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At a period like the present, when we are involved 
in a contest with Russia, and when all information 
bearing on that country is caught up with avidity, 
to present to the public a translation of Dr. Hamel's 
valuable work may not be deemed a superfluous task ; 
for, although his historical and descriptive sketches 
are somewhat loosely scattered through its pages, 
they possess the advantage of coming from the pen 
of a Russian who unwittingly discloses to our gene- 
ration much of the aggressive and barbarous policy 
by which the rulers of his country were actuated 
even at the early period to which this Work prin- 
cipally relates. 

Moreover now that, notwithstanding the great 
scarcity of books hitherto published having reference 
to that vast empire, our information with regard to 
its present resources is gradually becoming more 
correct, and we are made aware of their importance, 
it is curious to observe, in Dr. Hamel's notices, 
how very insignificant they must have been at that 
time; for we find that, in spite of Russia's would-be 
aggrandisement, she was subjected to repeated dis- 

A 2 


asters, owing to her inability to defend herself eifec- 
tually cither against the Poles on the one side, or 
against the Tartars on the other, whilst at the same 
period she ^vas oppressing the Fins, Samoiedes, and 
other tribes, who were destitute of the means and 
were too few in number to oppose her. 

But before proceeding any further with the deduc- 
tions to which a perusal of the Work itself naturally 
leads, we will mention what knowledge we possess of 
the author, and ascertain how he became acquainted 
with the facts he adduces, and what reliance can be 
placed on his statements. Unfortunately that know- 
ledge is not very extensive ; for we are merely 
informed that Dr. Hamel came to England in the 
train of the Emperor Alexander in 1814, and that 
with so good an introduction, and his already acquired 
reputation for learning and science, he found no diffi- 
culty then and in succeeding years in obtaining 
access to many of our public establishments, and, 
more especially with reference to this Work, to the 
Bodleian Library and the Ashmolean Museum at 
Oxford. There he diligently applied himself to de- 
cipher the MSS. containing accounts of the early 
naval and commercial intercourse between the two 
countries, a task in which he was eminently suc- 
cessful, as will be seen by the following pages, 
where much is brought to light that is interesting, 
not only from its relation to the voyages of the 
northern navigators of those days, and, as already 
mentioned, to the history of Russia, but to that of 
England herself. So far as regards his sketches of 


his own country, he was also in a great measure 
favoured by his position, which enabled him to have 
recourse to the archives at St. Petersburg and Mos- 
cow, for he was (and probably still is) a Privy Coun- 
cillor, and a Member of the Imperial Academy of 

One of the most striking points in the whole Work 
is to be found in the first page, where the author 
recommends, that in order to commemorate the long 
duration of amicable intercourse between England 
and Russia, which at the time he wrote (1846) had 
existed uninterruptedly for nearly three centuries, 
there should be a jubilee in 1853, when that period 
would be completed, and which, owing to a curious 
coincidence, proved to be the very year in which 
diplomatic relations ceased between the two countries, 
followed by the war in which we are at present en- 
gaged. Unfortunately, then. Dr. Hamel's amicable 
idea has been frustrated by events which must have 
inflicted much pain on a mind imbued with such 
friendly feelings towards the English. 

What will also strike the reader is the elaborate 
minuteness with which he has sought out and given 
the genealogy, with all its ramifications, of the 
families, not only of the leaders, but even of the 
abettors, of the early voyages of discovery to the 
North, and more especially that of Sir Hugh Wil- 
loughby, the chief of the first expedition which 
reached Russia from our shores, and who, with the 
crews of two vessels, perished miserably, being frozen 
to death, in the winter of 1553-51. To those devoted 


to studies of this nature, the details he gives will 
doubtless prove highly interesting, and possibly 
throw \vA\t on circumstances connected with the 
ancestry of some of our aristocracy which were pre- 
viously either obscure, or not known to the mass 
of readers. 

In his recapitulation of voyages in the Arctic 
Ocean, there are likewise several statements which 
deserve notice, particularly that James Bisbrown, 
commanding a vessel Hamel does not name, but 
sailing out of Liverpool in 17 C)5j reached the extra- 
ordinary latitude of 83° 40', and then saw open sea 
before him towards the north, whilst, at the same 
time, the weather was mild and genial. Might not 
this circumstance, corroborated as it has been by our 
later discoveries, lead us still to hope that Franklin, 
or, at all events, many of his brave companions, may 
survive and be restored to us ? 

As other subjects interesting to the public, and 
especially to the mercantile community, w^e may 
allude to the details Hamel gives of the establishment 
of English factories in Russia ; the nature of the 
cargoes we at first shipped to that country, and of 
those we received in return ; the mode of bartering, 
and the value of English and Russian commodities 
at that early epoch of our commercial intercourse, and 
the reception given by us to the first Russian am- 
bassadors — all information derived from the before- 
mentioned MSS., which for so long an interval had 
remained unnoticed, and of which Dr. Hamel has so 
industriously availed himself. 


Of Tradescant, the elder, no mention is made 
until towards the close of the first section, and to 
him Hamel justly ascribes the merit of establishing 
the first museum in England, which now incorrectly 
goes by the name of the Ashraolean, so called from 
Ashmole, to whom Tradescant, the younger, be- 
queathed it, but the contents of which were collected 
by the former indefatigable naturalist and botanist, 
whose descriptions will doubtless prove acceptable to 
the scientific of the present day. 

London, 5th June, 1854. 



Arrival of Sir Hugh "Willoughby and Eichard Chancellor 
at the Mouth of the Dwina in 1553 .... 1 


Early Russian Voyages — Intercourse between Russia and 
"Western Europe ........ 32 


Melancholy end of Sir Hugh "Willoughby — Chancellor's 
Visit to Moscow . . . . . . . . 86 


Establishment of the Russia Company — Chancellor's Se- 
cond Expedition • . . 108 


ShipwTcck and Death of Chancellor — Escape of the Russian 
Ambassador, Nepeja, and his Arrival in England . . 142 


Voyage of Anthony Jenkinson — Raphael Barberini in 
Russia, with a Letter of Queen Elizabeth to the Czar 
Ivan Vassilovitch 158 





Eia-st Arrivui of Kussian Merchants iu Loudon — Their 
Eeception by Queen Elizabeth — The Czar Ivan Vassi- 
lovitch's ProiDOsal of Marriage to the Queen — New 
Charter Granted to the Eussia Company . . . 181 


Treachery and Punishment of Doctor Bomel — Dissatis- 
faction of the Czar at the Conduct of the Enghsh — 
Suspension of the Eussia Company's Charter — Moscow 
Burnt by the Tartars — English House in the Varvarka 
Destroyed — Eobert Best and Anthony Jenkinson Dis- 
patched from England with Letters to the Czar . . 201 


Negotiations of Daniel Sylvester — Freedom of Trade Ee- 
stored to the Eussia Company — English Depot at Eose 
Island 220 


Voyage of Tradescant — Memoir of Tradescant — His Col- 
lection of Varieties — Discovery of a MS. by Tradescant, 
a narrative of his voyage to Archangel .... 243 


Tradescant's Description of Life in Eussia — Forests — 
Flowers — Dress — Origiu of the English Whale Fishery 
— His Voyage Home 269 


Geographical Discoveries promoted by Members of the 
Eussia Company— Sir Francis Cherry and others . . 299 



Expeditions of the Russia Company from 1612 — Their 
Utility in the Advancement of Science . . . 325 


Companions of Tradescant in his Voyage to Archangel — 
Sir John Merrick — Sir Thomas Smith — Sir Dudley 
Digges — Dr. Eichard James — Captain David Gilbert — 
Captain Eobert Carr — Jessy de Quester . . 374 







As it is my purpose to describe the visit made to 
Archangel in the year 1618 by the great English 
naturalist, John Tradescant, it may be as well to cast 
a glance, by way of introduction, on the first arrival 
of the English at the mouth of the Dwina. 

Nearly three hundred years have now elapsed since 
England there greeted Muscovy. So great have been 
the benefits to trade, the arts, and industry in general, 
arising from the friendly relations between England 
and Russia, which, in 1853, completed the third cen- 
tury of their continuance, that one might have expected 
to see this period closed, in both countries, with a 
jubilee to commemorate so remarkable an example of 
uninterrupted amicable intercourse between nations. 



On the 24th of August, in the year 1553, the 
ship Edward Bonaventure cast anchor on the 
southern shore of the White Sea, in front of the 
settlement " Possad " of Nenocksa, not far from the 
Korelian mouth of the Dwina. Richard Chancellor 
was chief in command of this vessel, and Stephen 
Burrough, ever memorable in the history of navigation 
(as was also his assistant, John Buckland), was sailing- 

The arrival of this English ship on the Russian coast 
was merely accidental, for her real destination was 
China and India, The recent voyages round the globe, 
which had been attended with remarkable geographical 
discoveries, had led to the present expedition, so that 
this landing near Nenocksa was connected with the 
most important epoch in the history of navigation. 

Lisbon, owing to the conquests made by the Portu- 
guese in Western Africa in the last quarter of the 
fifteenth century, and the acquisition of a part of India 
after Vasco de Gama's voyage, had become a second 
Venice. Spain, through the discovery by Columbus of 
the southern portion of the New World which had fallen 
to her share, was accumulating countless riches at Cadiz 
and Seville. These acquisitions, as is well known, 
England had allowed to escape her, and was now 
obliged to content herself with the commercial advan- 
tages of minor importance, which had fallen to her 
share through the discovery by Cabot, of the northern 
portion of the new Continent. 

England's maritime trade was thereby comparatively 
restricted, although many an obstacle to its extension 


had already been removed. The Hanseatic League 
sought to maintain its old and odious monopoly, al- 
though in 1505 an English corporation of merchant 
adventurers had likewise been established for trading 
to the Netherlands, where Antwerp occupied tlie first 
place among the commercial towns of Euro])e. But in 
1551 a serious inquiry was instituted into the com- 
plaints incessantly made against the Hanseatic League, 
in consequence of which the Steelyard was at length 
deprived of its unreasonable privileges. Thus were 
loosened the strong fetters by which commercial sjjecu- 
lation in England had been cramped, and London mer- 
chants were tempted to imitate the examples of Portugal 
and Spain, and seek new i)aths for commerce on the 
sea. It was a favourable circumstance that at that time 
Sebastian Cabot, who belonged to that period of great 
discoveries, was still living in England, and could op- 
portunely impart the experience which he had acquired 
in the course of half a century. When only twenty years 
of age he had already (in 1497) made the memorable 
voyage in the ship Matthew belonging to his native 
city of Bristol, during which, on the 24th June, North 
America was discovered. 

His father, Giovanni Cabot or Caboto, was a Ve- 
netian, but Sebastian, as already stated, was born at 
Bristol, in the year 1477 ; and, when barely four years 
old, he was taken by his father to Venice, where he re- 
mained some time. The Royal Letters Patent issued 
by Henry the Seventh for the discovery of a North- 
West passage, through which EiUrope was made 
aware of the existence of North America, were made 

B 2 


out on the 5tl) of March, 1496, in the names of Gio- 
vanni, and his three sons. Ferdinand the Second, King 
of Arragon, wrote in 1512 to Lord Willoughby, Baron 
de Broke, who was then in Arragon with the English 
troops sent thither in fulfihrient of the terms of the 
alliance against France, to invite Sebastian Cabot to 
come to him from England. This was done, and Cabot 
entered into Ferdinand's service, but returned to Eng- 
land after the death of the latter in 1516. To record 
all that he had performed there up to 1518, and what he 
had done in Spain, as well as the voyages undertaken 
by him, would lead us too far from our subject. Never- 
theless we may observe, that after his return to England 
for the last time, in 1548, the Emperor Charles the 
Fifth requested Edward the Sixth, through Sir Thomas 
Cheyne, who, as a reward for his valour in the defence 
of Boulogne, had been named ambassador to Spain, 
to send Cabot back, as he, the Emperor, much re- 
quired his services, (Cabot indeed received a pension 
from him,) whilst he would be of less use to England 
in the naval expeditions which she was then fitting out. 
Notwithstanding this invitation, Cabot remained in his 
own country, where the Court, as well as the speculat- 
ing mercantile public, knew well how to appreciate his 
services. He received a pension in the year 1549, and 
in 1551 a present of money; and an effort was made 
to turn to account his extensive knowledge of naval 

For a long time he had entertained the opinion, 
already plainly expressed by Robert Thorne at Bristol 
in 1527, that India and China, (at that time Cathay, 


and still called by the Russians Kitai,) might be reached 
from England by sailing northward round Norway, and 
finding a strait similar to that of Magellan, in order to 
compete with Portugal and Spain by this route. This 
project he imparted to several of the merchant adven- 
turers in London, who, in connection with sundry other 
persons, formed a company by the allotment of shares, 
appointed Cabot, the promoter of the scheme, to be 
Director thereof, and determined on making an experi- 
ment. This company received the name of " The Mys- 
tery, Company, and Fellowship of Merchant Adven- 
turers for the Discovery of unknown Lands, &c." 

In 1552 and 1553 three ships were fitted out in the 
most careful manner : the Bona Esperanza of 120, 
the Edward Bona venture of 160, and the Bona Confi- 
dentia of 90 tons ; and each vessel had a pinnace and 
a boat. As Cabot was too old himself to take the 
command of the expedition, it was confided to another, 
he, nevertheless, drawing out the plan of operations for 
the voyage. Sir Hugh Willoughby was appointed chief, 
and Richard Chancellor second leader. 

Here the question naturally suggests itself — Who 
were these persons, hitherto unknown as Navigators? 
And how happened it, that the command of so import- 
ant a maritime undertaking was confided to them ? 

In the account of the Expedition compiled by Cle- 
ment Adams, Governor of the King's Pages, from the 
communications made to him by Chancellor, the only 
mention made of Sir Hugh Willoughby is, that he was 
a man of good birth (" vir strenuus non obscuro loco 
natus"), well-known on account of his military merit, 


("ob singularem in re bellica industriam"), and distin- 
guished by a stately and imposing exterior (" ob cor- 
poris formam ; erat enini procerse staturse"). Let us 
endeavour to obtain a better insight into the history 
of so interesting a person. 

The first recorded ancestor of Sir Hugh Willoughby 
was, at the end of the thirteenth century, settled 
at Willoughby upon the Would, on the southern 
boundary of the county of Nottingham. At that time 
another Willoughby (it was written then Willegby, 
Willoweby,) had already, through his marriage with 
an heiress of the old house of Bee, in the neigh- 
bouring county of Lincoln, received the title of Baron 
d'Eresby, whose family still exists, and since 1828 
has been represented by Peter Robert (Drummond) 
Burrell. From this stem, likewise, sprung two other 
families with the title of Baron : in 1492 that of 
Broke, and in 1547 that of Parham, which became 
extinct in 1779. 

Although Sir Hugh's ancestors, the descendants of 
the Nottinghamshire Willoughby, did not rise quite 
so suddenly to distinction, still we find them as early 
as the year 1320 in possession of the estate of Wol- 
laton, four miles west of the town of Nottingham, 
and soon afterwards holding that of Risley, not far 
distant, although in Derbyshire. At a later period 
they came into possession of Middleton, in Warwick- 
shire, as well as of other property. 

The name of Sir Hugh's father was Henry. 
Through his prowess in battle, he had won not only 
the honour of knighthood, but likewise the title of 


Banneret. The first he received after the victory, 
which, on the 16th of June, 1487, he assisted in 
gaining, in presence of King Henry the Seventh, over 
the Dutch and Irish troops which had been assembled in 
favour of the Pretender Lambert Simnel. This battle 
was fought in Nottinghamshire, not far from the Wol- 
laton estate, at East Stoke to the south of Newark- 
upon-Trent. He became a Banneret on the 17th of June, 
1497, in consequence of the valiant conduct by which 
he distinguished himself in the fight on Blackheath 
Common, near London, where the rebels from Corn- 
wall were defeated. He died on the 7th of May, 
1528, and was buried in Wollaton Church. Sir 
Henry married four times. By his first wife he 
had two sons, John and Edward: the second and 
fourth died childless ; the third was the mother of 
Sir Hugh referred to in our narrative. 

The eldest son, John, the offspring of Sir Henry's 
first marriage with Margaret Markham, a daughter of 
Sir Robert Markham, of Coatham, in Nottinghamshire, 
was knighted in the year 1533, on the occasion of the 
coronation of Ann Boleyn, Henry the Eighth's second 
consort. He married Anne Grey, eldest daughter of 
Baron Edward Grey, Viscount de Lisle, and died in 
1547, leaving no children. 

The elder brother of the Viscount de Lisle, Baron 
John Grey, who was slain in 1460, in the battle of St. 
Alban's, was the first husband of the beautiful Eliza- 
beth Woodville, whose charms, even when she w^as a 
widow, had sufficient power to enthral King Edward 
the Fourth. She became Queen in 1464, and was the 


motlier of King Edward the Fifth and of Henry the 
Seventh's queen consort. In consequence of this 
marriage, the family of the Barons Grey (of Groby) 
acquired considerable power ; but it was also the cause 
of a bloody Avar, and of all the great events which took 
place in 1469 and the following years. The son of this 
Elizabeth, Thomas Grey, was at first Earl of Hun- 
tingdon, and afterwards Marquis of Dorset. 

Edward, the younger, brother of John Willoughby, 
whose line, at John's death, came into possession of 
the property, married Ann Filliol, eldest daughter of 
Sir William Filliol, of Woodlands, in Dorsetshire, and 
co-heiress of his great wealth. The younger sister, 
Catherine Filliol, was the first wife of Edward Sey- 
mour, afterwards (in 1547) Duke of Somerset. Anne 
Filliol had one son by Edward Willoughby, named 
Henry. After her first husband's death, she married 
Lord St. John, one of the sixteen statesmen named by 
Henry the Eighth, in his will, to form the Regency 
during the minority of his son Edward. 

This Henry Willoughby, named above, took to wife 
Anne Grey, one of the daughters of Thomas Grey, 
second Marquis of Dorset. He was the son of the 
Thomas Grey before mentioned. The brother of 
this Anne Willoughby contracted a matrimonial al- 
liance still more elevated than had fallen to his lot 
through his descent, for his second wife, Frances Bran- 
don, was the niece of the reigning king. As she was 
left the only child and heiress of Charles Brandon, 
Duke of Suffolk, by his third marriage with Mary 
Tudor, widow of King Louis the Twelfth, and sister 



of Henry the Eighth, he (in 1551) obtained the ducal 
title of Suffolk. The eldest daughter, by Grey's mar- 
riage with Frances Brandon, was that memorable 
lady Jane Grey, whom Roger Ascham, in 1550, when 
she was thirteen years old, surprised at their country 
house, at Broadgate, with Plato in her hand, whilst 
the family were amusing themselves out of doors, and 
who, three years later (in 1553), was, against her 
wishes, called for a short time Queen of England, after 
she had married Lord Guildford Dudley, a son of John 
Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, who became Duke in 
1551, was Earl of Warwick in 1547, Viscount de Lisle 
in 1542. A sister of the Lord Guildford Dudley, 
Catherine, married Henry Hastings, third Earl of 
Huntingdon, but had no children. Her consort was 
the son of Francis Hastings, second Earl of Hunting- 
don, and of Catherine Pole, eldest daughter of Henry 
Pole, Baron de Montacute, grandson of George Plan- 
tagenet, Duke of Clarence, and nephew of King 
Edward the Fourth. Henry Hastings had two re- 
maining sisters, who were considerably younger, Ann 
and Mary, whom I here name, because Queen Elizabeth 
proposed to the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, that he should 
marry one of these Ladies Hastings (probably Mary, 
the younger) when he showed an inclination to obtain 
the Queen's own hand. Henry Willoughby had by 
Ann Grey, two sons, Thomas and Francis. As for 
himself, he was slain at Norwich, which town he had 
entered with the troops assembled to disperse the 
powerful body of rebels led by Robert Ket, a tanner. 
The before-mentioned John Dudley, at that time 


Earl of Warwick, was chief in command when the 
victory was gained. 

The young Thomas Willoughby, after his father 
Henry's deatli in 1543, came into possession of Wol- 
laton besides other property. He was barely thirteen 
years old when his great uncle, Sir Hugh Willoughby, 
undertook the voyage to Cathay, in 1553. He had 
scarcely married Dorothy Paget, one of the daughters 
of the accomphshed diplomatist, Baron William Paget de 
Beaudessert, the ancestor of the late Marquis of An- 
glesey, when he died, in 1558, without issue. 

The estate descended to his younger brother Francis, 
at that time but eleven years old. At a later period, 
between 1580 and 1588, the latter built the house 
at Wollaton, which is one of the most beautiful archi- 
tectural monuments remaining of the Elizabethan age. 
The architect was Robert Smithson. Thorp, however, 
appears to have been consulted. The stone was quarried 
at Ancaster, in Lincolnshire, and it must have been ex- 
changed for pit coal ! 

Sir Francis Willoughby married Elizabeth Lyttelton, 
the eldest daughter of Sir John Lyttelton of Frankley, 
who bore him six dauditers. 


In addition to other property which Sir John Lyttel- 
ton acquired by purchase, was the beautiful country seat 
of Hagley Park, since mentioned by Pope in his Poems, 
which still belongs to his descendant. Lord Lyttelton, 
who resides there. 

I find that somewhat later, Francis Willoughby se- 
parated from his wife. Thirteen months before his death 
he contracted a second matrimonial alliance with the 


widow Dorothy Tamworth {nee Coleby), who managed to 
spend a great deal of his wealth, and, after Willoughby's 
death, became the spouse of Lord Philip Wharton. 

Sir Francis died in 1597. His eldest daughter, 
Bridget, who inherited Wollaton, and a great part of 
her father's wealth, married Percival Willoughby (who 
was knighted in 1603) of Bore Place, in Kent. They 
had one son, Francis. 

Thomas Willoughby, uncle both to the first William 
Willoughby d'Eresby, who, on the 1 7th of February, 
1547, was created Baron of Parham, and to the before- 
mentioned Charles Brandon, who after the death of 
the king's daughter, his third wife, took, as his fourth, 
Catherine Willoughby d'Eresby, was in 1539 appointed, 
by Henry the Eighth, Lord Chief Justice in the Court 
of Common Pleas. The above-mentioned Percival, w^ho 
married Bridget Willoughby, was his great uncle. 

Francis Willoughby, who was likewise knighted, 
married Cassandra Ridgway, the daughter of Thomas 
Ridgway, Earl of Londonderry. From this marriage 
sprang Francis Willoughby, well known to lovers of 
natural history as an ornithologist and ichthyologist. 
He spent his youth at Trinity College Cambridge, and 
there became a friend of John Wray (since 1669 
spelt Ray), the Linnaeus of his time, afterwards so 
famed as a botanist. The latter was eight years older 
than he, and superintended his studies, out of grati- 
tude for which Willoughby sujiplied him with ample 
resources for the study of nature and for travel- 
ling. From 1661 to 1666 they made several tours 
together as naturalists, both at home and abroad. 



They certainly visited together, when they came to 
London, Tradescant's Museum, as well as the gardens 
at South Lambeth. Wray tells us (in 167 G) that they 
there saw the stuffed Dodo. Wray found there like- 
wise the Puffin mentioned at page 8 of Tradescant's 
Catalogue {Anas Arctica clusii, Mormus ardicus seu 
Fratercula Arctica of the moderns), which is also to be 
met with in the Royal Society's collection (Grew's 
Museum Regalis Societatis, 1681, p. 72), of a larger 
size than the specimen described by Willoughby. 
They travelled abroad, from 1663 until 1666, in Hol- 
land, France, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Sicily, and 
Malta. Willoughby was likewise in Spain in 1664. 

At the formation of the Royal Society in the year 
1663, Francis Willoughby was immediately elected a 
Fellow, but Wray was not admitted to this honour 
until 1667. Willoughby, whose father died in 1665, 
resided at Middleton Hall, where he established a 
Museum of Natural History. In 1668 he married 
Emma Bernard, the daughter of Sir Henry Bernard. 
Wray took up his residence with him soon afterwards 
at Middleton Hall, where they made observations to- 
gether on the ascent of the sap in trees. In the 
year 1670 Wray dedicated his " Catalogus Plantarum 
Anglian" to his highly-respected friend and Maecenas, 
Francis Willoughby, The mother of the latter died in 

A few years subsequently to 1668, Willoughby was 
preparing to undertake a voyage to . America for the 
purposes of science, but died on the 3rd of July, 
1672, after appointing his friend Wray to take charge 


of the education of his two sons, Francis and Thomas, 
who were still very young. Wray on this account 
continued to reside at Middleton Hall. He there 
wrote, in 1672, as he says, for the use of his pupils, 
the eldest of whom, however, was barely four years old, 
his " Nomenclator Classicus of Animals and Plants," 
and then undertook the revision and publication of the 
" History of Birds," which Willoughby had left behind 
him. This Ornithology first came out in Latin in 
1676. Willoughby 's widow, Emma Bernard, disputed 
payment of the expenses, which were considerable on 
account of the seventy-seven copper plates. In the 
preface Wray dwells upon the excellent qualities of 
the heart and understanding which distinguished his 
departed friend and patron. The " Ichthyology" he 
commenced in 1684, audit apjDoared in 1686. Here 
I must incidentally remark that the zoologist wrote 
his name Willughby ; his father, and also his great- 
grandfather, had written it Wyllughby. The eldest 
son, Francis Willoughby, had not yet attained the age 
of seven years, when, in 1676 — probably as an acknow- 
ledgment of the scientific services of his father (the 
" Ornithology" had just appeared) — he w^as created a 
Baronet. He died in 1688 unmarried. 

His brother Thomas inherited the property and title. 
Wray dedicated to him in 1690 the first edition of 
his " Synopsis Methodica Stirpium Britannicarum." He 
exhorted him to follow the example of his excellent 
father in promoting the study of Natural History. This 
second baronet, Sir Thomas Willoughby, w^as, in 1693, 
elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. He was like- 


wise for several sessions a member of Parliament. In 
the year 1711 Queen Anne bestowed upon him the 
title of Baron as Lord Middleton of Middleton. He 
died in 1729. 

The present representative of the family, Digby 
Willoughby, who succeeded in 1835, is the seventh 
baron. Besides Wollaton House, which is so inter- 
esting in an architectural point of view, he is proprietor 
also of Middleton Hall. 

I now come to Sir Henry Willoughby's third son, 
Sir Hugh Willoughby, with whom we are more im- 
mediately concerned. His mother was Ellen Egerton, 
daughter and heiress of John Egerton, of Wrinehill, 
in Cheshire, who married the eldest daughter of Sir 
John Gresley. Who is not reminded by the name of 
Egerton, not only of the well-known Lord Chancellor 
Thomas, Baron of Ellesmere, afterwards Viscount de 
Brackley, but of Francis, third and last Duke of Bridge- 
water, who, with Brindley's assistance, laid the founda- 
tion of the inland navigation of England, and so essen- 
tially contributed by his canal to extend the industry 
of Manchester? 

His Majesty, our most gracious Emperor, on the 
21st of December, 1816 (2nd of January 1817, 
new style), stopped to examine this great and useful 
work, and went some distance on the Bridgewater 
Canal and into the Tunnel at Worsley, in order 
there to see the mode of obtaining pit coal. The ex- 
cellent writings of Buckland, WlieweH, Charles Bell, 
Roget, Kirby, Kidd, Chambers, and Front, demonstra- 
tive of the might, wisdom, and goodness of God, dis- 


played in the creation, will always bring to our recol- 
lection Henry Francis, Earl of Bridgewater, with 
whom this title died in 1829. * Wrinehall has since 
come into the possession of the family of Lord Grey 
de Wilton. The very old house of Gresley still has its 
representatives at Drakelow in Derbyshire. 

By what has been said of Hugh Willoughby's 
brother, we know that he had good connections at 
Court. He was one of the persons appointed to receive 
Ann of Cleves, in 1539-40, when Henry the Eighth 
sent to Flanders for her. He was also steward of the 
royal household. 

Had Hugh's brother Edward, like the elder, John, 
left no son, Hugh would have succeeded to the Wolla- 
ton, Middleton, and other estates ; but as Edward was 
succeeded by his son Henry, and the latter again by 
Thomas, Hugh was induced to embrace the military 
profession. Owing to the position of England at that 
time, when war was about to be declared against Scot- 
land, and afterwards against France, an opportunity was 
not wanting for him to acquire fame in thefield of honour. 

In 1542 an army was sent to Scotland, and soon af- 
terwards Mary Stuart was born. Henry the Eighth 
wished to secure possession of this Princess for his son 
Edward, at that time fifteen years old. As this union 

* lu addition, I may here remark that Lord Francis Leveson 
Grower, brother of the present (the second) Duke of Sutherland, 
G-eorge Granville, took the name of Egerton in 1833, because he 
inherited the whole of the great Bridgewater property. He as 
well as the Duke are great grandsons of Louisa Egerton, daughter 
of the first Duke of Bridgewater, and the latter, again, was gi-eat 
grandson to the first Earl of Bridgewater, whose wife was a 


was agreed to in Scotland in 1543, but immediately after- 
wards opposed by Cardinal Boatoun, the King of Eng- 
land sent a strong army there in 1544, under the Earl 
of Hertford, as Commander-in-chief. Hugh Willoughby 
accompanied this Scottish expedition. John Dudley, 
at that time Viscount de Lisle and Lord High Admiral 
of England, subsequently Earl of Warwick and at last 
Duke of Northumberland, received on board his pow- 
erful fleet, of about two hundred sail, anchored at the 
mouth of the Tyne, below Newcastle, the troops which 
had marched thither, and landed them in the Firth of 
Forth, at Granton and Newhaven, not far from Leith. 
This place, as well as Edinburgh, into which they forced 
an entrance through the Canongate, was taken, and, 
for the most part, burnt ; the environs were likewise 
laid waste. During the whole of this singular courtship, 
Hugh Willoughby distinguished himself so much that 
he was knighted at Leith on the 11th of May, by the 
Earl of Hertford, Commander-in-chief; and on this oc- 
casion a dragon was added to his ancient coat of arms. 
I need scarcely here observe that the Earl of Hert- 
ford was the same Edward Seymour whose marriage 
with Edward Willoughby's sister-in-law we have already 
mentioned. He was brother to Jane Seymour, Edward's 
mother ; obtained the honor of knighthood in 1553 ; and 
in 1536, when Henry the Eighth married his sister, was 

great-grand-daugliter of the before-mentioned Mary Brandon. 
Now (in June, 1846) Lord Francis Egerton lias been created 
Viscount Brackley, of Brackley, and Earl of Ellesmere. His 
Lordship, as is well fcaoTvn, assisted Agassiz in the publication 
of his work on the fossil fishes of the old red sandstone. 


created Viscount de Beau champ. At Edward's birth 
(in 1537) he became Earl of Hertford, afterwards Knight 
of the Garter, and then Lord Chamberlain. In 1544 
he was appointed to the chief command in the north ; 
for as at that time England had a frontier, a land-force 
was required, besides the " wooden walls " along the 
coast, for its defence. On the 6th of February, 1547, 
he knighted Edward the Sixth, his nephew, who had 
then just succeeded to the crown. This was his first act 
after taking into his hands the reins of government as 
Regent appointed in the will of Henry the Eighth. 
On the 10th of February he became Lord Treasurer, 
on the 16th Duke of Somerset, and on the I7th Lord 
Marshal of England, and received the title of Governor 
of His Majesty, Protector of the English Realm, and 
Lieutenant-General of the whole army. He had a 
palace built for himself, in the Strand, by an Italian ar- 
chitect, which edifice (Somerset House), renovated and 
much enlarged in 1775, is at present the focus of science 
in England. Here, since 1780, the Royal Society has 
held its meetings ; and here, since 1781, the Antiquarian, 
and at later periods the Astronomical, the Geological, 
and other learned societies, as well as the Senate of 
the London University, have assembled. Here are 
King's College, where Daniell taught Chemistry and 
Wheatston gave lectures on Natural Philosophy ; the 
free School of Design in the halls, where formerly were 
the public exhibitions of paintings ; and moreover a 
number of offices, partly occupied by the Naval Depart- 
ment, partly by that of Taxes, the Poor Law Commis- 
sion, &c., &c. Somerset's brother. Sir Thomas Seymour, 



who, together with Sir Hugh Willoug]il)y, went in 1539- 
1540 to receive Ann of Cleves, became, on the 16tli of 
February, 1547, Baron of Sudley and Lord High Ad- 
miral. He married the widowed Queen, Catherine Parr 
On his family escutcheon Sir Hugh Willoughby bore 
very old military blazonry, not often met with, three 
double (united by a thong at top) "water bougets," 
buckets formerly used to carry water on the back in 
camp, and which can still be seen in Lord Middleton's 
coat of arms. These water bougets, the ancestor 
of the family, then called Bugg, but who took the 
name of Willoughby from the places belonging to him, 
adopted in his escutcheon as far back as the thirteenth 

Sir Hugh Willoughby remained constant to liis mili- 
tary calling, and fought bravely in several campaigns. 
During the latter part of the hostilities with Scotland, 
under Somerset's administration, lie defended Fort Lew- 
der, so called by the Scots. This is the present Castle 
of Thirlestane, in Berwickshire, near the town of Lauder 
on the river Leader, from the vale of which Lord Lau- 
derdale, to whom Thirlestane likewise belongs, derived 
his title in 1624. This fortress, as well as the others 
then in the possession of the English, were assaulted 
and besieged by the Scotch and French, in 1549-1550, 
in the most fierce and obstinate manner. Broughty 
Castle, on the Firth of Tay, was taken on the 20th of 
February, 1550, and the whole of the English garrison 
put to the sword without mercy: but the valiant Sir Hugh 
was determined not to yield Fort Lowder, and the re- 
sources at his command for its defence were already so 


much exhausted, that all the pewter vessels in the place 
Ijad been cast into balls, when peace was concluded. 

Sir Hugh VVilloughby married Jane Strelly, a daugh- 
ter of Sir Nicholas Strelly, of Strelly, near Wollaton. 
We find him again in 1551 on the frontiers of England 
and Scotland, and likewise in the East marches, doing 
active military service. Sir Hugh had one son, Henry, 
whose name is met with in the accounts of Sir Francis 
Willoughby (the builder of Wollaton House) from 
1578, with a yearly allowance assigned to him of 
twenty pounds out of the Wollaton property. 

