o

Madebachin, Eleonora 1-0

Maisinger, Conrad z-o, 3-3

Maisinger, Sebastian & son Nicholas 1— 1,

z-o
Manck, Jacob 3-z, 6-0
Mann, Henrich z-o, z-i
Marterstock, Albrecht Dietrich 1-0, z-i
Martin, Johann Conrad 1-1, 4-0
Marxin, Maria Magdalena 1-0
Mathesin, Anna z-o, 3-0
Matheus, Andreas 1-0, 1-0
Matheus, (Matthias) Georg z-o, z-o
Matheus, Johann Martin 1-0, 1-0
Mathias, (Matheus) Henrich 4-3, 4-3
Mauer, Georg 3-0, 3-0
Maul, Christoph z-o, z-o
Maul, Johann Friderich z-z, 4-z
Maul, Johannes' (widow) z-4, 4-1
Maurer, Johann Georg z-o, 3-0
Maurer, Peter 3-0, 3-0
Mauser, Johann Georg z-z, z-i
Mausin, Eva 1-0, 1-0
May, Christoph 's (widow) 1-0
May, Peter z-3, z-z
Mayin, Ottilia 1-0
Mengelin, Anna Maria (Wengel Mengel's

widow) 1— 1, 1-3
Menges, Johannes 3-z, 3-0
Mentgen, Ferdinand 4-1, 4-0
Merckel, Friderich 3-z, 6-1
Mertzin, Anna Catharina 1-3, z-z
Mess, Henrich z-o, z-o
Messerin, Anna Margretha z-i, z-i
Meyer, Christian z-o, z-o
Meyer, Friderich 3-1, 4-0
Meyer, Henrich 1-0, 1-0
Meyer, Henrich (another) 1-0, z-i
Meyerin, Elizabeth i-z, z-o
Meyin, Barbara 1-0
Meyin, Maria 1-1, 1-0
Meysenheim, Anna Gertrud 0-1
Michael, Hans Henrich (& Sydonia

Michel) 1-0, 3-3
Michael, Johann Georg's (widow) z-z.

z-i
Micheal, Niclaus z-o, z-i
Milch, Johann Eberhard 1-0, 1-0

z88

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Milges, Johann Wilhelm 4-1, z-i
Minckler, Kilian 4-1, 3-1
Mittler, Johannes 1-0, 3-0
Monin, Maria 2.-1, 1-1
Moor, Henrich z-o, z-i
Moor, Johann Christ 3-1, 3-1
Moor, Philipp Wilhelm' 1-1, z-o
Morellin, Anna Eva 3-1, z-o
Motsch, Johannes z-o, 2.-0
Muller, Adam 3-1, 0-1
Muller, Adam 2.-1, 4-0
Muller, Johann Christoph 1-0, 1-0
Muller, Johann Conrad 2.-1, z-i
Muller, Johann Georg z-o, z-z
Muller, Johann Henrich 1-2., 1-0
Muller, Johann Wilhelm 2.-0
Muller, Johann Wilhelm z-o, 1-0
Muller, 1st, Johannes z-o, z-i
Muller, znd, Johannes 2.-0, z-o
Muller, Johannes' (widow) (Elizabeth)

4-2., z-z
Muller, 1st, Philipp 5-3, 6-0
Muller, znd, Philipp z-i, 4-0
Muller, znd, Philipp's (widow) (Maria)

1-1
Muller, Samuel z-o, 3-1
Mullerin, Anna Margretha 1-1
Mullerin, Anna Margretha 3-0, z-o
Mullerin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0
Mullerin, Catharina 1-0
Mullerin, Christina 1-0, 1-0
Musig, Johann Jost 1-0
Musig, Veit 2.-1, z-i
Musinger, Jacob 3-0, 5-0

NefF, Georg Friderich 2.-1, 1-1

Neher, Carl (Carol) 1-3, 3-z

Neis, Abraham's (widow) 3-1, 3-1

Nelles, Johannes Wilhelm 3-1, 3-1

Nellesin, Maria Elizabeth 3-1, 3-1

Nerbel, Johann Georg 1-1

Ness, Georg Wilhelm's (widow) (An:

Cath.) 4-0, z-o
Netzbackes, Johann Martin z-o, z-o
Newkirch, Johann Henrich 3-z, 4-1
Neythaber, Quirinus 4-0, 4-0
Noll, Bernhard z-o, z-o
Nollin, Anna Margreth 1-0
Nollin, Elizabeth 1-0, 1-0

Oberbach, Georg 4-0, 5-0

Oberbach, Johann Peter z-o, z-i

Oberbach, Peter z-o, z-i

Oberer, Johann Jacob's (widow) z-o, z-z

Oberin, Anna 1-0, 1-0

Off, Jacob, z-3, z-3

Ohrendorff, Henrich z-o, z-i

Pasch, Daniel's (widow) (Veronica) 3

-o,

z-o

Peter, Philipp 3-0, 3-0

Peterin, Anna Gertrude 1-0, 1-0

Petri, Gertrude z-i, z-i

Petri, Johann Jost z-o, z-o

Pfeffer, Michael's (widow) Catharine &

son Michael z-o, z-i
Pfeiffer, Henrich's (widow Catharina)

z-i, z-o
Pfeiffer, Severin's child 0-1
Pfuhl, Johann Peter 3-1, 3-1
Philips, Peter 3-1, 5-0
Planck, Johannes 3-1, 3-z
Plies, Emerich z-o, z-i
Pottner, Johann Paul z-o, 3-0
Proppert, Johann Jost 3-z, 3-z
Prunet, Paul 1-1, z-o
Pulver, Johann Wilhelm z-z, 3-3

Rabel, Daniel 1-0, 1-0

Rainault, Peter 1-0, 1-0

Rainault, Pierre 1-0, 5-0

Rauch, Niclaus 3-0, 4-1

Raudenbusch, Johann's (widow) 1-0, 1-1

Rausch, Caspar 3-z, 3-3

Rauscher, Martin z-o, z-o

Raw, Niclaus (orphan) 0-1, 1-0

Rawin, Anna & Joh. Georg Raw 3-1, 3-1

Reich, Balthasar 3-1, z-i

Reichardt, Joseph, his wife A. M.

Traberin 4-0, 3-0
Reiffenberg, Johann Georg 4-0, 3-1
Reinboldt, Matheus 4-0, 4-0
Reisdorff, Johannes 1-0, z-i
Reitschuff, Johann Paul 1-0, z-i
Reitzbackes, Johannes z-z, 3-z
Reuther, Henrich z-o, z-z
Richter, Andreas 3-z, 3-0
Rickardt, Conrad z-3, 3-z
Riclausin, Christina 1-0, 1-0
Riedt, Johann Leonhardt 5-z, z-i
Riedtin, Anna Catharina 6-1, 4-1
Riegel, Christoph 1-0
Riehl, Gottfrid i-o, z-o
Rietich, Johann Peter 4-0
Rietichin, Amalia 1-0, 1-0
Risch (Reisch), Jacob 3-z, 3-3
Ritzwig, Johannes 1-0
Rohrbach, Johannes 4-z, 4-z
Rohrbachin, Anna Elizabeth 1-1, 1-1
Romer, Georg 1-1, z-i
Romsch, Christian 3-0
Roos, Andreas 3-1, 1-0
Roschmann, Johannes z-i, z-z
Rosenbaum, Bernhard 4-1, 3-1
Rosenzweig, Agnes Gertrude 1-0, 1-1

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

189

Rothin, Anna Catharina 1-0
Rouch, Friderich 3-2., 3-z
Rues, Ludwig 3-3, 1-1

(Ledger includes Cunigunda Rusin)
Ruffner, Thomas 2.-0, 2.-0
Ruger, Johann Philipp 3-0, 4-1
Ruhl, Niclaus z-z, 3-1

Salbach, Johann Egmund 2.-0, 2.-0

Salbach, Johannes 3-0, z-o

Saxin, Anna Gertrude 4-0, 4-0

Saxin, Anna Maria 1-0, 1-0

Schaff, Wilhelm 3-0, 7-0

Schaffer, Friderich 2.-0, z-i

Schaffer, Georg 2.-0, 1-1

Schaffer, Gerhard 3-1, 4-1

Schaffer, Jacob z-i, 1— 1

Schaffer, Johann Niclaus 4-4, 8-3

Schaffer, Johann Werner 2.-0, z-o

Schaffer, Johannes 5-1, 5-1

Schaffer, Joseph 3-4, 2.-2.

Schaffer, Jost Henrich z-i, 3-0

Schaffer, Reinhard z-o, z-i

Schafferin, Elizabetha 1-0, 1-0

Schafferin, Maria Elizabeth 4-z, 5-3

Schafferin, Maria Margretha 1-0
(married Henrich Glock)

Schaib, Hyeronimus z-o, 3-1

Schaidt, Anthoni z-o, z-o

Schantz, David z-o, 1-0

Schawerin, Magdelena z-z, z-z

Schawermann, Conrad z-i, z-i

Schellin, Anna Gertrud 1-0

Schellin, Anna Margretha 1-0, 1-0

Schenckel, Jonas 3-z, 4-1

Schenckelberg, Christina 1-0, 1-0

Scherb, Jacob z-i, z-z

Scherer, Johann Theobald z-o, 3-3

Scherer, Ulrich's (widow) z-o, 1-0

Schermann, Henrich 3-0, 4-0

Schieffer, Philipp 4-1, 4-1

Schienck, Michael 1-0, 1-0

Schleumer, Mathias 3-0, 3-1

Schley, Johann Peter 3-0, 3-0

Schlicherin, Anna Margretha z-i, 1-1

Schmidin, Anna Barbara z-o

Schmidin, Elizabeth 1-1, 1-1

Schmidin, Gertrude (Gertrud) 1-1, 1-0

Schmidin, Margretha or Adam Michael
Schmi'd. 1-1, 1-1. Five payments were
made : the first 4 to Margretha Schmidin
and the last to Adam Michael Schmid.

Schmidt, Adam's (widow, Anna Barbara)
3-z, 1-1

Schmidt, Bernhardt z-o, z-i

Schmidt, Georg Adam 1-0, z-o

Schmidt, George Volbert & son Adam

Schmidt, Henrich, Senr. 3-0, 4-1
Schmidt, Henrich, Junr. z-i, z-o
Schmidt, Johann Adam 1-0
Schmidt, Johann Georg z-i, z-z
Schmidt, Johann Henrich z-3, 6-0
Schmidt, Johann Wilhelm 1-0, 1-0
Schmidt, Ludwig z-o, z-o
Schmidt, Martin 1-0
Schmidt, Nicolaus 6-1, 5-z
Schmidt, Peter 1-0, z-i
Schmidt, Ulrich 4-0, 3-z
Schmidt, Valentin 6-1
Schneider, Henrich z-i, z-z
Schneider, Jacob z-i, z-i
Schneider, Jacob z-i
Schneider, Johann Dietrich 4-z, 4-z
Schneider, Johann Wilhelm 1-0, z-o
Schneider, Johann Wilhelm, Senr. 5-0, 5-1
Schneider, Johann Wilhelm, Junr. 1-0, 1-0
Schneider, 1st, Johannes z-3, 3-1
Schneider, znd, Johannes 3-0, 3-0
Schneiderin, Catherina & son Peter 1-0.

1-0
Schnell, Jacob 4-z, 4-1
Schottin, Anna Maria 1-0
Schramn, Henrich 4-1, 5-0
Schreiber, Albertus z-o, z-i
Schremle, Henrich i-z, 1-1
Schuch, Johann Wilhelm z-i, 1-1
Schuch, Johannes 4-0, 5-1
Schucherin, Anna Catharina, 1-1, 1-1
Schultheis, Johann Georg 6-z, 6-1
Schultheis, Johannes 1-0, z-o
Schultheisin, Anna Barbara 1-0
Schultzin, Anna Elizabetha 1-0
Schumacher, Daniel z-z, z-z
Schumacher, Jacob 3-0, 3-1
Schumacher, Thomas z-i, 1-0
Schumacherin, Anna Eva 1-3, 1-1
Schunemann, Herman 1-1, z-i
Schuppmaun, Herman 6-z, 4-z
Schurtz, Michael & his son Andreas 6-1,

Schutz, Conrad 5-0, 4-0
Schutz, Johan Adam 3-1, 3-0
Schutz, 1st, Philipp 4-0, z-i
Schutz, znd, Philipp's (widow, Catha-
rine) 3-1, 3-1
Schwalb, Johannes z-o, z-o
Schwedin, Anna Elizabeth 3-1, z-o
Schwitzler, Henrich 4-0, 3-1
Segendorff, Johann Adam's (widow) 3-0,

3-o
Seib, Henrich's (widow) z-i, 1-1

Sein, Johann Peter 1-0, z-o

2_9o

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Seiner, (Sellner), Johann Adam i-i, 4-0

Seubert, Johann Martin z-z, 2.-1

Sex, Henrich's (widow) 3-0, 1-0

Sibelin, Anna Getha 3-1, 4-0

Signer, Johannes' (widow) 1-3, 1-1

Simendinger, Ulrich 1-0, z-o

Simon, Philipp's (widow) 1-0, 1-0

Simon, Wilhelm 1-1, 2.-1.

Simonin, Anna Margretha 1-0

Simonin, Maria Magdalena 1-0

Sitternich, Christian 3-1, 3-1

Spanheimer, Johann Georg 4-1, 4-1

Speder, Johannes z-o, 3-1

Speichermann, Sebastian 1-0, z-i

Spickerman, Johann Herman 1-0, 5-1

Spies, Peter 1-0, 1-0

Spoon (alias Muller), Henrich. z-i, z-i
In the Ledger this is entered
"Heinrich Muller, natus Spon"

Spuler, Jacob z-o, 1-0

Stahl, Henrich 3-1, z-o

Stahl, Johannes 3-0, 3-1

Stahl, Joseph z-o, 1-0

Stahl, Rudolph 3-1, z-z

Stambuchin, Anna Margretha 1-0, 1-0

Staringer, Niclaus 3-0, 4-z

Stayger, Nicolaus 3-z, 4-1

Stayger, Stephan z-o, z-o

Stein, Martin 1-0, 3-1

Sterenberger (Sternberger), Jacob z-o, 4-z

Stier, Jost 3-0, z-o

Stockelin, Anna Maria z-i, z-i

Stoppelbein, Peter z-i, z-i

Storr, Michael z-i, 3-1

Straub, Johannes z-o, z-i

Streith, Christian 4-3, 4-z

Streithin, Magdalena 1-4, 1-3

Strichhauser, Balthasar 3-z, 4-1

Stubenrauch, Georg Henrich z-o, z-i

Stuber, Henrich Balthasar 1-0, z-o

Stuber, Jacob 3-1, 3-1

Stuckradt, Johann Wilhelm z-3, 3-z

Stumpff, Johann Georg z-i, 4-0

Stupp, Martin 4-0, 4-0

Sutz, Johann Dietrich 3-1, 3-0

Taschem, Hubert z-o, 1-0
Theis, Johann Philipp z-o, 3-0
Thiel, Adolph z-i, z-i
Thomas, Andreas 1-1, 4-0
Thomas, Henrich 5-1, 6-0
Thomas, Henrich Peter z-z, z-z
Thomas, Johann Georg z-i, z-o
Traberin, (erroneously Taberin in Sum-
mary) Anna Maria (married to Jos.
Reichard) z-i, z-i
Trillheuser, Johannes z-o, 1-0

Uhl, Carol 4-1, 3-1
Uhl, Henrich z-o, z-i
Ulrich, Johann Elias z-o
Umbertro, Valentin 1-0, 1-0

Vandeberg, Cornelius z-i
Velten, Johann Wilhelm 3-1, 4-0
Vogt, Simon z-o, z-o
Volbert, Jacob's (widow) z-z, z-i