The ruin of Somerset, which commenced in 1549, 
and ended, at the beginning of 1552, with his execution 
(he had already removed from his path the High Ad- 
miral Baron de Sudley, who had intrigued against him), 
probably interfered with Sir Hugh Willoughby's fur- 
ther advancement in his military career. He never- 
theless retained the intimacy of some who held office 
under the Regency ; and it is deserving of remark, that 
they were especially persons, more or less connected 
with the naval department. 

The Duke of Northumberland succeeded Somerset 
in his high position in the Regency ; and, as we 
have seen, commanded in 1544, as Lord Admiral 
(he was then Viscount de Lisle), the fleet which con- 
veyed to Scotland the troops, amongst whom was Sir 
Hugh Willoughby. Edward Clinton (Baron of Clinton 
and Say), who returned from Boulogne in 1550, suc- 
ceeded the Baron de Sudley as Lord High Admiral of 
England, Ireland, and Wales, as well as of their de- 
pendencies and Islands ; of the city of Calais, and the 

c 2 



territory belonging to it; and of Normandy, Gascony, 
and Aquitaine. Witli this new naval commander, Sir 
Hugh was likewise acquainted, for they had both been 
knighted by the Earl of Hertford, on the same day. 
It was Lord Clinton, who in 1547, as Admiral of the 
North sea, took Broughty Castle, on the Firth of Tay, 
when Hertford won the battle of Pinkey. 

In King Edward the Sixth's autograph journal there 
is the following entry on the 4th of July, 1551 : "I was 
banketted by the L. Clinton at Deptford, where I saw 
the ships Primrose and Marie Willowby launched." 
The last must have been named after Mary Salines, 
who was the mother of Catherine Brandon, and she 
again the stepmother of Frances Grey. Mary Salines 
was by birth a Spaniard, and formed one of the court 
of Henry the Eighth's first consort, Catherine of Ar- 
ragon, through whose friendly interposition she became 
the wife of the rich William Willoughby, the last 
Baron d'Eresby of the original line. She presented him 
with a daughter; and this was the Catherine Wil- 
loughby, named after that Queen, whose personal 
charms, as well as considerable inheritance, induced 
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, to marry her (she 
being his fourth wife), after the death of the King's 
daughter, Mary Tudor ; whence she became the step- 
grandmother of Lady Jane Grey. The nephew of this 
Mary Willoughby, who received the name of William, 
after her husband, was the same on whom, on the 20th 
of February, 1547, the title of Baron of Parham was 
bestowed ; and his son married Margaret Clinton, 
the daughter of the Lord High Admiral. Catherine 


Willoiigliby, after the death of the Duke of Suffolk in 
1505, became the wife of Richard Bertu, to whose son 
Peregrine, the extinct title of Eresby was granted. 
Her two sons by the first marriage, Henry Duke of 
Suffolk, and Charles Brandon, both died within a few 
hours of each other, ten days after the naming of 
the ship after their grandmother, viz. on the 14th of 
July, 1551. 

We have seen that, in the year 1512, Lord Wil- 
loughby de Broke, in compliance with the wish ex- 
pressed by King Ferdinand, invited Cabot to enter 
into the service of Arragon. This Lord Willoughby's 
name was Robert, and he was the second, and at the 
same time the last. Baron de Broke of that line. His 
second wife was Dorothy Grey, the sister of Thomas 
Grey, second Marquis of Dorset, who at that time (in 
1512) was the Commander-in-Chief of the British 
Army in Arragon. We know further, that this Thomas 
Grey's daughter Ann, sister to Henry Grey, Duke of 
Suffolk, and also aunt of Lady Jane Grey, was the wife 
of Henry Willongliby, Sir Hugh's nephew. It may 
perhaps be as well here to observe, that Elizabeth 
Willouo'hbv, mother of the then Earl of Arundel, 
Henry Fitz-Alan, was a daughter of the before- 
mentioned Lord Willoughby de Broke, and that the 
Earl of Arundel married Catherine Grey, the elder 
sister of Ann Willoughby. Thus Cabot's introduction 
to Ferdinand, King of Arragon, was brought about by 
a relative of Sir Hugh Willoughby ; and, consequently, 
we may infer that this circumstance contributed to 
Cabot's appointing him to the command of the great 


North-Eastern Expedition to CatLay. To be connected 
with the Grey family was, indeed, at that time, a 
powerful recommendation. 

Cabot's proposal for a voyage of discovery fell under 
the cognizance of the Lord High Admiral, Lord 
Clinton ; and I find, from manuscript documents, that 
he expressed himself ready to issue the necessary orders 
for levying the seamen required. I also possess a copy of 
an unpublished letter, written, in the King's name, by 
which Sir Hugh was authorised to man and equip the 
three vessels, as well as to maintain the necessary 
discipline on board. 

Richard Chancellor was proposed as second in com- 
mand of the expedition by Sir Henry Sidney, father of 
the still better known Sir Philip Sidney. Henry Sidney 
was brought up with the young Prince Edward; for 
his father, Sir William Sidney, was Chamberlain and 
Steward of this Prince's Household. This led to his 
being appointed, when Edward became King, one of his 
four Privy Chamberlains; and he was most favored 
by his confidence. In the year 1550 he was knighted, 
and in 1552 married Northumberland's daughter, Mary 
Dudley, whose brother, Guildford Dudley, became in 
1553 Lady Jane Grey's husband. Sir Henry Sidney 
recommended Chancellor to the company as a man in 
the highest degree fitted for carrying out their purpose, 
and as one whom he knew most intimately from daily 
intercourse (" quotidiano convictu hominis ingenium 
penitus habeo perspectum et exploratum"). 

It appears that Richard Chancellor had already, at 
some earlier period, made a sea-voyage, although not as 



commander; for in the year 1551 he accompanied 
Captain Roger Bodenham in the barque Aucher, be- 
longing to Sir Anthony Aucher, which went to Chios 
and Candia with merchandise, leaving the Thames in 
November, 1550, though she was unable to sail from Ply- 
mouth until the 13th January, 1551. She was nearly 
taken by the Turks. Her homeward cargo consisted 
of wines, and the pilot's name was William Sherwood. 

Chancellor must also have been in France, for in his 
description of the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch's warlike 
preparations, he says : " I have seen the pavilions of the 
Kings of England and France, which are beautiful 
but do not equal this." 

He appears to have possessed talents for mechanism, 
for he had a quadrant of five feet radius, constructed 
accordins: to his own directions, with which he made 
observations after his return from Russia, in company 
with John Dee, in whose Ephemerides (1554 and 1555) 
they are mentioned. This instrument John Dee, who 
calls it an excellent one ("one excellent, strong, and 
fayre quadrant, first made by that famous Richard 
Chancellor, wherewith he and I made sundry observa- 
tions"), was used at a later period by Bromfield, at 
that time Lieutenant of Artillery, who had improved 
it; but it was destroyed ("most barborously spoyled, 
and with hammers smytt in peces"), together with the 
rest of his instruments, during his astrologic-alchymical 
travels on the Continent (in 1583-1589), which, for- 
tunately for himself, did not extend to Russia. Dee 
also says, tliat he possessed an astronomical quadrant 
of ten feet radius, the staff and cross of which were 


very curiously divided, "in the same manner as Richard 
Chancellor's quadrant." 

Richard Chancellor was a widower, and had two 
sons (" reliquit abiens (1553) duos filios parvulos or- 
phanos futures si asperior aliquis casus eum sustulisset "): 
one he took with him on his second voyage to Russia 
(in 1555), in order to show him the city of the Czar. 
The other, Nicholas, was sent in 1550, when an ap- 
prentice, from London to Moscow, and especially re- 
commended to the agents there by the directors of 
the company, who had already given this orphan boy a 
good school education in London — "He hath been kept 
at writing schoole long ; he hath his algorism and hath 
understanding of keeping of books of reckonings." 

Nicholas Chancellor was, in 1580, sent to manage 
the trading department of the maritime expedition 
dispatched under Arthur Pet, of Ratcliff, and Charles 
Jackman, of Poplar, in search of Willoughby's Land, 
as well as to make an attempt to advance to the East- 
ward of Waigats and Nova Zembla, and so reach China. 
Chancellor was fortunately on board Pet's vessel, the 
George, for Jackman's, the William, was lost with all 
her crew, it never having been heard of. Hakluyt 
prepared for this expedition a list of the articles to be 
taken, as Avell as instructions for the merchant (" a 
note and caveat for the merchant "), consequently for 
our Nicholas Chancellor. I discovered in Enofland the 
journal of this voyage, in the hand-writing of the latter. 
In Hakluyt's collection of 1599 is to be found the 
diary of the same voyage, kept by Hugh Smith. I 
congratulated myself on finding Chancellor's Journal, 


but afterwards discovered that it had been published 
in Hakhiyt's first and rarer edition of 1589. I have 
likewise a very slight sketch, drawn by Arthur Pet, 
and copied in England, of the position of both vessels 
at Nova Zembla in August, 1580. Nicholas Chancellor 
must, moreover, have accompanied Martin Frobisher 
on the second of the three voyages undertaken by 
the latter in 1576, 1577, and 1588. This appears 
from the following note, w^ritten by John Dee in 
1577 : — '"The North Cape (was) first so named by the 
W'Orthy of seternall good fame and grateful memory, 
my derely beloved Richard Chancelor, father to this 
Nycholas Chancelor, whose diligent, painful, and fayth- 
ful service is known both in the Moscovy Region, 
and now in the Atlanticall northwest attempt." On 
this second voyage the Charles Jackman, who after- 
wards perished in the expedition to Nova Zembla, was 
chief officer ; and after him an inlet was named Jack- 
man's Sound. We afterwards find Nicholas Chancellor 
as purser on board a new Edward Bonaventure, 
which in 1582 sailed with the Leicester Galleon, 
under Edward Fenton's command, to double the Cape 
of Good Hope, with the intention of reaching India and 
China. In the lists of stores served out to both vessels 
I found a saltwater-distiller included. 

On the part of the mercantile community, Sir George 
Barnes, then Lord Mayor of London, and one of the 
Sheriffs, William Garret (a name afterwards changed 
into Gerrard, and now into Garrard), exerted themselves 
considerably in furthering the execution of Cabot's 
project. Sir George Barnes' son, likewise Sir George, 


became Lord Mayor in 1586; he married Sir William 
Gcrrard's daughter Ann. Their descendants write 
their name Barne, and are the proprietors of Sotterley 
and Dnnwicli Park, in the county of Suffolk, as well 
as of a house in London, No. 37, Grosvenor-street. 
Sir William Garret w^as Lord Mayor in 1555, died in 
1571, and was buried in St. Magnus the Martyr's 
Church, in Lower Thames-street. His son, likewise Sir 
William, married an heiress of Sir John Gresham. 
The property was transferred in 1567, by will, to 
Charles Drake, a relative. The family of Drake 
Garrard own Lamer Park, in Hertfordshire. 

Here we are reminded of another family of mer- 
chants, that of the Greshams. Sir Thomas Gresham 
was, in his time, the most accomplished merchant in 
London. He had studied at Cambridge ; he then ac- 
quired a knowledge of commerce with his uncle, Sir 
John Gresham, and from 1551 was employed as Finan- 
cial Agent of the Regency in the Netherlands, for which 
reason he was sometimes called the Royal Merchant. 
Almost immediately before Sir Hugh Willoughby's 
and Chancellor's expedition, he addressed a letter (on 
the 16th of April, 1553) to the Duke of Northumber- 
land, in which, perhaps for the first time in England, 
he called commerce a science which required study. 
The following is a passage in his letter : " Please your 
Grace, how ys yt possibell, that ayther a mynstrell- 
player or a shoye- maker, or anny craftye men, or any 
other that hay the not bynne brow^ght vppe in the 
syence, to have the pressent understanding of the feat 
of the merchaunt adventurer? To the wyche syence 


I myselfe was bound prentisse 8 years, to come by the 
experyence and knowledge that I have." To Thomas 
Gresham the first London Exchange, of which he laid 
the foundation-stone in 1566, owed its existence. His 
father, Sir Richard, had already, in 1537, proposed to 
build an Exchange in London. When Queen Eliza- 
beth went to see the Exchange in 1579, she honoured 
Sir Thomas with a visit. He established, where the 
Excise Office now stands, a public academy, named 
after him Gresham College, where astronomy, geo- 
metry, medicine, and other sciences, were taught, and 
which was the cradle of the Royal Society, but has 
since been shamefully neglected. 

From the establishment of that Society in London 
until the great fire in 1666, and again from 1673 until 
1701, it held its meetings at this place. There also 
was its Museum of Nature and Art, described by Dr. 
Grew in 1681. At the time of Willoughby's expedi- 
tion. Sir Thomas Gresham was at Antwerp, but his 
uncle and commercial guide, Sir John Gresham, the 
elder, took up Cabot's project with warmth, and placed 
himself at the head of the Company which had resolved 
on carrying it out. He had engaged in foreign trade 
since 1517, at times as far as the Levant. As Sheriff 
of London in 1547, during his brother Sir Richard's 
mayoralty, he was knighted ; at Edward the Sixth's 
accession he was an alderman ; and the following year 
(1547 — 1 548) Lord Mayor. J. W. Burgon, the biogra- 
pher of the Greshams, in " The Life and Times of Sir 
Thomas Gresham, 1839," is in error in supposing that 
a younger Sir John Gresham — viz., the nephew of the 


one mentioned, and the elder brother of Sir Thomas — 
was the person who interested himself in Willoughby's 
expedition. This younger Sir John Gresham was with 
Hugh Willoughby at the reception of Ann of Cleves, 
for, in a manuscript list of the persons appointed for 
this pm-pose, " yonge Gresham's" name is to be found. 
In 1547 he accompanied the Protector Somerset to 
Scotland, and received the honour of knighthood from 
him after the battle of Pinkey ; he was likewise, in 
documents as late as 1550, termed "Sir John Gresham 
the yonger — knight." What Burgon, vol. i., page 370 
to 372, says of him must be slightly alluded to, viz., 
that he died in 1560, leaving but one daughter behind 
him. Sir Thomas' only son died in 1564, unmarried; 
and he himself died in 1579. The last direct descend- 
ant of Sir John Gresham, the elder, was the baronet 
of his name who died in 1801, whose daughter and 
heiress married a step-brother of the first Marquis of 
Stafford, and step-great -uncle of the present Duke of 
Sutherland, and, consequently, likewise of his brother. 
Lord Francis Egerton,* and his sisters the Duchess of 
Norfolk and the Marchioness of Westminster. 

There is a portrait of Edward the Sixth, by Hans 
Holbein, in the Imperial Hermitage (Hall 47, No. 19), 
from the Royal Collection in England, dispersed dur- 
ing the troubles in the reign of Charles the First ; it 
came from Lisbon with the pictures of the Houghton 
Gallery, which were purchased by the Empress Cathe- 
rine the Second. 

A portrait of Sebastian Cabot, probably also painted 
* Now, 1846, Earl of EUesmere. 


hy Holbein, found its way at the same time to Scotland 
from Whitehall, and is at present in the possession of 
the Harford family, at Bristol. 

Sir George Barnes and William Garret or Gerrard 
are painted by Holbein in the picture in the Hall at 
Bridewell, in London, which represents Edward the 
Sixth as he, in 1553, consequently in the year of 
Willonghby's and Chancellor's expedition, is delivering 
the charter to the Lord Mayor Barnes, who is clothed 
in scarlet. This picture was engraved by Vertue. 

At the Imperial Hermitage there is a highly valuable 
jDortrait of Sir Thomas Gresham by Sir Anthony 
Moro, which I was aware had arrived in Russia with 
the collection from Houghton, but could not at first 
discover it : with no small pleasure, however, I met 
with it in Hall 47, No. 13. In the catalogue of the 
Picture Gallery at the Hermitage, this portrait is 
described at page 480 in the following manner : 
" Portrait a nu corps d'un homme vetu de noir, assis 
dans un fauteuil, tenant les gants dans la main droite ; 
ses traits portent 1' empreinte d'un charactere serieux 
et meditatif." It was thus unknown that the portrait 
of the famous Sir Thomas Gresham was there. 

Sir Hugh Willonghby's portrait is at Wollaton 
House ; and Sir Nisbet Willoughby, a few years since, 
had a copy of it taken by Barker, the painter, at 
Nottingham, for the great picture hall at Greenwich 
(No. 1). 

On the 11th of May, 1553, the three vessels ap- 
pointed for the service weighed anchor at Deptford 
for China, and passed Greenwich, where the court 


resided, the sailors dressed in light blue, and the ships 
firing guns. Unfortunately, Edward was already too 
ill to show himself, as it Avas expected he would 
do. The undertaking excited general interest, for 
it was a new and important one. Up to that time, no 
English vessel had doubled the North Cape, or, at all 
events, sailed to the eastward of Wardhuys. The 
North Cape had not yet received this name, which 
w^as first bestowed during this voyage of Richard 
Chancellor and Stephen Burrough : the Russian vessels 
had long named it " Murmansky Noss," which means 
Nose or Cape of the Normans. 

Two of the vessels, the " Bona Esperanza," and the 
" Bona Confidentia," on board of the first of which were 
Sir Hugh Willoughby, as commodore, and William 
Gefferson, as sailing master, while on board of the 
other, Cornelius Durforth commanded, sailed far to the 
North, where Willoughby, on the 14tli of August, came 
in sight of land, probably that part of the coast of 
Nova Zembla, lying between the Northern and 
Southern Goose Cape, Gussinii Noss. The main-land 
of Russia appears to have been seen by them for the 
first time, on the 23rd of August. 

Sir Hugh Willoughby set his foot on Russian soil 
either on the same day or perhaps one day earlier 
than Chancellor, who landed on the 24th of August. 
On the 14th of September a fresh landing was 
effected on the Lapland coast, in a bay westward 
of the Island of Nokujeff, where pretty good an- 
chorage was found. Willoughby now sailed with 
both vessels along the Lapland coast, in a south- 


easterly direction towards the White Sea ; and, had 
he continued this course, would probably either have 
reached the monastery of Ssolovetz, or joined Chan- 
cellor at Nenocksa. He appears, however, only to have 
advanced as far as a spot long in bad repute with 
Russian coasting vessels ; the tongue of land called 
the Svatoi Noss (perhaps the mysterious Wattunas, 
the Waternose of tradition), which, with Kanin Noss, 
forms, as it were, the gate of the White Sea. 



Of Cape Svatoi Noss, the point gained by Sir Hugh 
Willoughby, and other places on the Lapland coast, 
Herberstein received an account from Gregory Istoma 
as well as from Vassily Vlassy and Demetrius Ge- 
rassimoff, but his version of their communication, 
which he entitles " The Voyage to the Sea, called 
the Icy or Frozen Sea," differs so much from the 
original, that it is very difficult to recognise the places 
meant ; on which account the narrative of our coun- 
trymen is much less highly a])preciated than it de- 
serves to be. 

Although the above-named Russians were but inter- 
preters employed in the Embassy, they are, neverthe- 
less, worthy of special notice ; for through them 
Western Europe, in the first half of the sixteenth 
century, became more closely acquainted with Russia, 
by means of the accounts which were given to the 
world. In proof of this we may mention that, 
through their knowledge of the Latin language, 
they were placed in a position to give the desired in- 
formation, which they then made known by means 
of the press. At an earlier period we had employed 


Greeks in our diplomatic missions abroad, who re- 
turned to Russia from Rome and Constantinople, and 
spoke Italian. Gregory Istoma appears to have been 
the first of the Russian interpreters who learnt the 
Latin lanofuase, and from him Herberstein obtained a 
great amount of information. He was not only one of 
the Emperor Maximilian's interpreters at Moscow, in 
1517, but travelled also with him afterwards (in 1517 
and 1518) as far as Innspruck and Halle, and from 
thence back to Vienna. 

According to Herberstein, Gregory Istoma made his 
first voyage round the North Cape in the reign of 
Ivan Vassilovitch, in the year 1496 ; and it appears, 
by documents in the Danish archives, that in 1507, 
he was sent by Vassily Ivanovitch, to Denmark, 
where he probably learnt Latin. Herberstein, who 
calls him " homo industrius," and a " discreet and 
modest man," came to Russia for the first time in 
1517, in company with Gregory Demetriovitch Sa- 
grashly, who was on his way back from Germany, in 
consequence of the state of Poland. Istoma was the 
interpreter who, when Herberstein set out from the 
waiting station, at Nicola to Chlinsk, came to meet 
him at a spot not far from the mansion, for the 
purpose of announcing that he was to alight from 
his horse, in order to listen to the greeting sent 
in the name of the Czar by Timothy Constantino- 
vitch Chludeneff (not ChaldenefF), who had been ap- 
pointed his host at Moscow. Herberstein was very 
glad to be enabled to speak Latin with Istoma; and 
his desire to receive information with regard to Russia, 



which had been increased by Matthew Lang, the 
Salzbnrg Cardinal, was so great, and he asked so many 
different questions as they rode into Moscow, that his 
host knew not what to think of such unusual curiosity. 
Herberstein says, " When I heard the interpreter speak 
Latin, I conversed with him in that language as we 
rode in. I was delighted to have the means of doing 
this, for as the country was unknown to us, I much 
wished to obtain a complete knowledge of it, and to be" 
enabled to delineate it correctly in our maps. My host 
soon asked what I had said, and as I had a Lithuanian 
with me, I drew upon myself some suspicion." It 
appears as if Istoma, in the first instance, was not per- 
mitted to have much to do with Herberstein, but sub- 
sequently it was he who prepared his official dispatches; 
for example, that in which he proposed to separate 
Smolensko from Poland ; but then, if Herberstein 
had been prevented from sounding Istoma freely at 
Moscow, soon afterwards he had an opportunity of 
doing what he wished, for the latter was sent with the 
secretary Vladimir Ssemenoff Plemannikolf, towards 
the end of 1517, when Herberstein returned, on an 
embassy, to the Emperor Maximilian. To their care 
w^as Herberstein committed until their arrival at their 
destination, and they journeyed in a great measure 
together by Wilna, Cracow, Vienna, and Salzburg. 
On their arrival near Innspruck (at the end of March, 
1518), where the Emperor Maximilian at that time 
resided, two persons of high rank came out to pay 
their respects to them. 

Herberstein himself had hastened on a little, in 


order to give preliminary notice to the Emperor 
of their approach, and instructions were given to 
him to be present at their reception. After formal 
speeches on both sides, delivered by Istoma on 
the part of the Russians, they entered the town on 
horseback, Plemannikoff between the two officials, 
and Istoma behind him with Herberstein on his 
left. In the town itself, he likewise rode by his 
side to tbe audience, and after this was over, the same 
order was observed in their progress to their quarters. 
At the audience Plemannikoff, who was only a secre- 
tary, was requested by the Emperor to deliver his 
speech sitting and with his cap on his head. His 
Majesty also ordered the interpreter Istoma to sit 
down, but he did not, for he interpreted standing. 
Herberstein was commanded to take care that whilst 
Plemannikoff and Istoma remained at Innspruck, they 
should want for nothing. As Herberstein had been 
present at Moscow, at the Feast of the Assumption of 
the Virgin Mary, held in the cathedral church, in 
the Kremlin, which was so named after this feast, 
and set apart for the solemn service of God by 
the Patriarch, in the i")resence of the Czar, the 
Emperor was desirous that our countrymen should 
likewise visit the church at Innspruck, on Palm Sun- 
day, and for this purpose sent Herberstein to the 
Bishop of Brixen ; but this man was a bigot, for he 
decided, after due deliberation, that it should not be 
allowed as they were not members of the Romish 

After a week' residence at Innspruck, Herber- 

D 2 


steiii escorted them to Halle, in the valley of the 
Inn, whither the Emperor had gone, and the latter 
had high mass sung for them there, by his choir a 
de?m-voicV. Herberstein, in speaking of this, remarks, 
" This pleased the Russians, who said that it was much 
better to perform God's service in a lower or softer 
voice." When they had taken leave, Herberstein 
accompanied them down the Inn and Danube, as far 
as Vienna, where they were to await the arrival of 
the Emperor. From Vienna, Plemannikoff and Is- 
toma travelled homewards with Maximilian's newly- 
appointed Ambassadors, Francesco da Collo and An- 
tonio de Conti, who were to endeavour to negotiate a 
peace between Russia and Poland, and who had like- 
wise accompanied them and Herberstein from Inn- 
spruck to Vienna ; and they all reached Moscow to- 
gether, in July, 1518. To Istoma the merit is due of 
having obtained for his country, during his stay at Inn- 
spruck, the services of a number of skilful gunners? 
with whom he entered into contract. This must have 
required great tact; and Herberstein informs us how 
it was managed. His words are : " as the Envoy was 
desirous of enlisting gunners, and was unable to do so 
publicly, he gave his servants money, in order that they 
might go to the common women about the court, in the 
evening; and through the solicitations of the latter, 
five persons expressed themselves willing to proceed to 

To these five master-gunners Istoma gave money 
wherewith to buy themselves horses and travel to 
Lubeck, where thev embarked for Livonia, and thence 


proceeded to Moscow. Two of them died soon ; the 
third, by name Walch, became blind, and returned 
to his native country with Herberstein, in 1526, with 
the Czar's leave. The other two, Niclasen, from the 
neighbourhood of Spires, and Jordan, from Halle, in the 
valley of the Inn, Vassily Ivanovitch refused at that 
time to discharge. They had acquired considerable 
claims to his gratitude on the occasion of the advance 
of Mahomet-Girai, Khan of the Crimea, to Moscow. 
Niclasen was to have defended the Kremlin at that 
time wuth the celebrated heavy artillery ; and it w^as 
even desired that he should place it in haste at one of 
the gates, ready for service. Jordan was present at 
the retreat of the Tartars at Old Kasan, the capture of 
which the Khan had contemplated, Unauthorised by 
his commander, he seized a favourable opportunity to 
open a heavy and unexpected fire wdth his artillery, on 
the multitudes of Tartars who were within his reach, 
and spread so great a panic among them, that they all 
fled in haste, leaving behind them a document drawn 
up by the Khan, which had been intended for the 
Czar, wherein the unconditional surrender of Moscow 
was demanded. Hans Jordan's trade abroad was that 
of a cannon-ball founder. He married a Russian Avoman ; 
and he it was who, in 1526, imposed on Herberstein 
the absurd story that wives in Russia considered the 
blows they received from their husbands, as so many 
proofs of their love. His words are : " Jordan has 
told me himself that his wife loved him much more 
than she did before, because he had beaten her." 
Istoma, as well as other interpreters of that time, are 


mentioned in our public documents with the title 
" Maloi," before their names, which in this case does 
not mean either great or elder, but a subordinate posi- 
tion. Herberstein writes his (Istoma's) name Istliu- 
men, Ystumen — (Istonium). 

Vassily Vlassy w'as, in 1517, interpreter to Herber- 
stein. He understood German as w^ell as Latin, and is 
considered to be the source whence Dr. John Faber 
(Heigerlin) derived his description of the religion of 
the Russians, published at Tiibingen, in 1525. Soon 
after the apjiearance of this work, it was sent to Her- 
berstein, by the Archduke Ferdinand, whose secretary 
as well as father confessor and counsellor, Faber was, 
^vith the request that he would complete it, as far as 
possible, during his residence in Russia. Herberstein 
was at that time on his second journey to Moscow ; and 
in his company, returning with the Prince Ivan laross- 
]avsky Sassekin, from the Emperor Charles the Fifth, 
then in Spain, Avas Vlassy, from whose hints the pam- 
phlet had been composed at Tiibingen but a few 
months previously. 

Herberstein, in comparing Vassily Vlassy wdth Is- 
toma, calls him " a tolerably good man," for he learnt 
to know the one as well as the other, during his first 
residence at Moscow^, in 1517. It was he who, two 
days after Herberstein's arrival there, on the 20th 
of April, was sent to him by order of the Czar, ac- 
companied by Jelisar (Jelka) Sergejelf, the Chamber- 
Iain Chludeneff's deputy, at the house of the latter, in 
order to repeat to him the announcement made by the 
Chamberlain on the previous day, that the audience 


was fixed for the day following. The Czar further 
arranged that Vlassy should go to Herberstein on the 
morning of that day, to announce to him that, besides 
his Chamberlain, the Boyar's son, Gregory Fomin ssiin 
Ivanoff, with the Secretary Missur Munechin, should 
escort him. At the audience, Vassily Vlassy was 
the interpreter. At an earlier period he was much 
engaged in the translation of religious works into 
Russian. Maxim, the monk, by us generally called 
Maksim the Greek, came to Moscow from Mount 
Athos, as is well-known, in 1506 ; and after he had 
looked over the Greek writings found at that time in 
the Kremlin, in great numbers, he was requested to 
translate several of them ; but as he did not understand 
Russian, Vassily Vlassy and Demetrius Gerassimoft' 
were united with him for the purpose of rendering his 
Latin translations into Russian, by which means Vlassy 
became better acquainted with church affairs. He and 
Maxim alone are the writers of the abstracts 31 to 51 
of the commentaries on the History of the Apostles 
by Chrysostom, &c., which were translated by order of 
the Patriarch, in 1520. In 1525, he was sent as inter- 
preter with the Envoy Prince Ivan Jarosslavsky Sasse- 
kin, and the Secretary Ssemen Borissoff Trofimoff, to 
Madrid, to Charles the Fifth, who had been elected 
Emperor of Germany, in 1519 ; and when they re- 
turned to Russia in January, 1526, Herberstein, who, 
with Leonard, Count of Nugarolis, was dispatched to 
this country, travelled with them. Our Envoy was 
obliged to make rather a long stay at Tiibingen, and 
Dr. Faber, a zealous Catholic, availed himself of this 


opportunity to obtain from Vassily Vlassy the informa- 
tion with respect to the Russian religion, which he 
immediately published, in 1525, under the title of 
^^ EjAstola de Moscovitariim juxia Mare Glaciale Re- 
ligione,'' which the Archduke Ferdinand sent to the 
two envoys from Augsburg, on the 1st of February, 
1526, in order that during their residence at Moscow 
they might complete the work, by giving a good ac- 
count of the distinction between the two churches, 
and of the doctrines and rites of the Russians (" erit 
nobis hsec inquisicio et labor omnis vester perjucun- 
dus"). It is highly probable that the Archduke's 
counsellor. Dr. Faber, induced him to order this inves- 
tigation to be made. Herberstein was thus enabled to 
acquire much of the desired information on the road. 
Vlassy was called by us " The Latin and German In- 
terpreter." Faber says of him, " Germanice et Latine 
mediocriter callebat." 

Demetrius Gerasimoff, a Russian, who has been 
confounded with two Greeks who bore the name of 
Demetrius, communicated about that time, in 1525 
and 152G, all the information in question, to the 
author Paulo Giovio, and thus furnished the latter 
with materials for the account of Russia, which met with 
such a good reception by the public, and was published 
with Herberstein's commentaries. Gerassimoff, the 
summer before Herberstein's second arrival at Moscow, 
visited Rome and did not return until 1526, when the 
latter had already been a considerable time with us. 

Gennady, Archbishop of Novogorod and Pskov, had, 
probably at the commencement of the vear 1493, 


requested a Greek of the name of Demetrius to give 
his opinion, 1st, on the Triple Hallehijah ; 2nd, on the 
Sclavonic translation of the first verse of the 32nd 
Psalm ; and, 3rd, on the calculation of the seven 
thousand years from the creation of the world. Ac- 
cording to the Greek chronology, indeed, those seven 
thousand years had already elapsed without the world 
coming to an end, as was so much dreaded at this 
period. Demetrius' reply, entitled " The Triple Hal- 
lelujah and the Seven Thousand Years," is dated in 
7001 (1492-93). In my opinion, the author is no 
other than Demetrius Manuilovitch Trachaniot, who 
arrived at Moscow from Rome, in 1472, with Sophia, 
the bride of the Czar, Ivan Vassilovitch, as Envoy 
Extraordinary from her two brothers, Andrew and 

Although he returned to Rome at the commence- 
ment of 1473, and in 1474, when again sent by 
Sophia's brothers, remained at Moscow but a short 
time ; still, at a later period, he took up his residence 
with us altogether. Gennady applied to him in order 
that he might learn the opinions of a Greek ; the 
position of the latter at Court, too, may have induced 
the Archbishop to write to him. In 1.500 he was 
present at the marriage of Ivan and Sophia's daughter 
Theodosia Mith the Prince Vassily Dassilovitsch 
Cholmsky, and likewise had the honour of going in 
procession to the church, together with his elder 
brother Jury and his own son, whose name was also 
Jury, close to the sledge of the Czarina Sophia and 
her daughter, the bride Theodosia. His son, the above- 


named Jury, accompanied him to Moscow, in 1472. 
This younger Trachaniot deserves to be somewhat 
better known, for Herberstein often met him. He 
was keeper of the seals and treasurer to the Czar, 
Ivan Vassilovitch, until the death of the latter, and is 
mentioned as such in the Czar's will, in which golden 
crosses were likewise left to his father, Demetrius, and 
his uncle, Jury, as mementoes of Ivan. He was much 
beloved at that time by the young Prince Vassily, 
Ivan and Sophia's son, and had conceived an idea that 
the latter might, perhaps, marry his daughter, for the 
counsellors, of whom he was one, adduced several 
reasons why it would be right that the young Czar 
should marry a native. " Of this counsel (says Her- 
berstein) George the younger, the treasurer, was the 
originator, for it was most agreeable to him, as he 
hoped that his own daughter would be selected." 
Jury was generally called Juschko Maloi, because he 
was the younger, but not, as Adelung imagined, because 
he was small and weakly. This appellation was given 
to him at first in order to distinguish him from his 
uncle, Jury Staroi, the elder ; and afterwards he con- 
tinued to be so designated, for Herberstein still called 
him George, the younger. 

In the index to Pantaloon's translation of Her- 
berstein, he appears as " Georgius the younger, a 
trusty counsellor," but certainly this would lead at 
once to his being recognised as Jury Demetriovitch 
Trachaniot. Vassily Ivanovitch, when sovereign, 
valued him to the last very highly, for he was 
" his dearest counsellor, treasurer, and chancellor." 


Nevertheless lie fell into disgrace for a short time, 
ill consequence of the counsel he gave in church 
matters; and in 1516 this was also participated in 
by his wife, because she and another lady had 
spread the report that Solomonia Vassily's repu- 
diated wife had given birth to a son, soon after her 
taking the veil under the name of Sophia. The Czar, 
however, could not keep his favourite long out of 
office, and " restored him to honour in another capa- 
city, for he was learned and experienced in many 
tilings. When the Czar had need of him, and he had 
been brought to the stairs of the palace, several of the 
most distinguished counsellors were ordered to bring 
him up, together with the sledge in w^hich he sat ; but 
after his disgrace, when he was ascending the stairs 
softly by himself, the Czar heard of it, and his anger 
was kindled: he ordered him to be carried up as 
before, and when they had deliberated together on 
various matters, he was conveyed down stairs again." 
Jury Demetrovitch Trachaniot was almost always one 
of the persons of rank, whose duty it was to converse 
with Herberstein at the private audiences given to 
him by the Czar at his residence in the Kremlin, in 
the hall situated near the river Mosqua. He it was 
who endeavoured to prove to him the right of the 
Czar to Lithuania and Poland, in consequence of the 
descent of the Hungarians, Moravians, and Poles from 
the Ugri. For no one at the Court (in 1516) had 
Herberstein such high esteem as for Trachaniot. I 
think it right here to remark, that the " Dobrago 
Dadiana," twice mentioned by Adelung, as a work 


written by Ilerberstein, never existed. Tliis name lias 
originated in an erroneous reading of the following- 
passage in our public reports : — " The Czar, on Herber- 
stein's arrival, ordered that a good Boyar's son 
and a scribe should be appointed to do him the 
honours." The selection fell on Gregory Fomin, son of 
Ivanoff, and on Missur Munechin. When Herberstein 
took up his residence a second time at Moscow, he 
sought Trachaniot in vain, for he says : " I could not 
find my old friend, George the younger." 

Let us now turn to another Demetrius. According 
to the wish of Gennady, the Archbishop of Novogorod, 
who filled this ofllice from 1485 until 1504, one Deme- 
trius had procured some historical data at Rome with 
reference to the white bishop's mitre, which he had 
obtained, not without much entreaty, from Jacob, the 
church librarian. He sent them to the Archbishop by 
Foma Salareff (also written Sareff and Lareff ), a Russian 
merchant. This Demetrius was, I believe, the Deme- 
trius Ivanovitch Raleff or Lareff, who came to Moscow 
from Constantinople with his parents and his brother 
Emanuel, in 1485. He was employed on a mission 
with the latter to Rome, Venice, and Milan, in 1488, 
and returned to Moscow at the beginning of 1490 in 
the suite of Andreas, the brother of the Czarina 
Sophia, and was also accompanied by the unfor- 
tunate physician Leo, who was beheaded on the 22nd 
April, at Moscow, because the young Ivan had died on 
the Gth March, under his treatment. They likewise 
brought with them several engineers and skilful crafts- 
men, amongst whom was the architect, who completed 


the Granovitaja Palace, and erected " shot towers" over 
three of the gates of the Kremlin. 

Emanuel Ivanovitch accompanied the two miners, 
who, in 1491, discovered copper ore in the Zilma, a river 
falling* into the Petschora. Demetrius Ivanovitch was 
despatched in 1493 with the secretary, Demetrius 
Saizen, to John, King of Denmark, at the same time 
that John Jacobson (Ravensberg), ambassador from the 
latter, was on his way back, and returned in 1494 with 
David, the Danish herald. In March, 1499, he was again 
sent with Mitrofan KaratscharofF, by way of Cracow 
and Hungary to Italy, for the purjjose of engaging 
architects, cannon-founders, and a few other workmen 
for Russia. His other fellow-travellers were Alexis 
Jakovleff Golochvastoff, besides several Russian mer- 
chants. He was to go down the Don, and across the 
Black Sea to Constantinople, with a view of obtaining 
some privileges for Russian commerce. It is probable 
that Salareff, the before-named Russian merchant, 
accompanied him to Italy, and that the work, as well 
as the memoir of Demetrius Manuilovitch, were 
brought away by Salareff from Rome for Archbishop 

Raleff did not return from his mission until 
November, 1504, and Gennady had already been 
removed from his office in July of the same year. In 
1506, we find Demetrius RalefF engaged in the cam- 
paign against Kasan. The historical description of the 
introduction of the white bishop's mitre sent to Gen- 
nady, of which there are several copies, afterwards 
gave rise, as is well known, to continual discussions. 


and at last was rejected as apocryphal by the great 
assembly of the church held at Moscow in 1G07, at 
which three patriarchs were present. The third 
Demetrius was our countryman, Gerassimoff, who, 
when at Rome in 1525, signed himself Demetrius 
Erasmus, and who must have been born in 1465, and 
received the first rudiments of his education in Livonia, 
where he also learnt Latin. He was employed in 
several missions abroad as interpreter, and availed him- 
self of the opportunity which offered for improving 
himself at the court of the Emperor Maximilian 
(" dum in aula Csesaris omnis generis hominum refer- 
tissimus versaretur, si quid barbarum quieto docilique 
ingenio inerat, elegantium morum observatione deter- 
sit "). At the same time he was employed, as already 
mentioned, with Vassily Vlassy, in the translation of 
the church writings undertaken by Maxim, the Greek ; 
and the most important, and, indeed, the first work on 
which they were engaged was the Commentaries on 
the Psalms. Both Russians merely translated into 
their own language the text rendered into Latin by 
Maxim from the Greek. Had Gerassimoff himself 
been a Greek, it is not likely that he would first 
have required a Latin translation of that work. The 
Commentaries on the Psalms, moreover, although ap- 
proved of by the metropolitan and by the assembly of 
the church, shared the same fate as the majority of 
Maxim's other translations and writings, for they were 
never published. A beautiful manuscript of the com- 
mentaries, copied in 1692, is to be met with in the 
Synodal Library at Moscow. 


Maxim's activity in the Kremlin came to an end 
about the year 1525, and this was the most memorable 
period in GerassimofF's life. Paolo, the Genoese, re- 
commended by Pope Leo the X., came to the Grand 
Prince Vassily Ivanovitch in 1520 to lay before him 
a project for converting the Caspian Sea, the Oxus, 
and the Indus, into a route for carrying on a trade 
between Moscow and India. The idea was, to receive 
the productions of the latter country, and afterwards 
distribute them to the various European States, by 
which means Spain and Portugal would not alone 
derive all the advantage of a trade with India. This 
plan, however, was not encouraged by the Russians, 
for it happened that half a century earlier Afanassy 
Nikitin, a merchant of Tver, succeeded in finding a 
road to India and back. 

In 1525 Paolo came to Moscow a second time with 
the aforesaid project, bringing with him a letter from 
Clement VII., which also related to an union between 
the Greek and Roman churches ; but after remaining 
with us for two months, he w^as obliged to bend his 
steps homewards, without attaining either of his 
objects ; and our Demetrius Gerassimoff was appointed 
to accompany him to Rome, provided with a letter 
from the Czar to the Pope. The latter assigned him a 
handsome residence, had him clothed magnificently in 
silk, gave him a bishop for his cicerone, granted him a 
friendly audience, and requested Paolo Giovio, the 
savant, a native of Como, but not bishop of that place, 
to become better acquainted with him. This person 
found him to be well informed (" humanarum rerum et 


sacrarum litcraruin valdc peritiim"), and managed to 
obtain from him a great deal of information abont 
Russia, which was published at first in 1537, and then 
in 1545 and 1551, with the title " De Legatione 
Basilii Magni Principis Moscovise liber." The Le- 
gation, or Embassy, here mentioned, was composed 
neither more nor less than of the interpreter Demetrius 
GerassimofF, who must be considered as the source of 
this description of Russia, which is justly preferred to 
that of Herberstein for its comprehensiveness. In 
order to cite an example of the abundance of useful 
productions to be found in his country, he narrated the 
comical story of the peasant, who, as he was gathering 
honey in a hollow tree, slipped to the bottom and 
remained there until he was drawn out by clinging 
to a med-wed (a judge of honey, i. e. a bear), "which 
descended backwards into the cavity. GerassimofF 
returned to Moscow in July, 1526, and with him 
came Johannes Franciscus de Potentia, whom the 
Pope appointed to the bishopric of Scara, in Swe- 
den, but whom Gustavus I. refused to recognise. He 
was sent, as legate from the Pope, to discuss 
Polish affairs with the Czar, and received instruc- 
tions, en route, from King Sigismund. GerassimofF 
occupied himself afterwards at Novogorod, at the 
request of Makary, Archbishop of Novogorod and 
Pskov, in the translation of Bruno's Commentaries on 
the Psalms, which Cochleus published at Leipzig in 
1533, under the title of " Psalterium Beati Brunonis, 
episcopi quondam Herbipolensis a Johanne Cochleo 
Presbytero restitutum et Hebraica veritate adauctum." 


111 our academical library there lias been, since 1763, 
a manuscript copy in good condition of this translation 
of Bruno's works by Gerassimoff, with a few additions 
by the latter ; and another copy with the same additions 
is preserved in the library of the church of St. Sophia, 
at Novooforod. Gerassimoif concluded his work on 
the 15th October, 1535. 

The translator remarks, that he undertook the work 
in obedience to the command of the Archbishop. 
Upon the whole, a comparison of Gerassimoff's work, 
in 1535, with that completed by him and Vassily 
Vlassy, more than a quarter of a century earlier, would 
not be altogether uninteresting, for it would show the 
improvement made in the Russian language. Deme- 
trius Trachaniot, the Greek, called himself, in 1493, 
in his letter to Gennady, Demetrius Staroi, the elder. 
The Demetrius Raleff, the Greek, who, about the year 
1500, sent a treatise to Gennady from Rome, signed 
himself Mita Maloi, the younger, to distinguish himself 
from Trachaniot. Demetrius Gerassimoff, the Russian, 
called himself, in 1535, Demetrius the Scholastic, by 
which he meant the scholar. Another of his appella- 
tions was Demetrius Tolmasch (the Interpreter), but 
Demetrius RalefF, the Greek, was likewise so called. 
Demetrius Gerassimoff was also designated as Mitii 
Maloi and Tolmatsch Latiinskoi. From these in- 
definite appellations arose the mistake, into which, as 
we have said, our historian fell. In the dictionary of 
the Russian church writers, the translator of Bruno's 
Psalterium is considered to be the author, or, at all 
events, the editor of the historical description of the 



white bisliop's mitre; and to the same person is 
ascribed, in the catalogue of Rumanzoff's Mannscript, 
the Essay, written in 7001, on the Hallekijah and the 
Seven Thousand Years considered to be the period of 
the workl's existence. Lehoberg, of Krug, in the 
" Enquiries, in order to elucidate the Ancient History 
of Russia," erroneously states that GerassimofF was at 
Rome in 1522, for in the date given by Jovius, 
"Anno septimo millesimo tricesimo tertio Aprilis," 
" tertio" refers to the year (7033, i.e. 1525), and not 
to the day of the month. 

The substance of what we have been enabled to 
gather from Istoma's and GerassimofF's communications 
to Herbersteiii, with reference to the early voyages of 
the Russians to the Icy Sea, is briefly as follows : — 

Even before Vasco de Gama made his first voyage 
round the southern extremity of Africa, some Russians, 
commissioned by their sovereign, had sought their way 
by sea round the northernmost Cape of Scandinavia, 
induced to do so by the relations then existing between 
Sweden and Russia. 

They sailed from the Dwina in very small vessels, 
which could be hauled over tongues of land when 
not very broad, and proceeded along the coast of the 
White Sea to the right, then crossed over to the left 
or Ter shore, and so followed this course northwards, 
leaving the Petzeroy Sea on the right, to the be- 
forementioned Cape Svatoi Noss. The western side 
of this narrow tongue of land, which stretches out 
from the main to a distance of nearly ten nautical 
miles, in a north-north-west direction, forms, with the 


broad shore to the south, the inlet of Svatoi Noss; and 
into this rushes the flood tide, ahnost parallel with 
the slope of that part of the Lapland coast, from 
the north-west. The vast bulk of water there accu- 
mulated at the extremity of the cul de sac, is now 
turned against the current, so that part of it is com- 
pelled to force its way back along the spit, at the end 
of which this eddy, flowing out of the inlet, encounters 
the general tide-waves at an obtuse angle : a violent 
commotion ensues in the sea, which, by the Russians 
is called Suloi or Suvoi, and is observable at a distance 
of ten versts* from the shore. Herberstein gives a 
sketch from Gregory Istoma's verbal communication of 
his voyage round Svatoi Noss, and of the dangers he 
encountered; but as he did not clearly understand 
the cause of the unusual commotion of the water, 
called the Suvoi, his description of it is obscure. 
Herberstein, moreover, was unable to conjecture what 
rock it was of which Istoma relates that the master 
of his vessel offered it secretly a mess of oatmeal 
mixed with butter, in order to be permitted to pass 
it. He was ignorant that this rock (the chimney), 
called Woronucha, is scarcely a cable's length distant 
from the pointed and low projecting Cape Svatoi 
Noss, and that only at half-tide it begins to be 
visible above the surface of the sea ; on the contrary, 
he imagined that it was a huge and lofty mass of 
rock — in fact, a mountain. That Istoma, however, 
meant no other rock than the Kamen Woronucha, 
which is invisible at high water, has been confirmed by 
* A verst is about three-quarters of an English mile. — Tb. 

E 2 


Anthony Jcnkinson. When the latter came to Russia 
for the first time, in 1557, he wrote in his log-book : 
" On the 7th July we arrived at a Cape called Sveti- 
nosc, which forms the entrance into the Bay of 
St. Nicholas. Off this Cape lies a great stone, to 
which vessels, when passing it, took care to make an 
offering of butter, meal, and other victuals; for they 
imagined, that if this were omitted, their barks or 
other craft would necessarily be lost, as, indeed, it has 
often happened." We ought not, therefore, after such 
direct testimony, to allow ourselves to be deceived by 
the erroneous name of Semes, given to this rock by 
Herberstein. He found it just as easy to change 
Istoma's Latin word Kamen, written in Latin Camen 
(a rock), into Lemes, as to transmute Borsii, which 
means greyhounds, into the hitherto undeciphered 
word Kurtzi. 

In the account of the coursing match, in which 
Herberstein took a part in the presence of the Czar, 
Vassily Ivauovitch, he says : " When they had un- 
coupled the hounds, they followed in a body, making a 
great outcry which could not be restrained ; and then 
certain swift hounds were let loose, which they call 
Kurtzen (Kurtzos dictos)." Adelung endeavoured to 
explain the word Kurtzen by the canis cursalis of 
the middle ages. In reference to the word Lemes, it 
might also be possible that Istoma mentioned that he 
passed not only Svatoi Noss, but the Seven Islands, 
Sem Ostronoff; and that Herberstein, in his notes, 
confounded this Sem with the rock Kamen Woronucha 
above mentioned. Almost all the Russian names were. 


moreover, much mutilated at that time. Even in the 
year 1555, Stephen Burrough turned Ivanovskig-e Kresti 
into Swan Crist, and Cape Teriber into Cape Sower- 

When Istoraa and his companion undertook a long 
voyage to Wardehuus, they did not endeavour to 
sail round the Peninsula of Rubatschy, which projects 
to a great distance and would have required a consider- 
able circuit, but kept near the coast of the mainland 
and entered the Gulf of Motover, which is formed by 
that coast and the south-eastern part of the Penin- 
sula. Thence, that is, from the harbour situated at the 
extremity of the Gulf, and named Nova Zembla, in 
1823, by Captain Lieutenant, now Admiral, Liitke, 
after his ship, — the four vessels, as well as baggage, had 
been dragged over the neck of land, here very narrow, 
which connects the Peninsula of Rubatschy with the 
main, into the largest, the northernmost, of the two 
Volokoff inlets, — they sailed round Murmansky Noss 
to the west coast of Norway and into the Drontheim 
Fiord. From Drontheim they journeyed by land with 
reindeer as far as Bergen, and from thence on with 
horses to the coast opposite Copenhagen. 

Herberstein is scarcely to be excused for saying that 
Dront (Drontheim) is situated two hundred miles to the 
north of the Dwina, and that Bergen lies between 
mountains enveloped in darkness (midnight). Istoma 
travelled to the Dwina by way of Novogorod, but 
Vlassy from Moscow by way of Pereslavl, Rostov, 
Jaroslav, and Vologda; the greater part of the distance 
from Rostov Mas traversed by water. 


In the direction here described, this voyage was 
made by Istoma, in 1496, and, as Herberstein says, at a 
later period also by Vlassy, but the latter proceeded 
first to Bergen by land. Both returned from Copen- 
hagen by the Baltic Sea, and through Livonia to 
Moscow; but in 1501 Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot 
made the tedious voyage round Murmansky Noss in 
the opposite direction on his way home to Russia from 

Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot, one of the Greeks 
who came to Russia from Rome, pre-eminently belongs 
to that interesting epoch when Russia entered into 
relations with Western Europe, which he himself was 
active in promoting. On the 11 th of February, 1469, 
he arrived at Moscow, deputed by the Papal See to 
offer the hand of Sophia (Fominischna), the last Greek 
emperor's niece, then resident at Rome, to the Czar 
Ivan Vassilovitch, who had been a widower since 1467. 
When the Princess Sophia was on her way to Moscow 
in 1472, as fiancee, Demetrius Manuilovitch, brother 
to Jury, was, as already mentioned, in her suite with 
his son Jury; Jury Manuilovitch came somewhat 
later to Russia, and remained there. Through Ivan's 
marriage with a descendant of tlie line of Greek 
emperors, the double eagle came into the Russian 
escutcheon, and in consequence of the repeated journeys 
which then took place from Russia to Italy, many use- 
ful artizans came to Moscow, whose works are still 
to be seen in the Kremlin. The attention of Ger- 
many was likewise at this time directed to Russia, 
for, in 1486, the Emperor Ferdinand the Third gave 


Nicolaus Poppel, a polished and travelled German, a 
letter of introduction to Ivan Vassilovitch. It appears 
that besides acquiring a general knowledge of Russia, he 
was in the first place to endeavour to ascertain whether 
an union could not be brought about between a son of 
the Emperor Maximilian, at that time King of Rome 
and a widower, and one of Ivan's two daughters, Helena 
and Feodosia, or whether either of them was inclined to 
marry any other member of a royal German house, of 
Saxony, Baden, or Brandenburg. On his return, in 1488, 
Poppel found the Emperor at Nuremberg. He gave 
him and the Diet a long account of the greatness 
and power of Russia, as well as of the distinguished 
qualities of its ruler, whereupon he was sent, officially, 
to Moscow, without any colleagues, both by the Em- 
peror Ferdinand and his son Maximilian, King of Rome 
and there he made the before-mentioned proposals. In 
March, 1489, Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot and Poppel 
were dispatched as envoys from the Czar to the Em- 
peror and the King, accompanied by Ivan Chalepa 
and Constantine AksentjefF, who were native Russians. 
Besides attending to the more important affairs of the 
mission, Trachaniot and the latter were commissioned 
to engage a miner, a metallurgist, a military engineer, 
an architect, and a skilful silversmith. A few years 
previously, before Poppel had brought about relations 
with Germany, the Czar had requested Matthias, King 
of Hungary, to send him a like number of practical 
men followinq; these callings. 

In 1489, the King of Rome presided in the name 
of his father, the Emperor, at the Diet held at Frank- 


fort on the Maine. Our embassy was received by the 
King in the Council-house, in the presence of many 
of the sovereigns who had come to the Diet. Tra- 
chaniot, who understood neither Latin nor German, 
made a speech to the King in Italian, which was replied 
to, likewise in Italian, by Dr. George Von Thorn. He 
delivered as a present from the Czar three suits of furs, 
one of sable, one of ermine, and the other of squirrel. 
Chalepa and Aksentjeff, who Mere called the ambas- 
sador's knights, each brought a suit of squirrel-skins. 
On the following morning, Trachaniot had a private 
audience, and afterwards visited the Emperor, who at 
that time was seventy-four years old, and received him 
very graciously, but gave him no letter to the Czar, so 
that on his return to Moscow, in 1490, he only took one 
from Maximilian, King of Rome. The next ambas- 
sador sent by Maximilian was the before-mentioned Dr. 
George Von Thorn, who was not admitted to an audi- 
ence by the Czar in the presence of his sons Vassily 
and Jury, but specially in that of the Czarina Sophia, 
to whom he presented a piece of grey cloth and a 

Karamsin, misled by our chronicles, says that Jury 
Trachaniot w^as sent in 1499, as ambassador from 
Russia to Rome. This is an error which has evi- 
dently arisen from his mission to the King of Rome 
being mistaken for one to Rome. After staying at 
Moscow somewhat less than six weeks. Jury Tra- 
chaniot and Dr. Thorn travelled back to Germany, in 
August, 1490, the former accompanied by the secre- 
tary Vassily Kuleschin. Besides the diplomatic matters 


with M^iicli they were entrusted, they were to announce 
to the King of Rome that the Czar was ready to give 
him his daughter in marriage ; and they were, moreover, 
to engage a good physician, for Leo had already met 
his tragical end. They found the King at Nurem- 
berg, remained with him from March until June, 
1491, and returned in the autumn to Moscow, where 
soon afterwards Dr. Thorn appeared as ambassador for 
the second time, to announce that as the King had 
received no answer from Moscow for a length of time, 
he had come to the determination of marrying Anne of 
Bretagne. He was followed, however, by the intelli- 
gence that the King of France had dissuaded her from 
the match. When Thorn returned to Germany in 
the spring of 1492, he was commissioned to give King 
Maximilian to understand, amongst other things, that 
he might still obtain the hand of one of the Czar's 
daughters, either for himself or for his son Philip. Jury 
Trachaniot was dispatched soon afterwards, charged 
with the same communication, and accompanied by two 
secretaries, Michael Jaropkin and Ivan Kuritzin, the 
latter of whom was burnt as a heretic in 1505. They 
were received by the King of Rome at Colmar, but 
returned to Moscow in June, 1493, without anything 
being settled, and the Grand Duchess Helena was mar- 
ried to Alexander, Grand Duke of Lithuania, and after- 
wards King of Poland. The before-mentioned Vassily 
Kuleschin, who was now treasurer, was present at the 
wedding at Wilna. After Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot 
with his brother and nephews had been honourably em- 
ployed with reference to the nuptials of Ivan's daughter 


Feodosia with Cholmsky, in February, 1500, and had 
participated in the festivities consequent thereon, he, 
together with the accompHshed statesman. Secretary 
Vassily Dahnatoff, was sent to Denmark, in April, in 
company with the Danish ambassadors, John Anderson, 
Andrew Cristenson, and Andrew Glob, who had arrived 
in February; and from thence Trachaniot, together with 
DalmatofF and the Danish herald, returned to the Dwina, 
in August, 1501, doubling the North Cape, as already 
observed. That this Jury Staroi, together with his 
brother and nephews, were mentioned in Ivan's will, 
has been previously stated. Vassily DalmatofF had 
been engaged in 1477 at the subjugation of Novogorod, 
and, in 1493, he was employed in the missions with 
regard to the projected marriage of a daughter of Ivan 
with Conrad, Prince of Masovia, but at a later period, 
in 1509 and 1510, he was the principal agent in 
the final overthrow of Pskov. Herberstein relates of 
him that Vassily Tvanowitch held him in high esteem 
(" charus principi et inter intimos secretaries habitus "), 
but sent him into confinement at Belosero, where he 
died, and then confiscated the whole of his property, 
because he had pleaded poverty in order to avoid pro- 
ceeding on a mission to the Emperor Maximilian, en- 
trusted to him by the Czar. His brothers, Nemetz (Theo- 
dore), and Sachar were sent to meet Herberstein in 
1517, and again were his conductors on his homeward 
journey from Moshaish as far as the frontier beyond 

A Scotchman by birth, who in the series of commu- 
nications made by our interpreters, as well as by Her- 


berstein, and preserved in our archives, is merely 
designated by his christian name of David, made the 
northern voyages as herald from the King of Denmark, 
not only with Istoma in 1496 and 1507, but with Jury 
Trachaniot in 1501. I have an idea that his family 
name was Cocker, or one somewhat similar to it ; but 
it was by no means Gerold, or Gerlad, as he is incor- 
rectly named in our series of translations, as well as in 
the Danish writings. 

This herald has received the altogether erroneous 
family name of Gerold, through an incorrect reading 
and translation of the Latin letters from Kino- John of 
Denmark ; for the title of herald, " David Heraldus " 
(noster) has been taken for a surname — in Russian the 
sound of g being given to the h. This has given 
rise to the name of Gerald, and the latter again has 
been changed into Gerlad ; but his real name we must 
expect to find in the Danish archives. 1 discovered, 
in a copy of the Latin translation of a letter from 
the Czar, Vassily Ivanovitch, to King John, the w^ords, 
" Vestrum oratorem heraldum magistrum, David 
Kocken." Hence, I may be allowed for the present to 
assume that his family name was Cocker; and this well 
deserves to be taken into consideration, for on the copy 
preserved (and of which I have availed myself) by the 
former Chancellor, Couzt RumanzofF, taken from an 
original document to be found in the private State 
archives of Copenhagen, there is this note : "Ex charta 
cooevaArchiviRegii secretioris accurate exscripsi,Grimus 
Johannes Thorkelin archivi Regii secretioris Prrefectus." 
I wished much to see the original of the letter I have 


quoted, on account of the word Kocken. Istonia's 
name, too, is not once correctly written in any of Herr 
Tliorkelin's authentic copies. As a further proof out of 
the Danish writings that the word Herald denotes the 
office and not the surname, a quotation may serve from 
Huitfield's work : " Danmarkis Regis Kronicke II. p. 
1075 ;" and which is again to be found in his " Kong 
Hansis, Kronicke, p. 270." Here it is " Kong Hansis, 
Sir Herold, Master David, &c." It is unfortunate that 
the family name was not here added. 

Herberstein tells us that Master David was a Scot, 
and that one of that nation should be found in King 
John's service need not appear remarkable, for James 
the Fourth, at that time King of Scotland, was John's 
nephew, James the Third having married his sister 
Margaret in 1470, in consequence of a proposal made 
by Charles the Seventh, King of France, and received 
the Orkney and Shetland Islands as her dower. At 
the conclusion of a treaty between Denmark and 
Scotland (with England one had existed since 1490), 
an embassy was sent, in May 1493, from the latter 
country to Copenhagen ; and probably David accom- 
panied it. King John earnestly wished the Czar Ivan 
Vassilovitch to make up his mind to seize Sweden, 
which had become faithless to the Danish Crown, 
or at all events its neighbouring dependency, Fin- 
land ; in return for which he promised his assistance 
against Lithuania. The name of the Danish ambas- 
sador who came to Moscow in July 1493, to settle 
the terms of an offensive and defensive alliance, and 
who was the first envoy to Russia from that country. 


is nowhere mentioned ; and the mission with which 
he was charged, so far as it regarded the plot against 
Sweden, was kept as secret as possible in Denmark. 
Nevertheless the author of the " Swedish Rhyming 
Chronicles" received intelligence of it, and he says briefly 
in his verses that " the Dompropst of Roschild was sent 
by King Hans to Russia." Messenius copied this in 
1620, as Dolin did likewise in 1750, without exami- 
nation ; and Schlegel in 1769 erroneously believed that 
Master David and this Dompropst were one and the 
same person. 

In my opinion the Danish envoy who arrived at 
Moscow in July, taking Gothland, Livonia, and Novo- 
gorod en route, was no other than John Jucobson, " Jeas 
Ibson, or Jebson, or Jpson," who seven years after- 
wards became Bishop of Roschild, and was of the 
Ravensberg family. His father sent him when a youth 
to Cologne \vith a tutor in order to study at the 
University, which was at that time famous. An un- 
suitable matrimonial engagement, which he there con- 
tracted (" turpi amore captus est libidine ccbcus, UiKorem 
dux'it merctriccm quandam, nomine Christinam ") was 
annulled on his return, through his father's interposition, 
and Jacobson became a canon and priest in the Cathe- 
dral at Roschild. King John took him with him as 
his secretary in 1482, on the occasion of the journey 
which he undertook to Schleswig and Holstein, as well 
as to Hamburg for the purpose of receiving oaths of 
allegiance from those places to himself and to his 
younger brother. Prince Frederick. Somcv.hat later 
we find Jacobson appointed provost or superinten- 


dent of the Monastery of Dalby in the province of 
Schonen, and previously to this he was Dean of Ros- 
child. He was entrusted by King- John with a mission 
to Scotland and England ; and in 1500 at the decease 
of the Bishop of Roschild, Jacobson was installed in 
this high office. Shortly after he became a Bishop he 
was sent to Opslo, in Norway, accompanied by Heinrich 
Krumeridge with a fleet, for the purpose of reducing to 
obedience the Norwegians, who had fallen off' from their 
allegiance to their Sovereign. 

Knut Alfson, their leader, was slain on board the 
Bishop's own vessel ; and we learn from history that 
Jacob was suspected of secret concurrence, not only 
in this act, but in the murder of the Lord High 
Steward (Reichshofmeister), Paul Laxmand, in 1502. 
For the rest, he is represented as a learned man and 
great politician ; but, moreover, as very sensual and 
ostentatious (" re<je?n ipsum vivendo siimptuose et splen- 
dide superavW), although, it must be said, in his behalf, 
that he conferred many favours on the poor and needy. 
He maintained several hundred horsemen at his own 
cost for the King's service. He died in 1512, in em- 
barrassed circumstances, at the Castle or Palace of 
Hintholm, after the canon Langurn, his successor 
at a later period, had already officiated for him for 
some time. He was buried at Roschild, the ancient 
residence of the Kings of Denmark, where many of 
them repose in the main aisle of the old Cathedral 
Church, which was visited by Peter the Great in 1716, 
and he was accidentally discovered in 1753, in his epis- 
copal robes, with the paten and chalice placed on 


his folded hands. By the way, I here remember that 
the sarcophagus of Duke John the younger, of Den- 
mark, who died at Moscow in 1602, was placed in this 
Cathedral in 1642, after having been interred in the 
first instance, with the permission of the Czar Boris 
Fedorovitch Godunoff, in an arched vault in the Luthe- 
ran Church, a plain building in the German quarter. 
It is well known that he married the beautiful and 
accomplished Grand Duchess Xenia Borissovna Godu- 
noff, only daughter of the Czar, who, three years 
afterwards, met such a cruel fate. Near a pillar, 
where the length of body of Christian the First 
was observed, Duke John's grave was likewise 
pointed out to Peter the Great, in 1716. Joachim 
Beck, son-in-law of John Jacobson's brother Joachim, 
who lies buried near him, had an epitaph written for 
John the Bishop, in which are the following lines : * — 
" When employed on an embassy to England and 
Scotland, he so conducted himself, that his name 
is held in most pleasant, grateful, and glorious re- 
membrance, both by the English and Scotch, whom 
he persuaded to enter into a truce, though engaged in 
sanguinary warfare, with their armies stationed in 
face of each other, maddened with rage, and with 
banners flying, ready to commence the fray — a fact 
worthy of being handed down to posterity. Such 
was the effect produced, even on foreigners, by that 
man's august majesty of voice and countenance; and 
such was the authority of his name in matters of 
great import ! " 

* See Appendix A. 


Unfortunately we are not informed in what year 
Jacobson visited England and Scotland, but at the end 
of February, 1493, we find that a Danish Embassy, 
consisting- of a chancellor or secretary of the King, 
his brother, a doctor and a herald, was to start for 
London. From the epitaph we are led to believe 
that Jacobson was in Scotland in 1497, and that he 
was there employed by King James the Fourth in ne- 
gotiating the truce concluded in that year. The King 
of England on his side likewise made use of a stranger 
for that purpose, Don Pedro Ayala, who had come 
to England on the occasion of the projected marriage 
of Arthur Prince of Wales with Catherine of Arragon, 
who, on his death, became the bride of his brother 

At the same time that political matters iwere dis- 
cussed, the marriage of the English Princess Margaret, 
Henry the Seventh's eldest daughter, with James the 
Fourth King of Scotland, which had been talked of 
in 1495, but was not celebrated until 1503, appears to 
have been brought on the tupis. This marriage must 
be considered as the foundation of the union between 
England and Scotland, which took place in 1603, a 
hundred years later. If John Jacobson was in England 
and Scotland, after his visit to Russia, he would naturally 
have been enabled to give an account of this country 
and Moscow, in both those kingdoms. It appears as if 
at that time the English court had begun to take notice 
of Russia. In the first year of the reign of Henry 
the Eighth, in 1510, a bal costume was given in the 
Parliament Hall, at Westminster, at which the King 


himself appeared in Turkish costume; but Henry Staf- 
ford, at that time just created Earl of Wiltshire, and 
the Baron Fitzwalter, afterwards Viscount and Earl of 
Sussex, presented themselves in Russian dresses, with 
caps of grey cloth " in two long gounes of yelowe satin 
traversed with white satin, and in every bend of whyte 
was a bend of cremson satin, after the fashion of Rus- 
sia or Ruslande, with furred hattes of greye on their 
hedes, either of them havyng an hatchet in their handes 
and bootes with pykes turned up." Probably there 
were similar " goodly bankets" at the nuptial festivities 
of the King of Scotland and the Prince of Wales. 