(Ledger adds Catharina Volbertin)
Vollandin, Anna Regina i-z, i-z

Wagner, Johann Christ 1-0
Wagner, Peter z-i, z-i
Walborn, Johann Adam 4-3, 5-z
Wallrath (Walrath), Henrich Conrad

z-o, z-i
Walrath (Walraht), Gerhardt z-z, 3-0
Wannemacher, Dietrich z-o, 3-0
Wannemacher, Peter 1-0, 1-0
Wanner, Ludwig z-i, z-z
Warembourg, Maria 5-0, 5-0
Warno, Jacob z-o, 1-0
Weber, Henrich z-i, z-i
Weber, Jacob z-i, z-o
Weber, Niclaus z-o, z-i
Weber, Valentin z-o, z-o
Weber, Wigand 1-0, 0-1
Weberin, Ottilia z-o, z-o
Wegele (Wegle), Michael i-z, z-i
WeidschopfF, Johann Peter 1-0
Weillin, Catharina z-o, z-o
Weis, Mathias 1-0, 1-0
Weis, Stephan z-o, z-o
Weisborn, Georg 3-1
Weiser, Johann Conrad 5-z, 6-1
Weisin, Susanna 1-1, 1-1
Weller, Hyeronimus z-o, z-i
Wendelin, Anna Juliana 1-0, 1-0
Wennerich, Balthasar 3-z, 5-1
Wennerich, Benedict z-z, z-z
Werner, Christoph z-i, z-z
Werner, Michael 3-0, z-o
Weydin, Gertrude z-z, z-i
Weydknecht (Weidknicht), Andreas 3-1,

Wickhausen, Peter z-o, z-i

Widerwachs, Henrich 3-1, 3-z

Wies, Melchior 4-1, 5-1

Wilhelm, Anthoni's (widow) z-o, 1-0

Wilhelm, Niclaus' (widow) 3-1, z-o

Wilhelm, Paul z-o, z-o

Windecker, Harttman i-z, 3-z

Winninger, Ulrich z-i, 5-0

Winther, Henrich 5-0, 5-0

Wisener (Wiesener), Johannes 3-1, 5-0

Wittmann, Johann Martin 1-0, 3-1

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

2.9I

Wittmuchin (Wittmachin), Maria Catha-

rina 1-0, 1-0
Wohleben, Anna Catharina 5-0, 2.-0
Wohleben, Christoph z-o, z-o
Wohleben, Michael 1-0, 1-0
Wohleben, Philipp 1-0, 3-0
Wohleben, Valentin 2.— 1, z-o
Wolbach, Engelbert 1-0, 1-0
Wolbert, Niclaus 1-1, 1-1
Wolffin, Anna Gertrud 3-1, z-i
Wolffin, Maria Catharina 1-0
Wolffin, Maria Clara 0-1, 0-1
Wolleben, Peter 2.-1, z-o
Wormbs, Christian 5-1, 6-0
Woschel, Augustin 4-z, 4-0

Woschel, Peter Anthoni 2.-0, 1-1
Wulffen, Gottfrid 4-0, 4-0
Wurmserin, Anna 1-1
Wiist, Conrad z-z, 3-1

Zangerin, Johanna 1-3, 1-2.
Zehe, Johannes 3-0, 3-1
Zeller, Johann Henrich z-o, 3-1
Zeller, Johannes 4-0, 5-0
Zerbe, Martin 3-4, 3-3
Zerbe, Philipp 2.-0, 2.— 1
Zimmermann, Johann Jacob 3-1, 2.-0
Zipperle, Bernhard 3-2., 3-1
Zufeld, Johann Georg 1-3, 3-2.
Zwickin, Veronica 3-1, 2.-1.

F. THE SIMMENDINGER REGISTER

This list contains the Appendix of Ulrich Simmendinger's
pamphlet, Warhoffte und glaubwiirdige Ver%eichnuss jeniger
Personen; welche sich anno ijog aus Teutschland in Americam oder
neue welt begeben. . . . (Reuttlingen, ca. 1717). A copy is in the
rare book room of the New York Public Library. Another
copy is in the possession of Dr. Gustav Anjou, West New
Brighton, Staten Island, New York. Simmendinger, who
was one of the immigrants himself, returned to Germany in
1 71 7 and there published this brief account of the emigration
and the names of those Palatine families still living in New
York. The family names were given by Simmendinger under
fourteen locations. These lists have been brought together
into one alphabetised list, but the locations are preserved by
including after the family head's name the letter of the
alphabet, denoting the location according to the following key.

Quiinsberg = (a)

Wormsdorff = (b)

Hunderston = (c)

Heessberg = (d)

Becksmansland = (e)

Neu = Stuttgardt = (f)

Neu = Cassel = (g)

Neu = Quiinsberg = (h)

Neu = Heidelberg = (i)

Neu = Heessberg = (j)

Neu = Ansberg = (k)
Diese Menschen wohnen auf

dem Rarendantz = (1)

InNeu = Yorck = (m)

Hackensack = (n)

2.C)2- THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

The first four villages comprised East Camp on the land
purchased from Robert Livingston on the east side of the
Hudson River. These villages have been identified as Queens-
bury, Annsbury, Hunterstown, and Haysbury respectively,
as they are named in the New York Colonial MMS., LV, ioo.
Beckmansland, judged by the identification of certain indi-
viduals in the list, comprised the three villages on the west
side (West Camp), given in loc. cit. as Elizabeth Town, George
Town, and New Town. However, it is possible that the fami-
lies identified may have moved to the east side of the river
south of Livingston Manor, and the location of Beckmansland
may be the Rhinebeck area. The objection to this surmise is
that it leaves us without any notation of families living in
West Camp. The villages marked (f) to (1) are apparently
German names for the seven Schoharie Valley settlements,
probably used only in the pamphlet to impress the people in
the Fatherland for whom the lists were prepared. Tentatively,
by the identification of a few family names known to reside
in the several villages, they appear to be as follows:

Neu = Stuttgardt (f) Weiserdorf

Neu = Cassel (g) Gerlachsdorf

Neu = Quiinsberg (h) Hartmansdorf

Neu = Heidelberg (i) Brunnendorf

Neu = Heesberg (j) Fuchsendorf

Neu = Ansberg (k) Schmidsdorf

Auf dem Rarendantz Kniskerndorf

It is interesting to note in passing that neither John Con-
rad Kneskern nor Hartman Windecker lived in the villages
named after them, as has been assumed by students of these
settlements. Neu = Yorck of course is New York City. Hack-
ensack is the present town of Hackensack, New Jersey. The
entire Simmendinger pamphlet has been translated by Rever-
end Herman Vesper of Canajoharie, New York and pub-
lished by Mr. L. D. MacWethy of St. Johnsville, New York
in 1934.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^93

SIMMENDINGER LIST

Anspach, Balthasar, (c) w. & ch.
Arnold, Jacob, (e) w. Elisabeth

Badtorffin, Anna, (k) widow & z ch.

Bar, Johannes, (1) w. & 4 ch.

Bartel, Heinrich, (c) w. Anna Catharine

& zch.
Bassan, Nicolaus, (1) w. Maria & 4 ch.
Bast, Jacob, (d) w. Anna Catharine &

1 ch.
Bauch, Christian, (f) w. Anna Dorothea

& 5 ch.
Baumann, Adam, (h) w. Maria Marga-

retha & 5 ch.
Becker, Conrad, (f)

Becker, Friederich, (n) sister Anna Elisa-
beth Becker
Becker, Jacob, (b) w. & ch.
Becker, Johann Jacob, (g) w. Maria

Elisabeth
Becker, Peter, (e) w. Elisabeth
Bell, Johann Friederich, (h) w. Anna

Maria & 4 ch.
Bellinger, Heinrich, (k) w. Anna Maria

& zch.
Bellinger, Johann Friederich, (j) w. Anna

Elisabeth & 3 ch.
Bellinger, Johannes, (h) w. Anna Maria

Margaretha & z ch.
Bellinger, Marx, (k) Anna & 5 ch.
Bellinger, Nicolaus, (k) widower & 1 ch.
Bender, Georg, (i) w. Maria Dorothea &

z ch.
Benderin, Anna Maria, (m) widow & 5

ch.
Berg, Abraham, (i) w. Anna Catharine

& 3 ch.
Bergner, Conrad, (c) w. Anna Elisabeth

& 5 ch.
Bernhard, Johann, (b) w. Anna Eulalia

&5ch.
Bernhard, Just, (m) w. Elisabeth & 1 ch.
Bernhard, Ulrich, (c) w. Elisabeth
Betzer, Hermann, (b) w. Elsen Maria &

3 ch.
Betzerin, Anna Maria, (b)
Biefrim, Peter, (n)
Biefrim, William, (n)
Biermann, Johann, (k) w. & 3 ch.
Binder, Valentin, (e) w. Anna Maria

Margreta & 1 ch.
Blanck, Johanes, (e) w. Maria Margretha

& 3 ch.
Blass, Johannes, (a) w. & 4 ch.
Bliss, Enoch, (c) w. & ch.

Bodler, Adam (1) R th d

Bodler, Christina, (1) !► ,, . ,

Bodler, Paulus (1) j "ster, all single

Bohm, Heinrich, (e) w. & ch.

Bohnenstiel, Nicolaus, (c) w. Marga-
retha & z ch.

Borst, Jacob, (g) w. Anna Maria & 3 ch.

Bosshoren, Johann Jacob, (j) w. Anna
Catharine & z ch.

Bost, Just Heinrich, (1) w. & 5 ch.

Brack, Michael, (c) w. Anna Maria & 3
ch.

Braun, Paulus, (1) w.

Branthau, Joh. Wilhelm, (e) w. Marga-
retha Elisabeth & 3 ch.

Breder, Antoni, (1) w.

Brenger, Georg, (f) w. Anna Barbara &
4 ch.

Brobert, Just, (c) w. & ch.

Brugel, Johann Georg, (d) w. & ch.

Brugler, Heinrich, (a) w. Magdalena &
1 ch.

Buch, Martin, (a) Nicolaus Hamen's
widow & z ch.

Buchdrucher, Marcus Konig, (m) w. &
z ch.

Buff, Georg, (1) w. & z ch.

Burckhardt, Elisabetha, (e) widow &
z ch.

Burckhardt, Ulrich, (k) w. Anna Maria
& zch.

Buss, Jacob, (m) w. Magdalena Loescher
& 5 ch.

Cabbutzer, Jacob, (b) w. & ch.
Casselmann, Dietrich, (f) w. Anna & z

ch.
Casser, Conrad, (1) ]
Casser, Georg, (1) !• 3 brothers
Casser, Johannes, (1) J
Christmann, Hanss, (k) w. Anna Ger-

traud & 6 ch.
Colmer, Georg, (d) w. & ch.
Conrad, Johann Heinrich, (b) w. Ger-

traud & z ch.
Conrad, Johannes, (k) w. Gertraud & 3
^ch.
Conreckert, (no Christian name given),

(k) w. Sara Catharine & 4 ch.
Cuntermann, Friederich, (d) w. Maria

Barbara & 3 ch.
Cuntz, Jacob, (c) w. Susanna & 1 ch.
Cuntz, Johannes, (k) w. Maria Catharine

& 4 ch.
Cuntz, Matthaus, (a) w. Anna Marga-
retha & 5_ch.

L94

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Dachstatter, Georg, (h) w. Anna Elisa-
beth & 4 ch.

Dalles, Wilhelm, (d) w. & ch.

Dantler, Ulrich, (k) w. Maria Marga-
retha & i ch.

Deickert, Peter, (j) w. Anna Elisabeth

Deickert, Werner, (h) w. Anna Catharine
& 6 ch.

Demuth, Georg, (d) w. & ch.

Demuth, Jacob, (e) w. Anna Elisabetha
& 3 ch.

Demuth, Jacob, (n) w. & 3 ch.

Demuth, Peter, (n)

Deuss, Johannes, (n) w. & 2. ch.

Dhons, Jacob, (d) w. & ch.

Dhorn, Lazarus, (c) w. Anna Catharine
& 4 ch.

Diebel, Peter, (e) w. & 3 ch.

Diebel, Peter, (n) w. Anna Catharine &
3 ch.

Dieffenbach, Conrad, (k) w. Maria Bar-
bara & 5 ch.

Diefuh, Daniel, (e) w. Maria Barbara &
2. ch.

Dielenbach, Martin, (g) w. Elisabeth &
2. ch.

Diell, Wilhelm, (m) w. & 1 ch.

Dieterich, Johann, (g) w. Maria Catha-
rine & 2. ch.

Dietrich, Christian, (d) w. Anna Maria
& 1 ch.

Dietrich, Jacob's (a) widow & 4 ch.

Dietrich, Johann Wilhelm, (e) w. Anna
Margaretha & 3 ch.

Dildein, Hermann, (n) Dildein, Franz &
his sister

Dilldein, Georg, (n) w. & 1 ch.

Dipel, Georg, (1) bachelor

Dob, Peter, (d) w. & 3 ch.

Dorner, Jacob, (e) w. & 2. ch.

Eberhard, Johann, (e) w. & 2. ch.

Ecker, Adam, (e) second w. & ch.

Eiber, Johannes, (n) w. & 2. ch.

Ehlich, Andreas, (e) w. Sophia & 3 ch.

Ehmann, Thomas, (f) w. Anna Elisabeth
& 1 ch.

Emgen, Johann Ernst, (j) w. Anna Chris-
tana & 2. ch.

Emrich, Johann Michael, (k) w. Elisa-
beth & 2. ch.

Emrich, Johannes, (e) w. Anna Mar-
gretha & 2, ch.

Endes, Bartholomaus, (i) w. Maria
Christina & 3 ch.

Engelsprecher, Michael, (a) w. Anna
Catharine & 1 ch.

Erckelt, Bernhard, (n) w.

Erhardt, Simon, (j) w. Anna Margaretha
& 5 ch.

Eschrodter's (a) widow, Maria Marga-
retha

Eschwein, Jacob, (c) w. & ch.

Ess, Jacob, (k) w. Anna Catharine

Eygner, Peter, (e) w. Anna Margaretha
& 2. ch.

Falck, Arnold, (e) w. Anna Elisabeth &
1 ch.

Falckenburg, Valentin, (e) w. Elisabeth
& 2. ch.

Fallinger, Heinrich, (k) w. & 3 ch.

Falmert, Nicolaus, (n) w. Anna Maria
& 3 ch.

Feck, Joh., (f) w. Anna Maria Marga-
retha & 5 ch.

Feck, Leonhard, (f) w. Catharine

Feck, Peter, (f) w. Anna Maria & 4 ch.

Feller, Nicolaus, (h) w. Elisabeth & 6 ch.

Felten, Johann Valentin, (e) w. Apollonia
& 3 ch.

Finck, Andreas, (k) w. Anna Marie &
2. ch.

Finck, Frantz, (n) w. Anna Elizabeth &
1 ch.

Finckin, Anna Margaretha, (a)

Finckin, Maria, (a)

Finckel, Philipp, (b) w. Anna Catharine
& 3 ch.

Fischer, Sebastian, (g) w. Susanna &
3 ch.

Fliegler, Zacharias, (d) w. Anna Elisa-
beth & 2. ch.

Focht, Simon, (1) w. & 3 ch.

Folbertin, Catharina, (m) widow & 3 ch.

Foltz, Melchior, (j) w. Margaretha &
3 ch.

Forster, Georg, (a) w. Maria Margaretha
& 3 ch.

Forster, Peter, (n)

Frantz, Johannes, (d) w. Magdalena &
2. ch.

Frey, Heinrich, (h) w. Maria Margaretha
& 1 ch.

Freyin, Anna Barbara, (j) widow & 2. ch.

Freymayer, Michael, (f) w. Anna Elisa-
beth & 6 ch.

Friederich, Conrad, (n) w. Anna Maria &
2. ch.

Friedrich, Johann Adam, (e) w. Regina
Maria

Fritz, Georg Wilhelm, (c) w. & ch.

Frolich, Stephen, (e) w. Anna Elisabeth
& 2. ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^95

Fuchs, Philipp, (j) w. Anna Eva & 4 ch.
Fuhrmann, Jacob, (b) w. & ch.
Funck, Peter, (c) w. & 4 ch.

Gantz, Johannes, (c) w. & ch.
Geller, Frantz, (d) w. Barbara & 3 ch.
Georg, Wilhelm, (f) w. Anna Marie &

3 ch.
Gerlach, Johann Christian, (g) w. Anna

Maria Margaretha & 3 ch.
Gerlach, Peter, (n) w. & 1 ch.
German, Jacob, (a) w. Maria Catharine

& 1 ch.
Gissener, Heinrich, (m) w. & 1 ch.
Gitter, Bernhard, (1) w. Elisabeth
Gletch, Hans Georg, (n) w. & 1 ch.
Glump, Philipp, (dj w. & ch.
Goldmann, Conrad's (k) widow & 3 ch.
Groberger, Peter, (n) w. Barbara & 2. ch.