It may still be mentioned that, in 1496, a treaty of 
commerce was concluded between King John of Den- 
mark and King James the Fourth of Scotland. Jacob- 
son's missions to Russia did not take place, as Huitfield 
wrote, for the purpose of settling the boundary ques- 
tion, but as already said, in order to request assistance 
asrainst Sweden, which had attached Lubeck and other 
Hanse towns to its interest, and excited them against 
Denmark and Russia. A letter from Kemi, at the 
mouth of the river Kemi, somewhat to the eastward of 
Tornea, was made public in the spring of 1490, which 
was intended to irritate foreigners against Russia, and 
justify the execution of a great number of Russians. 
Therein are described the repeated inroads of the Rus- 
sians during a series of years, into North and East 
Bothnia, where, availing themselves of the peace then 
existing, and under pretence of carrying on their traffic, 
they effected an entrance, and then fell on the defence- 
less inhabitants, who lost not only their property but 



their lives, in the most cruel manner. The villages of 
Kemi, situated on the north-eastern shore of the Gulf of 
Bothnia, Ijo and Limingo, were stated to have been 
burnt ; the Russians, it was alleged, asserted that the 
whole salmon fishery in the nortliern part of the Gulf 
of Bothnia belonged to them, and indeed that this was 
the case, not only on the eastern side, as far as Pyhii- 
joki and down to the Hanakiffvi Rock, but likewise on 
the Swedish side as far down as Biureklubbe in the 
parish of Skelleftea ; and then in the north, the eastern 
half of the river Kemi, up to Rovaniem. The in- 
habitants moreover were obliged, it was said, to i)ay 
three white furs (squirrel-skins) per head. 

Hanakiffvi or Hanlickivi is a rock about fifteen 
fathoms in circumference, and rises more than three 
fathoms out of the water, on the shore of the Gulf, — 
there must have been inscriptions upon it. Biurek- 
lubbe is a rock on the opposite or western shore 
of the Gulf. 

Orta, a place two miles from Ulea, had been ap- 
pointed as a limit, which the Russians were not to 
pass ; but as at that time this again happened, Hans 
Anderson, the governor, slew one-and-twenty persons, 
whilst the remainder fled towards the White Sea. The 
Orta in question was situated on a small island in 
the river Ulea. 

Near the Chapel of Muhos, likewise on the river 
Ulea, four miles from the place of that name, there 
must have been a stone three ells high, and of the 
same breadth, named Ruskonkivi, on which three boun- 
dary marks were cut, the lion for Sweden, a cross 


for Russia, and a hammer for Lapland. In 1492, tlie 
Czar Vassily Ivaiiovitch built the Castle of Ivanogorod 
opposite to Narva, as a defence against Livonia ; in 
1493 he entered willingly into the alliance, which was 
proposed to him by King John of Denmark ; and it 
was with a view to conclude this definitively that 
Demetrius Ivanovitch llaleff and the secretary Deme- 
trius Saitzeff were without loss of time sent to accom- 
pany John Jacobson on his return to Denmark. De- 
metrius Raleff was, as we have seen, employed in 
1488 on a mission to Italy, and was afterwards absent 
from 1499 until 1504, during which time he sent 
from Rome his treaties on the White Bishops Mitre. 
He must have thoroughly understood Italian, as well 
as Latin, and was thus enabled to make himself under- 
stood by Jacobson on their route ; with King John, 
there was at that time a learned Italian doctor of laws, 
of whom it is known that in the sea-voyage he made 
with the King to the Imperial Diet at Colmar in 
Sweden, he nearly lost his life, for the ship on board of 
which he was with the documents, caught fire. Jury 
Manuilovitch Trachaniot returned from his last mission 
to Rome just after Raleffs departure, otherwise he 
would probably have gone with Jacobson to Denmark ; 
for, on his journey homewards, he was sorely handled 
in the Danish possessions, and made a complaint on 
the subject. For the rest, he appears to have been 
more employed on missions connected with matrimonial 
matters. The " Rhyming Chronicle " refers to Raleff and 
Saitzeff where two Boyars from Russia are mentioned ; 
it also informs us that in all, no less than twenty Rus- 

F 2 


sians went to Denmark at that time, and that they 
embarked at Revel. Perhaps Gregory Istoma was in 
this company, for the Chronicle acquaints us that some 
Russians remained behind in Denmark in 1493. The 
treaty, drawn up in Latin, was celebrated at Copenhagen 
on the 8tli of November, and we possess a copy of it. 
John promised assistance against the Duke of Lithu- 
ania, but he also required aid* "against his adversaries, 
and especially his enemy, Swanton, who had usurped 
the government of the kingdom of Sweden. It was 
stipulated that when either of them attacked Swan- 
ton, who acted as Governor of the kingdom of 
Sweden, or Captain Eric Sture, at Wyburg, or any 
such other rulers in the kingdom of Sweden as were 
faithless and rebellious subjects, notice should be 
given to the other party to the treaty." 

The Ambassadors of the one were to have free pas- 
sage through the territory of the other, " viam mun- 
dam in terris et aquis absque impedimento habebunt." 
Trade and commerce were likewise taken into consi- 
deration ; but that King John promised the Czar 
Vassily Ivanovitch part of Finland, according to Mes- 
senius, Aeyrapaa, Lasche (Jaskis), and Sawolax, does 
not appear in this document. 

With Raleff and Saitzeff now came to Moscow the 
herald David, who probably had already accompanied 
Jacobson to that city the year before. They were the 
bearers of the treaty ; but, as they could not return by 
way of the Baltic Sea, on account of the season, and 
moreover the danger they would run from Sweden and 
* See Appendix B. 


her allies, the King had them conveyed to Marstrand 
in Norway, a place at that time situated at its southern 
extremity ; and there, by his order, they received guides 
and reindeer, with which to travel round Sweden 
through the Norwegian territory. The Swedish "Rhyming 
Chronicle" expresses great disapprobation that the King 
should have made the Russians acquainted with the 
road through Norway. According to Hintfield, some 
of them returned by way of Narva (Ivangorod). Master 
David, the companion of Raleff and Saitzeff was, so far 
as we can ascertain, the first Scotchman who ever visit- 
ed Moscow. If Istoma went to Copenhagen in RalefF's 
suit, in 1493, he must also have returned before the 
decease of Dorothea, the Queen Mother, in 1495, after 
which hostilities openly broke out on the side of Sweden; 
for we find from Herberstein, that in 1496 his expe- 
dition set out from the Dwina, and proceeded across the 
White Sea and the Northern Ocean, and so round 
Murmansky Noss, to Drontheim in Norway. In the last 
mentioned year it was impossible to travel by the usual 
road, because Russia was waging a bloody war in Fin- 
land ; whilst on the other hand, a Swedish fleet had 
arrived from Stockholm at Ivangorod (near Narva), 
then but four years built, which was plundered and 
destroyed. Previously to this, towards the end of 
the year 1495, our army, composed for the most jmrt 
of inhabitants of Pskov, had been encamped for some 
time before Viborg, without effecting anything. 

In February, 1496, Russian troops from Novogorod, 
where the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch had taken up his 
quarters in 1495, were again in Finland, into the south- 


western part of wliicli they had probably penetrated on 
the ice of the Gulf. The winter was particularly severe ; 
nevertheless they committed great ravages, and before 
the thaw came on, in the month of March, had already 
returned to Novogorod. About this time a fresh and 
powerful body of Russian troops, led by the two Princes 
Uschatoi, and recruited in the country around Ustjug, 
Onega, and the Dwina in the present government of 
Uleaborg, as far as Kemi and Tornea, at the north end 
of the Gulf of Bothnia, reached Kalikself, belonging 
then, as it does now, to Sweden ; and likewise 
harassed the inhabitants of the north-eastern part of 
the eastern shore of the Gulf, where several places and 
rivers, not easily to be recognised by their Russian 
names, are mentioned, viz., Ijo (la); Hankifindas (Heclit- 
brecht) ; Ulea, where Uleaborg now stands ; Limingo ; 
Lumijoki ; Siikajoki, named after the fish, Sigi (Salmo 
lavaretus), and Salo. A part of the troops must, never- 
theless, have arrived further south, in July, in the 
present Knopio, as well as in the Viborg, govern- 
ment; for the " Rhyming Chronicle" says that the 
towns of Jokkas and Oloffsborg, i. e. Nyslott, were 

Arzubuscheff writes in 1838, that this considerable 
Russian host embarked on the river Uwina, and pro- 
ceeded by the White Sea and the Northern Ocean, 
round Murmansky Noss, to the places where it en- 
camped, consequently to the Gulf of Bothnia. Into 
this remarkable error he appears to have been led 
by Letopissetz, a native of Archangel. Herberstein 
mentions that Istoma learnt Latin in Denmark, and 


it is likely that he did so under the tuition of John 
Jacobson, the King's " Archigrammaticus." 

As Istoma was now our first interpreter and under- 
stood Latin, and as Herberstein, by his means, made 
himself acquainted with the history of our country, it is 
as Avell here to observe, that in 1493 Istoma arrived at 
Copenhagen, and either remained there then for some 
time, or resided there at a somewhat later period ; so 
that opportunities were not wanting for him to attain a 
knowledge of that language. The University was 
founded in 1474, under the patronage of the then Bishop 
of Roschild, who, together with the Dean and the Pro- 
vost of the Cathedral of that place, formed the Senate 
of the University. The first students Avere from Co- 
logne, where Jacobson had studied, who, as we have 
seen, was himself Bishop of Roschild in 1500, as well 
as Chancellor of the University of Copenhagen. The 
Latin language was thus brought to Russia from 
Cologne by way of Copenhagen ; and John Jacobson 
Ravensberg contributed towards its introduction. The 
Latin treaty of 1493 is interesting to us, because in 
all likelihood it was drawn up by him ; and our copy 
must have been compared, in the first instance, with 
the Copenhagen original, and then published. 

My conjecture that Jacobson came to Moscow in 
1493 as ambassador from Denmark, is confirmed by a 
statement just discovered by me, in the manuscript regis- 
ters used by Karamsin and called the Archival, because 
they are preserved in the Archives at Moscow. I found 
the Cliristian name of the ambassador to be John. In 
1499, Ivan Vassilovitch demanded the hand of King 


John's daughter Eh'zabeth, for his son, the Grand Duke 
Vassily ; in consequence of which a Danish Embassy, 
consisting of Master John Anderson, Dr. Andreas 
Christenson, and Master Andreas Glob, was sent to 
Moscow, where they arrived in February, 1500. In 
order still further to urge on this marriage-business, 
Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot was dispatched in 
April with the same individuals, to King John, as already 
stated ; but they soon sent back intelligence, before 
they had reached their destination, that Elizabeth 
had married Joaquim, Margrave of Brandenberg ; and 
nothing more explicit is mentioned in history with re- 
gard to this Embassy. Karamsin merely gives a quota- 
tion (B. 6, note 434) from the Annual Record, mention- 
ing Master John Anderson; and he is no other than the 
Jens Anderson, so well known in Danish and Swedish 
history by the nickname of Baldeneck, being so named 
from his bald head. 

He was the son of a shoemaker, had studied at Merse- 
burg, and resided for some time in Italy. After his 
return to Denmark he became King John's private 
secretary; and in 1502 was installed in the Bishopric 
of Odensee, on the Island of Funen. He was a clever 
man, and frequently employed in State affairs. After 
Laxmand's murder he was presented with the palace 
of the deceased ; and history throws on him likewise 
some suspicion of having participated in this deed. He, 
however, appears to have ventured to give the King 
a warning hint of what was intended, by means of a 
favorite. In 1503, he was sent to Cardinal Raymund, 
the Papal Legate, at that time resident at Lubeck, for 


the purpose of effecting Queen Christina's deliverance 
from Stockhohu, by the promise of a large sum of 
money. Between 1504 and 1508 he built the Episcopal 
Palace at Odensee. In 1520 he attended at the coro- 
nation of Christian the Second, King of Sweden, and 
had a share in the massacre at Stockholm, which suc- 
ceeded the festivities. He it was who made the speech 
to the different classes of the people, in order to per- 
suade them to recognise the King, and afterwards pro- 
posed that all those executed should be burnt in three 
heaps. King Christian the Second nominated him in 
the same year to the Bishopric of Strenguas, in Sweden ; 
but during the siege of Stockholm, in 1521, he escaped 
to Denmark, where the King, it is not knowai why, had 
him removed from one prison to another, and at last 
to Hammershuus, on Bornholm Island. The Lubeck- 
ers released him in 1522, when they captured the 
island, and after the flight of Christian the Second he 
returned to Odensee. In the year 1529 he disposed of 
this Bishopric for money to Knut Gyldensterna, and 
returned to Lubeck, where he died in 1539. 

As I have been obliged to mention the massacre at 
Stockholm, I will here add a few^ words with refer- 
ence to a man who was likewise, though indirectly, 
connected with it, and who was for some time in 
Moscow, the already-mentioned Johannes Franciscus 
de Potentia, a Neapolitan monk. He w^as sent to 
Denmark in 1520, by Pope Leo the Tenth, as com- 
missioner to examine into Church affairs in the north, 
and particularly distinguished himself in instituting 
enquiries into the Stockholm massacre. The principal 


blame was thrown on Dietrich Slaghok, who was a 
conntryman and relative of the infamous Sigbrit, mother 
of Dyveke, Christian the Second's mistress (on whose 
account Herberstein was sent to this King in 1516); 
he was of a barber's family, and after being a priest 
in Denmark, became Bishop of Skara in Sweden, in 
1520. In consequence of the investigation made by 
Johannes Franciscus, at the beginning of 1522, Slaghok 
was first placed under the gallows, and then, after the ex- 
ecutioner had bound him to a ladder, he was thrown on a 
burning pile of wood. In 1526 Pope Clement the Sixth 
appointed Johannes Franciscus to the Bishopric of Skara, 
in Slaghok's stead, and he was about to commence his 
journey to Sweden, to take possession of his see, when 
he met Demetrius Gerassimoff, and accompanied him 
from Rome to Moscow. Hence Herberstein says of 
him, without however mentioning his name, " that he 
was a schismatic and titular bishop of Scara." King 
Sigismund, on Johannes Franciscus' passage through 
Poland, gave him written instructions so to frame his 
proposals to the Czar, with regard to peace with that 
country, that the latter might be induced to believe 
that that peace was not sought by the king; he 
wished, moreover, to have Smolensko back again, to 
which end Herberstein afterwards exerted himself 

Andreas Christenson was a Carmelite and Doctor 
of Theology. I find him mentioned in 1519, on the 
occasion of the removal of the convent of Carmelites 
from Landscrona to Copenhagen, to a new building 
erected for the purpose, for he was then appointed 


Magister proviiicialis. The third Dane Avho visited us 
n 1499 was Master Andreas Glob, who next appears 
n 1512, as secretary to Bishop Jens Anderson Balde- 
lach, of Odensee, the same with whom he came to 
[Moscow ; and at a later period he was provost of the 
Cathedral of the same place. In 1520 he \vas sent by 
King Christian the Second to Segeberg in Holstein, to 
[^oiivey some records from thence to Sonderbm'g; many 
C)t" the most important of which are conjectured, probably 
\\\i\\ reason, to have been destroyed at that time. He 
iseems to have established himself afterwards at Gam- 
borg, on the west coast of Funen, and to have inhabited 
at times a delightful country-house on the neighbouring 
Island of Svinoe, in the Little Belt. A chest pre- 
sented by him to the Church at Gamborg bears this 
inscription, "Andreas Glob, Anno Domini, MDXXII," 
and it is believed that he was buried in this church ; 
but the characters on the stone said to cover his 
grave have long been illegible. 

Jury Manuilovitch Trachaniot and Fretjak Dalma- 
tofF, who accompanied the three envoys whom I 
have here described on their return to Denmark, must 
have been with King John in SM'eden, at the com- 
mencement of the year 1501, for the chronicle of that 
time relates that at an Imperial Diet then held at Stock- 
holm, a Russian envoy was present, and that a portion 
of Finland was promised by the King to the Czar Ivan 
Vassilovitch. To this the fresh revolt of the Swedes 
must have not a little contributed. Sten Sture took 
Stockholm, and at once seized the Queen, who had 
remained behind in the Castle. Knut Alfson then 


went to Norway, and roused the whole country to re- 
bellion ; on which John Jacobson Ravensberg, Bishop 
of Roschild, was sent thither likewise, in order to, coun- 
teract his operations. It was on account of the insurrec- 
tion which then became general in Sweden and Norway 
that Trachaniot and Dalmatoff were unable to travel 
back to Russia by the usual route ; and thus is explained 
why they sailed round Murmansky Noss, to the Dwina, 
in August, 1501. It may be that, in order to avoid 
Svatoi Noss, they made their way through Russian 
Lapland, to the coast of the Kandalax Gulf, and then 
re-embarked; for it appears that they passed the 
Convent of Solovetz. In their company was David 
the Herald, who had made the voyage round Mur- 
mansky Noss with Istoma, in 1496, in the oppo- 
site direction. When Ivan Vassilovitch, in 1503, 
wished to send David and his companions, escorted 
by a single messenger, back to King John, who 
was in Denmark, he dispatched the secretary 
Mikita Semenoff Moklokoff to his son-in-law 
Alexander, King of Poland, and Duke of Lithu- 
ania, to procure a safe-conduct for the going and 
returning through those countries. Two passes were 
consequently issued for them at Cracow on the 13th 
January, 1504, one in Russian for Lithuania, and one 
in Latin for Poland, and Moklokoff brought them to 

After the demise of the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, 
which took place in October, 1505, David arrived at 
Moscow with a letter addressed to the deceased, and 
delayed his return until 1507, when a new messenger, 


Joliaiines Plagh, dispatched by King John, reached the 
jCzar Vassily Ivanovitch, and both the herald David 
'and the messenger Plagh were sent together with 
Gregory Istoma back to Denmark. Here, at that 
time, at Nykiobing on the " Falster," a species of con- 
gress had assembled to discuss the affairs of Lubeck, 
Avliere Lubeck, French and Scotch envoys met. As 
the letter dispatched from Moscow to King John, 
by Vassily Ivanovitch, was probably composed by Is- 
toma, our first Latin diplomatist, I cannot altogether 
refrain from quoting it. It is as follows:* — "Most 
serene and dear brother, we send you many and 
friendly greetings. We write to your Highness, inas- 
much as your Highness sent your spokesman and 
Herald, Master David Kocker, to our Father John, 
Emperor, Grand Duke, and . Lord of all Russia. 
By the will of God, our Father has departed in the 
Lord. Subsequently your messenger, John Plagh, 
came to us with your credentials and letters, for where- 
as your Master David brought a message from you after 
the death of our Father, your messenger, John Plagh, 
has acquainted us again with your wish that, as Divine 
Providence has willed that our Father should depart in 
the Lord, we should be united with you, as our Father 
was, in fraternity and friendship, against all enemies ; 
and that we should also send a messenger to you our 
brother John, the King, together with your messengers. 
Truly we desire to have the same friendship and fra- 
ternity with you our brother John, King of Dacia 
(Denmark ?), Sweden, and Norway, as you had with 
* See Appendix C. 


our Father; and we now send you our ambassador 
Ysclionia, togetlier with your ambassadors. God 
willing, your ambassadors will reach you together 
with our ambassador Yschonia (Istoma), who bears 
these our letters. We desire, moreover, that your 
letters to Us be conceived in the same strong terms of 
friendship as those you wrote to our Father ; and that 
you order your seal to be affixed to these letters in the 
same manner. And we request that in the presence 
of our ambassador Yschonia (Ystoma) you kiss the 
cross on those your letters to us, and that you send 
them to us, so confirmed, by your ambassador, together 
with our ambassador Yschonia (Istoma), sealing up 
your said letters in the same manner. And, God 
willing, when Our aforesaid ambassador returns to us 
with your ambassadors, bearing your letters so ratified, 
and when the same have been seen by us, we shall 
write to you letters in return — the same word for word 
as yours — and shall also order Our seal to be aflSxed 
thereto. On the same letters, We shall kiss the cross 
in the presence of your ambassador, and then we shall 
send you Our letters so ratified together with your 
ambassador. And so, with God's assistance, we request 
that you will sign, and send us back our ambassador 
Ysconia (Ystoma) without delay. Dated at Moscow 
on the seventieth {sic) day of July, in the year seven 
Thousand and Fifteen." 

It would be very easy to set down almost to a 
letter the Russian words of the sketch from which 
Istoma composed this masterpiece. We also possess 
a copy of the sketch of King John's reply to Vassily 


Ivanovitcli. It thus commences :* — " John, &c., King-. 
— To the Emperor of all Russia, health and sincere 
and fraternal love in the Lord. Dearly beloved Bro- 
ther and Confederate, — Your Majesty's ambassador 
Yscania (Ystoma) applied and came to Us, with David 
our Herald on such a day, exhibiting and presenting 
your letters. From which letters we have clearly 
understood that you wish in all things to follow the 
footsteps of the Lord John Vassily of pious memory, 
and especially to enter into brotherly friendship and 
confederacy with Us — and so to frame our letters with 
reference to such friendship and confederacy, and send 
them to you by our aforesaid Ambassador N. and 
Yscania (Ystoma). We therefore, by these presents, 
address and transmit them to you, greatly desiring and 
requesting that you will send Us letters from you con- 
taining the assurance of the same friendship and con- 
federacy — Prince, our brother, father-in-law, and 
parent ! " 

Here follows a description of what had happened 
when King John went to Sweden, at the commence- 
ment of 1501, and where at that time, as already 
mentioned, our envoys Jury Manuilovitch, Trachaniot, 
and Dalmatoff must also have been ; and theu,t " after 
we had entered our kingdom of Sweden with a few 
followers, in accordance with their M'ish, in order that 
the natives might not be too much exasperated, they 
obstinately opposed us, just as the Jews did Christ ; 
and then it pleased God that we escaped in person out 
of the hands of these our rebellious Swedes. Thus 
* See Appendix D. t See Appendix E. 


the aforesaid Swedish rebels still occupy the whole of 
our kingdom of Sweden, and detain it, contrary to the 
law of God, contrary to justice, and contrary to the 
fidelity they have sworn to us. For which reason we 
are moved to beg Our Brother and Confederate to bear 
in mind the iniquity of our rebellious subjects." 

In 1514, David the herald came to Moscow for the 
first time, as envoy from King Christian the Second, 
and was then already named in our annals David 
Staroi (the elder). In the spring of 1515 he returned 
to Denmark, with Ivan Mikulin Jarro Ssabolotsky, 
the ambassador, and the secretary Vassily Beloi, in 
order to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alliance 
with that King ; and all three came back to Moscow 
in the autumn of the same year, to report the progress 
they had made, and to form arrangements with re- 
ference to this compact. 

In 1516 David returned to Copenhagen with the 
secretary Nekrass Dalmatoff. Herberstein writes that 
he " made acquaintance with Master David, the 
envoy of the King of Denmark," but although it is 
neither very clear from his German nor from his 
Latin description, whether he and David met at Mo^^- 
cow, in 1517, or at Nykiobing in 1516, it is neverthe- 
less probable that he saw him at Moscow; for in a 
letter written in July, 1517, by the Czar Vassily Ivano- 
vitch, to King Christian the Second, it is explicitly 
stated that " Master David Gerhold" had presented 
himself as messenger from the King, and had re- 
quested that Danish merchants might be permitted to 
reside at Novogorod and Ivangorod, and there have 


clmrches of their own ; to which the Czar had con- 
sented. Now, as Herberstein arrived at Moscow on 
the 18th April, 1517, he doubtless there met the 
Danish herald David, who had been for more than 
twenty years an acquaintance of Istoma's ; and it was 
probably David himself who was the bearer of the 
Czar's letter of July. 

It is remarkable that, in the translation of the 
Russian letter into Danish, the incorrect name of 
the herald should have been preserved. From this 
Danish translation from the Russian, Biisching took 
his German one, and made the name Gerolt (Ma- 
gazine III, p. 178); thus the corrupted name of Ge- 
rold was transmitted by us to Denmark in writing, 
and afterwards returned to us in print. The treaty 
of alliance concluded between Vassily Ivanovitch 
I and Christian the Second, was similar to that esta- 
I blished, by John Jacobson's medium in 1493, with 
King John, and dated at Moscow the 2nd of August, 
1517. Thus it is probable that David the Herald 
was at that time in Moscow. Herberstein remained 
there until the end of November. In the Imperial 
Archives in the Kremlin, there were formerly six ori- 
ginal letters from the Danish Kings, John and Chris- 
tian the Second, to the Czars Ivan and Vassily; and 
just the same number of rough sketches of epistles 
from the two latter to those monarchs. 

I have already pointed out the probability of Cape 
Svatoi Noss being called by voyagers Watternas, or 
Wassernase (Waternose), on account of the whirlpool 
whi^h foams at a short distance from it. It was 



necessary that I should call attention to this Suvoi, 
for I consider that it contributed very considerably 
towards preventing Sir Hugh Willoughby from con- 
tinuing his voyage farther in a south-easterly direction 
towards the White Sea. According to the journal kept 
by him, we find that, on the 14tli of September, he ran 
into a bay on the Lapland shore, where he met with 
convenient anchorage ; and there is no doubt that this 
was the large bay in which the island of Nokujeff is 
situated. How long he remained here is not stated, 
but it is probable that he weighed anchor again on the 
following day, or, at all events, on the 16th of Septem- 
ber, in order to continue his course along the south- 
eastern coast. Now, however, the winds were quite 
contrary, and in tacking his vessels, he must have fallen 
in with the line of breakers stretching out from Cape 
Svatoi Noss in a north-north-west direction. That his 
two ships w^ere the smallest in the expedition we are 
aware; for the largest was only of one hundred and 
twenty tons' burthen. As the wind now blew directly 
against the current, the Suvoi must have been in a 
very disturbed state, and Sir Hugh, who could not un- 
derstand why his ship spun round so violently, gave 
orders, on the 17th of September, that both vessels 
should put back, probably during the flood, which set 
in early on this day, for he intended to return for 
shelter to the bay which he had left shortly before, 
behind the island of Nokujeff. He could not effect this, 
however, on the same day, and it was not advisable to 
attempt it during the night, for he knew, from his pre- 
vious survey, that there was a small isolated rock in 


the middle of the bay. Sir Hugh's two vessels, there- 
fore, the Esperanza and the Confidentia, entered Noku- 
jeff B-iy only on the 18th of September. 

If the difficulties encountered by Istoma, and David 
the Herald, as well as by several earlier voyagers in 
navigating along the Lapland coast near Svatoi Noss, 
by reason of the Suvoi, which probably induced Sir 
Hugh Willoughby to return to the harbour, are no 
longer so much dreaded, this is very naturally ex- 
plained by the difference in the size of the craft now 
employed, as well as by the perfection now attained 
in all branches of navigation, through our being at pre- 
sent in possession of excellent charts, and from the 
knowledge w^e have acquired of the cause and nature 
of the Suvoi itself. For the rest, Diaz, who perished 
in 1500, had, in my opinion, less grounds for naming 
the southernmost point of Africa, reached by him on 
the 1st of May, 1487, Cabo Tormentoso (Stormy 
Cape) than our voyagers round Murmansky Noss 
had for bestowing a similar appellation on Svatoi 
Noss ; for although the dangerous whirlpool tliere met 
with is not permanent, still it continually starts into 
existence at regular intervals of six hours, whilst 
Diaz merely had to struggle against the violent and 
adverse winds which he casually encountered. In an 
unpublished memoir, dedicated to the illustrious Em- 
peror Alexander, which gives a description of the 
Lapland coast, from the fishing colony in Lumboa 
Bay to the fishing town of Plotna, situated near the 
Svatoi Noss Bay, behind Joakan Island, the whirl- 
pool is very fully described, and we find that it is 

G 2 


even now, at the commencement of the present cen- 
tury, considered very dangerous for small fishing craft ; 
for when these are accidentally drawn into it during 
foggy weather, they are exposed to great perils, and, 
indeed, are often altogether lost. This memoir forms 
the first volume of a work which the author, Anthony 
von Poschmann, who was attache to the Polish embassy, 
intended to write on the fishery established on this part 
of the Lapland coast ; the nautical part appears to be 
derived from the observations and inquiries made in 
1800, by the naval Lieutenant Kordjukoff. 

There is a manuscript description by Poschmann of 
that part of the Lapland coast situated in the neigh- 
bourhood of Svatoi Noss. The second volume was to 
contain further information with reference to the cod, 
herring, and other fisheries, and especially some plans 
for the encouragement of this branch of industry. 
Until very lately an opinion prevailed among the 
seamen along the coast, that there were worms at 
Svatoi Noss which perforated their vessels, but were 
driven away by a spell. 

For the positive certainty that the bay, in which 
Sir Hugh Willoughby took shelter on his return, w^as 
situated to the westward of the island of Nokujeff, we 
are again indebted to Anthony Jenkinson, who, when 
near Cape Svatoi Noss, in 1557, made the following 
entry in his logbook, on the before-mentioned 7th of 
July, viz. : " Note, that we yesterday (on the 6th July) 
passed the spot where Sir Hugh Willoughby perished 
with the whole of his crew, and which is called Arzina 
reca, which means the river Arzina." Jenkinson was 


enabled to point out the place, because be bad some 
one witb bim wbo, two years previously, bad been at tbe 
moutb of tbe Dwina wben botb Sir Huob Willouobbv's 
vessels were brougbt tbere. Tbis was Robert Best, 
wbo now served as interpreter. Tbe short descrip- 
tion given to us by Sir Hugh Willougbby himself, 
in his journal, of tbe harbour, or rather bay, which to 
bim was nameless, is altogether applicable to tbe bight 
on the west side of Nokujeff Island, formed by tbe 
coast lying opposite to it. He says : " Tbis harbour 
stretches into the land for a distance of about two 
leagues, and is half a league in breadth ; the land is 
high and rocky." According to the description given 
by Captain Lieut. Reineke in 1842, and which is 
based on AffanassjefF's measurements in 1840, tbe 
western Nokujeff Bay is six versts and a half in length, 
three in breadth at tbe entrance, and one and a half 
in the middle ; and to tbe south runs almost to a point. 
The rocky island (a peninsula at low water) of Noku- 
jeff towards tbe north, viz. seaward, is the highest land 
on tbis part of tbe coast, and here Willougbby was 
completely protected against the south-east wind which 
at that time blew very strong. He may have sailed up 
to tbe southernmost point of the bay, where the 
Drosdovka falls into it ; but it is probable that be cast 
anchor, if not at once, at all events afterwards, in the 
small bay formed at the moutb of the Varsina which 
is on the west side of the large one ; for in botb places 
tbere are soundings of six fathoms, which Avas the 
depth at the sj^ot where he anchored. 




Sir Hugh Willoughby merely intended to await a 
change of wind in the bay in which he had anchored ; 
but he was doomed to disappointment, for shortly 
afterwards a severe winter set in, with frost and snow. 
The moon since the night of the 21st to the 22nd of 
September had been on the wane, and at the end of a 
week Sir Hugh doubted the possibility of proceeding 
further, and resolved to winter there. Three parties, 
which were sent three and four days' journey, in differ- 
ent directions, to search for inhabitants, returned unsuc- 
cessful, for all the fishermen had already departed far 
into the interior for the winter: the days became 
shorter and shorter, and after the 25th of November 
our voyagers saw no more of the sun even at mid-day. 
No one was aware of any means of guarding against 
the cold, and, indeed, nothing had been brought for the 
purpose ; for at that time they had no idea in England 
what a winter in Russia, or in the northern regions 
in general, was ; moreover, the country surrounding 
NokujefF Bay was quite bare of wood, so that at that 
spot were frozen to death, with Sir Hugh Willoughby, 
the strong crews of both vessels, consisting of sixty- 
five men. Most of them may have commenced their 


eternal sleep during the night of more than a month's 
duration, from the 25tli of November to the 2yth of 
December ; but from a signature of Willoughby, it is 
ascertained that he was still alive at the end of January, 
1554. Probably before his decease he was even 
several times rejoiced by a sight of the sun at mid- 
day ; but what a scene of horror it shone upon ! Two 
frozen-up vessels full of stiffened corpses, and only 
partly discernible through the snow which had drifted 
over them, towards which the looks of the remaining 
unhappy voyagers, now but half alive, were involun- 
tarily turned, as, hopeless, and deprived even of the 
comforts of religion, they were despairingly awaiting 
the same fate. The chaplain was with Chancellor. 
Willoughby's vessel had two surgeons on board, Alex- 
ander Gardiner and Richard Molten, who first em- 
barked at Harwich. In the Esperanza there were 
three, not, as Hakluyt writes, six, and on board the 
Confidentia the mme number of merchants. 

In summer many fishermen frequent the Lapland 
coast, which, as before stated, is uninhabited during the 
winter months ; and by them were discovered in No- 
kujeff Bay the English vessels, with their dead crews, 
their merchandise, and all their gear. So soon as the 
Czar Ivan Vassilovitch received information of this 
calamity, through Chancellor, he ordered the Dwina 
Namestnick (Governor), Prince Semen Ivanovitch 
Mikulinsky Punkoff, to have all that was found on 
board the vessels, and in the boats, conveyed to Chol- 
mogoru, there to be kept for a time under seal. Fofan 
Makaroff, together with some other persons (Kossitzin, 


Rosselsky, and JepicliofF), were charged with the exe- 
cution of this order. This hapj^ened in the spring of 

Forty-two years later (1596-97), eleven Dutchmen, 
with Jacob Heemskerk and Wilhelm Barentz, lived 
through a winter, certainly in the endurance of many 
hardships, on the northern side of Nova Zembla, 
which had not been revisited, but they found sufficient 
drift wood for fuel, and for building a hut. It is worth 
mentioning that, as their vessel was locked up in the 
ice and useless, they patched up their two boats in 
such a manner that with them they succeeded in 
reaching the Lapland coast from Nova Zembla; and 
that these boats, after their arrival at Kola on the 1st 
(11th of September, 1597), were brought to the chief 
inn by permission of the Vaivode of that place, there 
to be preserved " in remembrance of their unheard-of 

We are indebted to this incident for a view of 
Kola as it was at that time, with the large inn at a 
distance from it, in the middle of which a large 
pair of scales was suspended. It happened that the 
Dutchmen, with both their small craft, reached the 
Lapland coast (although singly, for they were sepa- 
rated at some distance to the north of Kanin Noss) 
in the neighbourhood of Nokujeff Bay, in which the 
English were frozen up in 1553-54. Heemskirk ap- 
pears to have arrived at the bay behind the island of 
Kitai, where Kongloe Stanovischt is situated; and here 
he entered a dwelling, in which there were thirteen 
Russians, by whom he and his comiDanions were re- 


ceived very hospitably. The other boat had ah-eady 
reached the coast not far from the same place, and the 
crews consequently united. After they had remained 
here a few days to recruit their strength, and had de- 
cided on naming the spot Comfort Bay, they again 
started together, with the idea of proceeding to 
Wardhuus, but were compelled by bad weather to run 
into an inlet to the westward of the Bay of Kola, 
where they found a house inhabited by three Lap- 
landers, who confirmed what they had already ascer- 
tained from the fishermen at Lem Ostronov and 
Kildin — that there was a Dutch vessel at Kola. 
The master turned out to be Johann Cornells Ryp, 
who had been their companion the year before ; and 
they now returned to Holland in his vessel, and, con- 
sequently, were enabled to leave their boats behind 
them at Kola. 

Although this place has already been mentioned in 
our work, it is not on that account by any means 
to be considered as important, or, indeed, as perma- 
nently settled or colonised. The Laplanders from 
the Murman Sea, who were baptized in 1533, were 
from the Kola River, Tutoloma (so it is called in the 
Annual Record), and Svatoi Noss. Missionary priests 
had been sent to them from Novogorod for the 
purpose of founding two churches in Lapland, one 
dedicated to the Annunciation, and the other to St. 
Nicholas. Although Stephen Burrough, during his 
fortnight's stay in the Bay of Kola, saw as many as 
thirty huts, with at least four-and-twenty men in 
each, these, for the most part, were not inhabitants 


of the place, but people who had congregated from 
the southern districts to engage in the walrus and 
other fisheries. A considerable time must have elapsed 
before an important settlement was formed where Kola 
now stands; for when, in 15G5, a Dutch ship, de- 
spatched from Wardhuus in search of Philip Vinter- 
konig, arrived there to pass the winter, the whole place 
contained but three houses, the inhabitants of which 
fled into the forest at the sight of the vessel. In the 
following years the population increased, and more 
vessels visited the place. Until the year 1582, when 
some Danish vessels committed divers acts of pillage, 
there was no Vaivode at Kola or Malmuss, for the 
taxgatherers for the north of Lapland had generally 
dwelt at Kandalaksch. The first Vaivode, Averki 
Ivanovitch, constructed the store and the road for the 
Norwegians in 1582; and the second, Maxaka Fedo- 
rovitch SsudimontofF in 1583 built the small fort, with 
the towers at the corners, the remains of which are 
still to be seen. To this the monastery of Petsch, de- 
stroyed by the Finns in 1590, was transferred. Between 
the fort and the store, and the market, at that time, 
flowed the Kola, which has since scooj)ed out another 
channel, and by this means formed a kind of island, 
called Monastiirsky Ostrov. 

In the autumn of 1595, Ivan Samoilovitsch Sal- 
manoff was Vaivode, and it was probably he who 
welcomed the Dutch vessels. With the assistance of 
the present excellent charts of the Lapland coast, for 
which we are indebted to Admiral Lutke and Captain 
Lieutenant Reineke, the small vieMS and charts of 


Gerhard de Veer, who passed the winter at Nova Zem- 
bla, are now rendered intelligible, which previously was 
not the ease, for the names seldom stood in their proper 
places. In Veer's illustrated descriptions, published 
in 1598 in Dutch, Latin, and French (" Vaerachtige 
Beschryvinge, Diarium Nauticum, und Vraye Descrip- 
tion," &c.), is a chart, in which the Svatoi Noss coast is 
placed on the other side of the Bay of Kola. NokujefF 
Bay, owing to the rock which is so prominent an object 
in the middle of the entrance, is not to be mistaken, 
but the name of Mokogef is there given to it. North- 
west of these are to be seen the two boats ; conse- 
quently, the view w^as taken after they had united a 
second time. In later editions of Veer's illustrated 
account, in that, for example, by Hulsius, dated 1612, 
the Russian hut, and Heemskirk's boat, in which Veer 
himself was, are represented in a circular bay with a nar- 
row entrance ; and Veer tells us that they found their 
way into it through a number of rocks. It admits of 
no manner of doubt that this was the Bay of Kruglaja 
(which means circular), formed by the island of Kitai. 
On an eminence, the height of wdiich is estimated by 
Reineke at two hundred and sixty feet, two Dutch- 
men from the other boat are sketched in the act of 
discovering from thence the hut and Heemskirk's craft ; 
the other boat is to be seen coming out of a bay 
situated in a north-west direction, which must have 
been that of Dvorovaja. According to Hulsius (1G12) 
the name of Mokogef is incorrectly placed here, but 
that of Comfort is to be read near the houses in the 
Bay of Kruglaja, where now also there is an encamp- 


merit. Varsina is erroneously placed opposite to the 
Seven Islands. Afterwards we have both boats lying 
in a bay west of that of Kola, where also the house 
mentioned in the account is set down, together with 
the three Laplanders and the great dog — probably this 
was the Bay of Ura. Another Laplander, who was 
hired on the neighbouring hills, is now to be seen as 
companion to the Dutchman, despatched from thence 
to Kola, or rather to the ship. The latter commanded 
b}^ Jijp, lies in Kola Bay, not far from the fort and 
the opposite store. The two boats are observed once 
more sailing into the bay towards the vessel. The salt 
works, which stand on the right shore of the bay, at the 
distance of three miles and a half from Kola, are like- 
wise pointed out, and on one of the already-mentioned 
pages a boat is to be seen borne over land by six men. 
Veer's Illustrations make us tolerably well acquainted 
with the Russian mode of building huts at that time. 
It is scarcely necessary that I should remind my 
readers that the ever-memorable Barentz died soon 
after the return from Nova Zembla, and that it was the 
same Heemskirk who went to India from Holland with 
the Expeditions in 1598 and 1601. Detachments from 
these fleets contributed considerably to the extirpation 
of the Dodo at the Mauritius. Heemskirk met with 
his death in 1607, as admiral in the sea-fight near 
Gibraltar. He was interred in the old church at 
Amsterdam, where a monument was erected to his 

That at the period when it occurred, so little was 
written about Sir Hugh Willoughby's melancholy end 


is explained, on the one hand, by the fact that, in 1553, 
when the expedition set out, the Wollaton family, as 
already observed, was represented by Thomas Wil- 
loughby, a youth only thirteen years of age ; and that, 
at the death of the latter in 1558, his successor 
Francis was only eleven. At the time of the voyage, 
moreover, and at its conclusion, the attention of 
England was directed to Church and State matters, far 
too weighty to allow of the sympathy of the public 
being much excited for Sir Hugh Willoughby's fate. 
Immediately after his departure from England, the 
tranquillity which until then had existed was disturbed, 
and very stormy times succeeded. On the 6th of July 
King Edward the Sixth died, and on the 10th Lady 
Jane Grey was proclaimed Queen. Arms were taken 
up on all sides ; Mary ascended the throne, and Nor- 
thumberland was executed. The revival of the Roman 
Catholic religion, as well as the Queen's intention to 
marry Philip of Spain, son of the Emperor Charles the 
Fifth, by which it was believed that England's very 
existence as an independent nation was endangered, 
gave rise to many insurrectionary movements. Wyatt 
advanced upon London, but was seized and beheaded. 
The prisons were filled with persons of rank ; and at 
the same time that Sir Hugh's blood froze in his veins 
on the Lapland coast, that of his young grand-niece, 
Lady Jane Grey, was shed on the scaffold in the Tower, 
almost simultaneously with that of her husband, Lord 
Guilford Dudley, to whom she had been married very 
soon after the departure of our vessels. Shortly after- 
wards that of her father, Henry Grey, the brother of 


Ann Willoiigliby, and of his and her brother Thomas 
Grey, was to flow. In July Mary's marriage with 
Philip was celebrated. Religious persecutions without 
number, the burning of many Protestants, pregnant 
women even not excepted, and the proceedings of 
the Inquisition, so occupied men's minds at that 
time, that neither Chancellor's so-called discovery of 
Russia, which became known in London in 1554, nor 
the intelligence afterwards received of the tragical 
end of Willoughby and his fellow voyagers, possessed 
sufficient interest to attract the attention of the public 
in any great degree. 

At Wollaton House, near Nottingham, which 
belongs to Lord Middleton, some clothes are pre- 
served which are supposed to be those found on 
the body of the frozen Sir Hugh Willoughby. 
Pennant relates that a servant at Wollaton House, 
when he showed Sir Hugh Willoughby's portrait to a 
stranger (" a whole length in large breeches, according 
to the fashions of the times") was wont to say, that it 
represented him in the attitude in which he was frozen ; 
(" from his meagre appearance the servant tells you 
that it represents the attitude in which he was found 
starved"). It is difficult to imagine that any one of 
his unfortunate companions who may have survived 
him should have thought of taking the portrait of his 
corpse ; and certainly it was not done by any of the 
fishermen who discovered the vessels in the spring. 
Be it as it may, the scene at Nokujeff in 1553-54 well 
deserves to have been portrayed by a more skilful 
artist, as John Pinkerton confesses in his book of 



travels, — " A general Collection of tLe best and most in- 
teresting Voyages and Travels," in the frontispiece to 
the first volume, 1808. 

It were desirable, that, as a proof of our gratitude 
for merits so long since proclaimed, and not unworthy 
of a period so fruitful in events, an everlasting monu- 
ment should be erected ; not only in commemoration of 
the achievement of which Cabot was the instigator, and 
which led to the immediate intercourse of England 
M'itli our country, but in honour of Sir Hugh Wil- 
loughby, the leader of this maritime expedition, so 
memorable in history and productive of results, Avho, 
with no less than sixty-five Englishmen, became the 
victim of his bold undertaking. The year 1853, in- 
deed, the three-hundredth anniversary of the esta- 
blishment of friendly relations between England and 
Russia, would have been the most appropriate for the 
erection of such a monument. 

The black and rocky edge of the Island of Nokujeff, 
which, rising to a height of four hundred feet, stretches 
far into the sea, and is one of the most lofty and con- 
spicuous objects on this coast, would be particularly 
suitable for the site of a testimonial which mioht be 
constructed of Russian and British granite. The 
British factory at St. Petersburg, in common with the 
Russian Company in London, would certainly be glad 
to contribute their aid to such an undertaking. Lord 
Middleton, too, might perhaps wish to lend some assist- 
ance towards it, for Sir Hugh W illoughby was one of 
the members of the family of his ancestors. 

The consideration whether such a monument might 


not be combined with a lio*lithouse, to be erected on 
the spot I have named, so as to be rendered useful to 
shipping, and instrumental in the preservation of human 
life, does not fall within my province. The Genoese 
are now about to erect a monument to their Columbus ; 
Cabot has none, either in his native city of Bristol, 
or in the metropolis of Great Britain. The place of 
burial of the discoverer of North America, where 
England, as well as Russia, has now such important 
possessions, is not even known, although he died either 
in or near London. The Willoughby expedition to 
which Richard Chancellor, who visited the Czar Ivan 
Vassilovitch at Moscow, belonged, was the last great 
undertaking promoted by Cabot ; therefore the monu- 
ment at Nokujeff might be likewise a memorial of him. 

It may as well here be remembered, that, just at the 
time when Cabot made his voyage of discovery, in 
1497, to North America, Don Pedro de Ayala was in 
England as agent from Spain, with reference to the 
marriage of Catherine of Arragon, and probably made 
arrangements for Cabot's visit to his Court. In the 
following year, 1498, Columbus reached the continent 
of America. 

The Edward Bonaventure, which was the third 
vessel of Cabot's expedition, was separated from the 
other two on the 30th of July, 1 553, by a heavy storm 
in the North Sea, and waited for them in vain for a 
whole week at Wardhuus ; which place had been named 
as the rendezvous in the event of such an accident 
occurring. She then entered the White Sea, and 
reached the coast near the mouth of the Dwina, with 


forty-seven persons on board, besides Ricliard Chan- 
cellor, Stephen Burrough, and John Buckland. The 
name of the before-mentioned chaplain was John 
Stafford, that of the physician Thomas Walter (in a 
MS., Water). There were two merchants, George 
Burton, who traded as far as the Cape, and Arthur 
Edwards. We might likewise mention not only John 
Hasse, because he at that time wrote something about 
Russia, but Arthur Pet, William Burrough, Richard 
Johnson, John Sedgwick, and Edward Passy, because, 
as well as Chancellor, Stephen Burrough, Buckland, 
and Edwards, they paid Russia a second visit. I have 
also found the name of Passy written Pacie, accord- 
ing to Hakluyt ; but I cannot but imagine that the 
latter, on a subsequent occasion, has made the name 
Price. If this be the case, the Edward Price who 
came to Russia on the second voyage was no other than 
this Passy. 

Nenocksa was the place, where, for the first time 
Russian bread and salt were placed before these guests 
who had so unexpectedly arrived from England. At 
Nenocksa itself salt is extracted from the water by 
boiling. The Convent of St. Nicholas carried on the 
salt distillery at Nenocksa. By an edict of the Czar 
Ivan Vassilovitch, issued in the year 1545, permission 
was granted to that convent to extract salt from the 
surrounding brine, and to lay down pipes for the pur- 
pose. Salt is yet distilled at this place, as well as at 
Rura, and other neighbouring spots. 

The convent of the miracle-workino- St. Nicholas 


situated to the East of Nenocksa, close to the Korelian 



mouth of the Dwina, must have been the first place 
visited by the Enghsh. From a description given of 
the church and the possessions of the convent, scarcely 
two years previous to their arrival, we are made ac- 
quainted with what they saw there, and with the names 
of the persons then inhabiting it. 

Chancellor must now have assumed the character of 
an envoy (Pussol) from England. With several of 
his shipmates he ascended the Malokurje and Dwina 
as far as Cholmogorii, the chief magistrate (Fofan 
Makaroff) of which town, with his colleagues, sent 
a report of the arrival of the English to Ivan Vassi- 
lovitch. This happened in October. It must have been 
a very hard ^\■inter, for Chancellor related to Adams in 
London that the people remaining on board the vessel 
suffered very much from the cold : " Nautse certe nostri, 
qui in nave remanserant, ex inferiori stega in foros 
scandentes, tam subita, lipothymia nonnunquam sunt 
correpti, ut intermortui subinde ruerunt ; tanta erat 
illic rigentis coeli inclementia." In the hermitage of 
Pertomin, erected in Una Bay in 1599, the Czar Peter, 
at the time of his visit to the Dwina in 1694, spent 
three days, and there himself put together a wooden 
cross with an inscription, which he also assisted in 
carrying to the sea-shore, and erecting in grateful re- 
membrance of his preservation ; for in the passage from 
Archangel to the Convent of Solovetz he had been in 
great danger of losing his life in a storm. For his de- 
liverance he was indebted to the resolution and dex- 
terity of the steersman Antip Timofeeff, who piloted 
the craft happily into the Bay of Una. Did the Czar 


at that time call to mind that this Bay in 1553-54 was 
the first on the North coast of Russia in which a foreign 
vessel anchored ? Chancellor's vessel was brought, by 
direction of the magistrates, to winter in the Bay of Una 
to the West of Nenocksa, and Chancellor started in a 
sledge on the 23rd of November, to travel to the resi- 
dence of the Czar, without Avaiting to receive his invi- 
tation or permission. This, however, met him on its 
way from Moscow. 

The arrival of the English in Russia took place 
almost at the same time as some of the most important 
events in our history. The Czar Ivan Vassilovitch had 
not long before returned, covered with glory, to Mos- 
cow, after the conquest of Kazan. Astrachan was soon 
afterwards compelled to open to Russia a passage to 
the Caspian Sea. Siberia, ignorant of the golden 
treasures contained in her soil, sent offerings of sables 
and grey squirrel-skins as tokens of subjection to the 
ruler of Russia ; her Prince and people did homage to 
the Czar; and thus was the first step made towards 
taking possession of that immense country, so rich in 
metals, and from whence North America was soon 
afterwards reached. 

Twelve days after Chancellor's arrival at Moscow, 
the Czar's Secretary, Ivan Michaelovitch Viskovatii, 
who at that time presided over the Department of 
Foreign Affairs, announced to him that Ivan Vassi- 
lovitch would admit him to an audience, whereat he was 
not a little rejoiced. This person was, just at the time 
of Cliancellor's visit to Moscow, under examination on 
account of his accession to the Baschkin heresy. The 

H 2 


ignominious fate M'liich he suffered in 1570 in con- 
sequence of his alleged treason against Russia, in 
favour of Poland, is known. Alexis Fredorovitch Ada- 
scheff, Ivan's favourite, was present at the reception 
of Chancellor, who was accompanied by the two mer- 
chants. Burton and Edwards, and handed to the Czar an 
open letter from King Edward the Sixth, of which several 
copies had been supplied to each vessel of the Expedi- 
tion in different languages, for all rulers whose countries 
they might visit ("Ad Principes septentrionalem ac orien- 
talem mundi plagam inhabitantes juxta Mare Glaciale, 
necnon Indiam Orientalem.") In this document Eng- 
land's especial desire to enter into treaties of commerce 
was evinced. Amongst other things there is the fol- 
lowing paragraph :* — " We have permitted the honour- 
able and brave Hugh Willoughby, and others of our 
faithful and dear servants who accompany him, to pro- 
ceed to regions previously unknown, in order to seek 
such things as We stand in need of, as well as to take 
to them from our country such things as they require. 
This will be productive of advantage both to them and 
to us ; and establish a perpetual friendship and an in- 
dissoluble league between them and us, whilst they 
permit us to receive such things as abound in their 
territories, and we furnish them with those of which 
they are destitute." After the audience, Chancellor 
and both the merchants had the honour of beinof 
admitted to the Czar's table. 

Chancellor took a great deal of trouble in acquiring 
as much information as he could as to the commercial 
* See Appendix F. 


capabilities of Russia, this being the point most inter- 
esting to England. We are in possession of the result 
of his observations in an English letter, written by him 
to his uncle Christopher Frothingham ; and Clement 
Adams has imparted to us, in Latin, the communications 
made to him by Chancellor, with reference to his travels. 
Eden, in 1557, wrote that he had been told by Chan- 
cellor that at Moscow he had met with an ambassador 
from " the Kinge of Persia, called the Great Sophie," 
who was dressed in scarlet, and had said much to the 
Czar in favour of the English, for England and her 
commerce were not unknown to him. (" The ambassa- 
dor was appareled all in scarlet, and spoke much to the 
Duke in behalf of our men, of whose kingdom and 
trade he was not ignorant.") Our annals contain no 
information with reference to this visit of a Persian 
ambassador to Moscow in 1553-54. Chancellor him- 
self, and after him Adams, describe the pomp with 
M'hich two ambassadors were dispatched to Lithuania. 
Hasse states that, whilst he was at Moscow with 
Chancellor, a great ambassador arrived from Livo- 
nia " for the assurance of their privileges." This 
must have been the Embassy, an account of which has 
been handed down to us, and consisting of the military 
chief of Livonia and the Bishop of Dorpt. John Hasse, 
mIio accompanied Chancellor, described, for the in- 
formation of the body of English merchants, the 
Russian coins, weights, and measures, as w^ell as the 
customs' duties ; he, moreover, gave a list of the 
commodities produced by Russia, and recommended 
Vologda as the most suitable place, after Moscow, for 


the establishment of a second depot for EngHsh wares. 
He profited also by the detention at Wardhuus, by 
making- himself acquainted with the weights used there. 
Of stockfii?h and salmon, lie says that they come to Chol- 
mogoru, from a jilace not far from Wardhuus, named 
Mallums. This must be Malmuss, identical with Kola. 

In compliance with Chancellor's request that the 
establishment of commercial relations might be per- 
mitted between England and Russia, a letter was 
dispatched by the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch to King 
Edward the Sixth, but the latter had died on the 6th 
July previous. It was thus possible for so long a period 
to elapse before the intelligence of such an important 
event could reach Russia from England. What a 
contrast this affords with the present time ! According 
to this letter (" Gramota "), English merchants were to 
be well received in Russia, and empowered to carry 
on their trade without hindrance. The document is 
not only interesting, because it was the first received in 
England from Russia, but deserves to be still better 
known, because Hakluyt, in publishing an English 
translation of it in 1599, was led into an error in ex- 
pressing the title of the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, as it 
appears that Astracan, Siberia, and Livonia are placed 
earlier in the Czar's title than really was and could be 
the case. In the Czar's letter of February, 1554, 
neither Astracan, Siberia, nor Livonia is named. 

1 have sought in vain in England for the original 
of this letter from the Czar, but believe I have disco- 
vered the first English translation made from it, and 
have, moreover, copied for myself that translation of 


which Hakluyt must have availed himself. This MS. 
is much injured by fire, but I have been enabled to 
supply what was wanting, from an earlier copy. All 
three copies prove that Hakluyt, in the publication of 
his " Principal Navigations" in 1599, has taken an un- 
pardonable liberty, for the names of the countries 
governed by the Czar were not only illegible, but he 
has taken the Czar's titles from later documents, so 
that Ivan Vassilovitch, at the commencement of 1554, 
is represented as " King of Astracan, Lord and Great 
Duke of Livonia, and Commander of the whole of 
Siberia." Hence Karamsin is led to believe that the 
Czar was then, in February, 1554, so designated, 
although our annals, even in 1555, make mention of an 
embassy sent to him at Moscow by Lediger, the ruler 
of Siberia, with offers of submission. 

As Karamsin says nothing of Astracan and Livonia, 
he appears to consider it possible that Ivan Vassilovitch, 
even in 1554, had assumed the names of these countries 
in his title. Hakluyt's error of 1599 is the more re- 
markable, since in his earlier, and, for the rest, very 
rare work, published in 1589, he has given the Czar's 
title correctly. He seems also to have seen the original 
Russian letter, for he describes the Russian writing, as 
well as the seal affixed to the document, with the 
knight in armour fighting with the dragon. It was 
written on paper, and there was also a German trans- 
lation of it. The older English copy, discovered by me, 
appears to have been taken from this German one, and 
again, indeed, by a Gorman in London. I met with it 
in a volume which must once have belonged to the 


Herald's College, but which since has been in the pos- 
session, amongst other persons, of Sir Robert Cotton, 
and at last of the celebrated antiquary, Richard Gough, 
who died in 1809. At the sale of his effects by auction, 
in 1810, this volume was purchased for the British 
Museum. On the back of page 175, and at page 176, 
we find the following : — " The copye of the lettre which 
was sente to Kinge Edward, a.d. 1554. Thealmyghtie 
power of God, with the feare of the hooly Trynytie : a 
right Christian belever, we greatiste Lord John Vassele- 
vitch, by the grace of God Emperour of all Russes : 
and greate Duke Volloidemersque : Moskosque : no- 
grottsque : kassanque : placestosque : Smallentsque : 
Tweresque : Iverdsque : permysque : vettsque : bol- 
gorsque : and of other lands Emperour and greate Duke 
to Newgorod in the lowe countrey: chernegofsque: 
Rasusque : Wollotsque : yerzeffsque : belsque : Ros- 
tosque : yeraslawsky : beloweshersque : udorsque : ob- 
dorsque : flondynski : with dyverse other lands : lorde on 
all the northe side and petisioner. In primis greattist 
and famous Edward Kinge of England : our gracious 
word, with good and friendlie remembrance in all 
reason from our Christian fay th full greate taking 
auctoritie by commanndment of the hyghest of our 
Awncestrye : this our lordlie writinge to a kinglie 
desyre, accordinge to the peticon of one Ricliard, 
trevvlie sent with the reste of his fellowshippe whern 
he shall trewlie com to you. By yt celf the 20 yere 
of our lordshippe to our seacoste ys com folk in one 
shyppe theade Rychard, withys felowshippe and have 
said that they arre frinds they have desyred to com 


within our lordlie dorainioii, and accordinge to theyre 
requests they have fullye grauntid, and have byn in our 
lordlye howsse in presence of our sight, and hathe de- 
syred us accordinge to Your kinglie requests that we 
Vvold permytt Your marchants to travaile to our subiects 
and dominions, to occupie withall manner of wares, 
without hynderaunce, staye, or Interrupcon, and hathe 
geven us your lettre, in which lettre ys written the like 
request, to manner of men in theire dominions, where- 
soever they shal happen to com sent by Your trewe 
servaunte, Hughe Wiilowghbie the which Hughe Wil- 
loughbie in our dominions hathe not arryved, and 
whereas Your sservante Rychard ys com to us, we 
wythe christian trewe assurance in no manner of wyse 
will refuse his petision, and by our faythful grante, we 
will not forsake thye request, by the which Your 
ymbassett that You sent to us, the same thy Imbasset 
with good ffree will to passe to us and from us 
withowt anye hynderance or losse, with suche message 
as shall com to us, the same message to retourne to 
thie kingdom well awnswerid withall suche marchaunts 
as shall com forthe of Your lande withall manner of 
ware, if they will traveile to occupie within our bor- 
dours, the same marchants with free marchandise in all 
our lordshippe, withall manner of ware and uppon all 
manner of ware frelie to travele owt and in, without 
hynderaunce and losse accordinge to this our lettre, and 
as ffurther assurance of our worde we have caused our 
signet to be sett to this our lettre, written in our lordlie 
howsse and castle the Musco. In the yere 7042 " (it 
should be 7062) " the monethe of februarye." 


As Hakluyt, according to his usual custom, has 
thought ])roper to alter the translation of which he 
availed himself, so as to suit his own fancy, I here give 
it exactly as it is to be found in the British Museum 
(Otho E. pages 49 and 50). The pieces burnt out I 
supply in Italics from- a copy taken before the accident, 
and which I met with in the Lansdowne collection, 141, 
page 342. It is as follows :■ — " The Almightie power 
of God and the incomprehensible hoUie Trinitie of our 
rightfuU christian beliefe. We greatest Lord Ivan 
Vassileuiche by the grace of God Emperour of all Russia 
and great Duke Vslademerskij, MoskousA:?}', Cazanskij, 
Psouskij, Smollenskij, Tuerdskij, YogorsArz}', Permijsk, 
Veatskij, Bolgarskij, and other lands, Emperor and 
great Duke of Novagorodas and in the lowe countreys 
cheringosskij, Rezanskij, YoXoi^kij, Rzesskii, Belskij, 
Rostouskij, Yoroslanskij, Belocherskij, Ovdorskij, Ob- 
dorskij, Condinskij and many other countries, Lord 
over all the north Cost greetinge. Before all right 
great and of honor worthye Edward Kinge of England, 
our most hartie and of good zeale with good intent 
andfrendlie desire and of our holie Christian faith and 
of great governaunce and in the light of great under- 
standing our answere by this our honorable writingei 
unto Your Kinglie governaunce at the request of your 
faithful servaunt Richard with his company as he shall 
wisely lett You know, is this. In the strength of 
XX tie year of our governance be knowne at our sea 
coast arived a shipp with one Richard and his com- 
])anie, and saic^ that he ivas desirous to come into our 
dominions ^nd according to his request hath seene our 


ordshipp and our Jieires'^ (at Otho, E 3, this certainly 
stood, " eies." Hakluyt also so has it) "and hath de- 
clared your Ma-ties desire that wee sehould graunt unto 
Your Bwh^ects to goe and come and amonge our do- 
minions and snhiccts to frequent free merkett with all 

ort of merchandizes, and uppon the same to have ware 
for their Q'eforne, and they delivered unto us Your letters 
which declared the same request. And uppon that 
we have geven order wheresoever Your faithfull servaunt 
Hugh Willobe lande or touche in our dominions to be 
well enterteyned which as yet is not arriy^c^ the which 
your servaunt Richard can declare. Awe? we with 
Christian beliefe and faithfuUness and according to 
Your honble request and my hoble coxnmsiwdiement will 
not leave it undonne. The which both wilbe You to 
send unto us with your shipps and vessells when and 
as often they may with good assurance to see them 
harmeles. And yf You send me one of Your Ma-ties 
Councell to treat with us whereby Your countrey mer- 
chants maie with all kind of wares and wheare they 
will make their mfxvket in our dominions and ther to 
have their free market with all free liberties through 
my whole domimons with all kinde of wares and of all 
kinde of wares to come and goe at ther pleasure with- 
out any of ther lett damage or impediment 2iCQ,0Yding 
and by this our Lettre or word with my scale and this 
my will or Lettre wee have comanded to be undersealed. 
Written in our dominion in our Towne and our Pallace 
in the Castell of Moscovie in the yere seven thousand 
and sixtie the second month ffebruarve." 



Chancellor and his companions quitted Moscow in 
March, 1554; awaited the favourable season for 
leaving the Dwina, and returned to England in the 
Edward Bonadventure. This vessel had the mis- 
fortune to fall in with, and be robbed by, the " Flem- 
ings," on the passage, but the ship's company reached 
London with the letter addressed to Edward the Sixth 
by the Czar, which was delivered to Queen Mary. 
Chancellor everywhere related how graciously he had 
been received at Moscow by Ivan Vassilovitch. 

A new company was now formed in London by some 
merchants and a few persons of rank, which had for 
its object the discovery of unknown countries in a 
north-east as well as north-west direction, and was 
established by special charter, granted by Philip and 
Mary, on the 26th February, 1555. Cabot was ap- 
pointed President of the same during his life ; and as 
Chancellor had already obtained from Ivan Vassilovitch 
the assurance of special favour for England, an exclusive 
privilege was conferred on this company to trade with 
Russia. This company has often changed its name in 
the course of time. It is now known under that of the 
Russia Company, although it does not retain its earlier 


)iivileges. I have before me the names of all its 
bunders, which are nowhere published. Amongst six 
icisons of high rank, one was William Howard, Earl 
)f Effingham, at that time Lord High Admiral of 
t^ngland. In the account given of him in the latest 
?(lition of Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic Dic- 
:ioiiary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British 
Empire (under the head of Effingham) it is stated 
that in 1553 he was employed as Ambassador to the 
Czar of Muscovy, and that this was the first embassy 
from Endand to Russia; but this altofjether o-roundless 
assertion must be expunged from the next edition of 
the Peerage. 

Besides those six noble persons, there were one 
hundred and eighty-four other members, of whom 
we may here mention — Sebastian Cabot, Sir Henry 
Sidney, Sir William Cecil, Sir William Peter, Sir 
George Barnes, William Gerard, Thomas Offley the 
elder, and John Dymock, because they made them- 
selves useful to the Company in various ways ; but 
Richard Chancellor, Stephen Abroughe (Burrough), 
John Buckland, Arthur Edwards, George Burton, 
Thomas Banister, and John Sparke, because they had 
been in Russia. The list of the original members 
preserved in the Cottonian collection of MSS., in the 
British Museum (Otho E 3, pages 49 and 50) is unfor- 
tunately half burnt, as well as many other documents of 
this section, so that the last half wants all the leaves. 
In the Lansdowne collection. No. 141, pages 343 
and 352, I found a copy from which I was enabled to 
supply what was wanting. Hakluyt has considered it 


necessary to acquaint us M'ith merely the names of the 
noblemen connected with the company. 

Great pains have been taken in England to repre- 
sent Chancellor's arrival at Nenocksa in the light of a 
discovery of Russia by England. Hakluyt, even in 
1598, wrote as follows: — " Wil it not in all posteritie 
be as great a renoune unto our English nation to have 
bene the first discoverers of a sea beyond the North 
cape (never certainly knowen before) and of a conve- 
nient passage into the huge Empire of Russia by the 
bay of St. Nicholas and the river of Dvvina ; as for 
the Portugales to have found a sea beyond the Cape of 
Buona Esperanza, and so consequently a passage by sea 
into the East Indies ; or for the Italians and Spaniards 
to have discovered unknowen landes so many hundred 
leagues Westward and Southwest ward of the streits of 
Gibraltar, and of the pillers of Hercules." It is, there- 
fore, worth while to ascertain whether Willoughby and 
Chancellor, before their departure, had been able to 
acquire any knowledge of the White Sea, the Dwina, 
and the north-eastern part of Russia. 

We know that the earliest information of a voyage 
round Norway, viz., round Murmansky Noss (since 
1553 called the North Cape) was drawn up by Alfred, 
King of England, who was equally well qualified to 
wield the sword and the pen, and who is considered 
to be the creator of the first English fleet. He wrote 
down his information from the accounts of Other, the 
Norman, who in Burik's time, or somewhat earlier, 
probably in the last quarter of the ninth century, had 
undertaken a sea-voyage from the west coast of 


Norway to the White Sea. It is remarkable that the 
oldest description of a voyage to our northern coast 
should have been written by a King's hand, at the 
same time that we are indebted to an Emperor, Con- 
stantine the Fourth, Porphyrogenitus, for the first in- 
telligence with respect to the earliest voyages made 
by the Russians in the Black Sea. 

It appears to me to be by no means certain that the 
river visited by Other was, as is generally supposed, 
the Dwina, into which Erik Blodyxa, with Harald 
Grafall, Thorer Hund with Karli and Guastein, as well 
as certainly many other coasting voyagers (" biarm 
afahrer"), had sailed up to the commencement of the 
Mongolian period (1252); for it fiiay have been the river 
Mesen that Other entered. In the White Sea, or to speak 
more accurately, in the Bay, into which the river Meseu 
falls (Mesen Bay), there is an island to the left, that 
of Morshovet, so called after the walrus, " Morshii." 
Herberstein, in 1549, wrote it " Mors," and Pantaleon, 
the translator of his Latin work, in 1563, capriciously 
added, " or death." Miechov, the Pole, rendered it in 
1517 the fish "morss." Chancellor, in 1554, says: "a 
fish, called a Morsse," and Adams also, in 1554, makes 
it " bellua Mors nominata." To the left lie the 
" Morshowuja Koschki," i. e. the Walrus sandbanks or 
shoals. Other tells us that, to acquire information 
respecting the walrus fishery, was the principal object 
of his voyage, for the walrus teeth, the ivory of that 
period, were valued very highly ; and the ropes used 
for shipping were made from the hides of the same 
animal. This account, by the way, is a proof of the 


great antiquity of navigation in those waters. Alexis 
Fedorov Okladniivoff, an inliabitant of Mesen, possessed 
of much experience, assures me that twenty years ago 
a great many wah'usses were killed on the east side ot 
the entrance into the White Sea, between Kija and 
Kan in Noss. The stations were at the little rivers 
Salmitzu and Bolschija Bugranitzu. Herberstein men- 
tions that walrusses were abundant at the mouth of the 
Petschora ; and Chancellor says : " Those who kill them 
live at Pustosersk." The first writes : " At the mouth 
of the Petzorn they talk of remarkable animals, called 
mors, which are about the size of an ox, live in the 
sea, and have two long teeth in the upper jaw. Only 
those are killed which have the beautiful white teeth, 
of which handsome knife-handles are made." The most 
productive walrus-fishery is even now on the Gulaiev 
shoals, opposite to Petschora Bay, on Waigat, and on 
the West Coast of Nova Zembla, but in Other's time 
these animals may have been abundant on the island 
called after them, and on the coast south of Kanin 

As Other presented King Alfred with some walrus 
teeth, from the White Sea, these were the first articles 
brought to England from the waters, which wash the 
present Russian coast. Probably Other took not only 
teeth, but hides with him, so that these would be the 
earliest known articles of exportation from the White 
Sea to Norway. I cannot here refrain from observing 
that I found Alfred's description of Other's voyage, 
preserved in the British Museum, near William Cecil's 
journal, from 1552 to 1557. Cecil first married Mary, 


a sister of Sir John Cheke's, and then Mildred, the 
daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke. As Cheke and Cooke 
were tutors to the young Edward, Cecil became well 
known through them, not only to the Protector 
Somerset, but to the young monarch himself, and 
attained considerable honours. As he was likewise 
active in commercial matters ; for example, in 1551, 
when the monopoly of the Steelyard was abolished, 
we may easily infer that Alfred's account of Other's 
voyage was laid before King Edward, and that many 
conversations took place on the subject between Cabot, 
who had access to the Court, and Edward, who was 
eager after knowledge, and before whom plans were 
often laid relating to naval affairs. 