Hagendorn, Cristoph, (a) w. Anna Bar-
bara & 1 ch.

Hagendorn, Peter, (a) w. Elisabeth
Catharine & 4 ch.

Hambuch, Thomas, (i)

Hanbuch, Wilhelm, (d) widower

Hamen, Caspar, (a) as yet single

Hamen, Conrad, (a) w. Rachel & 3 ch.

Hamen, Peter, (a) w. Anna Maria Chris-
tina Sibylla & 3 ch.

Hannamann, (d) (no christian name
given) w. & ch.

Harter, Michael's (a) widow & 4 ch.

Hartmann, Hanss Hermann, (e) w. Anna
& 1 ch.

Hartwig, Caspar, (1) w. & 3 ch.

Hass, (Haas), Simon, (b) w. & ch.

Hassin, Maria Sophia, (e) widow & 5 ch.

Haug, Michael, (a) w. Magdalena & 2.
ch.

Hauss, Christian, (j) w. Maria Catharine
& 8 ch.

Heding, Conrad's surviving widow, (n)
& Meisingerin (no chr. name)

Heinrich, Lorentz, (d) w. Regina & 5 ch.

Heintz, Urban, (n) son

Helm, Johann Michael, (m)

Helm, Peter, (m)

Helm, Simon, (m)

Helmer, Philipp, (g) w. Elisabeth & 5 ch.

Hermannes-Hanss Wilhelm Schneider's
son-in-law with sons and daughter
lived with Schneider

Hertel, Adam, (e) w. Gertraud & 3 ch.

Hess, Joseph, (j) w. Catharine & 1 ch.

Hess, Wilhelm, (n) w.

Heudohrn, Heinrich, (c) w. Elisabeth &

2. ch.
Heupt, Philipp, (a) w. Gertrud & 3 ch.
Heusser, Peter, (c) w. Anna Elisabeth &

5 ch.

Hevd, Peter, (e) w. Maria Elisabeth & 1
ch.

Heyd, Nicolaus, (1) w. & 2. ch.

Himel, Jacob, (m) & sister Anna Barbara

Hinterschied, Michael, (1) w. Anna Cath-
arine & 4 ch.

Hirchmer, Georg, (i) w. Magdalena &
1 ch.

HofF, Andreas, (d) w. Catharine Margret

6 2. ch.

HofF, Jacob, (f) w. Susanna & 4 ch.
HofF, Johann Adam, (d) w. Anna Cath-

arina
Hoffin, Anna Margaretha, (d) widow &

1 ch.
Hofmann, Conrad, (c) w. Anna Maria

Margaretha & 5 ch.
Hofmann, Gabriel, (f) w. Anna Catharine

& 2. ch.
Hofmann, Heinrich, (a) w. & 3 ch.
Honner, Johannes, (a) w. & ch.
Hornig, Johann Rudolph, (j) w.
Hornig, Nicolaus, (i) w. Anna Maria &

4 ch.
Hossmann (Hoffmann), Hermann, (d) w.

Anna Maria & 6 ch.
Hubert, David, (c) w. & ch.
Hiiitz or Hiiltz, Christoph, (i) w. Eva

Catharine & 5 ch.
Huss, Hanss Reinhard, (n) w. Anna

Elisabeth & 1 ch.

Jager, Wendel, (a) w. Christina Elisabetha

& z ch.
Jung, Dewalt, (j) w. Maria Catharine
Jung, Eberhard, (d) w. & ch.
Jungin, Elisabetha, (e)
Jung, Heinrich, (j) w. Anna Margaretha

& 4 ch.

Kasselmann, Christian, (e) w. Maria
Judith & 2. ch.

Kassner, Peter, (1) w. Magdalena & 3 ch.

Kayser, Johannes, (j) w. Margaretha &
2. ch.

Kayser, Martin, (1)

Kell, Georg Wilhelm, (e) w. Anna Ger-
traud & 2. ch.

Keller, Conrad, (c) mother & her ch.

Kern, Hanss Jurg, (g) w. Veronica & 5 ch.

Kessler, Johannes, (h) w. Maria Marga-
retha & 3 ch.

2.96

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Keiffer,Wilhelm, (e) w. Catherine & 3 ch .
Kiner, Benedict, (1) w. & 2. ch.
Kinget, Anna, (n) & 3 ch.
Kistlich, David, (c) & w. Catharine
Klein, Adam, (i) w. Catharine & 2. ch.
Klein, Johann Hermann, (k) w. Anna

Magdalena & 3 ch.
Klein, Hieronymus, (e) w. Maria Marga-

reta & 2. ch.
Klob, Peter, (k) w. Magdalena & 2. ch.
Klock, Heinrich, (h) w. Maria Marga-

retha & 4 ch.
Klug, Georg, (n) w. Susanna & 2. ch.
Knesskern, Johann Peter, (i) w. Elisa-

betha Barbara & 3 ch.
Kobel, Jacob, (i) w. Anna Maria & 2. ch.
Kochin, Anna Maria, (c) widow & 3 ch.
Kolmann, Johannes, (a) w. Juliana & 3

ch.
Kollmer, Leonhard, (g) w. Elisabeth &

2. ch.
Korner, Nicolaus, (e) w. Magdalena &

4 ch.
Kramer, Antonius, (d) w. Gertraud &

1 ch.
Kramer, Johann Wilhelm, (k) w. Anna

Maria & 1 ch.
Kramer, Johannes, (i) w. Anna Marga-

retha & 3 ch.
Kramerin, Anna Maria, (m) widow &

7 ch.
Krantz, Heinrich, (d) w. Anna Catharine

& 4 ch.
Krembs, Johannes, (h) w. ^polonia &

1 ch.
Kreussler, Joh. Philipp, (e) Anna Cath-
arine & 3 ch.
Kreussler, Peter, (e) w. Anna Lucia &

3 ch.

Kroin, Catharina, (n) widow & 3 ch.
Kroth, Johannes, (b) w. Walburgis & 5

ch.
Kuhn, Conrad, (k) w. Anna Margaretha

& 2.ch.
Kuhn, Jacob, (d) w. & ch.
Kuhn, Valentin, (k) w. Anna Catharine

& 3 ch.
Kun, Samuel, (b) w. Elisabeth & 5 ch.
Kurtzin, Maria Elisabetha, (n)

Lampmann, Peter, (b) w. Catharine &
z ch.

Lamert, Johannes, (e) w. & ch.

Landgraff, Georg, (i) w. Elisabeth Cath-
arine & 1 ch.

Lang, Abraham, (d) w. Anna Maria &

4 ch.

Langmann, Just, (n) w.

Last, Johann Georg, (f) w. Anna & 7 ch.

Lauck, Abraham, (d) w. & ch.

Lauer, Peter, (c) w. Anna Catharina &

2. ch.
Launert, Johann Georg, (d) w. & ch.
Laux, Johann Just, (j) w. Maria
Laux, Johannes, (1) w. Anna Elisabeth
Laux, Heinrich, (j) Anna Margretha &

2. ch.
Laux, Michael, (d) w. Anna Elisabeth

& 3 ch.
Laux, Philipp, (e) w. & ch.
Lauxin, Eva, (d) Mother-in-law of

Johann Georg Launert, lived with

that family
Lehr, Johann, (g) w. Sibylla Catharine

& 5 ch.
Leick, Hanss, (d) w. & ch.
Lein, Conrad, (n) w. Margaretha & 6 ch.
Lescher, Sebastian, (b) w. Elisabeth &

6ch.
Leyck, Johannes, (b) w. Anna Barbara

& 3 ch.
Leyer, Johannes, (f) w. Elisabeth & 2. ch.
Lieckhart, Bernhard, (e) w. Justina &

1 ch.
Lieffland, Johann David, (h) w. Anna

Maria & 4 ch.
Linck, Johannes, (b) w. & 3 ch.
Linsin, Apolonia, (m) widow & 3 ch.
Lorenz, Johannes, (1) w. Anna Marga-
retha & 6 ch.
Loscher, Jacob's (d) widow & 4 ch.
Lucas, Frantz, (1) widower & 5 ch.
Ludwig, Heinrich, (c) w. & ch.
Lutin, Anna Catharina, (d) widow &

3 ch.

Magdalena [no family name given], (f)

widow & 2. ch.
Magdalena, Maria [no family name], (f)

widow & 4 ch.
Mangen, Ferdinand, (b) w. Anna Clara

& 2. ch.
Manck, Jacob, (e) w. Anna Margaretha
Mann, Heinrich, (g) w. Elisabetha

Margretha & 2. ch.
Mannlin, Elisabetha, (m) widow & 4 ch.
Marterstock, Albrecht, (d) w. Elisabeth
Mathus, Andreas, (b)
Matthaus, Heinrich, (f) w. Catharine &

4 ch.

Mattheus, Georg, (h) w. Catharine & 1

ch.
Mattheus, Martin's widow, (h) is no

yrs.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

^97

Mauer, Georg, (c) w. Apolonia & i ch.

Maul, Christoph, (d) w. & ch.

Maul, Friederich, (e) w. Anna Ursula &

4 ch.
Maurer, Georg, (1)

Maurer, Peter, (e) w. Catharine & z ch.
Meisingerin (?)— [see under Heding,

Conrad]
Mengefin, Anna Maria, (m) widow &

3 ch.
Meraet (?), Frederick, (e) w. Anna Bar-
bara & 6 ch.
Merckel, Johann's (k) widow & z ch.
Merten, Conrad, (e) w. Anna Maria &

3 ch.
Mess, Heinrich, (1) w. Magdalena & z

ch.
Metzger, Hanss, (n) is Just Langmann's

step-son
Meusinger, Conrad, (n) w. Anna Marga-

retha & 5 ch.
Meusinger, Nicolaus, (n) w. Anna Maria

& z ch.
Meyen, Peter's (c) [widow & 3 ch.]
Meyer, Abel, (1) w. & 3 ch.
Meyer, Christian, (e) w. Anna Gertraud

& zch.
Meyer, Heinrich, (h) w. Kunigunda &

3 ch.
Michael, Johann Heinrich, (c) w. Rosina

& 4ch.
Michlin, Anna Sibylla, (n) widow & z

ch.
Milig, the late Johann Wilhelm's z sur-
viving sons (b)
Mohr, Johannes, (f) w. Elisabeth & 1 ch.
Mohr, Heinrich, (e) w. Anna Margretha

& 3 ch.
Mohrin, Anna Kunigunda, (f) widow &

1 ch.
Moohr, Johann Cornelius, (n) 1 brothers
Moohr, Michael, (n) \ sister

Moohrin, Margretha, (n)
Moret, Jacob's widow (1) & 3 ch.
Muhl, Johannes, (k)
Muhler, Georg, (i) w. Anna Maria & 1

ch.
Muhler, Johann Christian, (b) w.
Muhler, Johannes, (j) w. Maria & 4 ch.
Muhler, Philipp, (e) w. Anna Marga-

retha & z ch.
Muhler, Samuel, (c) w. Anna Margreta

& 3 ch.
Miiller, Adam, (n) w. & z ch.
Miiller, Wilhelm, (1) w. Margaretha &

1 ch.
Miillerin, Elisabetha, (1) widow & 4 ch.

Miissig, Veit, (c) w. Maria Catharina &

3 ch.
Mutsch, Johannes, (n) w. Elisabeth
Mutzier, Jacob, (a) w. & 3 ch.

Neukircher, Joh. Heinrich, (e) w. Anna

Maria & z ch.
Noll, Christoph, (n) & Maria Elisabetha

Nollin

Oberbach, Georg, (e) w. Justina Catha-
rine & 5 ch.

Oberbach, Johann Peter, (e) w. 'Marga-
retha Christina & 3 ch.

Oberbach, Peter, (e) w. Elisabeth & 3 ch.

Ohrendorff, Heinrich, (k) w. Anna Mar-
garetha & 3 ch.

Petri, Just, (k) w. Anna Catharine & 3

ch.
Pfeffer, Michael, (m) w. Anna Maria &

3 ch.
Pfeifferin, Catharina, (h) widow & 1 ch.
Pflug, Peter, (1) w. & 5 ch.
Philipp, Peter, (a) w. Magdalena & 5 ch.
Polffer, Wendel, (c) w. & ch.

Querinus, Johannes, (m) w. & 3 ch.

Rauch, Friederich, (a) w. Maria Catha-
rine & 3 ch.

Rauh, Nicolaus, (d) w. & ch.

Rausch, Casper, (d) w. & ch.

Redtschaffin, Anna Maria, (j) widow &
z ch.

Reger, Christian, (n) w. & z ch.

Reibel, Johannes, (m) & his sister

Reichert, Joseph, (e) w. Anna Maria &
z ch.

Reiffenberger, Georg, (d) w. & ch.

Reinbold, Mattheus, (1) w. & 1 ch.

Reissdorff, Johannes, (d) w. & ch.

Reuter, Heinrich, (e) w. Anna Juliana &
z ch.

Richter, Andreas, (e) w. Elisabeth & 1
ch.

Ried, Leonhard, (m) 5 brothers & mother

Riegel, Gottfried, (1) w. Anna Elisabeth
& z ch.

Rieth, Leonhard, (f) w. Elisabeth Catha-
rine & z ch.

Riethin, Catharina, (f) widow & 4 ch.

Risch, Jacob, (1) w. & 3 ch.

Romer, Georg, (1) w. Elisabeth & 3 ch.

Roschel, Augustinus, (e) w. Catharine
& z ch.

T$8

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

Roschel, Peter, (e) w. Anna Maria
Rosenbaum, Bernhard, (1) w. Catharine

& 3 ch.
Ross, Andreas, (I) w. & 2. ch.
Rossman, Johannes, (c) w. & ch.
Ruhl, Nicolaus, (k) w. Anna Dorothea

& 4 ch.

Sayn, Peter, (e) w. & ch.

Schaffer, Georg, (a) w. Anna Maria &
i ch.

Schaffer, Hanss Werner, (a) w. Maria
Margaretha

Schaffer, Heinrich, (h) w. Rosina & i ch.

Schaffer, Jacob, (a) Dorothea & i ch.

Schaffer, Johann Heinrich, (e) w. Agnes
& i ch.

Schaffer, Johann Wilhelm, (j) w. Anna
Catharine & 5 ch.

Schaffer, Johannes, (k) w. Anna Maria

Schaffer, Joseph, (b) w.

Schaffer, Nicolaus, (f) w. Maria Catha-
rine & 4 ch.

Schaffer, Reinhard, (i) w. Maria & 2. ch.

Schafferin, Doroteha, [sic] widow & 1

^ ch. (e)

Schafferin, Elisabetha, widow (a) & 3

, ch.

Schambidy, (n) [a Frenchman] w.

Schantz, David, (d) w. Anna Barbara &

3 ch.

Scharmann, Heinrich, (e) w. Anna Catha-
rine & 2. ch.

Schenckel, Jonas, (c) Sibylla & 3 ch.

Scherb, Jacob, (a) w. Anna Maria & 2. ch .

Scherer, Dewalt, (d) w. & ch.

Schib, Hieronymus, (e) w. Anna Catha-
rine & 1 ch.

Schiffer, Philipp, (b) w. Magdalena &

4 ch.

Schlomer, Matthaus, (e) w. Anna Veron-
ica & 2. ch.

Schmid, Adam, (h) w. Anna Dorothea &
2. ch.

Schmid, Bernhard, (a) w. Anna Marga-
retha & 2. ch.

Schmid, Georg Adam, (c) w. & ch.

Schmid, Heinrich, (n) w. & z ch.

Schmid, Ulrich's, (c) widow & 4 ch.

Schmidt, Hanss Georg, (k) w. Anna
Elisabeth & 3 ch.

Schmidt, Johann Peter, (c) w. Elizabeth
& 3 ch.

Schmidt, Ludwig, (1) w.