We cannot inform our readers whether Cabot, for 
whom King Alfred's descriiDtion of Other's voyage must 
have possessed great interest, had any knowledge of it ; 
but he had it in his power to procure the published 
Italian translation of Herberstein's work on Russia 
(" Commentari della Moscovia "), in which are to be 
found the voyages of our Istoma, and David the Danish 
herald, round Murmansky Noss, together with notes on 
the Icy Sea, the Dwina, the Petschora, and the Oby. It 
'lad been published in 1550, at Venice, where Cabot 
spent his youth ; and annexed to it is the map of Russia, 
drawn up by Giacomo Gastaldo, the Piedmontese Cos- 
mographer, in which, not only the Icy Sea (it is merely 
a portion of the White Sea), but the rivers Dwina, 
Mesen, Petschora, together with the Zilma (where 
ores had been found), and likewise the Oby, are set 
down. The latter issues from a large sea, on the right, 



the eastern, side of the map, viz. the Kithai Sea 
(Kythay lago), and the account of it given in tlie 
book is, that it was " il lago di Kithai, dal quale il gran 
chane di Cathaia, il quale gli Moscoviti Czar Kythaiski 
appelano, ha il nome." How much such a geographical 
notice must have interested the projector of the north- 
eastern expedition to Cathay ! It is scarcely to be 
doubted that Cabot received this book, together with 
the map, from Venice. Of Finland and Wardbuus, 
Sir Hugh Willoughby and Chancellor had accounts in 
their possession; for they had agreed, that in case their 
vessels were separated in the North Sea, they should 
wait for each other at Wardhuus. As the navigation 
between Wardhuus and the Dwina was then described 
by Herberstein, from Istoma's narrative of his voyage on 
the Icy Sea, the way there was pointed out, and Cabot 
may have thus been made acquainted with it. Now 
Demetrius Gerassimoff explained, in his description of 
Russia, annexed to Herberstein's work, that if a vessel 
sails from the Dwina along the shore to the right, she 
will probably reach Cathay ; and Gerassimoff 's account 
was published in Latin, first in 1537, and then in 1545 
and 1551. 

Germany had received a considerable amount of in- 
formation with regard to Russia in 1488, through 
Poppel, as well as from 1489 until 1492, through Jury 
Trachaniot, Chalessa, Aksentjeif, Kuleschin, Dr. Thorn, 
Jarophin, and Kuritzin. When the Diet met at Frank- 
fort, in 1489, sable, ermine, and squirrel skins were 
presented to Maximilian, King of Rome; and, soon af- 
terwards, furs of a similar description were offered in 


])ayment to the iiietallurgist and other artizans engaged 
for Russia. Soon after his return to Germany, Poppel 
dispatched a person to the north-eastern districts of 
Russia, in order to procure one of the Woguls, " who 
eat raw flesh," as well as a live moose-deer, for the Ger- 
man Emperor, Frederick the Third. Michael Snups tra- 
velled to Moscow, in 1492, for the purpose of under- 
taking a journey to the Obj, and giving a geographical, 
and, especially, a scientific account of that region, but 
Ivan Vassilovitch would not permit him to proceed. 

In Ramusio, we find that a Russian displayed a map 
to a scientific person at Augsburg, in order to demon- 
strate that it might be possible to reach the Spice 
Islands and countries, /. e. India, by way of the Icy Sea. 
This may have been Vassiiy Vlassy, on his way back 
from Spain, in 1.525, with the Prince Ivan Jaroslavsky 
Sassekin ; if not, it was Demetrius Gerassimoif, either 
on his way to Rome with Paulo (centurione), or on his 
homeward journey Avith Johannes Franciscus dePotentia, 
the Bishop nominated by the Pope to the See of Skara, 
in Sweden, who was never recognised by Gustavus Vasa, 
as we have already mentioned. 

The Russian peltries, about the time of Willoughby's 
expedition, were in considerable request in England, as 
Avell as elsewhere ; as many of the portraits painted 
by Hans Holbein in that country, from 1526 to 1534, 
testify. I will only cite, as examples, that of Warliam, 
Bishop of Canterbury, who died in 1532; that of the 
Chancellor, Sir Thomas More, who was executed in 
1535 ; and that of Queen Anna Boleyn, who was 
beheaded in 153G. 


The Queen of Polanfl, Helena Ivanovna, towards 
the end of the year 1503, requested her father, the 
Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, to send her a fur of the black 
sable, with the fore and hind feet and claws on ; and 
his reply, in March, 1504, was, that where the sables 
were caught both their legs were cut off; but that he 
had given orders that some should be preserved for 
her as she desired, and that when he had received 
them they should be immediately forwarded to her. 

In 1527, Herberstein brought with him from Moscow 
to Germany, some living ermines and squirrels (from 
which the grey fur is taken), but lost three of the latter 
on the way, at Dubrovna. 

In April, 1555, Chancellor was again dispatched 
to Russia with the Edward Bonaventure, and furnished 
with a letter from Philij:) and Mary to the Czar, dated 
the 1st of April, and drawn up in Greek, Polish, and 
Italian,wherein His Majesty was thanked for the gracious 
reception he had accorded to Chancellor on the occasion 
of his first visit to Moscow, and a renewal of his favour for 
that commander and the persons with him, together 
with further encouragement of commerce, were so- 
licited. In the English sketch of this letter I find a 
confirmation of my former conjecture with reference 
to the age of the translation communicated by me, of 
the Czar's Russian dispatch of 1554, for in some 
passages the identical words there used appear : for 
instance, in the following: "Your Maiestie have 
granted that all marchants with al manner of wares, 
if they wil travel or occupie within your dominions, 
the same marchants with their marchandises in al your 


lordship very freely, and at their libertie travaile out 
and in without hinderance or any manner of losse : 
further, that our ambassadours shall with free good 
will passe to and from you without any hinderance or 
losse, with such message as shall come unto you, and 
to return the same to our kingdomes well answered." 
Thus that translation was the official one, and in ac- 
cordance with which the reply was composed. 

It is likewise evident from this sketch, that at Chan- 
cellor's first visit to Moscow, some of his companions 
were admitted ^^■ith him to an audience, and to the 
Czar's table, for mention is made of it in the same 
document : " Your Majestie did call Chancelour and 
certaine of his company to your emperiall presence 
and speech, entertayned and banqueted them with all 
humanitie and gentleness." From the royal privilege 
of 26th of February, 1555, it appears that these were 
the merchants, George Burton and Arthur Edwards. 
" Lord John Basilivitch, Emperour of all Russia, did 
not onely admitte the captaine and marchants our sub- 
jects into his protection and princely presence, but also 
received and entertained them very graciously and 

Stephen Burrongh remained this time in England, 
and John Buckland, who on the first voyage was his 
lieutenant, was now the sailing-master. Chancellor 
took one of his two young sons with him. At the 
same time came two merchants, appointed to be 
commercial agents in Russia. The name of one of 
them was George Killingworth, that of the other 
Richard Gray. 


Killingwortli had been a draper in London. The 
company particularly reckoned at that time on a oa d 
sale of cloth in Russia ; and the result proved that they 
^A^ere not mistaken. It Mas the period when sheep- 
skins began to make way for kaftan. In London, the 
broadcloth exported to Russia cost the company, one 
piece with another, £5:9:0, if dyed of the usual 
colours; but scarlet came to £17 : 13 : 6 ; and fine violet 
to £18 : 6 : 6. The rouble then passed for sixteen shil- 
lings and eight])ence, but was considered to be Avortli 
only thirteen shillings. I have often found in the im- 
perial edicts conferring grants, the words " lukno 
lundiisch," which simply mean London cloth. At Cam- 
bridge I found a MS. from which I learnt that a de- 
scription of broadcloth afterwards exported to Russia, 
was called by the English merchants lundish cloth. The 
first important shipment of cloths from England (two 
hundred and nine pieces) arrived in the Dwina in the 
year 1557 : it was accompanied by five hundred and 
eighteen pieces of kerseys, from Hampshire, which in 
London cost £4:6:0 the piece. No less than four hun- 
dred of them were sky-blue, consequently this colour 
must have been particularly in request ; of the re- 
maining pieces forty-three were blue, fifty-three red, 
fifteen green, five ginger-coloured, and two yellow. 

The shipment likewise included some cotton stuffs, 
(twenty-one bales, at £9:10: 0,) pewter vessels (nine 
casks,) sugar, &c. The prices of Russian produce, at 
that time, were : wax four pounds, tallow sixteen shil- 
lings, and flax from twenty to twenty-eight shillings 
per cwt. ; and train oil nine pounds per ton. 


During the first few years of its existence, the com- 
]iany wished to confine its imports principally to the 
articles here named, but contemplated the subsequent 
introduction of hemp and tar, in the shape of cables, 
and ropes coated with the latter substance. With 
regard to furs, they imported an assortment, for the 
directors wrote, " as for sables and other rich furres, 
they bee not every man's money." Killing-worth, soon 
after his arrival at Moscow, in 1555, purchased five 
hundred weight of flaxen yarn, at eightpence farthing 
the pound, for exportation to England. The company 
had probably heard from Napea, or from Robert Best, 
that in Russia and Tartary much steel was manuftic- 
tured (" we heare that there is great plentie of Steele 
in Russia and Tartarie, and that the Tartar's Steele is 
better than that in Russia"). The directors conse- 
quently desired, in 1557, to see some samples of it, 
and that of Ustjug and Tula Uklad must here have 
been meant. The latter might be correctly called 
Tartar steel, for it was prepared for the most part 
behind the line on which Russia's wooden walls (an 
abattis of forest' trees) were erected against the Tartars ; 
at all events it is worthy of being historically recorded, 
that England was desirous of procuring steel from 
Russia. German steel was then much dearer in Lon- 
don than it was in 1551, at the time of the abolition 
of the Steelyard monopoly. Intelligence had also 
reached London, that Russia was rich in copper 
("that there is great plentie of copper"), in conse- 
quence of which there was a great desire to see samples 
of it, and obtain more detailed information. Three 


roubles in coin were then procured from Moscow, 
in order that they might be assayed, and their true 
value ascertained. Killing-worth uas only, for about 
two years, at the head of the trading dejiartment at 
Moscow, and made journeys to Novogorod, Pskow, 
and Cholmogorii. When he first arrived at Vologda, 
in 1555, a merchant offered him twelve roubles for a 
piece of broadcloth, and four altins for a pound of 
sugar, but he would not sell at these prices. For the 
rent of a house at Vologda, in whicli he stored the 
greater part of the goods which he brought with him, 
he paid, from the middle of September until Easter 
1556, ten roubles. 

Richard Gray, the second chief of the trading es- 
tablishment, energetically undertook to set up a rope 
manufactory at Cholmogorii, for which the principal 
workmen were sent out from England, in 1557. On 
the 14th of April, 1558, he and Robert Best were 
shown Ivan Vassilovitch's crown, together with the 
great ruby on a wire ; his jewels, which were costly, but 
most miserably set ; and the Czar's rich robe, covered 
with large pearls and heavy stones. He was then re- 
quested that, on his return to England, which was soon 
to take place, be Avould ascertain whether he could not 
purchase some similar, and if. possible, more costly 
jewels, pearls, and gold stuffs, to add to the Czar's stock. 
In February, 1559, Gray was at Cholmogorii, and 
had an idea of proceeding thence to the annual fair 
at Lamposhna. This place, situated on an island eigh- 
teen versts beyond the present chief town of Mesen, 
was at that time one of considerable commercial im- 


portaiice. Lamposlina was the Makaijev of that time, 
for it was the place where the commodities from that 
part of Russia, situated on this side of the Dwina, were 
bartered for the produce of the fisheries on Nova Zem- 
bla, Waigat, and other islands; and for the articles 
brought by the Promuschlenniks from the country of the 
Samoiedes, as well as from Ugria and the whole of the 
north-eastern regions then known. 

Many varieties of peltries and reindeer hides, as 
also those of the walrus and their teeth, were con- 
veyed by means of reindeer, from Pustosersk and 
other places, to Lamposlina, where, twice a year, a 
fair was held, frequented by Russian merchants, mostly 
from Cholmogorii. The bartered wares were brought 
to Cholmogorii by w^ay of Pinega, and from thence, 
those destined for exportation, before the English had 
found their way to the Dwina, were sent to Novo- 
gorod ; but Russia was provided with them by way 
of Vologda and Moscow. John Hasse, 1554, men- 
tioned Lamposlina as situated between Pinega and Pus- 
tosersk (" Penninge, Lampus, and PoAvsetzer"). He 
says that, amongst other things, cloth, tin and copper 
utensils (" cloth, tinne, batrie") were taken there for 
barter, from Cholmogorii. Chancellor enumerates the 
different peltries, and says that they were conveyed, to- 
gether witl) the "fishteeth," on reindeer ("on harts"), 
to Lampas, for sale ; but that from the latter place the 
articles obtained by barter were taken to Cholmogorii, 
where the yearly fair Mas held, on St. Nicholas' day. 
In imitation of him, Adams relates, \\hcn speaking of 
that fair, that the goods were convoyed to Lamposhna 


on the backs of reindeer (" Mercimonia cervorum dorsis 
ad oppidum Lampas feruntur"). Chancellor did not 
express his meaning quite so clearly by " on harts," 
but if he supposed that the reindeer were loaded with 
the goods, he was mistaken, for they were placed on 
sledges ; and these were drawn by reindeer. From 
Richard Johnson we learn, that twice a year a fair was 
held at Lamposhna ; and Gray w^rote that, in 1559, 
more people congregated at Lamposhna than had been 
the case for ten years previously. (" This lent, 1559, 
conieth to Lampas such a number of men of divers na- 
tions, with wares, as hath not been seen these ten 
yeeres.") He especially mentions the Ugrians (" thither 
came many out of Ugori"), and likewise names the 
Cholmogorii merchants, who had already m-ived there. 
He had himself taken a quantity of cloth (kerseys) for 
the purpose of bartering. 

Lamposhna is incorrectly set down on our maps, for 
the true situation of this place is on Lamposhensky 
Ostrov, the southernmost and largest of the dozen 
islands formed in the channel of the river Mesen, to 
which names are given, and which are covered with 
fertile grassy meadows. The narroAver part of the 
right branch of that river, eastward of those islands, 
is here called Kurja Creek. On the south end of the 
said island, which is about twelve versts in length, the 
town of Lamposhna, which contains tAvo churches, is 
built ; and before it the small river Schukska flows 
from the west into the Mesen. A winter road, which 
has four stations, leads from thence to the town of 
Pinega. Lamposhna is at present the seat of the 


administration of a district of crown serfs (" Wolost- 
noje Prowlenie "). Inquiries should be instituted as to 
the age of the place, as a mart: perhaps it was fre- 
quented by the coasting voyagers (Biarma-fahrer). In 
the spring, parts of the old buildings must at times be 
be washed away by the freshes. The Russian word 
Poshna (a meadow) appears to be the root of the pre- 
sent name. 

Several other young merchants accompanied Chan- 
cellor, in his second voyage, for the purpose of being 
employed, as well at Moscow as at several other 
places in the interior of the country, in the management 
of commercial matters. Some of them are to us in- 
vested with special interest, because they have given 
accounts, in writing, of matters relating to trade as then 
carried on, and of other subjects. The following indi- 
viduals came to Russia, for the first time, with this 
expedition : Henry Lane, Christopher Hutton, Robert 
Best, and others. Henry Lane, in 1557, was ap- 
pointed third agent, and to him we are indebted for 
several notes on the establishment of the trade. One 
portion of them was drawn up by himself, the other is 
to be found in the correspondence communicated by 
him for publication. Although he was originally ap- 
pointed agent to the company at Cholmogorii, he after- 
wards filled the same post at Moscow, and quitted 
Russia in 1560. 

Henry Lane was an accomplished person ; he Avrote 
sundry papers with reference to the early period of the 
residence of the English in Russia, and particularly 
on the audience granted by the Emperor in 1555, at 


which he was present. He mentions that Stephen and 
William Burrough were the first who laid down the 
island of" Waigat on a chart (" an island called Waigatz, 
first by them put into the carde or maj)pe"). On an- 
other occasion he describes how, shortly before his 
departure from Moscow, in 1560, a commercial differ- 
ence with Schirai Kostronitzky, and some other Russian 
merchants, was legally settled by lot in favour of the 
English Company. He returned to England with 
Jenkinson, and in 1556 was the company's agent at 
Antwerp and Amsterdam. 

In tlie previous year, Raphael Barberini, an Italian, 
sought, as further on I shall show, to establish a trade 
between Antwerp and Russia, and in 1554 obtained 
for himself a privilege for that purpose from the Czar 
Ivan Vassilovitch. In 1567, when the Muscovite 
merchants, Tverdikoff and Pogreloi, came to England, 
he acted as interpreter to them, as well as he could, 
at the audiences granted to them by Queen Eliza- 
beth. In an account given afterwards, in 1582, of 
the presents brought by these Muscovites from the 
Czar, which consisted of furs, Lane speaks with much 
warmth in praise of them, whilst he censures the in- 
troduction of all kirds of silk stuffs. " At that time 
(1567), that princely ancient ornament of furres was 
yet in use ; and great pitie but that it might be re- 
newed, especiall in court and among magistrates ; not 
onely for the restoring of an olde worshippfull art and 
company (he means the skinners' handicraft and guild), 
but also because they be for our climate wholesome, 
delicate, grave, and comely ; expressing dignitie, com- 


forting age, and of longer continuance, and better 
with small cost to be preserved, then these new silks, 
shagges, and ragges, wherein a great part of the wealth 
of the land is hastily consumed." The greater part of 
the early commercial correspondence of the English 
in Russia, to us so interesting, which Hakluyt has pub- 
lished, was communicated to the latter by Lane. 

Christopher Hudson was for some time at Nishny- 
NoYogorod ; and afterwards, for two years, principal 
agent at Moscow, where, as I have ascertained from 
his autograph letter to Cecil, some articles were sold 
for twenty times their value. This Hudson signed him- 
self Hoddesden. He had been a clerk to Sir George 
Barnes, and remained seven years in Russia. The 
above-mentioned letter I found amongst Pepys' papers, 
at Magdalen College, Cambridge. At Nishny-Novo- 
gorod (Novogorod in the confines of Russia) he sold 
the same cloth (sorting cloth), a piece of which, 
with all expenses thereon, until its arrival at the 
spot, came to but six pounds sterling, for seventeen 
roubles, which, as he himself says, according to the 
value of money at that period, amounted to nearly 
three hundred per cent.; consequently the rouble was 
almost equivalent to the pound sterling. Hudson was 
for two years at the head of the English factory at 
Moscow, and relates, amongst other things, that he 
sold goods which had cost him £6608 for £13,644, 
and on which, consequently, there was more than two 
hundred per cent, profit. In 1562 he returned to 
England, where he carried on business on his own 
account ; but four years afterwards he was again cm- 


ployed by the company in extending the trade with 
Narva. I have in my possession copies of the letters 
written by Queen Elizabeth on the 16th of March, 
1566, to the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, for the 
purpose of recommending him to their protection 
during that disturbed period. In these letters he is 
called " Christophorus Hoddesden, mercator Londi- 
nensis, spectatae quidem et probitatis et fidei vir." 
Elizabeth had likewise written previously to both 
kings on the 4th of December, 1565, assuring one, 
as well as the other, that the company's vessels were 
employed in conveying no articles used in military 

In 1567, Hudson was again sent to Narva with 
£11,000 worth of cloth, kerseys, and salt. The di- 
rectors wrote to their agent, William Rowley, at 
Moscow, on the 18th of April : " We have sent M. 
Christopher Hoodson this year to the Narva (whome 
we think to be arrived ther by this tyme) about 200 
clothes, 200 kersaies, seven ships laden with salt and 
other wares, to the value of £11,000, and shippes to 
the burden of about ]300 tonnes, ther to be laden, 
and the wares soldo, and the (w)hole returne to be 
made this summer, if it be possible." Hudson informs 
us that, notwithstanding the unfavourable state of 
affairs at that time, he obtained for the company a 
profit of forty per cent. In 1569 Hudson again quitted 
London for Narva with three shiploads of goods, and 
remained there himself as chief of the factory estab- 
lished by him in the first instance. He wrote to the 
company by the same vessels on their return, that in 


the following spring, 1570, they might send him thir- 
teen ships, as he then hoped to be enabled to load 
them all. He recommended that they should be well 
provided with artillery, because it was likely that they 
M'ould meet with numerous freebooters ; indeed, he 
himself had encountered several on his last voyage to 

The command of the fleet of merchantmen which, 
according to Hudson's desire, sailed from the Thames, 
was entrusted to William Burrough, who really did 
meet six Polish piratical vessels on the 10th of July, 
near the large island of Tiiter (Tuttee). One of them 
fled, another was burnt by him, and the other four 
he brought, together with eighty-three of the crew, 
to Narva, where the prisoners, with the exception 
of one, who had formerly saved the lives of several 
Englishmen, were delivered over to the Vaivode. The 
report sent to the Czar of this occurrence Mas signed 
by Hudson, as chief of the factory, and Burrough. 
Hudson afterwards had to contend Avith a great deal 
of unpleasantness, because the company accused him 
of doing business on his own account, and claimed 
a hundred pounds from him as fine and compensation 
money. The letter without date to " Syssel," who, 
in 1571, became Lord (Baron) Burleigh, which was 
discovered by me at Cambridge, was written by him 
with reference to this circumstance. Hudson mentions 
in it that he came to Russia in 1553, and that two 
years later, in 1555, he was sent from Moscow to 
Nishny-Novogorod with cloth ; but in this he was mis- 
taken, for he visited Russia for the first time in 1555. 


Ill 15G2 lie returned to London, and in 1566 was 
sent by the London Company to Narva, there to open 
a factory on their account. 

Robert Best was, in 1556-57, enabled to act as 
interpreter to our envoy Nepeja, and likewise to 
Jenkinson. He was at first of essential service in the 
shipwrecks which took place on the Scottish coast, and 
we are indebted to him for some information on Russia. 
Robert Best was, in my opinion, the author of an ex- 
ceedingly interesting article, published by Hakluyt. 
This paper contains a description of the journey of 
Nepeja and his English companions from the convent 
of St. Nicholas to Moscow, and several ceremonial au- 
diences and banquets given by the Czar, as well as a 
visit made by Best to the richly-endowed convent of 
Troitzki ; and, moreover, some observations on the 
Czar himself, on holy water, and the ceremonies on 
Palm Sunday at Moscow ; on baptisms, weddings, and 
funerals in Russia in general, and, lastly, an account of 
the artillery practice, which, at that time, took place 
every winter at Moscow. As the author was unknown, 
this communication was not thought much of. I will 
here quote some passages from it. The word Zar Best 
writes for his countrymen, otesare. He says, " This 
word otesare his Majesties interpreters have, of late 
dayes, interpreted to be emperor, so that now he 
is called Emperor and Great Duke of all Russia. 
He is no more afraid of his enemies, which are not 
few, than the bobbie of the larks ('bobby' is the lark- 
hawk — Falco siibhuteo). I think no prince in Christen- 
dome is more feared of his owne nobles and commons 


then he is, nor yet better beloved. He delighteth not 
greatly in hawking, hunting, or any other pastime, nor 
in hearing instruments or musicke, but setteth all his 
noble delight upon two things — first, to serve God, as 
undoubtedly he is very devoute in his religion ; and 
the second, howe to subdue and conquere his enemies." 
Thus did an Englishman describe the Czar Ivan Vassi- 
lovitch in the year 1558. 

On the walls of the convent of Troitzki, Best found 
some metal cannons ("it is walled about with bricke 
very strongly, like a castle, and much ordinance of 
brasse upon the walls of the same"), and in the ten 
cellars some very large casks (" of an unmeasurable 
bigness and sise: they conteine six or seven tunnes 
a piece"). Every winter, in December, there was 
artillery-practice at Moscow, as already mentioned. 
The clumsy ordnance was dragged to a place set 
apart for the purpose, and then wooden houses, built 
expressly, and filled with earth, were fired at. For 
the muskets, blocks of ice, six feet in height, and 
two in thickness, were used as targets, which were 
set up close to one another in a row, about a 
quarter of a mile in length. On the 12th of De- 
cember, 1557, Best, accompanied, probably, by Dr. 
Standish, and other Englishmen who had arrived at 
Moscow not long before, was present at the artillery- 
practice. He saw the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch arrive on 
horseback, with a scarlet cap on his head, ornamented 
with pearls and precious stones, and dressed in richly- 
embroidered stuff. The boyars, and other nobles, 
habited in gold brocade, preceded him, three abreast, 



aiul the procession was opened by five thousand arque- 
busiers marching, in parties of five, each with his 
firelock on his left shoulder, and the match in his right 
hand. (" The Emperor's Majestie, and all his nobility, 
came into the field on horsebacke, in most goodly 
order, having very fine jennets and Turkie horses, 
garnished with gold and silver abundantly. The Em- 
peror's Majestie having on him a gowne of rich tissue, 
and a cap of skarlet on his head, set not only with 
pearles, but also with a great number of rich and 
costly stones. His noble men were all in gownes of 
cloth and gold, which did ride before him in good 
order by three and three, and before them there went 
5000 harquebusiers, which went by five and five in a 
rank, in very good order, every (one) of them carrying 
his gun upon his left shoulder, and his match in his 
right hand, and in this order they marched into the 
field, where the ordinance was planted.") For the 
harquebusiers (in Russian, pischtschalniki,) a stand 
of boards was made parallel with the blocks of ice, 
somewhat raised, and at a distance of about twenty- 
five fathoms from them, and on it they placed them- 

After the Czar had taken possession of the spot 
intended for him, the pitchtschalniki commenced firing 
at the ice, and continued until it was altogether 
shattered to pieces. The mortars followed, and then 
the fire of the clumsy artillery was directed, all at 
the same time, at the houses. They commenced with 
the smaller, and ended with the larger guns, and this 
was thrice repeated. (" They have faire ordinance of 


brasse of all sortes, brises, faulcons, minions, sakers, 
culverings, cannons doable and royal, basiliskes long 
and large ; they have six great pieces, whose shot is 
a yard of height, which shot a man may easily discerne 
as they flee ; they have, also, a great many of mortar 
pieces, or potguns, out of which pieces they shoot wild 

I may here observe, that between Chancellor's 
first and second visit to Moscow, two large cannons 
had been cast there — one in September, 1554, weighing 
one thousand two hundred pounds, with a mouth 
fifteen inches in diameter: the name bestowed upon 
it by the Czar was Kasan, between Novogorod and 
Pskow. The other gun was completed just before 
Chancellor's second visit to Moscow, in September, 
1555 ; it weighed one thousand and twenty pounds, 
and had a mouth fourteen inches in diameter : in 
the name given to it by the Czar, Astracan was 
placed between Kasan and Pskow. It is remarkable 
that, on Chancellor's return to London, in 1554, from 
his first visit to Moscow, he mentions the capture 
of Astracan. Eden says, in his translation of Peter 
Martyr's Decades, published in 1555, "At Richard 
Chancellor his being in Moscovia (1553-54), fyrst 
Duke John Vasilivich, that now reyneth, subdued 
all the Tartars, with their regions and provinces, even 
unto the great citie and mart towne of Astrachan and 
the Caspian Sea." Chancellor must certainly have 
meant the previous subjection of Astracan, in 1552, 
for Ivan Vassilovitch first received intelligence of the 
decisive conquest of that place on the 29th of August, 

K 2 


1554 ; but Chancellor had already taken his departure 
from Moscow in March, and, consequently, it is very 
probable that he sailed from the mouth of the Dwina 
at the end of August. 

Here, likewise, might be adduced that statement 
often made, even in an Imperial Gramota of 1570, 
that Chancellor had been three times in Russia; but 
even if he did go to England for a short time, during 
the winter of 1555-56, Eden's book was then already 

Best thus describes the Czar's crown, together with 
other insignia of royalty, and some articles of clothing, 
shown to him on the 14th of April, 1558, before his de- 
parture from Moscow : " His Majesties crowne being 
close under the top very faire wrought (of gold), was 
adorned and decked with rich and precious stones abund- 
antly, among the which one was a ruble, which stood a 
handfull higher than the top of the crown upon a small 
wier; it was as big as a good beane ; the same crown 
was lined with a faire blacke sable, worth, by report, 
forty robJes." The Czar's wand ("possoch") is thus 
described by Best : " A staff of goldsmith's worke, well 
garnished with rich and costly stones." Henry Lane 
relates of Best, that being " a strong, willing English- 
man," he offered himself, in 1560, as a proper guard 
to accompany the before-mentioned Russian merchants 
(Schirai and Kostronitsky), in the interest of the 
English Company at Moscow. The former had already 
sent Russian produce to England, by means of the 
latter, and now desired to export more than, according 
to Lane, the agent's account, they could collect. 


Best's offer was not accepted by the Russian mer- 
chants, and the matter was then decided by lot. I pos- 
sess the copy of a letter, dated the 21st of April, 1565, 
from Queen Elizabeth to Dr. Albert Knopjoer, the 
Councillor of Frederick the Second, King of Denmark, 
wherein she requests him to render assistance, in case 
of need, to Robert Best and William Rowley, who 
were at that time on their way to Narva, with a cargo 
of cloth, on account of the Russia Company. I found 
a copy of the letter of which Robert Best was the 
bearer, in the public Library at Cambridge. It is 
dated the 24tli of January, 1571, and Best is not 
named in it. The Queen says, " De his singulis cse- 
terisque rebus Serenitatem Vestram sigillatim magis 
certiorem facere poterit is qui has perfert." In a letter 
taken by Best, addressed to John, King of Sweden, 
his name is likewise omitted, merely the words "proe- 
sens hie nuncius" being used. 

At a later period, at the commencement of 1571, 
Best was dispatched with a letter from Queen Elizabeth 
to the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, who, as we shall see, was 
not at that time Avell disposed towards her, because he 
had not received a satisfactory reply to the private over- 
tures made to her in 1567 through Jenkinson. In a fit 
of bad humour, consequent thereon, he withdrew the 
privileges conceded to the English Company. Intelli- 
gence of this was forthwith transmitted to London, and 
the directors made a representation to the Queen, 
which led to the prompt dispatch of Robert Best by 
way of Sweden. The Czar Ivan Vassilovitch did not 
reply to the Queen until some months after the burning 


of Moscow, in August, 1571, from the Alexandrian 
suburb. From this letter it appears, amongst other 
things, that he himself had conversed with Robert Best. 
In the English translation this is mentioned as follows : 
" Having asked your ambassador Best, he hath spoken 
unto us by the same words that were wrytten in your 
letter, and we have caused answere to be gyven unto 
hym upon his talke accordinge as we have wrytten 
unto you in our letter." The particulars we shall give 
in their place. 

Thomas Hawtree was, for some time, the company's 
agent at Vologda, and I have discovered some traces of 
him in England. In the Library of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, I found a small MS. work, which belonged 
to this Thomas Hawtree when he was at Vologda. In 
his hand is written, "Thomas Hawtree, of London, 
marchaunt of the Moscovia;" and further on, in 
another hand, " So sayeth the worthie merchant of 
Winchcombe, with the winching paynted spoons and 
brass cups." This is one of the three works which, in 
the Catalogus librorum manus creptorum Anglia? et 
Hibernioe (of 1697), are numbered 626, and are defined 
as " 3 books in the Russian language." 

Amongst the MSS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, 
I found a small Russian book, in which Hawtree wrote : 
"This boke cost one roble, one altyne, and 2 d (engi), 
and was wrytten in Colmogov, and bounde at Vologda, 
the 7th of November, anno 1557." In 1601, the 
latter work was presented to the Library at Oxford by 
Dr. Lancelot Browne, chief physician to Queen Eliza- 
beth. In the before-named catalogue it iy numbered 


2903, and inserted as " Liber lingua Russica sen Mos- 
covitica." As Hawtree paid a visit to England soon 
after 1557, it is probable that he left the work behind 
him as a souvenir for his relations or friends there. In 
1560 he returned to Russia. In 1567 he, with Jen- 
kinson and some others, authenticated with his signa- 
ture the translation made by Ralph Rutter of the pri- 
vileo-es which at that time had been obtained. In the 


following year he, with several others, was pointed out 
by Queen Elizabeth, in a letter to the Czar, dated the 
16th. of September, as one who carried on business for 
himself in an illegal manner. Nicholas Chancellor, the 
only son of Richard Chancellor, was likewise there simi- 
larly named. I also found, in the Ashmolean Museum 
at Oxford, in a small book, several papers, which were 
written at Cholmogorii in 1557. According to an 
account given by " Trytiak Afnute, of Coboylove," 
the Pereslawl (Salessky) Lake apjiears to have risen 
three times on the 16tli of May of that year, and a 
procession to the church was resolved upon in conse- 

On the 13th of June a fearful thunderstorm raged 
at Cholmogorii, accompanied by great heat, when the 
lightning struck several spots, and set fire to and killed 
several persons in the suburb, as well as in a country 
house of the Czar's (" in a nosad of the emperor's"). 
I mention this chiefly because we happen to possess 
accounts of the weather just at that time, at a dis- 
tance of 2° 34' north from the eastern side of the 
Lapland coast, at Tri Ostrova. Stephen Burrough, 
who was then, with his brother William, on a voyage 


in search of the ships Confidentia, Esperaiiza, and 
Phih'p and Mary, which had not reached England, 
writes in his journal, that when near Cape Orlov 
(named by him Cape Race), it became so cold on 
the evening of the 10th of June, through a storm 
from the north, after a thick fog, that sails and ropes 
were quite covered with ice, and he thanked God 
that he was enabled to take refuge behind the Three 
Islands (Trii Ostrova), two leagues further south, where 
he cast anchor. The gale and cold lasted not only 
until the loth, on which day the great sultriness was 
felt at Archangel, but till the 16th, and Burrough 
found it impossible to put to sea until the next day, 
on account of the very great quantity of ice. 

Lastly, we have Richard Judde, who was probably a 
relative of Sir Andrew Judde, an active member of the 
company in London. 

The persons I am about to name were with Chan- 
cellor on his first voyage : Arthur Edwards, merchant, 
who travelled with Richard Johnson to Persia in 1565, 
and afterwards, repeatedly, up to 1579, in which year 
he ended his life at Astracan. 

Richard Johnson, who in 1556 accompanied the 
Burroughs in their voyage to Waigat, was, at the 
beginning of the year 1557, in the country of the 
Samoides, but, at the commencement of 1558, at 
Novogorod. In the same year he went with Jenkin- 
son to Little Bokhara, but at a later period, in 1565 
as chief of the third expedition to Persia. 

John Sedgwick, who, in 1557-1558, bought up 
hemp and flax at Novogorod and other places. 


Lastly, Edward Price, that is, if this name be iden- 
tical with Passy and Pacie. He paid a rouble and 
a half at Novogorod for Berkovety hemp ; white flax 
cost three roubles; and at Vologda the price of hemp 
was two roubles and a half. 

Besides the Edward Bonaventure another vessel 
was dispatched from London, the Philip and Mary, 
under the command of Captain John Howlet, and 
on board of her was John Brooke, who was to ascer- 
tain, at Wardhuus, whether a trade with England 
could not be established there. It is nowhere stated 
whether this vessel sailed as far as the mouth of the 
Dwina. The Edward reached it on the 23rd June, 
and her cargo was conveyed in barges hired at Chol- 
mogorii, to Vologda, where it arrived on the 11th 
September. Part of her crew must have remained 
there, but the remainder accompanied Chancellor to 
Moscow, which they reached on the 4th October. 
Killingworth wrote that he, Chancellor, Lane, Price, 
and Best, reached Moscow together ; but Lane names 
Edwards instead of the two last. In England I dis- 
covered a letter from Hudson, written from Jaroslavl 
on the 7th November, 1555, wherein he says that 
on that day full three thousand sturgeons were exposed 
for sale in the market at Moscow, and that he pur- 
chased one for seven altins; at Dantzic he must have 
paid nine marks for one not so good ; the latter was 
the Acij)enser sturio of Linnaeus, but ours (the Russian 
ones) were mostly the Acipenser Giildenstddtu Brandt 
(in Russian, ossetr). 

The Secretary, Ivan Michaelovitch Viscovatii, in-* 


vited the chiefs to his house — received them with great 
civility — requested to be allowed a perusal of the royal 
letter — took care to procure them suitable quarters 
and provisions; and obtained an audience for them 
for the lOth October, at which they delivered Philip 
and Mary's letter to the Czar. The present prepared 
for him (sugar and " Hollocke") had not yet arrived, 
and consequently it was merely announced. The cask 
of "Hollocke" was afterwards lost through the up- | 
setting of the sleigh ("the Emperor's present was 
delivered to a gentleman at Vologda" (perhaps Ne- j 
peja), " and the sled did overthrow, and the butte | 
of Holloche was lost, which made us all very sorry"), j 
The winter set in very late in 1555, and the weather | 
was milder than it had been within the memory of j 
the oldest inhabitants — consequently the road was very 
bad in November, and the Englishmen's goods must j 
have remained for a long time at Vologda. Killing- j 
worth informs us that the Czar took each of them by j 
tlie hand, but Lane says that they were permitted 
to kiss his hand. After the audience, the Englishmen 
were invited to the Czar's table, at which Malcary, the 
metropolitan, was likewise present. They were called 
the naval guests ("gosti korabelinge"), and were placed 
at a table opposite to the Czar, who sent to each of 
them, calling him by his Christian name, bread, as 
well as several dishes and beverages. 

After the repast, the Czar caused each of the " ko- 
rabelinge gosti" to approach him, and handed them 
drink; on this occasion he admired Killingworth's 
beautiful beard, which, according to Lane's testimony, 


was five feet two inches in length, broad, strong, and 
light-coloured, and placed him before Makary, the me- 
tropolitan, who said, " that is a gift of God." It now 
appears strange that an Englishman's beard should have 
attracted attention at Moscow. At Herberstein's au- 
dience, in 1527, he was asked by the Czar, Vassily 
Ivanovitch, who had shaved his beard off on account 
of his second marriage, whether he had ever shaved, 
"bril li borodu?" Herbertstein understood this, and 
answered immediately, " bril ;" — " yes, I have shaved." 

Philip and Mary's letter was well received by the 
Czar, and Chancellor and Killingworth conferred in- 
cessantly together on the necessary measures to be 
adopted for the establishment of the trade between 
England and Russia on a solid footing, and obtaining 
extended commercial privileges; to which end sugges- 
tions were made by Alexis Federovitch Arlascheff, 
now appointed Steward of the Bounds, and still more 
so by the friendly secretary, Viskowatii. Several 
committees were held by the latter, at which Russian 
merchants were also present ; and it was considered 
most advisable to erect warehouses at once at Cliol- 
mogorii, Vologda, and Moscow. 

It is generally believed, that, in compliance with the 
petition of Chancellor and Killingworth, in 1555-56, 
the Czar, Ivan Vassilovitch, confirmed to the English, 
in a fresh document, the permission, already granted 
them, to trade with perfect freedom, exempt from 
duties and taxes ; and, moreover, that he conceded to 
them many personal privileges. No direct proof of 
this, however, is extant, for I have been unable to 


discover any original charter granted by the Czar in 

1555 or 1556. It is clear, that whatever charter is] 

considered to have been granted to the London Coni-I 

pany in 1555, and as such appears in Haklnyt, was' 

written by the English, and can only be regarded as ai 

proposal or idea to that effect. Killing-worth says, i 

indeed, in a letter despatched to London by way of 

Dantzic, on the 27th of November, 1555, through Vis- 

covatii's medium : " We were by divers Italians coun-j 

selled to take heed whom we did trust to make the I 

copie of the privileges that we w^ould desire to have, t 

for feare it should not be written in the Russie tona-ue, 
as we did meane ; so first a Russian did write for us 
a brevet to the Emperor, the tenour whereof was, that \ 
we did desire a stronger privilege, and when the secre- 
tary" (that is Viscovatii) "saw it, he did deliver it 
to his grace" (here the Czar is meant), " and when we 
came againe, his grace willed us to write our minds, 
and hee would see it, and so we did ; and his grace 
is so troubled with preparations to warres, that as yet 
wee have no answere." Further on he writes : " If 
wee were dispatched heere of that we tarry for, as 
I doubt not but we shall shortly (you know \vhat I 
meane)," he here alludes to the desired privilege, 
" then as soon as we have made sale, I doe intend 
to goe to Novogorode and to Plesco, whence all the 
great number of the best tow flaxe cometh." 

The advantages set down in the letter relating to 
the privilege are important. With reference to free 
trade, we find : " We grant free licence and power to 
exercise all kinde of merchandizes freely and quietly 



Avitliout any restraint, imperchment, price, exaction, 
prest, straight, custome, toll, imposition, or subsidie 
to be demanded, taxed, or paid, or at any time here- 
after to be demanded, taxed, set, levied, or inferred 
upon them." 



In accordance with instructions received from the 
London Company, the Edward Bonaventure, still com- 
manded by John Buckland, during the summer of 
1555 returned to England ; and if it be true that Wil- 
loughby's remains were brought to England, it was 
probably by this opportunity. In the following spring, 
at the end of April, 1556, she was despatched to 
Russia not only with merchandise, but with fresh 
crews (more properly, candidates for death), for both 
the vessels, Bona Esperanza and Bona Confidentia. 
The Philip and Mary, which had likewise returned to 
England in 1555, accompanied the Edward on her 
voyage to Russia in 1556, and both the newly-manned 
vessels were brought to the mouth of the Dwina 
at the same time. 

Although John Buckland was the captain of the 
Edward in this expedition, Stephen Burrough had 
orders to proceed to Wardhuus in her, and whilst Buck- 
land continued the voyage Burrough was to undertake 
a voyage of discovery eastward in the pinnace Search- 
thrift, which was entrusted to him for this purpose, and 
at all events to endeavour to reach the river Oby. 

In this voyage, which was proposed by Cabot in 


connection with the now incorporated and newly-privi- 
leged company, Stephen Burrough was accompanied by 
his younger brother WilHam, who already, when a youth 
only sixteen years of age, had been with him in the 
first expedition in 1553, and afterwards became better 
known than Stephen in the English navy. There were 
likewise eight other persons in their company, and if 
Richard Johnson was one of these, he must have started 
from Russia for London in the winter of 1555-56. 

These Burroughs signed their names formerly 
Abourough. William brought Anthony Jenkinson to 
Russia in 1566. Stephen and he conveyed Thomas 
Randolph and his numerous suite to the Dwina in 
1568. I have seen instructions in William Burrough's 
handwriting for James Bassendine (Bassington), James 
Woodcocke, and Richard Browne, who, in 1569, were 
to start from the Petschora on a voyage of discovery 
to the East. Hakluyt erroneously dates the letter the 
1st of August, 1588, W'hereas it should be 1568. That 
this Burrough led thirteen merchant vessels to the 
Narva, in 1570, and captured some piratical craft on 
the way, has already been mentioned. Adelung is 
likewise wrong, for he says that Christopher Hodson 
was there. In 1574 and 1575 William Burrough 
was the company's agent in Russia. He travelled 
from St. Nicholas' Harbour to Moscow, from thence 
to Narva, and back to St. Nicholas', and forwarded a 
map to England, which he dedicated to Queen Eliza- 
beth. In transmitting it, he wrote " everything is 
placed aright in true latitude and longitude, as, till 
this time, no man hath done the like." William 


Burrough, wlio had also been at lloclielle in France, 
Avas frequently consulted by the Russia Company ; 
for instance, in 1576, with regard to the trade with 
Narva and Kola, as well as with other places on 
the Lapland coast ; and, moreover, on the best season 
for dispatching ships to St. Nicholas. When Pet and 
Jackman undertook their voyage in the direction of 
Cathay (China), he wrote some instructions for their 
guidance. In the English Marine Department, he 
occupied the post of Comptroller of the Navy. Chris- 
topher Burrough, Stephen's son, travelled, in 1579-81, 
with Arthur Edwards and twenty-one others, by way 
of Astracan (where Edwards died), to Persia, of which 
he wrote a description, returning to England in 1584. 
In 1587 he was asked for his opinion of the " Mus- 
covia Company," when some disputes arose between 
the Moscow agents. 

On the 9th of June, Stephen Burrough sailed with 
the pinnace Searchthrift, for a short distance into 
Kola Inlet, which he calls the Kola River. Here 
he repaired his craft, and as after his departure he was 
obliged by adverse winds to return, he remained 
there until the 22nd of June, by which time many 
small craft had assembled near him, which were on 
their way to the walrus and salmon fisheries in the 
region of the Petschora. He now sailed out of Kola 
Bay with them. 

Burrough's voyage to Waigat, of which he con- 
structed a chart (I discovered in England a sketch 
by William Burrough's hand, but certainly very super- 
ficial, representing the situation of Waigat, and did 


not omit to copy it), which lias unfortunately been 
lost since then, is sufficiently known, and I seek not to 
dwell upon a description of it, but cannot refrain from 
here saying a word in defence of an honest Russian 
shipmaster of that time, on whom a very false light has 
been lately thrown, owing to a mistake made in the 
German translation, by Erman, of Admiral Lutke's 
excellent work, through ignorance of the Russian lan- 
guage. Amongst the fishing captains with whom 
Burrough became acquainted during his stay in Kola 
Inlet, there was one, by name Gavrila, the son of a 
priest, who offered himself to him as pilot, endeavoured 
with Russian good-nature to serve the stranger in 
all possible ways, and was really of essential service 
to him. Burrough, in several pages of his journal, 
does our Gavrila due justice, and Admiral Lutke draws 
attention to this, for he says that Burrough could not 
sufficiently proclaim the readiness this Gavrila showed 
to serve him ; but Erman makes out that " Burrough 
decided on doing so (taking him as pilot), but had no 
great reason to be pleased with the result of the readi- 
ness to oblige shown by this Gavrila and his com- 

Stephen Burrough, who reached not only Waigat, 
but the coast of Nova Zembla, on the 22nd August, 
gave up the idea of advancing further, and on the 11th 
(»f September found his way to Cholmogorii, having 
deferred the experiment he had meditated of pro- 
ceeding to the Oby until the spring of 1557. We 
shall see why he discontinued his voyage for the time. 

Richard Johnson, who must have accompanied the 



Burroiif^lis, was in the country of tlie Samoides at the 
commencement of 1557, and has described the pre- 
tended sorcery which he witnessed amongst these peo- 
ple; he likewise gives some geographical informa- 
tion — for example : " East-north-east of Russia lieth 
Lampas, which is a place where the Russes, Tartars, 
and Samoeds meete twice a yeere and make the faire 
to barter wares for wares ; and north-east from Lampas 
lieth the country of the Samoeds, which be about the 
river of Pechere. And north-east from the river Pe- 
chere lieth Vaygatz. Beyond Vaygatz lyeth a lande 
called Nova Zembla, which is a great lande; but we 
sawe no people, and there we had foule enough, and 
there we sawe white foxes and white bears," &c. 
From these words he must really have been there. 

In July, 1556, four English vessels lay at anchor at 
the mouth of the Dwina, viz. both those arrived from 
England in that year, the Edward Bonaventure, and the 
Philip and Mary — and then the Bona Esperanza and 
Bona Confidentia, which were brought there by their 
fresh crews from the Bay of NokujefF. 

On the 2nd of August, 1556, the four vessels just 
mentioned set sail for England. On board the Edward 
Bonaventure, commanded by John Buckland, there 
was, besides Richard Chancellor and his son, the Boyar 
of Vologda, Ossip Grigorjevitsch Nepeja, as (the first) 
ambassador from the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch to Philip 
and Mary, with a suite of sixteen persons (Russians), 
who took leave of the Czar at Moscow on the 25th of 

Robert Best, the clerk, accompanied him as his 


interpreter. On board the Bona Esperanza, two mer- 
chants of Cliolmogoru, viz. the before-mentioned chief 
magistrate, Fofaun Makaroff, and Michael Grigorjeif, 
together with eight other Russians, took a passage, 
with a view to commence direct commercial relations 
with England. The Edward Bonaventure had a 
cargo of Russian wares, partly on account of Nepeja 
the ambassador and the Cholmogorii merchants, of the 
value of twenty thousand, and the Bona Esperanza 
one of six thousand pounds sterling. In the North 
Sea the Esperanza, as well as the Confidentia and 
the Philip and Mary, were driven on the Norwegian 
coast, near Drontheim, by a storm ; the Confidentia, 
on board of which the whole crew were frozen to 
death in 1553-54, struck on a rock and foundered with 
her cargo and ship's company; as to the Esperanza, 
on board of which Sir Hugh Willoughby and his com- 
panions were frozen, and in which ten Russians had 
now embarked, besides fourteen Englishmen, we have 
never learnt where she perished after her departure 
from the Drontheim Fiord — so that we are ignorant 
of the spot where the first Russian merchants, who 
had intended to visit England, were swallowed up by 
the ocean. 

The Edward Bonaventure, after beating about for 
a long time in the North Sea, at last made the Scot- 
tish coast, and on the 10th of November anchored 
in the Bay of Pitsligo, in the northern part of Aber- 
deenshire, where in the night she parted from her 
anchors and was wrecked, by which Richard Chan- 
cellor, with his son and seven persons (Russians) of 

L 2 


Nepeja the ambassador's suite, who attempted to reach 
the shore in a boat, were drowned ; but the ambas- 
sador himself was miraculously saved. John Buck- 
Jand, too, as well as Robert Best, interpreter to the 
embassy, escaped a watery grave. Almost the whole 
of the cargo, and the presents intended by the Czar 
for the King and Queen, viz. a beautiful hawk, with 
all its accoutrements for the chase, four live sables, and 
some costly furs, went to the bottom ; and what is now 
still more to be lamented, is the loss of the information, 
with regard to Russia, collected by Chancellor and his 
companions, from June, 1555, until August, 1556. 

Thus did the three first vessels dispatched from 
England in 1553 perish, and both of those whose 
entire crews were frozen to death in the Bay of 
Nokujeff, on the Lapland coast, were now, with every 
soul on board, swallowed up by the waves; only a 
small number of the persons on board the third, i. e. 
the Edward Bonaventure, being saved. 

Probably the vessels which had been frozen up in 
winter had suffered much, because they were not 
raised out of the ice. In accordance with Cabot's 
proposition, they were sheathed in lead before their 
departure, as a defence against the detrimental action 
of the salt water ; and these were the first ships so 
sheathed in England ; in Spain, however, this mode of 
preserving them was adopted sooner. 

The Philip and Mary wintered in the Port of 
Drontheim, and long after they had given her up in 
London for lost, she arrived in the Thames on the 
18th of April, 1557. 


As ill December, 1556, the fate of the Edward 
Bonaventure was reported to London by letter, and 
as yet there was no information as to what had be- 
come of the other three vessels which had sailed from 
the mouth of the Dwina together with her, on the 
2nd of August, viz. the Bona Esperanza, Bona Con- 
fidentia, and Philip and Mary, of which during the 
winter some intelligence must have reached Cholmo- 
gorii, Stephen Burrough, in the spring of 1557, re- 
solved on undertaking a voyage along the coast of 
Lapland in search of them, and for this reason the 
second one he had projected to the river Oby, on the 
other side of Nova Zembla, was suspended. 

It must here be observed, that instructions were by 
no means sent to Stephen Burrough from London to 
undertake this voyage to the Lapland coast. On the con- 
trary, the directors of the company, at the beginning 
of May, 1557, wrote to him that he was at all events 
to carry out his intended voyage to the Oby : " Wee 
doe perceive that Stephen Burrow is returned from 
his discoverie with the Searchthrift, and wintereth at 
Col um goo, and is minded to set forth in the beginning 
of June next, to seek the river of Obi. We pray 
God to speede him well, and trust to have him here 
in England this yeere to bring us good newes. We 
will that Stephen Burrowe doo proceed on his voiage 
to discover." It appears as if Burrough, through the 
experience he had gained in the previous year, had 
lost all desire to proceed with his navigation to the 
eastward. In 1560 he commanded one of the three 
vessels, the Swallow, despatched from the Thames 


to the Dvviiia. Arthur Pet was at that time the 
captain of the Jesus. On this occasion Richard 
Chancellor's only remaining son Nicholas came out to 
Russia. Burrough's voyage to the Dwina in 15G9 I 
have already mentioned. In England he was one of 
the superintendents of shipping in Medway-water, 
where, amongst other places, is Chatham. 

On the 23rd of May, 1557, Stephen Burrough, ac- 
companied by his brother William, with the Search- 
thrift pinnace, from Cholmogorii, sailed from Cape 
Svatoi Noss, to which he gave the name of Cape 
Gallant, keeping always close to the Lapland coast, 
and on the 28th of June reached Wardhuus Bay, with- 
out having either seen or heard anything of the miss- 
ing vessels. On his homeward voyage, meeting with 
strong contrary winds, he was obliged to run into a 
bay at the west end of the Peninsula of Riibatschig, 
which probably was that of Waida. Here he found a 
craft from Drontheim, and from its owner, who was a 
son of the burgomaster there, he learnt the misfortune 
which had happened to the Bona Confidentia. The 
former vessel had on board the sails which the waves 
had thrown on shore, with the masts, in the Drontheim 
Fiord. He was further told that the Philip and 
Mary had passed the winter at Drontheim, but had 
sailed for England in March, where, as we have 
already seen, she arrived in safety on the 18th of 

Nepeja, after his shipwreck on the Scottish coast, 
had to contend with many annoyances, but Robert 
Best, his interpreter, must here have been of great 


service to him. When the company on the 3rd of 
December received intelligence of the disaster, the 
Queen was immediately informed of it, and she, for 
her consort was then on the Continent, wrote to the 
widowed Queen of Scotland, Mary of Lorraine, mother 
of Mary Stuart, and requested her to give assist- 
ance to Nepeja and his companions. With this view 
Lawrence Hussie, doctor of laws, and George Gilpin, 
were likewise sent to him from London with a " Tal- 
matsch" or " Speachman." These persons found Nepeja 
on the 23rd of December already in Edinburgh, where 
they delivered to Mary, the Scottish Regent, the letter 
they had brought from Mary, Queen of England. The 
former ordered a herald, with several commissioners, to 
be dispatched to Pitsligo Bay, in order to prevent the 
stranded articles from being carried off; but the as- 
sistance came too late, and but a few trifles were saved, 
most of the articles of value being already gone. 
Nepeja left Edinburgh on the 14th of February, 1557, 
in company with both the London gentlemen just 

He arrived on English ground, at Berwick-upon- 
Tweed, on the 18th of February, and there he was 
met by Lord Thomas Wharton, Warden of the East 
Marches. On the 27th, when at a distance of twelve 
miles from London, he was received with much pomp 
by eighty merchants on horseback, and escorted to the 
house of one of them, situated four miles from that 
city, at which he passed the night after receiving sun- 
dry presents. On the following morning the Lord 
Viscount Montague, with no less than one hundred 


and forty members of the Russia Company, with just 
the same number of servants, arrived there in order to 
escort him to London, and welcome him in the name 
of the Queen. On the road a sort of fox-hunt was 
got up for his amusement. From the city boundary, 
north of Smithfiekl, Viscount Montague and the Lord 
Mayor, Sir Thomas Offley, rode on either side of 
Nepeja as far as the quarters prepared for him at the 
house of John Diramock the merchant. 

EngHsh historians w^-ite that Nepeja was lodged at 
Denmark House. There Mas no such house, so I 
imagine tliat they mistook Dimmock for Denmark. 
John Dimmock, a native of the Netherlands, was a 
member of the Drapers' Company in London, and 
during the reigns of Henry the Eighth and Edward the 
Sixth, was frequently employed in missions on the Con- 
tinent. I have seen a letter from his brother to him, 
written from Antwerp on the 16th of March, 1538, in 
which he treated for the purchase of gunpowder, and 
the firearms of that period called " halfe huckboshes " 
(arquebuses). In 1548, he, with the ambassador Sir 
Philip Hobby, were charged with the private enlistment 
in Friesland of two thousand foot-soldiers, who were 
to be employed against Scotland ; in the preceding 
year two thousand men had already been enlisted. 
He took great pleasure in making himself useful to 
foreign ambassadors in London. In January, 1561, 
with the permission of Queen Elizabeth, he undertook 
a journey to Sweden, in order to sell some jewels to 
King Eric the Fourteenth. On this occasion he had 
the assurance to intimate to that King the possibility of 


still carrying into effect his marriage with Elizabeth, the 
negotiations for which had already been broken off 
He caused the King's portrait to be taken by an artist 
whom he had brought with him, and persuaded the 
King to send her some presents. Elizabeth, who learnt 
this through the King's ambassador, Dionysius Beurreus, 
imprisoned Dimmock as soon as lie returned, and wrote 
to Eric on the 22nd of June, 1561, that Dimmock 
had received no autliority from her so to act. This 
accounts for the order given by Cecil on the 21st of 
July, 1561, to the Lord Mayor of London, tliat all 
pictures in books containing Elizabeth's and Eric's 
portraits together should be destroyed. In December, 
1565, the Queen wrote again to Eric, and requested 
him to order that a sum due to Dimmock, then in the 
debtors' prison, for articles delivered, should be paid 
to him. 

After Philip's return from Flanders, which took 
place a few days before Nepeja's audience, and con- 
sequently not on the 20th of May, as is stated in 
many places, amongst others in " L'art de Verifier les 
Dates," Nepeja was invited on the 21st of March to 
the palace at Westminster, where he and the Queen 
gave him an audience. 

Lord Montague escorted Nepeja on the Thames in 
a state barge to the landing-place at Westminster, 
where the bridge has been since built. Here he was 
received by six lords, who were to attend him to the 
state chamber in the palace, where the first dignitaries 
in the kingdom paid him their resj)ects before he was 
ushered into the royal audience chamber. These were 


Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York, as Chancellor, 
William Paulet, Marquis of Wiltshire, as Lord High 
Treasurer, William Paget, Baron de Beaudessert, as 
Keeper of the Seals, William Howard, Baron of Effing- 
ham, as Lord High Admiral, and Thomas Thirleby, 
Bishop of Ely. 

At this audience Nepeja delivered his letter from 
the Czar, Ivan Vassilovitch, carried on a short conver- 
sation, and presented fourscore sable skins. Notwith- 
standing all my researches, I have neither found the 
original of this letter, nor even a copy or translation of 
it. In Philip and Mary's reply, drawn up by Roger 
Ascham, Latin secretary, it is said of the Czar's letter 
that it w as full of friendly assurances. * " We have 
received your letters, full of love and friendship, brought 
to us by your chosen messenger and ambassador Osiph 
Nepea. We understand from your letters, that out of 
your liberality you have given and awarded various pri- 
vileges, liberties, and immunities, to our merchants, 
and others of our English subjects, who carry on their 
trade in some parts of your empire." Nepeja's speech 
was repeated in English and Spanish, in the first lan- 
guage probably by Robert Best. It is likely that the 
sable skins presented were imported by Chancellor in 
1554. Nepeja was escorted back to the city in the 
same order in which he had set out. Two days after- 
wards Thomas Thirleby, Bishop of Ely, and Sir William 
Peter, their Majesties' first secretary, had an interview 
with Nepeja at his quarters, in order to discuss what 
was necessary. These two persons are designated 
* 8ee Appendix Gr. 


in the following passage in the letter to the Czar:* 
" We caused the matters proposed to us in your name 
by him (Nepeja) to be freely and diligently considered 
and discussed by certain of our councillors, to whom 
we committed the business." On the 23rd of April 
he had his audience of leave-taking; to which he 
was brought by the lords Talbot (Earl of Shrews- 
bury) and Lumley; after which he attended, in the 
presence of their Majesties, accompanied by the Duke 
of Norfolk (Thomas Howard), as well as by the lords 
just named, at the banquet of the Order of the Garter. 
On the 29tli of the same month, the members of the 
Russia Company gave him a banquet at Drapers' Hall, 
in Throgmorton Street. (" A notable supper garnished 
with musick, enterludes, and bankets.") When Ne- 
peja's health was drunk, it was stated to him that 
the company would defray the whole of the expenses 
of his voyage and of his residence in Scotland and 
England. The contemporary author of an account of 
what the Russia Company had done for Nepeja in 
London, says, — " the like is not in any president" (he 
means precedent) " or historie to be shewed." 

On the 1st of May, Thomas Thirleby and Sir Wil- 
liam Peter delivered to him the letter from the King 
and Queen to the Czar. I have already observed that 
this letter was composed in Latin by Roger Ascham, 
and it contains the following passages : t " We hope 
that the foundation of mutual friendship, thus well 
and happily begun and established, will be productive 
of considerable and abundant fruits, not only of fraternal 
* See Appeudix H. t See Appendix I. 


love and firm friendship between you and ourselves 
and our successors, but also of a bond of perpetual 
commercial union between our subjects. As good 
ground for this hope, we are induced to believe that, as 
God, of his infinite goodness and favour, has in our time 
opened a road by sea and a navigation previously un- 
known. He will think fit to preserve and prosper the 
same to his honour and glory, the increase of the 
Christian and Catholic religion, and the public advan- 
tage of the subjects and kingdoms of both." — " And 
since your ambassador, Osiph Nepea, who has behaved 
himself prudently and considerately in his embassy to 
us, is about to return to you, he will best be enabled 
to explain to you, as we trust he will do freely, in what 
disposition we are with reference to the commerce 
lately opened between our subjects and yours, and the 
kingdoms and cities under our respective dominion." 
Thirleby and Peter also consigned to him the presents 
intended for the Czar. Besides sundry stuffs and 
cloths, a magnificent suit of armour and a helmet 
covered with crimson velvet and gilt nails were trans- 
mitted (" a notable pair of brigandines, with a mur- 
rion covered with crimson velvet and gilt nails"), and a 
pair of lions were added. Nepeja likewise received 
several presents for himself, and on the 3rd of May he 
proceeded to Gravesend in order to embark for Russia 
on board the ship Primrose. 

This was one of the two vessels of which Kino- 
Edward the Sixth wrote in his Journal on the 6th of 
July, 1551, that they were launched when he was at 
Deptford. The Primrose sailed on the 12th of 


August, 1553, together with the Leon, and the 
Moon Pinnace from Portsmouth for the coast of 
Guinea. This undertaking was projected by Barnes 
and Garret, a short time after the Cathay expedition 
reached Russia — the two vessels having been lent to 
them by the King for the purpose. The enterprise to 
Guinea here mentioned, which failed through Captain 
Wyndham's conduct, has been often confounded, 
even by Strype and Campbell, with that of Wil- 

Towards the end of Nepeja's stay in London, the 
members of the Russia Company were not quite satis- 
fied with him. In a postscript, dated the 10th of 
May, 1557, to a letter previously despatched to the 
agents at Moscow, they say : " Wee doe not finde the 
Ambassador nowe at the last so conformable to reason 
as wee had thought wee shoulde. Hee is very mis- 
trustfull, and thinketh everie man will beguile him ; 
therefore you had neede to take heed how you have to 
doe with him, or with any such, and to make your 
bargaines plaine, and to set them downe in writing." 



Nepeja was accompanied to Russia by the well- 
known, active, and enterprising Anthony Jenkinson, 
who afterwards came several times from England to 
visit us. Robert Best acted as interpreter. There 
moreover came a physician, Doctor Standish, an 
apothecary, and several persons besides, with the in- 
tention of following their different professions. Two 
coopers were to put together casks at the Dwina, for 
the exportation of tallow, train oil, &c. 

On the 10th of May, 1557, when some of the 
articles saved from the wreck of the Edward Bona- 
venture arrived in London, the Russian casks (with 
train oil) were found to be far better than the English 
ones, of which one hundred and forty, partly in staves, 
had just been sent off in the vessels w^hich had sailed 
for the Dwiua. This last measure was one of fore- 
thought on the part of the Directors, who, it seems, 
were not certain whether good wood for making- 
casks was to be found in sufficient abundance in 

Seven cable and rope makers, whose master's name 
was Robert Bunting, came over for the purpose of 

VOYACtES to northern RUSSIA. 159 

erecting a rope-walk, and nianufacturiug every de- 
scription of cordage for exportation to England, where 
it then bore a high price. A furrier, by name Allard, 
was sent to assist in the selection of furs, and a certain 
Leonard Brian, in order to examine the yew-trees 
{Taxus haccata) " in Permia or the Petschora region 
as well as in Ugoria," and ascertain whether the wood 
was fit for exportation to England. 

With regard to this matter, the directors of the 
Russia Company wrote as follows: "We doe under- 
stand that in the country of Permia, or about the 
river of Pechora, is great quantitie of yewe, and 
likewise in the country of Ugor}^, which we be 
desirous to have knowledge of, because it is a speciall 
commoditie for our realme ; therefore we have sent 
you a young man, whose name is Leonard Brian, that 
hath some knowledge in the wood, to shew you in 
what sorte it must be cut and cloven. So our minde 
is, if there be any store, and that it be found to be 
good, that you doe provide a good quantitie against the 
next yeere for the coming of our shippes. One of the 
coopers may goe with Leonard Brian to cut and cleve 
such yewe as he shall like there." The leaves of our 
Pichta {Abies sibirica) so much resemble those of the 
yew, that it has been called the yew-leaved fir. I may 
here observe, that in the third expedition to Persia (in 
1565-67) the English found many yew-trees at Scha- 
machi, which were there used as wood for cross-bows. 
Arthur Edwards wrote to London, on the 26tli of 
April, 1565: "You shall understand there is plentie 
of yew-trees for bow-staves. I caused three horse 


loads to be bought us for to know the truth, but tliey 
were cut out of season this month of April, the sap 
being in them. Three moneths I never left speaking 
to the countrymen to bring some. Your agent will 
send some home for example." 

As the yew-tree does not thrive so far north, it 
must be presumed that the silver fir {Pinus picea), which 
is allied to the Pichta {Abies sibidica, Ledeb), must 
have been mistaken for it, for its leaves bear some 
resemblance to those of the Taxus. The mistake 
is probably to be ascribed to our Ambassador Nepeja, 
who saw the Taxus in England in winter, consequently 
without fruit, and as he knew the Russian Pichta, he 
may have called the attention of the company to it. 
Ten young persons were likewise sent in these vessels 
as apprentices to learn the trade w^ith Russia : amono-st 
them was Thomas Alcock, who was despatched to 
England in the course of the following winter by way 
of Smolensko and Dantzic, but was detained as a 
prisoner in Poland. He represented that he was on 
his way to London commissioned to attend to the 
equipment of a vessel in the following spring, in 
1558, with the object of searching for the passage 
to China; for as the winter was milder, and conse- 
quently less drift ice would be encountered in the 
North Sea, a favourable result might be anticipated. 
They objected that the English brought many warlike 
stores to Russia ("thousands of ordinance, as also of 
harness, swordes, with other munitions of warre, arti- 
ficers, copper, &c."). He replied, that scaicely a hun- 
dred mail shirts had been exported from England to' 


Russia, and that they were old and merely scoured 
("such okle thinges newe scowred as no man in 
Englande woulde weare"). Alcock had forty altins 
of Russian money with him, more than half of which 
had been entrusted to him by the English at Moscow, 
in order to be distributed amongst their friends in Eng- 
land as tokens of remembrance. He wrote : — " They 
tooke from mee fourtie altines in Russe money, whereof 
twentie and more were for tokens." From this it might 
be supposed that altins were coined as early as 1557, 
but so far as I know there is not an altin of that 
period in any collection. The before-mentioned agent, 
Richard Gray, sent his wife and daughter two Bul- 
garian coins. On the 26th of December, 1558, Queen 
Elizabeth wrote to Sigismund, King of Poland, as well 
as to the Stadtholder of Lithuania, and to the Gover- 
nor of Wilna, concerning Alcock's journey homewards, 
requesting that he might be permitted to continue it 
without hindrance. In January, 1560, he was at 
Stockholm on his way to Russia, but permission to 
pass through Poland was denied him. 