Schneider, Hanss Wilhelm, (e) w. Cecilia
[together with Hermannes, his son-in-
law with sons and daughters]

Schneider, Heinrich, (c) w. Anna & 1 ch.
Schneider, Jacob, (k) w. Anna Barbara

& 3 ch.
Schneider, Johann Dietrich, (d) w. & ch.
Schneiderin, Maria Catharina, (m)
Schnell, Jacob, (h) w. Elisabeth & 4 ch.
Schnell, Just, (h) w. Catharine
Schonermann, Conrad, (c) w. & ch.
Schram, Heinrich, (e) w. Anna Marga-
retha & 5 ch.
Schramling, Heinrich, (i) w. Maria

Elisabeth & 5 ch.
Schreiber, Albertus, (d) w. & ch.
Schuh, Johannes, (b) w. & 3 ch.
Schuh, Wilhelm, (b) w. Gertrud & 3 ch.
Schuhmacher, Daniel, (1) w. Anna Maria

& 5 ch.
Schuhmacher, Thomas, (k) w. Ann

Dorothea & 1 ch.
Schumacher, Jacob, (a) Anna Barbara &

1 ch.
Schuldtes, Johann Georg, (j) w. Anna

Kunigunda & 2. ch.
Schultes, Johannes, (i) w. Anna Barbara

& 2. ch.
Schurtz, Andreas, (e) his mother & her

4 ch.
Schutz, Conrad, (j) w. Anna Maria

Margaretha
Schutz, Hanss Adam, (k) w. Anna Catha-
rine & 1 ch.
Schiitzin, Catharina, (e)
Schwalb, Johannes, (1) w. Philippina

Rosina & 3 ch.
Schwed, Arnold, (1) & sister Anna
Schwitzler, Heinrich, (d) w. & ch.
Sech, Heinrich, (k) w. Christina & 1 ch.
Segendorff, Hermann, (d) w. & ch.
Seibert, Johann Martin, (j) w. Anna

Marie & 3 ch.
Semerin, Elisabetha Catharina, (d)
Semerin, Maria Christina, (d)
Sicknerin, Apolonia, (n) widow & 1 ch.
Simon, Wilhelm, (c) w. & ch.
Spater, Johannes, (1) w. Dorothea & 5

ch.
Speichermann, Johann Herman, (d) w.

Anna Catharina & 3 ch.
Spiess, Peter, (j) w. Anna Elisabeth
Spon, Heinrich, (h) w. Maria Catharine

& 3 ch.
Sponheimer, Georg, (e) Anna Maria &

3 ch.
Sponheimer, Georg, (1) w. Magdalena &

3 ch.

Stahrenbergerin, Christina, (g) widow &

4 ch.

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

x99

Stahring, Adam, (g) w. Anna Maria &

3 ch.

Stall, Johannes, (e) w. Anna Ursula & i

ch.
Steiger, Nicolaus, (b) w. & ch.
Steiger, Stephan, (b) w. & ch.
Stoffelbein, Peter, (a) w. & 3 ch.
Stein, Martin, (1) w. & 3 ch.
Stell, Rudolph, (i) w. Maria Dorothea &

4 ch.

Stickermann, Sebastian, (c) w. & ch.
Stieber, Balthasar, (b) w. & 1 ch.
Stig, Michael, (k) w. & 4 ch.
Stnich, Christian, (k) w. Anna Margre-

tha & z ch.
Stor, Michael, (n) w. Elisabeth & 3 ch.
Streit, Christian, (n) w. & 8 ch.
Stub, Martin, (k) w. Anna Catharine &

1 ch.
Stuber, Jacob, (c) w. & ch.
Stuberauch, Georg Henrich, (i) w. Anna

Catharine & z ch.
Stumpff, Johann Georg, (j) w. Anna

Margaretha & 3 ch.
Sutz, Dieterich, (e) w. Magdalena & z

ch.
Sutz, Peter, (1) w. & 1 ch.

Thomas, Andreas, (d) w. Anna Eva &
3 ch.

Thomas, Georg, (h) w. Anna & ich.

Thomas, Peter, (i) w. Anna Maria &
z ch.

Trum, Andreas, (c) w. Margaretha Mag-
dalena & 5 ch.

Trumbohr, Nicolaus, (e) w. Magdalena
& 4 ch.

Uhl, Carolus, (e) w. & 3 ch.
Uhl, Heinrich, (a) w. Anna Maria von
Totert & 2. ch.

Vesi, Valentin; William Vesi; Anna

Vesin, (n)
Viedler, Gottfrid, (i) w. Anna Elisabetha

& zch.

Wagner, Peter, (g) w. Anna Maria & z ch.
Wahner, Ludwig, (i) w. Anna Barbara

& 3 ch.
Wallborn, Hanss Adam, (k) w. Anna

Elisabeth & 6 ch.
Wallerrath, Gerhard, (h) w. Maria & 3

ch.
Wallerrath, Heinrich, (h) w. Christina &

2. ch.
Wannemacher, Dieterich, (n) w.

Wannemacher, Peter, (n) w. & 1 ch.
Warno, Jacob, (i) w. Sibylla & 1 ch.
Weber, Jacob, (h) w. Elisabeth Maria
Weber, Heinrich, (1) w. Christina & 3 ch.
Weber, Nicolaus, (h) w. Barbara & z ch.
Weber, Valentin, (1) w. Charlotte & z ch.
Weidknechtin, Margretha, (1) widow &

2. ch.
Weilin, Anna Catharina, (m) widow & 1

ch.
Weisser, Conrad, (f) w. Maria Marga-
retha & 8 ch.
Weissin, Stephan's (1) widow & 2. ch.
Weitin, Gertraud, (e) widow & 2. ch.
Weller, Hieronymus, (e) w. Anna Juliana

& zch.
Wenrig, Balthasar, (b) w. & ch.
Werner, Christoph, (f) w. Magdalena &

3 ch.
Werner, Michael, (c) w. Catharine
Widerwax, Heinrich, (a) w. Anna Sibylla

& 5 ch.
Wilcherwist, Melchior, (k) w. Anna

Maria Margretha & 4 ch.
Wilhelm, Johann Nicolaus, (n) w. Anna

Elisabeth & 1 ch.
Windecker, Hartmann, (k) w. Barbara

& 5 ch.
Winiger, Ulrich, (d) w. Anna & z ch.
Winter, Heinrich, (b) w. Anna Maria

& 4 ch.
Wiss, Johannes, (k) w. Anna Margaretha

& i ch.
Wissbohren, Georg, (b) [has left a

daughter]
Wixheusser, Peter, (e) w. Elisabeth Maria

& 1 ch.
Wolleber, Peter, (e) w. Anna Rosina &

5 ch.

Wolleber, Philipp, (e)

Wolleber, Valentin, (e) w. Susanna

Wolleberin, Catharina, (h) widow & z

ch.
Wust, Conrad, (b) w. Maria Abel & 5 ch.

Zeh, Johannes, (f) w. Magdalena & 4 ch.
Zerben, Jacob, (b) w. Maria Catharine
Zerben, Martin, (b) w. Maria Catherine

6 4ch.

Ziebleore, Leonhard, (b) w. Anna Maria

& 3 ch.
Zimmermann, Jacob, (j) w. Anna Marga-

reth & 1 ch.
Zoller, Hanss Henrich, (k) w. & 3 ch.
Zoller, Johannes, (k) w. Anna Catharina

& z ch.
Zufelten, Georg, (b) w. & ch.

300 THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

G. PALATINES WHO MOVED TO THE TULPEHOCKEN
VALLEY IN PENNSYLVANIA

The first list given below (I) is a compilation of two docu-
ments. The fifteen names followed by asterisks are the
first settlers who arrived in that region before May 13, 172.3.
These names are signed to a petition given in Colonial Records
of Pennsylvania, III, 32.3 . The other names in the list are taken
from a petition for a road from Olney to Tulpehocken pre-
sented to the Court of Quarter Sessions at Philadelphia in
September, 1717. Professor William T. Hinke of Auburn
Seminary, Auburn, New York, deserves credit for his fine
work in identifying these names.

The second list (II) was compiled by Mr. C. Lindemuth,
now deceased, from land deeds and land patents and published
in The Pennsylvania German (Lebanon, Pennsylvania, 1904),
V, 191. Although the map drawn up by Mr. Lindemuth,
locating the patents, was dated by him "172.3," it obviously
should be of some later date, certainly after 172.8.

COLONIAL RECORDS OF PENNSYLVANIA LIST (I)

Aemrich, Michgel Nefs, Niclas

Barben, Martin

Batdorff, Martin Pacht, Johann Peter*

Braun, Pfilbes Rienij Nidas

Christ, Jocham Michael* Riet, Caspar

Christman, Johannes R*et, Lenhart

Rieth, Georg*
Diffenbach, Conrad Rieth, John Leonard*

t? r 1 t u Rieth, Peter*

Enterfeltjohan Ruell, Nicklas

Feg, Lenhart Sab> joseph*

Fidler, Godfrey* Schadt, Antonis*

Fischer, Sebastian* Schaeffer, Johannes Claus*

Herner, Michael Ernst ^chaffer, Friedrich

Klob, Peter Schitz, Conrad*

Kobff, Jacob Schuchert, Johann Henrich

Korbell, Jacob Stub, Marden

T T , * Walborn, Adam

Lantz, Johannes* „, „ ' A , *

T 1 41 1 Walborn, Andrew*

Lauk, Abraham ,,, ', • , « ,

T h AH m Wasserschmidt, btephan

Lesch, Georg Zerbe, Lorentz*

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

}Ol

Anspach, Balthaser
Anspach, Leonhart

Batdorff, Martin
Blum, Ludwig
Boyer, Hans
Braun, Philip
Brossman, Francis

Cushwa, Isaiah

Deck, Nickolaus
Diffebach, Adam
Diffebach, Conrad

Ernst, Michael
Essel, Reinhold
Etchberger, Jacob

Fischer, Lawrence
Fischer, Sebastian
Fohrer, Johann

Goldman, Conrad

Heckedorn, Martin
Holston, Leonhard

Kapp, Jacob
Kayser, Christopher
Kinzer, Nicholas
Kitzmuller, Jonas

Lauks, Abraham
Lauer, Christian
Lebo, Peter
Lederman, Jacob

THE LINDEMUTH LIST (II)

Lesch, Adam
Lesch, George
Long, Conrad

Minnich, Matthias

Reiss, Michael
Rieth, Caspar
Rieth, George
Rieth, John Leonhard
Rieth, Michael
Rieth, Nicholas

Schaeffer, Jacob
Schaeffer, Peter
Schell, Peter
Schmidt, Michael
Schuetz, Adam
Seigner, Hans George
Shump, Christopher
Stupp, Adam

Unruh, George

Walborn, Christina
Walborn, Herman
Weiser, Christopher
Weiser, Conrad
Weiser, Michael
Weyant, Nicholas
Wenrich, Franz
Winter, Frederick

Zeh, George
Zeller, Johann
Zerbe, Peter

H. THE PETITION LIST OF PALATINES
IN NORTH CAROLINA

This list is taken from a petition to the North Carolina
authorities by the Palatines remaining at New Bern,
against their dispossession by Cullen Pollock, son of Col.
Pollock to whom GrafTenried had assigned the lands as se-
curity for a debt. The petition was dated September 2.8, 1749
and is printed in the N. C. Col. Rec, IV, 956. Although they
referred to themselves as Palatines, a number of the petition-
ers were in all probability of Swiss origin, for a group of
people deported from Berne, Switzerland were included in the
original settlers of the town. The small number of families
left from the original 650 Palatines is to be attributed to hard-

302_

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

ships of the voyage and first year of settlement, including an
Indian massacre in 171 1 and desertions from the colony to
which Graffenried referred as early as 171 1. N. C. Col. Rec,

l> 944-

Baver, Abraham
Baver, Christian
Busit, Abraham

Eibach, Jacob
Ender, Peter
Eslar, Christian

Feneyer, Philip

Ganter, Christian
Gesibel, Michael
Granade, John
Grest, Henry
Grum, Herman

Hubbach, Christian
Huber, Jacob

Kehler, Simon

Kinsey, John (appears twice)

Kiser, Michael

Lots, Peter

Market, Frederick
Miller, Jacob
Miller, Jno. Lekgan

Moor, Adam
Moor, Dennis
Morris, Henry

Omend, Phillip

Pillman, Peter
Pugar, Joseph

Reasonover, Mathias
Renege, George
Revet, Peter
Rimer, John
Rimer, Nicholas
Risheed, Casper

Sheets, Jacob (from another petition of

March 2.9, 1743)
Shelfer, Michael
Simons, Daniel
Sneidor, George

Tetchey, Daniel

Walker, Christian

Wallis, Andrew

Woolf, John Bernard Shone

L. PALATINE FAMILIES IN LIMERICK COUNTY

IRELAND, JULY, 1934

These families were listed from the memory of Mr. Julius
Sheppard of Ballingarrane, a remarkable keen-witted
descendant of Palatine ancestry. Palatines also lived in Bally-
organ and Kilfinnane but their names were not mentioned.
They are probably included in the "other Palatine Families"
listed below, taken from William Crook, The Palatines in
Ireland, (London, 1866), 151. Some of these names appear to
be French or English in origin. They may be attributed to
mixed marriage or perhaps a change of name by Palatine
descendants.

Adare

Barkman, Fred and son, Erick

Bobanizer, John 1 rx,

r, l t > sons of Moses

Bobanizer, James J

Fitzell family

Hiffle family
Legeur, Fred
Legeur, James

Miller, Samuel and sons Richard and
Fred

THE EARLY PALATINE EMIGRATION

3°3

Miller, Richard and son Berty

Piper family (migrated to England in

1916)
Ruckle (Ruttle), Daniel and son

William
Sparling, Joseph
Shier, Pembroke
Shier, Jethro, Sr.
Shier, Jethro, Jr.
Shier, Jack
Tesky, Mrs. George

Askeaton

Cross, Mrs. Alice (formerly a Shier)
Ruttle, Thomas
Ruttle, William

Between Askeaton and Foynes
Shier, Ernest (bachelor)
Shier, Frederick (bachelor)

Between Askeaton and Ballingarrane
Ruttle, Edward
Ruttle, William (bachelor)

Ballisteen
Shier, Henry

Ballingarrane (Ballingrane)
Baker, Harry (bachelor)
Baker, John
Baker, Robert
Doupe, Edward (bachelor)
Doupe (Daub), John (brother and sister

in Toronto, Canada)
Gilliard, Henry

Latchford, Richard (wife, a Ruttle)
Lowee, Mrs. William (brother and

sister came to America fifty years

ago)
Mick, William (bachelor)
Ruttle, Michael Heck
Ruttle, William
Sheppard, Julius (bachelor)
Sheppard, Uriah
Shier, George
Shier, John
Shier, Julius
Switzer, Nathaniel
Teskey, Augustus

Court Matrix (Court Matress)
Bo wen, John
Delmege, Robert (Bertie)
Shier, Samuel
Shier, William
Switzer, Christopher
Switzer, Nathaniel (bachelor)
Switzer, John (bachelor)
Teskey, Albert
Teskey, Joseph

Killiheen

Bovenizer, Albert

Green, Edward (wife, a Switzer)

Modler, Edward

Teskey, Jack

Teskey, William

Pallaskenry (Pallas)

Hervaner, David ) c c • , 1

TT ' T , > sons of Richard

Hervaner, Jack J

Lynch, Jack (mother, a Switzer)

Rennison, Thomas (daughter married
Jack Lynch)

Switzer, Jack

Switzer, Peter
Kathskeal

Hudson, William (married a Sparling)

Sparling, James

Shier, Bertie

Stark, Samuel

Teskey, William
Other Palatine Families

Barabier

Bathomer

Benner

Bethel or Bother

Bowman

Cole

Roach

Corneil

Cronsberry

Embury

Gizzle

Glazier

Grunze

Guier

Heck

Hoffman

Lawrence

Ledwich

Long

Neizer

Rhinehead

Rodenbucher

Rose

Stack

St. John

St. Ledger

Strangle

Sleeper

Shoemaker

Smeltzer

Shoultace

Shane wise

Tattler

Urshelbough

Williams

Young

INDEX

Adams, sheriff from Albany, mistreated
by Palatines, zoz, Z03.

Addison, Joseph, 8z.

Admiralty, Dutch, assistance of, re-
quested, 57, 61.

Adventure, Palatine desire for, n.

Advertising, by Dayrolle, to stop emigra-
tion, 59; importance of Pa., in connec-
tion with later German immigration,
2.16, 2.17, zi8; of English colonies in
America, iz ff., zi6 ft.; use of circulars
as, 6z.

Albany, Palatines stop over in, 191.

Albrecht, J. Justin, 108.

Anabaptists, Swiss, 99, 103.

"Androboros," manuscript drama by
Governor Hunter, footnote on 171, zoo.

Anglican Church, aids Palatines, 69;
Palatines in Ireland conform to, 89;
pretended to be endangered by Palatine
immigration, 181 ft.

Antigua, settlement of Palatines in, pro-
posed, 35.

Apprentices, Palatine, 78, 149.

Archdale, John, correspondence of , 18, z6.

Arbuthnot, Dr. John, physician to Queen
Anne, i8z, 184.

Army, British, Palatines enlist in, 78.

Arnoldi, Dr. John, appointed Physician-
General to Palatines, 163.

Ashhurst, Sir Henry, 116.

Jjagge, Andrew, commissary for Pala-
tines, complains of Cast, 166; referred to,
163, 164, 165, 166, 168.

Bahama Islands, 77.

Balance of trade, of England, with the
Baltic countries, 113.

Baltic trade, conditions of, nz, 113.

Bank of England, 68.

Baptists, among Palatines, 8.

Baptists, United, of Amsterdam, 5Z.

Barbadoes, 77.

Barkley, Reverend, 45.

Bayard, Colonel Nicholas, the elder, re-
ferred to, 138, 150, 151, 154, zoo.

Bayard, Nicholas, the younger, advances
funds to the Palatines, 44; attacked by
Palatines, zoi; offers land-titles to
Palatines, zoo.

Beaufort, Duke of, one of the Carolina
proprietors, 108.

Begging, by the Palatines in London, 70.

Bellomont, Governor of N. Y., see Coote,
Richard.

Bendysh, Henry, secretary to the Com-
missioners for Collecting and Settling
of the Palatines, arranges transporta-
tion of Palatines to N. Y., 143, 144.

Benson, Thomas, surgeon to the Pala-
tines, 147.

Bern Land Company, 103; finances of,
104; members of, refuse to carry out
agreement, 109; also see, Michel,
Francois Louis.

Bern, Switzerland, 31, 99, 103.

Bishop of London, lacks minister for
Palatines, 14Z.

Bishop of Oxford, proposes method for
securing charity, 69.

Blackheath, Palatines on, 67, 7Z, 77, 80;
visited, 8, 150.

Blankistore, Colonel, 109.

Bloome, Richard, pamphlet of, entitled
English America, 18.

Board of Ordnance, see Ordnance.

Board of Trade, approves plan for N. Y.
settlement, 130; approves proposals for
colony of Swiss Protestants, 30; con-
siders development of a staple com-
modity for the northern colonies, izz;
considers Kocherthal's petition of
1708, 34 ff. ; considers needs of Pala-
tines in London, 73; informed of de-
cision to send Palatines to N. Y., iz8;
lacks quorum, attendance required, 79;
ordered to consider plans for settlement
of Palatines in England, 7Z, 74; ordered
to consult Attorney-General as to
Palatine contract, 131; pushes bill for
establishment of independent support
for N. Y. government, 185; questions
Sackett's tar-making methods, 176;
recommends colonial naval stores as
means of stopping colonial manufac-
turing, izi ff. ; reports on Swedish
monopoly, izi; represents possibilities
for colonial naval stores, 119; represents
that Palatines be settled in Antigua,
35; in N. Y., 35, 1Z7; in Jamaica, 35,

306

INDEX

117; in Virginia, 12.7; secures descrip-
tion of Moscovy 's tar-making methods,
176; supports Hunter's request for
additional funds, 170.

Bohme, Rev. Anton Wilhelm, pastor of
the German Court Chapel of St. James,
8ff., 17.

Bolingbroke, Lord, see St. John, Henry.

Bounty, for naval stores, 110; offered for
settling of Palatines in England, 75.

Boyle, Henry, British Secretary of State,
33, 51, 53; accounts for transportation
to be sent to, 56; authorizes Palatine
transportation to England, 55; notifies
Dayrolle of return of Palatines, 66;
orders continuance of transportation,
58; orders stop to transportation, 58 ff. ;
petitioned by Palatines, 63.

Brielle, authorities of, ask aid, 61; Pala-
tines at, 56.

Bridge, built in Livingston Manor, 173.

Bridger, John, accused of being in
Livingston's services, 153; activities of,
in New England, 1x3; appointed
Surveyor of Woods, 12.2.; charged with
ignorance of pitch pine, 178; charges
Hunter's interest is victualling, 171;
competence of, in choosing Palatine
sites, 178 ff. ; proposes to furnish
colonial naval stores, ixo, 171; quits
Hunter and government project, 170;
reasons for defection of, 171 ft.; recom-
mends purchase of Livingston's lands,
156; report of, on Schoharie tract, con-
firmed, 154; report of, on absence of
pitch pine in Schoharie tract, 153;
report of, on presence of pitch pine in
New York, 1x3; sends good colonial
hemp and tar to England, 119; sent to
N. E. as Navy Board Commissioner,
117.

Broad arrow, policy of, 1x3.

Brunnholtz, Rev. Peter, xi8.

Brydges, James, Paymaster-General of
forces abroad, 55.

Burnet, William, Governor of N. Y.,
settles Palatines in Mohawk Valley,
2.04 ff.

Burnetsfield Patent, 2.09.

Butler, James, Duke of Ormond, Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, 85, 87, 88.

Byfield, Thomas, ixo.

Calendar, use of Julian, in England,

footnote on 55.
Calvinists, among Palatines, 7, 8.
Canada, proposal to take and settle, 114.

Canadian expedition, suggested, 1x5; of
171 1, interferes with naval stores
project, 172.; Palatines with, 173.

Canajoharie patent, 109; dispute con-
cerning, 109; Palatines on, purchase
lands, 2.10.

Canajoharie, N. Y., town of, Z09.

Canary Islands, proposal to send Pala-
tines to, 74.

Canterbury, authorities of, refuse Pala-
tines, 76.

Cardonnel, Adam[de], secretary to the
Duke of Marlborough, 53, 54, 55;
arranges contract for transportation of
Palatines, 57.

Carolina, advertising favoring, n, 14, 15,
18, 19; use of circulars, 6x; interest of
proprietors of, in foreign immigration,
18, 2.6, 7.7, 98; politics in, harms Pala-
tine venture, 105; proprietors of, pro-
pose Palatines be sent to, 98; proprie-
tors of, joined by Michel in settlement
proposal, 99, ioi; resources of, in naval
stores, 116, 187; also see North Caro-
lina.

Carrington, Charles, 77.

Cary, Colonel Thomas, acting Governor
of Carolinas, 105.

Casks, for tar, 174, 175.

Cast, Jean, assistant commissary for
Palatines, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168;
complains of poor supplies, 169;
ordered to stop Palatine subsistence,
188.

Catholics, among Palatines, 8, 95; asked
to enlist in British army, 79; given
choice of turning Protestant or return-
ing to Germany, 78; returned from
England, 63, 66, 79; to be refused
transportation to England, 58.

Catholics, in Ireland, fear of rising by, 90;
program to convert, 91.

Causes of Palatine emigration, Chapter
I, summarized, 31.

Chamberlayne, John, secretary of the
Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1x4, 142..

Champante, Mr., N. Y. colonial agent,
1x9; asserts "extravagant grants" were
full of timber, for masts and naval
stores, 154.

Charity, private, distributed to the
Palatines along the Rhine River, 33, 47;
in Ireland, 83; in London, 68, 69, 70,
71; in Rotterdam, 33, 52., 57, 60, 61.
in Schenectady and Albany, 193, 196;

INDEX

3°7

Charles II, sends Huguenots to South
Carolina, 19.

Chester, receives Palatines, 76.

Child, Sir Josiah, views of, quoted, 112..

Churchill, George, 51.

Churchill, John, Duke of Marlborough,
authorizes transportation of Palatines,
54, 55; contributes to Palatine relief,
57; influence of, at British court, 2.3,
51, 51; influence of, promised in behalf
of Palatines, 51; informed of strain on
British treasury, 68; proposed for con-
demnation for Palatine immigration,
183; secures estimates of Palatine
ordnance supplies, 141; suggests that
Dayrolle manage Palatine transporta-
tion, 53; responsibility of, for Palatine
immigration, footnote on 51, 56.

Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde, Edward.

Clarke, George, Secretary of the Province
of N. Y., made treasurer and commis-
sary of the naval stores project, 162.,
166; made president of N. Y. Council,
claims N. Y. needs publicity, 2.17.

Cobb, S. H., attributes failure of tar-
making to use of wrong pine tree, 178;
questionable proof offered by, concern-
ing Indian gift of Schoharie, 151, 151.

Cohoes Falls, known as obstacle to
transportation, 140; referred to, 155.

Collection, voluntary, taken for Pala-
tines, 68.

Collop, 95.

Colonial manufacturing of woolens, to be
discouraged, iii ff.

Commissary arrangements, for Palatines
in government naval stores project,
160, 165, 166 ff.

Commissioners for Palatines, in Ireland,
8x, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88; in London,
68, 86, iox, 12.7, ix8; in New York, on
Livingston Manor, 164, 174; in Rotter-
dam, 53, 57, 61, 64.

Conclusion of thesis, 2.2.5 ff.

Conradus, Octavius, 44.

Convoy, for transportation of Palatines,
57, 12.8.

Coote, Richard, Earl of Bellomont,
Governor of N. Y., 118, 119; criticizes
Livingston's land grants, 156, xiz;
letters of, arouses interest in colonial
naval stores, 119; opposes extravagant
grants of land, 138, 156, zn ff.; scheme
of, to use soldiers for the manufactur-
ing of naval stores, 119, 131.

Cornbury, Lord, see Hyde, Edward.

Covenant, Palatine, with British govern-

ment for the production of naval stores,
declared by Palatines to have been
falsified, 164; draft of, 140; suggested,
130, 131, 140; terms of, 141 ff.

Cox, Sir Charles, 67.

Crockett, Mr., investigates return of
Palatines from Ireland, 86.

Cuius regio, eius religio, 6; modification of,
proposed, 13.

Cunningham, William, English econo-
mist, views of criticized, 98, 113.

Dartmouth, Lord, see Legge, William.
Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan, 17.
Davenant, Charles, British Resident at
Frankfort, refuses passes to emigrants,

33> 51-

Dayrolle, James, British Resident at the

Hague, aid of, sought by Palatine
emigrants, 50, 51, 59; appoints two
Dutchmen as commissioners to arrange
Palatine transportation, 53; difficulties
of, 6z; doubtful of meaning of orders on
transportation, 58, 60; fears loss of
immigration at close of war, 59; in-
forms Palatines they will be sent back
* from England, 63; receives authoriza-
tion for transportation at government
expense, 55; reports Dutch naturaliza-
tion act, 51; reports more Palatines
expected in following summer, 65;
suggested, to manage transportation of
Palatines, 53; suggests military trans-
ports be used to carry immigrants, 51;
suspected of disobeying orders, 64; to
send Palatine accounts to Boyle, 56;
tries to dissuade Palatine emigrants,
59, 63, 64; tries to stop Palatines com-
ing down the Rhine River, 59; worries
about expense of transportation, 57, 58;
referred to, 183.

Dellius, Godfrey, 138.

Deportation of Swiss Anabaptists, 99, 103.

Difficulties of British government, 64, 68,
74) 82..

Diplomatic intervention, feared, in entic-
ing foreign settlers, 31. •

Discord among Palatines in New York, 41.

Disease among Palatines, y±, 80.

Domestic service, Palatines enter, 78.

Dongan, Colonel Thomas, Deputy Gov-
ernor of N. Y., in.

Dublin, Palatines in, 82., 84.

Dudley, Joseph, Governor of Massa-
chusetts and New Hampshire, 2.9.

Dudley, Sir Matthew, English merchant,
115, 110.

308

INDEX

DuPre, James, commissary of stores for
Palatines, 146, 163; sent to London to
secure further financial support, 169.

Dutch Church, in N. Y. sends supplies to
Schoharie Palatines, 196.

.Cast India Company, 68.
East Riding, Yorkshire, receives Pala-
tines, 76.
Ehlig, Rev. John James, leads third
Palatine immigration to N. Y., Z17;
settles at Canajoharie, 117.
Ekines, Captain Thomas, 76.
Elector Palatine, see John William.
Embury, Philip, 91.

England, and the Protestant cause in

Europe, zz ff". ; balance of trade of, with

Baltic countries, 113; difficulties of, in

securing naval stores, 111, 114;

free transportation of Palatines to,

attempts to halt, 58 ff.; authorized,

53' 54' 55 ' contract for, 57; carried

out' 54' 55' 57, 59' 6o' suggested, 15,

18, 51; stopped, 63;

influence of woolen interests in, izi,

izz; interest of, in America as a source

of naval stores, 115 ff. ; Ministerial

Revolution of 1710 in, 181 ; naval stores

policy of, 111; need of, for naval

stores, in, 114; officials of, compare

cost of colonial with continental naval

stores, 116; position of, as naval power,

in; religious issues in politics in, as

affected by Palatine immigration, 181,

i8z.

England, Palatines in,

(1708 immigration, Kocherthal's party)
arrive, 33, 34; authorities, consider
site for settlement for, 34 ff". ; decide
on N. Y., 35; list of, 3Z, 38, see
Appendix A, 143 ff.; Order-in-
council given for, to produce naval
stores and protect frontier in N. Y.,
36, 38, 41; receive government aid,
35; sent to N. Y., 39; also see Lon-
don, Palatines in.
(1709 immigration); names of, see
intro. to Appendix B, 2.44 ff.; num-
bers of, 65, 66; proposal to send, to
Jamaica, 35, 77, see Jamaica; pro-
posal to settle, in N.Y., 12.7, see N.Y.,
Palatines in; proposal to settle, in
Ireland, 8z, see Ireland, Palatines in;
receive charity and government re-
lief, 68 ff"., 69, 70; sent to Ireland, 8z;
sent to N. Y., 146; sent to N. C,

98, 101; settled in various parts of
England, 75, 76; also see, London,
Palatines in and Palatine settlements,
proposed.
English America, a pamphlet, 18.
Established Church in England, see

Anglican Church.
Evance, Sir Stephen, 116.
Evans, Captain, 138, zoi.
Extravagant grants of lands, in New
York, 138; considered for Palatine
settlement, 149 ff*. ; legislation on,
threat to N. Y. landed aristocracy, 139,
140, 2.13; new policy for, adopted, 139;
New York act to vacate, passed, 138;
repealed, 138; reasons for action on,
139, 140; vacating act on, approved in
England and repealing act disallowed,
138, 139, Z13; referred to, 154, 156, zoo.

.Talckner, Daniel, pamphlet of, on
Pennsylvania, zo, zz.

Finland, as a source of naval stores, 114;
proposal to import tar-makers from, 178.

Five partners, the, receive patent for
Schoharie lands, Z43.

Fletcher, Colonel Benjamin, Governor of
N. Y., 116; extravagant grants of land
made by, referred to, 138, 139, 150,
154, 156.

Foreign Protestants, money voted in
England to help, 30; of Bergen and
Courland aided by English, Z3; to be
sent to American colonies, Z9, 30.

Fort Museum, old, in Schoharie, 197.

Free transportation to England and her
colonies, suggested by Kocherthal's
pamphlet, 15; suggested by Thuringian
Company, 18; also see England.

French and Indian War, endangers Pala-
tines in Mohawk Valley, Z19; village
of Palatine, attacked during, zzo.

Frontenac, Comte de, 13Z.

Frontier, of the "Old West," character
of, zzo; Palatine life on, 195 ff".; Pala-
tines settle on, 193, 199, Z05, zio, zzz,
ZZ3; types of people attracted by, zzi.

Frontier, of New England, endangered,
118, 1Z5;

Frontier, of New York, protection needed
by, 37, 119, 13Z; weakness of, 13Z;

Frontier, Palatine settlement of, sug-
gested, 38, 41, 135; fire-arms for pro-
tection of, 135, 14Z.

Fullerton, Thomas, land of, in N. Y.,
purchased for Palatines, 158.

Furley, Benjamin, Penn's counsellor, zo.

INDEX

309

Cjale, Christopher, Receiver-General of

N. C., 101.
Galway, Ireland, 90.
Geertruidenberg, peace negotiations at,

George I, accession of, encourages Ger-
man immigration, 2.16; favorable to
Palatines in Ireland, 90.

Georgia pine Qpinus palustris), 178.

Gerlach, John Christopher, 163, 2.05.

German Flats, N. Y., 149, 109.

German fusiliers, in Ireland, 90.

German immigration, to Pa., encouraged,
zo, zz, zi6, Z17, zi8; flows steadily
from 1717 on, zio, zi 1 ; also see Palatine
immigration.

German miners, contracted for by Graf-
fenried, await him in London, 108;
operate iron works, 109; sent to Vir-
ginia, 109; settle Germanna, Va., 109.

German Protestants, only, to be sent to
England, 58; referring to Palatine im-
migrants, 50, 55, 69, 78, 90, 182..

Germanna, Va., 109.

Germantown, Pa., 3Z.

Gilles, Melchior, see Gulch.

Glebe land, for Kocherthal, 39, 41.

Globe, the, 39.

Godolphin, Sidney, Earl of, Lord
Treasurer, demands speedy disposal of
Palatines, 74; friend of Marlborough,
52.; ordered to supply funds for trans-
portation of Palatines, 55; referred to,
ZZ4; receives report of arrival of Pala-
tines in N. Y., 147; reports burden of
Palatines on Treasury, 68.

Government industry in France, con-
trasted with English industry, 131.

Government industry to produce naval
stores, in English colonies, approved
by Board of Trade, 130; approved by
Queen Anne, 134; Bridger quits, 170 ff.;
failure of, 177 ff., 184 ff., 187; optimism
concerning, 136; organization for, i6z
ff.; origin of plan, 1Z4 ff.; preparations
for, 135 ff. ; promising reports on, 175;
proposal for, with soldiers as labor, 119,
171; proposal for, by Hunter, with
Palatines as labor, 130, 131, 135, 136,
137; recommended by Navy Board
commissioners, with poor families of
England as labor, 117; Sackett, ap-
pointed instructor for, 166, 173;
Sackett's methods in, questioned, 175 ff.

Governor's Island, N. Y., see Nutten
Island.

Graffenried, Christoph [von]; abandons
Palatine settlement, 109; arrives in
America, 104; captured by Indians, 107;
credit extended to, 101; fails to per-
suade Bern Company to carry out
agreement, 109; fails to secure financial
help in London, 108; interested in
Palatines as settlers, 100; involved in
Carolina politics, 104, 105; joins Bern
Land Company, 103, 104; joins Michel,
99, 100; makes agreement with Pala-
tines, 105, 107; property of, seized for
debt, 108; purchases land in Carolina,
100; returns to England, 108; secures
aid of Colonel Pollock, 108; selects
Palatines for settlement, 101; sends
German miners to Virginia, 109.

Granville, Sir Bevil, Governor of Bar-
bados, 30.

Gulch, Melchior, arrives in N. Y., 4Z; re-
mains in England, 39; wife of, dies, 39.

llackensack, N. J., Palatines in, 189;
names of, see Appendix F, Z91.

Haeger, Rev. John Frederick, agrees to
ordination by Bishop of London, 143;
appointed by Society for Propagation
of Gospel in Foreign Parts, 143, 161;
builds schoolhouse for Palatines (in
171 1), 161; describes suffering of Pala-
tines, 189; given salary and money for
books, 143; narrow escape of, from
drunken Indians, Z19; petition to re-
tain, as minister for Palatines, 143;
secures license to build a church, 161;
serves Livingston Manor Palatines, 161 .

Halifax, Earl of, see Montagu, Charles.

Hare, Francis, Whig pamphleteer, de-
fends reception of Palatines, i8z.

Harley, Robert, replaces Sunderland as
Secretary of State, 184.

Heathcote, Caleb, izz, 138, 17Z.

Heck, Barbara, 91.

Hedges, Sir Charles, British Secretary of
State, 30, izo.

Hemp, English interest in colonies as
source of, 115, 117; seed of, to be taken
to N. Y. by Palatines, 135.

Hendrick, Indian chief, 151, 15Z.

Herbert, the, 147.

Herkimer, N. Y., 149; also see Palatine,
town of.

Hinch, Mr., Commissary for Palatine
Commissioners in Ireland, 85.

Holland, see Netherlands.

Holstein, two emigrants from, join
Kocherthal's party, 38.

310

INDEX

House, H. D., New York State Botanist,
describes distribution of pitch pine in
N. Y., 154, 180.

Hudson River, proposal to settle Pala-
tines on, 12.7, 149.

Huguenots, French, flee France, 13, 14, 19.

Hunter, Colonel Robert, Governor of
N. Y., acknowledges Indian claim to
Schoharie tract, i^z; additional in-
structions concerning Palatines and
government naval stores project sent
to, 134, 144; appointed governor of
N. Y., ix8; aided in N. Y. politics by
Livingston, 157; arranges for remit-
tance of 8,000 pounds for government
project, 143; arrives in N. Y., 147;
attacked by Clarendon, 169, 170; at-
tends Board of Trade meeting, 119, 130,
135; attempts to collect Palatine debt
by, 186; attributes naval stores failure
to unskilled labor and poor instruc-
tion, 186; bears animosity to Palatines
in Schoharie Valley, 190; bills of ex-
change of, refused by Treasurer, 181;
compromises with N. Y. assembly, 185,
xi 4; considers renewal of naval stores
project, zoo; criticizes extravagant
grants of land, nz; decides against
Schoharie tract for naval stores proj-
ect, 154; disarms rebellious Palatines,
164; establishes court over Palatines,
164; finances of, 169, 184, 185, 114;
forbids Palatines to settle in Schoharie
Valley, 193, 199; forced to flee Palatines,
164; friendship of, with Livingston,
187; gives confirmatory grant to
Livingston, 157, 2.12.; gives contract
for Palatine supplies to Livingston,
157; grants Schoharie lands to Five
Partners, later Seven, of Albany, 2.01,
2.0Z, ziz; insinuates Nicholson caused
Bridger's defection, footnote on 171;
issues warrant for arrest of elder Weiser,
zoz; loses his instructor of tar-making,
Bridger, 170; orders compromise with
Palatines, but fails to carry it out, Z03;
orders Palatines thrown on own re-
sources, 188; orders stop of naval stores
manufacture, 188; Palatine debt due to,
185, unsatisfied, 186; passes N. Y.
naturalization act, 185, Z14, terms of,
2.15; petitions for grant of islands in
Delaware River, 186; presents draft of
contract for Palatines, 131, 140 fF. ;
presses for supplies, 141; proposal of,
relating to the settlement of the Pala-
tines, 12.8 ff.; proud of bridge built by

Palatines, 173; purchases Fullerotn
tract for Palatines, 158; purchases
Livingston tract for Palatines, 156;
purchases poor meat for Palatine com-
missary, 168; receives additional in-
structions for government project, 144;
receives Dartmouth's assurance of
financial support, 184; receives gift of
Schoharie tract from Indians, 152.; re-
fuses to renew naval stores project, 186;
reimburses Lady Lovelace, 41; relations
of, with Bridger, 170 ff. ; reports ar-
rival in N. Y. to Lord Treasurer, 147;
reports favorably on naval stores proj-
ect, 169, 173, 175; requests Palatines
be placed under contract, 130; returns
to London and opposes Palatine depu-
ties' appeal, xo4; sailing date of, for
N. Y., 144 ff.; salary troubles of, 185,
xi4; selects Evans tract and Livingston
tract for government project, 155, 156;
sets up organization for government
project, 162., 163; to select site of
Palatine settlement, 140; also see New
York, Palatines in.

Hunter, Thomas Orby, son of Governor
Robert Hunter, 186.

Hyde, Edward, Lord Cornbury, third
Earl of Clarendon, Governor of N. Y.,
138; criticized Hunter and Livingston,
170; helped by Hunter, 169, 170.

Hyde, Edward, of North Carolina, 105.

Indian sachems, so-called, visit England,

150, 151.
Indians, Five Nations of, condition of,

I32-
Indians, Mohawk, give Schoharie to

Hunter for the Queen, 152., 153; Hunter

acknowledges claim of, 152.; refuse to

allow survey of Schoharie, 151; sell

land to Palatines, 190.

Indians, Six Nations of, relations with
Palatines, 2.18, 119, 2.Z3.

Ingoldesby, Colonel, Lieutenant-Gover-
nor of N. Y., 43.

Instructions necessary in tar-making, see
tar-making.

Ireland, petition of Baron de Luttichaw
to send German Protestants to, 2.9;
Palatines sent to, 82.; Parliament of,
expels Catholic residents of Galway
and Limerick, 90.

Ireland, Palatines in, adopt Methodism,
91; assimilation of, 91 ff., 95, 97;
attempts to hold, 86, 87, 88; descend-
ants of, in late 18th century, 91, in 19th

INDEX

311

century, 92., in 1934, 91 fF., close mar-
riages of, 93; dissatisfaction of, 85;
distributed by lot, 83; economy of, 95,
97, 98; habits of, contrasted with Irish,
9X, 97; hostility to, 85; improvements
introduced by, 97; king of, 97; names
of, see Appendix I, 302. fF. ; remains of
manorial system among, 95; religious
condition of, 91; return of, to England,
84, 86; size of families of, 94; settled in
Limerick County, 88; settlements of,
91 fF.; speculation in connection with,
83 fF. ; 86; subsidized by British govern-
ment, 83, 88, 90, 98; terms ofFered, 83,
84, 88; victimized, 85, 86; visited by
Wesley, 91, 95.
Isot, Peter, 103.

Jackson, Benjamin, 117, 118, 12.5.

Jamaica, proposal for a grant to colonize,
19; settlement of Palatines in, pro-
posed, 35, 77, 78.

James II, loses English throne, 2.1.

James III, the pretender to the British
throne, 90.

John William, Elector Palatine, 6, 7;
forbids emigration, 53; friendly rela-
tions with England, footnote on 7;
religion of, 6.

Johnson, Sir William, zio.

Johnston, Gabriel, Governor of North
Carolina, no.

Justices of the peace, of Middlesex, peti-
tion of, 68.

iValm, Peter, discusses why the Germans
immigrate to Pa., 2.11.

Kast, Johan Jurgh, Z07.

Keith, Sir William, Governor of Pa.,
invites Schoharie Palatines to settle
in Pa., 105.

Kenebeck River, 118, 115, 130.

Kent, Marquis of, Lord Chamberlain, 75.

King of the Palatines, in Ireland, 97.

King William's War, effect on N. Y.
frontier, it,-l.

Kocherthal, Rev. Joshua, appeals to
Queen Anne for aid, 34; asks salary as
clergyman for Palatines, 38, 39; con-
nection of, with Carolina proprietors,
15, 19; connection of, with 1709 emigra-
tion, 43, 46; estimates cost of establish-
ing a small plantation, 45; in financial
straits, 41; leads 1708 Palatine emigra-
tion, 32. fF.; pamphlet by, on Carolina,

14, 19; reports on condition and occu-
pations of his group, 34; returns to
London, 44; sent to N. Y., 39; serves
Hudson River Palatine settlements,
161; spelling of name, footnote on 15.

Kocherthal's Bericbt . . . von . . . Carolina,
x9> 33> 34; editions of, 15.

Kurtz, John Christopher, 148.

.Labor, scarcity of, in British colonies,
117, 119; solved by Palatine immigra-
tion, 131, 133.

Land-holding, in N. Y., brief history of,
xit, xi 3; conditions of, reported to
Board of Trade, 34; fee system for, 191;
given as cause for German immigration
to Pa., 2.1 1, xi2.; method of securing
titles for, ij-l; new policy toward,
adopted, 139, 2.13; also see Extravagant
grants.

Land hunger, of Palatines, n.

Land ownership, by foreigners in En-
gland, z8.

Landlords, Irish, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88.

Lawson, John, Surveyor-General of North
Carolina, 103, 107.

Le Acada, proposal to take and settle,
1x4.

Legend of Indian grant of Schoharie,
150 fF.

Legge, William, 1st Baron of Dartmouth,
British Secretary of State, 87, 184.

Limerick, County of, Ireland, 88, 90.

Limerick, town of, Ireland, rebellion
feared in, 90.

Lists of Palatine immigrants, see Appen-
dices, 1.^2. fF.

Listmasters of Palatines, in Hudson River
settlements, 163, 169, 174.

Little Falls, N. Y., toj.

Liverpool, receives Palatines, 76.

Livingston, Robert, Jr., 168, 2.02..

Livingston, Robert, Sr., aids establish-
ment of Palatines, 160; attacked by
Clarendon, 170; becomes political ally
of Hunter, 157; criticism of, as presi-
dent of Palatine court, 165, for attempt-
ing to control Palatine supplies, 168,
for Palatine supplies, 167, 168, 169;
land-holding or, criticized, 156, 157,
nx; made president of Palatine court,
164; receives confirmatory grant, 157;
receives contract for Palatine supplies,
157; sells part of his tract to Hunter for
naval stores project and Palatine settle-
ment, 156; service of, to government

12.

INDEX

project for the manufacture of naval
stores, 166; suspected of bribing
Bridger, 153; takes Palatines as tenants,
189.
Livingston tract, attacked by Bellomont,
156, 2.11; confirmatory grant for, made
by Hunter, 157; extent of, 156; part of,
purchased by Hunter for government
project and Palatine settlement, 156.
Lodwick, Mr., 35.
London, Palatines in,

(1708 immigration, Kocherthal's party)
arrive and petition Queen Anne for
aid, 34; list of, 31, 38, also see
Appendix A, 2.43 ff. ; plans for settle-
ment of, 34, 35, 38; preparations for
settlement of, in N. Y., 38; receive
government aid, 35, 38; religion of,
7, 35; sent to N. Y., 39; trades of,
34, footnote on 35.
(1709 immigration) arrive, 64, 65, 66;
attempts to take Palatines off gov-
ernment relief, 72., 73, 74 ff., 12.7 ff. ;
begging by, 70; charity given to, 70,
71; collection taken for, 68; crowded
condition of, 73; enlist in British
army, 78; fear of contagion from, jx;
government aid given to, 63, 64, 68,
73, 74; hardiness of, 70; life of, 70 ff.;
mortality of, 80; lists of, see Ap-
pendix B, X44 ff. ; need of, great, 68,
70, 74; numbers of, 65, 66; quarters
of, 67, 73; religion of, 8 ff.; resented
by poor, 71; resentment returned by,
71; riots against, 71; also see En-
gland, Palatines in, and Palatine
settlements, proposed.
Lord Treasurer, see Godolphin, Sidney.
Louis XIV, revokes Edict of Nantes,

2.1, 13.
Lovelace, Lady, hardships of, 41; receives

payment of Lovelace debt, 41.
Lovelace, Lord Francis, Governor of
N. Y., 38; arrives in N. Y., 39; death
of, 41; employs two Palatines as
servants, 38; referred to, 113, 117; sails
for N. Y., 39; settles Palatines led by
Kocherthal at Newburgh, 40, 41.
Lurting, Robert, made deputy-commis-
sary for Palatines, i6z.
Lutheran glebe, at Newburgh, estab-
lished, 41; turned over to Anglican
Church, 116.
Lutherans among Palatines, 7, 8.
Luttichaw, Baron de, 19.
Lyon, the, 147.

Manorial system, remains of, among
Palatines in Ireland, 95.

Manufactures royales, French, character of,
131.

Marlborough, Duke of, see Churchill,
John.

Mennonites, among Palatines 8; settle in
Pa., iio.

Mennonites, Swiss, 99.

Men-of-war, requested as convoy for
Palatine transports, 57, 12.8.

Mercantilism, in England, attitude to-
ward carrying trade, nx, 113, 12.4;
attitude toward colonial trade, irj, 1x4,
133; interest in population and emigra-
tion, 2.6; interest in foreign Protestants
as source of population, 2.6, xj, 19,
30, 71; interest in naval stores, in, 113,
114 ff., iii, 114, 136.

Mercantilism, in Holland, attitude of
States General, 2.6.

Meynderton, Johannes, 193.

Michaux, Andrew F., describes distribu-
tion of pitch pine, 180.

Michel, Francois Louis, dupes Graffen-
ried, 108; in Bern Land Company, 103,
104; interested in silver mines in British
colonies, 99; joined by Graffenried, 99;
promotes emigration of Swiss dis-
senters, 99; purchases land in North
Carolina, 101; referred to, 12., 30.

Minden, N. Y., town, of, 2.09.

Mining, iron, in Virginia, 109.

Mining rights, of Bern Land Company,

IO?-

Ministerial Revolution, in England, 87;

causes lapse of financial support for
N. Y. naval stores project, 184; causes
Palatine immigration to become a
political issue, 181 ff.

Mohawk Valley, lands in, purchased for
Palatines, 2.05; suggested for Palatine
settlement, 140, 149.

Mohawk Valley, Palatines in, 147 ff.;
attacked by French and Indians, 2.2.0;
make peace overtures to French and
Indians, 2.19; prisoners in Canada, 2.2.0.

Montagu, Charles, Earl of Halifax, con-
nections of, with Ministry, 12.5; re-
ceives plan for settlement of Scots in
Canada, 12.4; works out plan for private
company to manufacture naval stores
in British colonies, 115 ff.

Montague, James, Attorney-General,
approves Palatine covenant, 140, 141.

INDEX

3J3

Nassau, Palatine settlement in, 77.

Naturalization act, general, in England,
connection with Palatine immigration,
2.8; progress through Parliament and
passage, 2.7; provisions of, 18; repealed,
footnote on 183; suggested, 2.6, 2.7;
used by Palatines in Ireland, 89.

Naturalization act, general, in Nether-
lands, 51, 61.

Naturalization act, of 171 5, in New York,
connection with land-holding, 2.12. ff. ;
contrary to the act of navigation, 114,
2.15; part of bargain between governor
and assembly, 185, Z14; terms of, 115.

Naturalization acts, history of, in N. Y.,
2.12., 2.13.

Naval stores, importation of, from Brit-
ish colonies, bids asked for, 116;
bounty act passed for encouraging, no;
bounty for, suggested, no; covers
freight differential, 158; Bridger's
samples of, pronounced good by Navy
officials, 119, no; commissioners sent
by Navy Board to investigate possibili-
ties of, 117; compared with importa-
tion from continent, 187; encouraged,
116, 119 ff.; interest in, in England,
in, 113, 114, 115 ff.; merchants engage
in, 115, 116, no; merchants refuse to
provide security for, 12.0; Navy Board
commissioners recommend settlement
in New England of poor families to de-
velop the, 117; pronounced inferior to
continental sources by Navy officials,
118; proposals for, accepted, 116; pro-
posal for, from Carolina, no; proposal,
Scots to be worked to manufacture for,
1^4; proposal, soldiers to be worked to
manufacture for, 119, 171; offers to
carry out, 119; rivalry with French for,
118; successful, by encouragement of
bounty system, 187; suggested, 114,
115, 12.4, 136.

Naval stores, importance of carrying
trade in, 112., 113, 114, 12.1; meaning
of term, in; protests by English
against Swedish terms for, 114; report
on, by Board of Trade, 111, 12.2.;
Stockholm Co. discriminates in supply
of, against Dutch, 112., against English,
114; Swedish monopoly of, in ff.

Naval stores, production of, by Palatines,
authorization for, 35, 113, footnote on
12.8, 134, 144; bounty on, to cover
freight differential, 136; Bridger quits
project for, 170 ff. ; commissary arrange-
ments for, 165 ff.; cost of, 184; court to

enforce work on, 165, 174; dissatisfac-
tion of Palatines with, 174, 175; efforts
to continue (in 1714), 199, 2.00, (in
1716) 186; failure of political support
of, 184; failure of production methods
in, 177; financial difficulties of, 169,
170, 181, 185; financial support of,
fails, 181 ff., 184, 188; financial support
promised, 184; force threatened in, 164,
165, 174; Hunter's plan for, 130, 131,
133, 135 ff., 141; Hunter's subsistence
list in, see Appendix E, 2.8z ff.; in-
structor assigned for, 136, 137, 153,
170, 173; Navy given option on, 137;
no preparations for, by Kocherthal's
party, 113; organization for, i6z, 163;
optimism of Board of Trade for, 136;
origin of plan, 114 ff.; profits of, to be
set aside to reimburse government, 137;
promising reports on, 169, 175; reasons
for failure of government project, 187;
reasons for failure of methods in, 177 ff. ;
recommended by Board of Trade, 130;
Sackett's method for, contrasted with
Russian, 176, 177; Sackett's method for,
questioned, 175, 176; stopped, 188;
suggested, 38, 41, 113, 1x5, 130; also
see Government industry to produce;
Hunter, Colonel Robert; and New
York, Palatines in.

Navy Board, criticizes importation of
colonial naval stores, 116, 118, n6;
frauds of, in supplying naval stores, 118;
opinion of, of colonial naval stores,
116, 118; prejudiced against colonial
naval stores, 118; report of commis-
sioners on colonial naval stores to, 117,
118; sends commissioners to investigate
possibilities for naval stores supply
from colonies, 117; also see Partridge,
William; Jackson, Benjamin; and
Bridger, John.

Netherlands, authorities of, intervene in
Swiss deportation of Anabaptists, 103;
naturalization act in, 51, 61; States
General, asked to stop transportation
of Palatines to England, 61; cooperate
in halting emigration, 61.

Neuldnder, 2.x, xi6.

New Bern, North Carolina, established,
105; Indian massacre at, 107; settlers of,
petition for lands, no; settle on
frontier, no; also see North Carolina;
and Graffenried, Christoph.

New Discourse on Trade, the, in.

New England, frontier of, encroached
upon by French, 118; instructions for

INDEX

production of naval stores in, 12.3;
production of naval stores in, 119, irL,
171; proposal to send soldiers to, to
manufacture naval stores, 171; recom-
mended as source of naval stores, 117,
118.
New Hampshire, inhabitants of, urged

to sow hemp, 117.
New Jersey, cheap lands in, 2.12.; Pala-
tines in, 189, also see Appendix F, 2.91.
New York, authorities of, decide to ad-
vertise N. Y. in the Germanies, 2.17;
census of, 148; compromise in, between
governor and assembly, 185, 114; debts
of, paid, 186; dispute in, between
governor and assembly, 185; distribu-
tion of pitch pine in, 154, 178 ff.;
exports of, value compared with ex-
ports of Barbados, 133; "extravagant
grants" of land in, made, 138, referred
to, 154, 156, 2.00, vacated by act of
colonial government, 138, repealed,
138, vacating act approved in England,
138, 139, repealing act disallowed, 139,
threat to N. Y. landed aristocracy, 139,
140, xi3; finances of colonial govern-
ment of, 41; frontier of, needs protec-
tion, 38, 119, 131; method of securing
land-titles in, lyi; naval stores reported
on "extravagant grants" in, 139;
president of council of, notified of
Palatines to be sent to, ix8; resources
of, in naval stores, 115, 116, 118, 1x3;
settlement of soldiers in, suggested, to
manufacture naval stores, 119; also see
Land conditions in N. Y.
New York, Palatine immigration to,
(in 1708), proposed, 35; opposed, 35;
carried out, 39 ff. ; vacated "extrava-
gant grants" of land suggested for,
140; sail from England, 39.
(in 1710), suggested, 1x7; Sunderland
decides to send, to N. Y., 118;
authorization for, footnote on 118,
134; Hunter submits plan for settle-
ment of, 130, 131, 135 ff. ; contract
for Palatines drawn up, 130, 131, 135,
137, 138, 140, 141; Queen Anne
approves plan, 134; preparations for
settlement, 135 ff. ; lands suggested
for, 135, 139 ff., 140, 149 ff.; plan of
project, 137, 138, 141; time agreed
upon for grant of lands to Palatines,
138; vacated "extravagant grants"
suggested as site of settlement, 139
ff., 140, 149 ff.; selection of site, left
to Hunter, 140; fire-arms secured for,

135, 143; granting of lands gratis to
cause loss of fees, 143; ten ships
arranged for, to transport Palatines,
144; sailing of, delayed, 144 ff. ;
sailing date of, 144 ff.; leave from
Plymouth, 146; the voyage of, to
N. Y., 146, 147; arrival of, in N. Y.,
147; also see New York, Palatines in.
New York, Palatines in,

(1708 immigration — Kocherthal's
party), arrival of, 39; care of, 41, 42.;
discord among, 41; in want, 41, 43;
names of, 32., 38; also see Appendix
A, 2.43 ff.; Pietism of, charged and
denied, 41; settle Newburgh, on
Quassaick Creek, 40, 41; settlers
move from Newburgh, 116; also see
Kocherthal, Joshua.

(1710 immigration), arrival of, 147;
disturbs authorities, 148; children of,
apprenticed, 149; commissary ar-
rangements for, i6i, 163, 165, 166,
167, 168; cost of government settle-
ments of, 184; court established over,
164, dissension in, 165; declare
covenant not agreed contract, 164;
distribution of, in 1713 and in 1718,
195; encamped on Nutten Island
(Governor's Island), 148, condition
of, 148, 149; disarmed by Hunter,
164; dissatisfied with tar work, 174,
175; dissension among commissaries
of, 166; food supplied to, 160, 165,
169; great need of, 189, 190, 193, 195,
196, 197; grievances of, 149, 174, 188,
Z03, xo4, 2.18; hardiness of, 193, 196;
in debt to Robert Livingston, Sr.,
189; join in 1711 Canadian expedi-
tion, 173, 2.19; lack of supplies for,
161; lands purchased for, 156, 158,
Z05; listmasters of, 163; ministers
serving, 161, 162.; names of, see
Appendices E, 2.82. ff. and F, 191 ff.;
number of, remain in New York
City, 159; ordered to register destina-
tion, 188; rebellion of, 163, 164; re-
ligious bickering among, 161; selec-
tion of site for naval stores industry
of, 153 ff. ; selection of site for settle-
ment of, 149 ff. ; settle on and near
Livingston grant, 158, 189; settle-
ments of, along Hudson River, 158,
189; subsistence accounting for, 166,
167; subsistence of, stopped, 188;
suffering of, 189, 193; supplies given
to, 160, 165, criticized, 167, 168, 169;
tar work of, 175, 177, stopped, 188;

INDEX

3X5

threats necessary to secure labor of,
174; unskilled labor of, 177; vital
statistics of, i6z, 198; winter in
Albany and Schenectady, 191, 193;
also see Hunter, Colonel Robert.
New York, dispersal of Palatines in, from
Hudson River settlements, to Pa., 189;
to Tulpehocken district, 2.05 ff., names
of, Appendix G, 300 ff. ; to New Jersey,
settle in Hackensack, 130, names of,
Appendix F, 191; to various parts of
New York, to Livingston's lands, 189;
to Mohawk Valley, 2.04, Z05, 2.07 ff. ;
see Mohawk Valley; to New York
City, 189, names of, Appendix F, 2.91;
to Rhinebeck, 189; to Schoharie,
190, 193; see Schoharie Valley, Pala-
tines in.
Newburgh, Palatines at, 40, 41 ff., 115,

-Lie.

Newcastle, Duke of, 69.

Newfoundland fishery, 75.

Nichols, land grant of, criticized, 156.

Nicholson, Colonel Francis, 42., 156,
footnote on 171.

Norris, Sir John, 12.8.

North Carolina, Graffenried purchases
lands in, 100; terms of, 100, 101; inter-
est of Graffenried in Palatines as set-
tlers in, 100 ff.; Michel purchases land
in, 100; preparations for Palatine settle-
ment in, 101, ioz; proposals of Lords
Proprietors of, for settlement in, 62.,
98, terms offered, 62., 63, 99; subsidy to
promoters of Palatine settlements in,
100, 101.

North Carolina, Palatines in, arrive, 102.;
ask aid of N. C. council, no; condition
of, ioz, 104, no; consider moving to
Virginia or Maryland, 108; deserted by
Graffenried, 109; Graffenried's agree-
ment with, 105, 107; Indian massacre
of, 107; lose their lands, 109, no;
moved to frontier, no; petition Privy
Council Committee, no; settle New
Bern, 105; settlement of, involved in
local politics, 104, 105 ; also see Graffen-
ried; Carolina; and Palatine settle-
ments, proposed.

Northern War, the, 114.

Northey, Attorney-General, criticizes
N.Y. naturalization act, 114; suggests,
as alternative, confirmation of N. Y.
land-titles, 2.15.
Nova Scotia, proposal for conquest of,
12.4, 1Z5; proposal to settle Scots in,
12.4.

Nutten Island (now Governor's Island,
N. Y.), 148, footnote on 117.

Oath of allegiance, required by general
naturalization acts, 2.8, 2.15.

Ordnance, Board of, complains of loss of
Palatine supplies without reimburse-
ment by Parliament, 142.; estimates cost
of Palatine supplies, 141; issues tents
for Palatines, 67.

Order-in-council, authorizing govern-
ment aid in settling of Palatines, 35.

Origin of plan for government project
to manufacture naval stores, 114 ff.,

133-
Ormond, Duke of, see Butler, James.

Packet boat, used to transport Palatines,

57-

Palatine, as term, use of, footnote on 1.

Palatine Bridge, town of, 2.05.

Palatine court, Hudson River settlements,
dissension in, 165; established, 164, 174.

Palatine emigration, anticipated, 50; at
Rotterdam, 50, 51, 53 ff. ; attempts to
halt, 53, 58 ff.; causes of, Chapter I,
summarized, 31; experiences of, 33, 47;
forbidden by the Elector Palatine, 53;
large number of children among, 57;
names of, see Appendices A, 2.43 ff.,
B, 144 ff., C, 2.48 ff., D, Z74 ff. ; need of,
great, 5Z, 56, 57, 63; preparations of,
47; size of, 1, 7, 32., 38, 65, 66; source
of, 1, z.

Palatine fever, 147.

Palatine immigration, to England, ap-
proved by Queen Anne, 5Z; arranged by
Dayrolle, 53 ff. ; attempts to halt, 56,
58 ff. ; authorized by Marlborough, 54;
authorized by Secretary of State Boyle,
55; condemned by House of Commons,
183; expected, 56, 7Z; expenditures by
British government for, 183; forbidden
by British authorities, 68; investigated
by Parliament, i8z, 183; landing of,
not to be prevented, but no aid to be
given, 63; names of, Appendices B,
Z44 ff . , C, Z48 ff . , D, Z74 ff . ; not planned
for, by British authorities, Z9, 80, 100;
numbers of, 65, 66; papists in, returned,
63, 66, 78, 79, for list of names, see
Appendix D, Z74 ff.; precedents for, Z9;
sail at own expense, 6z, 64, 66; also see
Dayrolle; England, Palatines in; and
Palatine settlements, proposals for.

316

INDEX

Palatine settlements, made in, Ireland
(Limerick County), 88 ff., 91, 91, also
see Ireland, Palatines in; Jamaica, 77,
78, also see Jamaica; New York, at
Newburgh, 40, 41, Z15, 2.16; in Mo-
hawk Valley, 105, 2.07 ff., see Mohawk
Valley; in Schoharie Valley, Z35, see
intro. to Appendix F, 2.91 ff., also
Schoharie Valley, Palatines in; North
Carolina, 105, see North Carolina,
Palatines in; Pennsylvania, Z05 ff., see
Pennsylvania; West Indies, 77, see
West Indies.

Palatine settlements, proposals for, in
Antigua, 35; Canary Islands, 74;
Carolina, 12., 14, 18, 19, 98, 100; En-
gland, 73, 75, 76; Ireland, 8z ff.;
Jamaica, 35, 77, 12.7; New York, 35,
12.7, iz8; Pennsylvania, iz, 14; Rio de
la Plata, 74; Scilly Islands, 76; South
America, 74; Wales, 75; West Indies,

34>.75»77- .
Palatine (Herkimer), town or, 105, 109;

attacked by French and Indians, 2.10.

Papists, see Catholics.

Parke, Colonel Daniel, Governor of
Leeward Islands, proposes settlement
of Palatines, 75; proposes settlement of

ScOtS, Z9.

Parliament, British, bill presented to, for
establishment of independent support
for N. Y. government, 185; bill
presented to, for reimbursement of
Palatine debt due to Hunter, 186;
investigates Palatine immigration, 14,
182., 183; passes general naturalization
act, 2.7; repeals general naturalization
act, footnote on 183.

Partridge, William, 117, 1Z5.

Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 31.

Pavia, Francisco, aided, 30.

Penn, John, zio.

Penn, William, founder of Pennsylvania,
author of a general naturalization bill,
2.7; continues advertising of Pennsyl-
vania, 11, zo ff. ; contracts with Michel
for Swiss settlers, 99; fails to make a
proposal for settlement of the Palatines,
80; imprisoned for debt, 80; liberal
government and civil rights in Pa.
promised by, zo; negotiates for sale of
Pa., 80; visits Germany and advertises
Pa., 19.

Pennsylvania, advertising of, for colon-
ists, iz, zo, zi6 ff. ; authorities of,
concerned about Palatine immigration,
2.07; considers restriction of German

immigration, zio; immigrants desire to
go to, 8, 12., 14, zo, 2.2., 2.10 ff., zi6 ff.,
2.2.7; German redemptioners arrive in,
zio; liberal offer of lands in, zo;
negotiations for sale of, 80; Palatines
move from N. Y. to, 189, Z05, zo6, Z07;
proposal to send Swiss Protestants to,
30; reasons for flow of German immi-
gration to, zio ff., zi6 ff., ZZ7.

Petrie, Johan Jost, zzo.

Phemey, Governor, of Nassau, 77.

Pietists, among Palatines in N. Y.,
charged, 4Z.

Pitch, see naval stores.

Pitch pine tree Qpinus rigida), absence of,
in Schoharie Valley, reported by
Bridger, 184; distribution of, in N. Y.,
154, 178, 180; presence of, in N. Y.,
reported by Bridger, 1Z3; protected by
parliamentary act, izi; soils favoring
growth of, 154, 180; white pine tree
mistaken for, charged, 178.

Plantation, capital and necessities for
establishing a small, 45.

Plymouth, Palatine fleet leaves England
at, 146.

Pollock, Colonel Thomas, aids Graffen-
ried, 108; secures lands assigned to
Palatines, 109, no; seizes property of
Graffenried for debt, 108.

Pollock, Cullen, no.

Population, mercantilist views on, in
England and Holland, z6.

Portsmouth, Palatine fleet touches at, 146.

Prejudice, English, against aliens, 71, 72..

Premium on naval stores, see Bounty, for
naval stores; and Naval stores.

Preparations, for Palatine settlements in
N. Y., 37, 135 ff.; in North Carolina,
101, ioz.

Preparations to leave Germany, 47.

Pricherbach, Polycarpus Michael, 18.

Prince George, of Denmark, royal consort
to Queen Anne, 8; death of, Z4.

Pringle, Mr., Sunderland's secretary, iz8.

Private companies, for securing naval
stores, proposed by merchants, 115,
izo; relied on by British government,
131, 13Z; working Palatines, proposed,
IZ5 ff.; working Scots, proposed, 1Z4.

Privy Council Committee for Plantation
Affairs, petitioned, orders Palatine
relief, no.

Proclamation, British Royal, printed in
German and distributed against further
immigration, 65; for relief of Palatines,
68.

INDEX

3J7

Protestant cause, in Europe and England,
zz ff. ; in Ireland, 8z, 83, 90; accession of
George I favors, 90.

>cuaynant, Indian, Conrad Weiser lives
with, 193.

Queen Anne of England, affected by
death of Prince George, her consort,
Z4; approves settlement of Palatines in
N. Y., 134; asked to send Palatines to
Ireland, 82.; authorizes Palatine trans-
portation to England at government
expense, 55, 183; death of, 108; favors
High Church party and Tories, i8z;
interested in Palatines, 9, 54, 72., 78;
interested in Protestant cause, 13, 2.4,
78; levies a public collection for Pala-
tines, 68, 69; petitioned by Kocherthal,
34; requests enlistment of Catholic
Palatines, 79; touched by Palatine
misery, 64.

"Queen Anne" musket, 90.

Quit-rents, N. Y. Attorney-General asks
salary out of, 143.

Randolph, Edward, Surveyor-General
of Customs in America, reports on
naval stores possibilities, 115.

Raynor,John, Attorney-General inN. Y.,

x43-

Redemptioners, German, arrive in Pa.,

zio.
Redemptioners, government (Palatine
immigration to N. Y.), terms of, 141,

Relief, given by British government to
Palatines, 35, 38, 68, 74, 183.

Religion, of Palatine immigrants, 7, 8, 9,
11, 35; Palatine families of mixed, 11.

Religious, conditions in 18th century
Germanies, 6 ff., 8 ff., 19; declaration of
toleration, in Palatinate, 9; issue in
English politics, 181, 182.; schism in
Switzerland, 99, 103.

Rensellaer, land grant of, criticized, 156.

Rhine River, z, 33; journey down, 47.

Rio de la Plata, 74.

Riots against the Palatines in London, 71.

Ritter, George, iz, 30, 103, 104.

Robinson, John, British Envoy at Stock-
holm, 114.

Roman Catholics, see Catholics.

Romers, Peter Willemse, 149.

Rotterdam, authorities of, give aid to
emigrants, 34, 5Z; Palatines arrive in,

33> 5°> 51. 53» 55. 56» 58> 59> 6°> 63>

Palatines shipped at expense of, 60, 64;
tries to stop emigration of Palatines,
61.

Royal chapel in St. James Palace,
Lutheran, 8, Z4.

Ruger, John Philips, 148.

Rum, supplied to Palatines in N. Y.,
160, 175.

Ruperti, Rev. George Andrew, minister
of St. Mary's German Lutheran Church
in the Savoy, 8; takes charge of Pala-
tines for Board of Trade, 73.

Sackett, Richard, placed in charge of
tar-production, 173, 174, 175, 177; tar-
making method of, compared with
Muscovy method, 176, 177, unpro-
ductive, 177, reasons for failure of,
177 ff. ; referred to, 164, 166, 173.

St. John, Henry, 1st Viscount Boling-
broke, British Secretary of State, 184.

Sauer, Christopher, zi6.

Schuneman, Herman, 38, 164.

Scilly Islands, preparations to settle
Palatines in, 76; proposal to settle
Palatines in, 76, project cancelled, 76.

Schaeffer, Gerhart, recommendation of,
47; Bible of, footnote on 9.

Scheff, William, sent as deputy to En-
gland by Schoharie Palatines, Z04.

Schenectady, Palatines stop over in, 190,
19Z, 193, 196.

Schoharie Valley lands, Bridger reports
on, 153; claimed by Indians, 15Z; gift
of, by Indians, 15Z, 153; grant of, to
Albany Partners, zoi, zoz, ziz; legend
of Indian gift of, 150 ff. ; obstacles to,
as site for naval stores project, 140, 153;
Palatines move to, 190, 193; opposed
by Hunter, 190, 193, 199, zoo; Pala-
tines send deputies to purchase, 190;
parted with, by Indians on three
occasions, 190; suggested, for Palatine
settlement, 140, 149 ff.

Schoharie Valley, Palatines in, chal-
lenged to lease or vacate, zoz; charity
received by, 193, 196; come to terms,
not carried out, Z03; confer with
Hunter, Z03; deputies of, sent to En-
gland, Z04, disagree among themselves,
Z04, sail for home disappointed, Z04;
do not intermarry with Indians, Z19;
Hunter's hostility to, 190, 193, 199,
zoo; move to Mohawk Valley, Z05;
move to Pennsylvania, Z05, zo6; names
of, see Appendix F, Z91 ff.; need of,
190, 193, 195, 196; pioneer life of, 195

3i8

INDEX

ff. ; push frontier westward, Z05, 119;
relations of, with Indians, zi8, 119;
report of Weiser and others sent to
England by, Z04; resentment of, as
cause of German immigration to Pa.,
2.10 ff., 2.17, zi8; strengthen frontier,
199; take leases from Albany Partners,
105; the first year of the, 193, 195, 196;
villages of, 193, 195, also see intro. to
Appendix F, 2.91; violence of, against
Bayard, 2.01, against sheriff Adams,
103, against Vrooman, zoz; warrant
issued for arrest of Weiser among, 2.01.

Schuyler, Peter, Mayor of Albany, 150.

Scots, proposal to settle a colony of, X9,

I2-4> J33-

Senecas, supposed to be in French inter-
est, 132..

Seven Partners, receive patent for Scho-
harie lands, zoi, zoz, ziz.

Ship-fever, 147.

Simmendinger, Ulrich, iz, 2.0, also see
intro. to Appendix F, 191.

Smallpox, 7~l.

Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts, employs Rev. Haeger
to serve Palatines, 161; interested in
assimilation of the Palatines, 143;
receives report from Haeger, 161, 189;
seeks a minister for the Palatines, 141;
also see Chamberlayne, John.

Society of London for Mines Royal, 75.

Sour crout (sauer kraut), 91, 94.

South Carolina, French Huguenots sent
to, Z9.

Southwell, Sir Thomas, 88.

Spencer, Charles, Earl of Sunderland,
British Secretary of State, approves re-
quest for Palatine contract, 130, 131;
approves Scilly Islands settlement pro-
posal, 76; blamed for Palatine immigra-
tion, 183; dismissed as Secretary of
State, 184; informs President of N. Y.
Council of intended Palatine immigra-
tion, iz8; orders Board of Trade in
constant attendance, 79; orders Board
of Trade to report on needs of Palatines,
73, 74; orders Board of Trade to submit
a Palatine covenant, 140; orders in-
vestigation of continued transporta-
tion, 64; orders three thousand Pala-
tines sent to N. Y., 46, 12.8; probably
receives Halifax's plan for Palatine
settlement, 115; refers Hunter's pro-
posal for naval stores project to Board
of Trade, 12.8 ff.; refuses Palatine peti-
tion for transportation to England, 64;

requests Marlborough to speed Pala-
tine ordnance estimates, 141; sends
Hunter's additional instructions con-
cerning government project, 144; sends
Queen's approval of Palatine naval
stores project in N. Y., 134; son-in-law
of Marlborough, 51, 14Z.

Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, Gover-
nor of Virginia, 104, 109, 178.

States General, of Holland, asked to stop
transportation of Palatines, 61; atti-
tude of, on population, z6; passes
naturalization act, 50, 61; tries to halt
Palatine emigration, 61.

Sternbergh, Lambert, sows first wheat in
Schoharie Valley, 196.

Stockholm Tar Company, discriminates
against the Dutch, nz, against the
English, 114; early history of, in, in,
114; English protest terms offered by,
114.

Stone Arabia Patent, Z05.

Subsidies, paid by government to Pala-
tines in Ireland, 83, 87, 88, 90.

Subsistence, granted to Palatines by
British government, 35, 54, 55, 57, 136,
166 ff., 184, 185, 188.

Subsistence lists of Palatines in N. Y.
naval stores project, Appendix E,
z8zff.

Suderman, John, footnote on 54.

Sunderland, Earl of, see Spencer, Charles.

Sunderland, Yorkshire, Palatines sent
to, 75; run away, 77, 78.

Susquehanna River, zo6, 2.10.

Swatara Creek, 2.05, zo6.

Swedish monopoly, of naval stores, 111;
Board of Trade report on, 12.1; conduct
of, in ff.

Swedish Tar Company, see Stockholm
Tar Company.

Swedish tariff on English woolens, 113.

Sweet, Mr., 55, 183.

Swiss Protestants, proposal to settle, in
Pa. or Va., 30, 99; sent to Carolina,
101, 103; arrive, 104.

1 ar, see naval stores.
Tar-making, Finnish method, used, 117;
instruction in, given by Bridger, 113;
instructor of, to be provided, 12.3;
instructors of, for,N. Y. Palatines, 135,
136; Muscovy method, 176; Sackett's
method, used by Palatines, 176, 177,
unproductive, 177, supported by
Hunter, 177, criticized by Hunter, 186,

INDEX

3T9

187; supplies necessary for, 135, 136;
also see naval stores, production of.

Tare of flour barrels, 168.

Taxes, oppressive in Germanies, 5, 6.

Telner, Mr., 18.

Tents, necessary for N. Y. settlement of
Palatines, 135, 142.; supplied to Pala-
tines around London, 67.

Test and Abjuration Oath, required by
general naturalization act of N. Y.,
115.

Thuringia, High German Company of,
18.

Tilson, Mr., secretary to Lord Treasurer
Godolphin, 54, 55.

Tories, in power in England, condemn
Palatine immigration, 181, i8z, 183;
confer commission as Brigadier on
Hunter, 184.

Townshend, Charles, znd Viscount, 51;
asked aid for passage of Swiss through
Holland, 99; contributes to Palatine
charity, 57; favors transportation of
Palatines to England, 56, 60; responsi-
ble for government transportation of
Palatines, 183.

Trades of Palatine immigrants, 35, 36,

74-

Transports, army, to be used to send
Palatines to England, suggested, 51;
ordered, 52., 53, 56.

Transportation of Palatines by British
government, from Netherlands, to
England, arranged, 51 fF. ; authorized
by Secretary of State Boyle, 55; carried
out, 55 ff. ; considered in London as an
extended enterprise, 56; contracted for,
57; numbers of, 65, 66, for Embarkation
Lists, see Appendix C, Z48 fF.; stopped,
58, 59, 60; terms of, 54, 57.

Transportation of Palatines, from En-
gland, to Ireland, 8z; to N. Y., 39, 12.8,
143 ff"., costs compared, 143, demurrage
charges for, 144.

Transportation of Palatines, from New
York City, to Livingston Manor, 158.

Treasury, clerks of, refuse to honor
Hunter's bills of exchange, 181.

Tribbeko, Rev. John, chaplain to Prince
George, 8; funeral sermon of, for
Prince George, 14; takes charge of
Palatines for Board of Trade, 73.

"True Blues," in Ireland, 90.

Tulpehocken district, Pa., Palatines move
to, Z05, zo6, Z07.

Turner, Frederick Jackson, describes
character of "old frontier" of N. Y.
and Pa., zzo, 2.2.1; emphasizes impor-
tance of frontier in producing individu-
alism, zzi, zzz; points out democratic
influence of frontier, ZZ3; views of,
criticized, zzi fF., ZZ7.

Turrenne, vicomte de, Marshalof France, 3 .

Tynte, Edward, Governor of South
Carolina, 104, 105.

Typhus, 147, 148.

Van Gent, Jan, 53, 57, 61, 64.

van Kampen, John, Z07.

van Toren, Hendrik, 53, 57, 61, 64.

Vaudreuill, Marquis de, zzo.

Vine-dressers, among immigrants, 5, 74.

Vine-yards, planting of, in New York,

suggested by Kocherthal, 44.
Vrooman, Adam, zoz.

Walpole, Sir Robert, Secretary of War,

79-
Walrath, Gerhart, sent as deputy to

England by Schoharie Palatines, Z04.

War, devastation of, z, 3, 4; given as
cause of emigration, z, 34.

War of the League of Augsburg, 111;
efFect of, on price of naval stores, 116.

War of the Spanish Succession, 7, Z3,
51, in.

Ward, Margaret, last of the Palatines at
Newburgh, zi6.

Weiser, Conrad, son of John Conrad
Weiser, diary of, referred to 144, 150,
193, 199, Z05, Z07; lives with Indians,
193, zi8, Z19; moves to Tulpehocken
district, Pa., Z07.

Weiser, George Frederick, 149.

Weiser, John Conrad, attends conference
with Hunter, Z03; joins son Conrad in
Pa., Z07; negotiates for land in N. J.,
Z07; plans trip to England for appeal,
zoz; purchases land in Mohawk Valley,
Z09; referred to, z, 149, 193, 199; sent
to London for appeal against Palatine
eviction from Schoharie Valley, Z04;
warrant issued for arrest of, zoz.

Wenham, Colonel Thomas, 4Z, 43.

Wesley, John, 91.

West Canada Creek, Z09.

West Indies, proposal to settle Palatines
m» 75 > 77; settlement of Palatines made
in, 77.-

32.0

INDEX

Whigs, in England, favor Palatine im-
migration, 67, 69, 181.

Wharton, Thomas, Earl of, Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, 87.

White Pine Qpinus strobus), 178, 180.
Whitworth, Charles, British Resident in
Russia, 176.

William III, ascends English throne, 3,
Z3; encourages French Protestants to
come to England, 13; subsidizes mer-
chants to send immigrants, 19.

Winter of 1708-1709, 45.

Womelsdorf, Pa., 107.

Woolen interests, paramount in England,
in ff.

Wulfen, Godfrey, 164.

^eh, Magdalena, leads
sheriff, 2.03.

Zenger, John Peter, 149.

mob against

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA

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