The nine Russians of Nepeja's suite, who escaped 
with life in Pitsligo Bay, likewise returned with him 
to their own country. Their names were — Isaac Ivas- 
chenko, Demetrius, Jermolai, Semen, Jeroffai, Stepan, 
Luka, Andrew, and Foma. 

Notwithstanding the shipwreck which John Buck- 
land had met with in his last voyage in the Edward 
Bonaventurc, he did not decline to assume the com- 
mand of the Primrose, on board of which were 
Nepeja and Jenkinson. During this voyage the Prini- 



rose was the flag-ship of the fleet, and Je'nkinson was 
her captain ; but he was moreover called " Captaine- 
general of the flote." Besides this vessel, three others 
sailed at the same time, the John Evangelist, the 
Anna, and the Trinitie. The commanders of these 
vessels were Lawrence Roundall, David Philly, and 
John Robins. The merchandise brought to Russia by 
the four ships I have already recorded. The Primrose 
was nearly lost at the commencement of the voyage. 
It had also been feared that difficulties would be 
encountered at Wardhuus. Nepeja was, therefore, 
not a little rejoiced, when on the 12th of July he set 
his foot on terra firma, at the convent of St. Nicholas. 
He remained there a week with the other persons who 
had left England with him, and they all, Mdth the 
exception of Jenkinson, set out for Moscow, where 
they arrived on the 12th of September, and were 
admitted on the 14th to an audience, at which they 
kissed the Czar's right hand. Afterwards, they were 
invited to dine with him. 

Two days later, the Czar sent Dr. Standish, as well 
as each of the other newly-arrived Englishmen, a horse 
to ride about the town. On the 18th of September 
the former received some sable furs: on the 1st of 
October he again dined with the Czar. On the 11th 
he received seventy, and the apothecary and the others 
each thirty roubles. On the 3rd of November, as well 
as on the 6th and 23rd December, 1557, and on the 
6th January and 12th April, 1558, he was likewise 
invited to the Czar's table. 

Jenkinson, who sent the vessels home from the 


mouth of the Dwina on the 1st of August, reached 
Moscow only on the 6th of December, having been 
detained some time on the road by commercial mat- 
ters ; consequently, he was too late to show himself 
on this holiday, but on Christmas-day he had an au- 
dience of the Czar and dined with him. 

Jenkinson had reached Cholmogorli on the 3rd 
August, 1557, and left it on the 15th, to ascend the 
Dwina in a small boat. He noticed on the same day, at 
the junction of the Pinega, the alabaster mountains 
on each side, as well as the pine-trees lying in the 
soil ("pine-apple trees lying along within the ground, 
which by report have lien there since Noe's flood "). 
Between the Pinega and the Jemetz he observed the 
mode of collecting tar, pitch, and potash. At Totma, 
on the Suchana, he describes the diflSculties of the 
voyage in consequence of the numbers of river craft, 
which were at that time employed in the conveyance 
of salt from the works on the sea-coast to Vologda. 
On the road from Cholmogorli to Vologda he did 
not enter any house; consequently an axe, a tinder- 
box, and a kettle were articles indispensable to our 
traveller. On the 1st of December he left Vologda, 
and travelled in a sledge to Moscow by way of Jaros- 
lavl, Rostov, and Pereslavl. He does not mention 
tliat on Christmas-day any other persons who came 
with him from England dined with the Czar besides 
himself. On the 6th of January he was present, in 
a Russian dress, at the blessing of water; but the 
Czar recognised him, and invited him again to dinner. 
On Easter Tuesday, the 12th of April, he dined 

M 2 


with the Czar, together \yith Richard Gray, and pro- 
bably also with Robert Best and Dr. Standish. After 
the repast he requested permission to set out on 
his travels to China, whicb, however, ended at 

The motive for Jenkinson's mission to Russia was 
the following: As Burrough's endeavour to advance 
in the North Sea further to the east had failed, Jen- 
kinson, who had great experience in travelling, and 
was highly accomplished, was to exert himself to reach 
Cathay (China) by land, and this through Bokhara, for 
it had been heard that caravans often came to that 
country from China. 

In November, 1553, when Chancellor visited the 
Dwina for the first time, Jenkinson was at Aleppo. 
We are indebted to him for an interesting description 
of the powerful army which the Sultan was then lead- 
ing against Persia, to make war upon the Shah. Of 
a thousand pages clad in gold cloth, one-half carried 
arquebuses, and the others Turkish bows and quivers 
of arrows. " After the great Turk followed six young 
ladies, mounted upon fine white hacknies, every one of 
them having two eunuchs on each side, and little 
bowes in their hands." 

The project of Jenkinson pleased the Czar Ivan 
Vassilovitch, so that, without having been requested 
to do so by Queen Elizabeth, he not only gave him 
permission to travel through the territory of Astracan, 
lately conquered by him, but likewise gave orders to 
all the chiefs of towns along the Volga to render him 
assistance. He, moreover, provided the traveller with 


letters of recommendation to the sovereign of the 
territory on the other side of the Caspian Sea. 

Jenkiuson quitted Moscow on the 23rd of April, 
1558 ; and ascended the Moskwa, Oka, and Volga, 
accompanied by Richard and Robert Johnson as far as 
Astracan. On this journey Jenkinson noticed much 
that is interesting. He names the district between 
Kasan and the Kama to the left of the Volga- Vachen. 
Muller (S. R. G. vii. 445) says : " This I really cannot 
exj^lain. It is nevertheless right to remark it, because 
it may perhaps induce others to make enquiries on the 
subject." It might well be wondered at that the His- 
toriographer of the " Votaken" did not immediately 
recognise in this word written by an Englishman, the 
Vatschine. In another place, where Jenkinson reca- 
pitulates his different travels, he writes, Vachin, and 
thus it is set down likewise in his map of Russia, pub- 
lished in London as early as 1562. Here it is to be 
seen that the district he meant did not reach the 
Volga, but lies on either side of the river Vatka. 
Leaving the Volga, Jenkinson next sailed on the 
Caspian Sea, on which never before had a Christian 
banner waved (his was the St. George's cross), and 
thus advanced as far as Bokhara. There he learnt that 
the communication with China had been broken off 
three years previously ; he was consequently obliged to 
alter his plans. On the 2nd of September, 1559, he 
returned to Moscow, and two days afterwards was ad- 
mitted to an audience, at which he was suffered to kiss 
the hand of the Czar, and presented him with a Yak 
crupper and a Tartar drum ; he afterwards dined with 


liim. On the 9th of May, 1560, he arrived at Chol- 
mogorii, and soon afterwards sailed to England, accom- 
panied by Henry Lane. In place of the latter, Thomas 
Glover became the company's agent at Moscow. He 
continued to hold the office mitil 1566, when he broke 
faith with the company, and obtained special commer- 
cial privileges for himself and some others. His son, 
Sir Thomas Glover, M^as at a later period ambassador 
to Constantinople. 

In the ensuing year, 1561, Jenkinson visited Mos- 
cow for the second time, having Persia again in view. 
He was, moreover, instructed to send some one, perhaps 
Richard Johnson, from Cholmogorii, over-land in an 
easterly direction ; for the Russians probably repre- 
sented that the open sea could be reached in thirty or 
forty days' journey. Nothing resulted from this trip. 
The excursions of our Englishmen towards the east 
extended at that time simply from Cholmogorii, by 
Pineja to Lamposhna, and as far as the village of 
Mesen (230 versts), where the Samoiedes held their 
fair, and then along the Mesen, by Pogorelskaja and 
Sesapolskaja to Juroma (115 versts), where they pur- 
chased elk-hides for England. In a letter, written in 
Latin, of the 25th of April, to the Czar Ivan Vassi- 
lovitch. Queen Elizabeth thanked him for the gracious 
reception he had already afforded to Jenkinson, and for 
his furtherance of his object ; and begged that he 
would still consider the same individual, who was now 
in her service (" nostrum jam famulatum"), worthy of 
his continual protection, and furnish him with letters of 
recommendation to Tahmasp, Shah of Persia. A simi- 


lar letter to the Sliali the Queen herself had given 
him. I have had in my hands the following order with 
reference to this matter given by the Queen's Keeper 
of the seals, Sir Nicholas Bacon: " Prime Junii, 1561; 
To Thomas Cotton, the under Clerk of the Hamper, 
in the Court of Chancery, ye shall allowe for certene 
lace myngled with gold and silver, putt to several let- 
tres patents sent by the Queene's Maiestie, as well to 
the Emperour of Russia as to the Sophie, which lace 
amounteth in yards to the number of viij after the rate 
of vj s. viij d. for every yard, and this letter shall be 
your discharge, N. Bacon." Sir Nicholas was, as is well 
known, the father of (Lord) Francis Bacon, then four 
months old. Jenkinson came to the Dwina in the ship 
Swallow. The company delivered him a locked-up 
chest containing costly articles, intended partly as pre- 
sents for the Czar, and his eldest son the Czarevitch 
Ivan. They comj^rised jewels, gold stuffs, and scarlet 

Jenkinson reached Moscow on the 20th of August, 
when Ivan Vassilovitch was preparing to solemnise his 
marriage with the beautiful Circassian, Marja Tem- 
grukovna, when the gates of the city were closed 
for three days, and no inhabitant, native or fo- 
reigner, was allowed to leave his house. Jenkinson 
wrote : " The cause thereof unto this day not being 
known." As he perseveringly refused to trust the 
Queen's letter out of his hands previously to delivering 
it himself to the Czar, they endeavoured to thwart 
him ; notwithstanding which the audience took place 
somewhat later, and he was invited to the Czar's table. 


Repeated difficulties were thrown in the way of his 
journey to Persia, and he had already received a pass- 
port for his return to England, when, through Ne- 
peja's mediation, his wishes were at length gratified. 
On the 15th of March, 1562, he dined with the Czar 
at the same time as an ambassador from Persia ; and 
the Czar not only provided him with the promised 
letters of recommendation, but honoured him with 
sundry commissions. 

On the 27th of April he quitted Moscow, in com- 
pany with the same ambassador, and ascended the Volga 
as before. Edward Clarke, an Englishman, accom- 
panied him. A peace, concluded a short time before 
with the Turks, was the cause that Jenkinson's endea- 
vours to establish a commercial intercourse between 
Persia and England had not altogether the desired re- 
sult ; for Persia at that time received cloths and other 
goods through the Turks. On the 20th of August, 
1563, Jenkinson returned to Moscow, w^here he de- 
livered into the treasury the precious stones and silk 
stuffs purchased for the Czar, and presented a report of 
the execution of his other commissions. The Czar 
gave him to understand that he was perfectly satisfied 
with what he had done, and intimated his wish to em- 
ploy him further. 

Jenkinson availed himself of the Czar's favour to ob- 
tain a new charter; wintered at Moscow; sent Edw^ard 
Clarke by land to England ; and despatched another 
expedition to Persia on the 10th of May, 1564. 
This consisted of Thomas Alcock, George Wrenne, and 
Richard Cheinie. The route bv water did not com- 


mence this time at Moscow, but at Jaroshlavl. Alcock 
was murdered not far from Schamachi. Richard John- 
son was appointed ^o the command of the expedition 
despatched to Persia in 1565 by Glover, the agent; so 
that Arthur Edwards, who was a man far more adapted 
to the purpose, was obhged to serve under him. Tlie 
directors of the company wrote in 1567 : " We mar- 
veille that Richard Johnson w^as sent into Persia as 
chefe, being a man in our opinions unfitt for that 
chardge, and nothing so fitte as another." Still they 
desired that he should make a map of the Volga and 
the Caspian Sea : " We be desirous to have a sea Carde 
made of the viage of the Caspian sea, with a note in 
writing of the courses, soundings, marks, dangerous 
places, variinge of the compasse and latitude of places, 
quallitie of harbroughes. Will Johnson to make a 
charde of the Caspian sea, and viage down the Volga." 
For the expedition of 1565 a craft was built expressly 
at Jaroslavl, and Edwards proposed that for future expe- 
ditions a larger one should be constructed, to command 
which a shipmaster should be sent from England. 
Jenkinson quitted Moscow on the 28th of June, em- 
barked at the mouth of the D wina, again in the ship Swal- 
low, and arrived in London on the 28th of September. 

On the 4th of May, 1566, he was again despatched 
to Russia, and arrived at the Dwina, on the 10th of 
June, in the ship Harry. Jenkinson wrote to Sir 
William Cecil from Cholmogorii on the 26th of June, 
by William Burrough, who was about to return home 
with the vessels. He dwelt on the various political 
relations of Russia at that time, as well as on the nego- 


tiations with the Czar. Amongst other things he says 
of him, that he was building a castle two thousand 
four hundred fathoms in circumference ; the stones for 
which were brought from a distance of five hundred 
miles, at an expense of twelvepence per cwt. for car- 
riage. This was the castle then built by the Czar 
at Vologda. Jenkinson sent an elk to Cecil by Bur- 
rough (" a strange beast called a loyche, and bred in the 
country of Casun in Tartarie"). 

I may here observe that, several times during 
the first few years after the estabhshment of the 
company, the agents at Cholmogorii sent the direc- 
tors in London reindeers and white bears as cu- 
riosities ; but after 1559 a special permission from 
the Czar was necessary for this purpose. One great 
inducement to the present expedition was the recom- 
mendation of the before-mentioned Raphael Barberini, 
an Italian, who resided at Antwerp, then the emporium 
of commerce. He was the uncle of the famous Pope 
Urban the Eighth. In 1564 he succeeded in procuring 
a letter of recommendation from Queen Elizabeth to 
the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch ; and another, but not so 
useful to him, he received from Philip the Second, 
King of Spain and ex-King of England. With these 
credentials he arrived at Moscow in the summer 
of that year. A mercantile firm from Antwerp came 
over at the same time, which was to transfer half the 
profits to him, if the Czar granted permission for free 
trade with Russia. This the latter not only did, but 
assisted him in obtaining similar favours from Frederick 
the Second, King of Denmark, and Eric the Fourteenth, 


King of Sweden. Barberini had scarcely returned to 
Antwerp in the summer of 1565, when he dispatched a 
vessel to Narva with salt and silver coin. The 
English reported this to London, and the directors of 
the company made a representation to the Queen on 
the subject. Elizabeth now wrote, on the 20th of 
April, 1566, to Ivan Vassilovitch, by Jenkinson, that 
she had recommended Barberini to him as a traveller, 
and in nowise as a merchant. 

This Italian was the youngest son of Carl Barberini. 
His brother Ivan was learned in the law, resided at 
Rome, and superintended the education of the sons of 
his elder brother Anthony, of whom Maphoeus, the 
first-born, arrived at high ecclesiastical dignity, and in 
1623 even became Pope, under the name of Urban 
the Eighth. On the 10th of June, 1564, Raphael 
wrote from Antwerp to Franz at Rome : * " I will 
tell you briefly how it is that I am going to Muscovy 
to make arrangements with its Sovereign. To do 
this, in the first place, 400 D (?) have been paid 
me at once in cash, and afterwards I am to have half 
the profits of the business." 

He made this request : f " Do not say that I have 
gone to Sweden on any other business but my own, 
as this is what I have WTitten to every one, except- 
ing privately to my own family, in order that no ob- 
stacles may be thrown in the way of my project. I 
shall start at Midsummer." 

The rough sketch of the letter from Queen Eliza- 
beth to Ivan Vassilovitch, which w^as discovered by 
* See Appendix K. t See Appendix L. 


me in England, is dated tbe 20th of June, 1564. 
Elizabeth says : * "In consequence of Your heartv 
good^^ill towards Us, We gladly, on this occasion, re- 
commend to Your Majesty by these our letters Raphael 
Barberini, ^vho, although an Italian, is very dear to Us, 
for certain reasons. We, therefore, beg that he, by Your 
good favour and pleasure, as well as by Your commands 
and authority, if necessary, may be courteously treated, 
as well by Your ^Majesty as by Your subjects; and that 
he, with all his goods, may pass safely and freelv 
through the provinces of Your empire, dwell there so 
long as he may think fit, and depart thence whensoever 
he and his followers are so inclined." 

Lord Montague, who in 1557 received and escorted 
Nepeja, our ambassador in London, had previously 
been at Rome, was afterwards at Madrid, and in 
March, 1564, was sent to the Netherlands by Eliza- 
beth, -with Dr. Wotton, the able diplomatist, and the 
statesman Walter Haddon, for the purpose of regu- 
lating commercial matters between England and that 
country, with the commissioners of the King of Spain. 
Probably Barberini obtained the letter of recommen- 
dation from Queen Elizabeth to Ivan Vassilovitch 
through Montague. At Moscow Barberini received 
many marks* of attention from the Czar; and when 
an audience was granted in November to the envoys 
from Ivan Vassilovitch's Circassian stepfather, as well 
as to the embassy from the Emperor Ferdinand and 
Wolfgang, grand-master of the Teutonic Order, (with 
reference to setting Furstenberg at liberty,) Barberini 
* iSee Appendix M. 


was presented to the Czar at the same time, and 
dined afterwards at the Granotvitaja Palace, together 
■nith the persons first named. Having returned to 
Antwerp in the summer of 1565, he wrote to his 
brother Franz, on the 21st of Julv. as foUows:* 
" Having obtained privileges and a safe conduct in the 
country of the Muscovites for me and my people, I 
hope that in future I may be enabled to benefit you, 
because in the first place I have certain information of 
which few are possessed, and in the next have passports 
and safe-conducts from the Kino: of Denmark and Kin g 
of Sweden, matters which I am rejoiced at, and which 
are of consequence. Xot to lose the opportunity, there- 
fore, I despatched on the 11th instant, (July. 1565,) a 
vessel with X. M. (10,000) D (?) in goods and ready- 
money, which, please Grod, will go and return in safety. 
I hope that I shall progress in the same way, and that 
God will thus recompense all my family." 

On the Sth of September he added to another let- 
ter : T " I know not what to say excepting that I am 
but half ahve, trusting that God of his goodness wiU 
cause the vessel I have sent to arrive in safety. My 
hope is in Him." 

To his father he also wrote in Augnsr : i ~ Since 
I know that you must be aware that I have sent 
a vessel to Narva, I will tell you that I have re- 
ceived a letter from the supercargo. Therefore, if 
God pleases that she return in safety, I am very 
certain that I shall double my venture and be satisfied, 
because I have a cargo of salt there, the first cost of 

* See Appeadis X. ■♦■ See Appendix; O. X ^^^ Appendix P. 


which was D. 1500. The favour of allowing it to pass 
was a great one, and that I received from the King 
of Denmark, at the instance of the Muscovite who 
gave me letters for the said King greatly in my 
favour, and others for the King of Sweden, in order 
that my vessel might pass free." 

Russia was then on good terms with Denmark ; 
according to the treaty of friendship of 1562 the 
Russians were to have factories at Copenhagen and 
at Wisby in Gothland, and the Danes at Novogorod 
and Ivangorod. In 1564 Ivan Vassilovitch concluded 
a peace with Eric the Fourteenth.* " The Mus- 
covite has conceded to me many privileges, immu- 
nities, and exemptions, in favour of myself, my ship, 
and my men, so that I do not pay one penny for 
anything. Notwithstanding that whosoever goes to 
that country cannot leave it, he has ordered that my 
people should be free in everything. I therefore per- 
ceive the road open to fortune, and if I desired to serve 
him, as two Ferrarese who are prisoners there have 
often told me, I think I should do very well there, 
setting aside the inconveniences of the country; but I 
shall not resolve on going thither, unless necessity 
compels me, because I know that I might never be 
able to leave the country." 

Barberini drew up for his friends a short account 
of Russia (" llelazione di Moscovia"), which is pre- 
served in the Barberini Library at Rome, and was 
published in 1658. We are indebted to Barberini for 
his MS. notes on those articles of commerce which 
* 8ee Appendix Q. 


he at that time thought worth importing into Russia, 
from which we have been enabled to ascertain many of 
the jirices. In 1564 the pood of sugar was worth at 
Moscow 60, alum 55 to 60, and Brazil wood 30 altins ; 
gold thread, 18 dollars the pound; pearls (large and 
white) 2 roubles per ounce ; the dollar 50 dengi. 

Barberini describes the sort of armour, horse-trapping, 
sledge and horse-cloths, and other articles which were 
to be provided for the Czar. He recommended that 
Turkey cocks and hens, kidney-beans, cauliflower, and 
pumpkin seeds, " vini buoni e grandi ma non dolci," 
thick paper for printing at Moscow (the art of printing 
had but just been introduced into Russia, and an 
edition of the " Lives of the Apostles" was then passing 
through the press), and markasite for the composition 
of type, should be sent to Russia. Elizabeth wrote to 
Ivan Vassilovitch by Jenkinson on the 20th of April, 

" We understand that Your Majesty holds our letters 
in such esteem that, out of resj)ect to their contents, 
You grant more favours to our subjects and even to 
foreigners, out of courtesy to Us, than We ourselves ask 
for them. This happened last year, when we recom- 
mended to you a certain Italian, named Raphael Bar- 
berini, not as a merchant, but as a traveller. But how 
this Italian has dared to abuse Our recommendation of 
him in Our letters as well as Your Majesty's goodness 
and other things which appertain to the intercourse 
.established between Us and Ours, our well-beloved 
servant, Anthony Jenkinson, will explain to you per- 
* See Appendix E, 


sonally at greater lengtli, but in Our own words, ac- 
quainting you with the resohition We have formed." 

The well-known Alba arrived in the Netherlands from 
Spain in the following year, 1567, and Barberini, who was 
a knight of the Order of St. Stephen, took service under 
him, or rather under Vitelli, as a soldier. The letters 
he wrote at that time to his brother in Rome have been 
of use in compiling the history of the war then com- 
mencing. In 1569 he was sent as ambassador to Queen 
Elizabeth of England. His nephew, Urban the Eighth, 
laid the foundation of the celebrity of the Barberini 
house. Who has not heard of the palace of this family 
at Rome ? The rich library, with its treasury of MSS., 
now unfortunately closed, was founded by Cardinal 
Francesco Barberini, great nephew of Raphael. Jen- 
kinson was commissioned to make a representation to 
the Czar concerning Barberini, and managed to obtain an 
edict from him, that besides the English privileged com- 
pany no foreigners should enjoy the advantages of free 
trade in Russia. It was likewise considered desirable 
that the privileges previously obtained from the Czar, 
with reference to the trade from Russia to Bokhara 
and Persia, should be extended. 

Jenkinson reached Moscow on the 23rd of August, 
and had an audience on the 1st of September. The 
Czar, who was then building a new fortress at Moscow, 
a castle at Vologda, and much besides in the Alexan- 
drian suburb, commissioned him to engage a skilful 
architect in England (" an architecture which can 
make castiles, townes, and palaces"), and moreover a 
doctor and an apothecary, as well as practical men who 


understood the art of discovering gold and silver 
(" masters such as are cunning (not coming) to seke 
ought gold and silver"). It seems to me likely that 
Jenkinson paid London a visit during the winter of 
155G-57 to look after these matters- 

In a letter from Queen Elizabeth of the 18th of 
May, 1567, she requests Ivan Vassilovitch to fulfil the 
promise he had made in the foregoing year, to grant 
the English a fresh charter ; and at the same time 
announces that she had given permissson to the persons 
required by the Czar to proceed to Russia. In fact, 
there then came over (in 1567) a doctor (Reynolds), an 
apothecary (Thomas Carver), an engineer (Humphrey 
Lock), his assistant (John Finton), " a goldsmythe 
and goldefiner," or as«!ayer (Thomas Green), and other 
professional men. Lock wrote to Sir William Cecil on 
the 4th of March, and on the 20th of May, 1568 ; and, 
amongst other things, says : " I cold do for the 
Emperor such things, and make him such engynes 
for his warres, that he might thereby subdue any 
prynce that wold stand against him with devyces, yf 
I would make manyfest I cold have land and money 
enoughe ; but that goods is evil gotten, that proffyt 
pressyts (precipitates) a man down into hell." He fur- 
ther explains that he had become acquainted in 
England with a very profitable contrivance for preci- 
pitating salt ; but had not availed himself of it, because 
he feared that others would derive all the advantage. 

On the 1st of July, 1568, he wrote, that at the end of 
May, a doctor, an ajiothecary, and a surgeon had arrived ; 
" the doctor was joly vated " (he makes an English word 



out of jnlobatoi) "witli 200 roubles, tlie potycarye 
\y'\th 100, niul the surgeon with 50 roubles." On the 
19th of May, 1572, Lock wrote to Lord Robert Dud- 
ley, Earl of Leicester, that he knew not whether the 
Czar would go on with his buildings, and that he wished 
to return to England. The London Company likewise 
sent three ropemakers : Robert Wilson, Robert Bland, 
and John Bushell. The first was engaged at £9 per 
aimum, and the others at £5 for the first three, and £6 
for the three ensuing years. I am not quite certain 
whether it was on this occasion that Francis Older 
(Ouldre) came over, who was to superintend a manufac- 
tory of Poldavys, i. e. coarse sackcloth, established in 

The Czar Ivan now acquainted Jenkinson that he 
wished, 1st, to enter into a treaty of friendship with 
Queen Elizabeth (" which shall be the beginning of 
further matter to be done") ; 2ndly, that she should bo 
kind to his friends, but hostile to his enemies, and he 
would be the same to hers ; 3rdly, that it should be par- 
ticularly stipulated that she should not become friends 
with the King of Poland, for Sigismund actually sought 
to injure both herself and people. The latter, indeed, had 
lately sent a spy with a letter to the English merchants 
at Moscow, requesting them to assist those Russians 
who were favourably disposed towards him, the king, 
with money and in other ways. The object he pro- 
posed to himself by this was, to throw suspicion on the 
English merchants, to undermine the good understand- 
ing which existed between England and Russia, and 
by these means to annihilate the flourishing trade 




wliich was carried on between botli nations. It was 
stipulated, 4tlily, that she was to allow persons skilled 
in ship-building and navigation ("masters which can 
make shippes and sayle them") to come to Russia ; 
5thly, that artillery and other warlike stores might be 
sent there from England; Gthly, that it should be 
ratified by oath between her and himself that either 
sovereign might take refuge in the country of the other 
in case disturbances in their own realm should compel 
them to do so : this clause was to remain secret ; Tthly, 
that she should send him a person of rank for the 
purpose of signing the treaty ; and lastly, 8thly, that 
the Czar desired to receive her reply to all this on St. 
Peter's and St. Paul's day (29th June), 1568. Besides 
these, Jenkinson received other messages, which he 
was to deliver verbally. Here the private negotiations 
with Queen Elizabeth with reference to a marriage 
must have commenced. 

The desired commercial charter was signed on the 
22nd of September, 1567. It comprised the permis- 
sion to carry on trade as far as Kazan and Astracan, to 
Narva and Dorpat, Bulgaria, and Schamachia. On the 
Icy and White Seas the harbours were not to be closed 
against merchants belonging to the company; and pos- 
session of the houses of the latter was confirmed to 
them at Moscow, Vologda, and Cholmogorii. The 
directors of the company wrote to Russia in 1566 
that the route from the mouth of the Dwina to Novo- 
gorod and Narva, both by water and land, was to be 
surveyed with reference to its condition for the convey- 
ance of goods. In consequence of these instructions, 

N 2 


Thomas Southam and John Sparke undertook tliis not 
uninteresting journey at the end of July of that year. 
They started in a coasting craft (lodge) from Cholmo- 
gorii to the convent of Solovetz (whose abbot, Philip, had 
been just named metropohtan of Russia); there received 
a pilot for the first and most difficult part of the route ; 
sailed past Soroka at the mouth of the Vlig, and there 
ascended the latter river, as far as its course extended, 
in three small boats. They found themselves often 
obliged to track their boats and goods over land, but 
came at last to Voyets, rowed along the lake of that 
name (Viig Lake), ascended that small river as far as 
practicable, and then jn-oceeded by Telegen to Po- 
venetz. They then embarked on Lake Onega, and 
rowed up the river Svir to the Lake of Ladoga, and on 
the Volchov to Novogorod, where they found William 
Rowley, the agent, just arrived from England by way 
of Narva, unable to proceed to Moscow because the 
plague was at Novogorod. The result of Southam and 
Sparke's surveying trip was the discovery that, between 
Povonetz and Novogorod, goods might be sent on by 
water; but, that from Ssumy to Povenetz it would be 
necessary to convey them by land in winter. At that 
time much salt, obtained from the White Sea, was 
conveyed to Novogorod on sledges. 





In 1567 Ivan Vassilovitch sent two Muscovite nier- 
eliants, Stephen ZerdikofF and Fedot Pogneloi, to 
London, where they (the first wlio reached that city) 
arrived in August, and were quartered in the com- 
pany's house in Seething Lane. They were commis- 
sioned to exchange furs for precious stones and other 
costly articles for the Czar's treasury. They brought a 
letter from him of the 10th of April, which was written 
in two languafres, Russian and German. The latter 
is the copy I have discovered. It is the oldest in 
England from a Russian sovereign. The commence- 
ment of the Czar's title is wanting. The part which 
remains is conceived in the following terms : — " Ruler 
of Obdoski Condinski, and all the land of Siberia and 
the north coast, and Lord of the Livonian territory 
and other places, to Elizabeth, Queen of Engelant, 
France, and Ireland, and other places. To the gra- 
cious and noble Queen, health. We have sent to your 
country sundry of our merchants, viz. Steffan Fverdiko 
and Fedota Pogerela, and with them we have sent 
wares from our treasury, in order that in your king- 


dom they may purchase sapphires, and rubies, and 
ch)ths, such as- we require in our treasury. When 
these merchants arrive in your kingdom, M'e pray you 
to allow them to pass free with the wares which they 
take to your kingdom, as well as with those which 
they purchase from your subjects for our treasury, 
&c. Given under our hand at our palace at Moscow, 
in the year 7075 from the creation of the world, on the 
10th of April, in the 34tli year of our age, in the 
20th of our reign over Russia, the 15th of that over 
Kasan, and the 13th of that over Astracan." The 
seal is well preserved. 

Queen Elizabeth received our Muscovite merchants 
at Oatlands, her country house, on which occasion 
Henr}' Lane undertook the office of interpreter. In 
May, 1568, they had their audience of leave-taking 
at Greenwich. Elizabeth gave them a letter in Latin, 
dated the 9th of May, to the Czar, spoke a few words 
to them, and they kissed her hand kneeling. 

Stephen Tverdikoflf was at an earlier period in the 
Netherlands, and had then visited Simon von Salingen 
and Cornelius de Meyer, at Antwerp. Both these 
persons sailed from the Lapland coast, in 15C6, to 
the mouth of the Onega, and travelled from thence, 
dressed as Russians, by way of Kargopol to Moscow, 
whence they applied to their acquaintance, Tverdikoff, 
for the purpose of availing themselves of his counsel 
as to the best mode of laying before the Czar their 
complaint on the subject of a murder perpetrated on 
one of their countrymen. Our Muscovite merchants 
happened to be in London when the first Exchange 


was built, under the auspices of Sir Thomas Gresham, 
who then (in 1567-68) resided much in London. Soon 
after the talking of Narva, in 1558, Englishmen, not 
em])loyed by the Russia Company, began to send out 
goods. This was done under the pretence that at tlie 
time tlie original charter was granted, Narva did not 
belong to Russia, but, in reality, before Chancellor's 
voyage, to the Hanse Towns. In 1566 the company 
obtained an Act of Parliament, according to which 
only members of the company, whose number at that 
time amounted to four hundred, could trade with that 
place. It was now entitled, " Fellowship of English 
Merchants for Discovery of New Trades." Christopher 
was sent to Narva with goods, and was to erect a fac- 
tory there on account of the comi>any. Notwith- 
standing this, several Englishmen continued to trade 
privately with Narva. 

Sigismund, King of Poland, did all that was possible 
to throw obstacles in the way of the communication 
between England and Russia. I have in my possession 
copies of several letters from him to Queen Elizabeth, 
in the years 1567 and 1568, in which he complains of 
this commercial intercourse, that by means of it Russia 
was supplied not only with all necessary implements 
for carrying on war, but, what was still worse, received 
people who there spread useful knowledge, and taught 
every description of engineering. 

On the 13th of July, 1567, he wrote as follows :* — 
" But so much the less can We permit of free naviga- 
tion to Muscovy, that your Highness sees it prohibited 
* tScc Appendix tS. 


by us not only for very weighty reasons of our own, 
but as ali'ecting religion and the whole Christian com- 
monwealth. The enemy, as we have said, is instructed 
by intercourse ; he is taught, which is of more conse- 
quence, the use of arms only just now introduced into 
that barbarous country; he is taught (which indeed we 
think likely to be productive of still more serious con- 
sequences) by the artificers themselves, so that, even if 
nothing else should be imported there, still by the 
labour of those artificers with whom he is freely sup- 
plied, whilst the navigation remains open as it is now, 
everything which can be used in war, and of which he 
has hitherto been ignorant, will be manufactured in 
that barbarous empire." Again, on the 3rd March, 
1568:* — "For, owing to the navigation which has 
been thus recently opened, we see the Muscovite, who 
is not only the tenii)orary enemy of our kingdom, but 
the hereditary one of all free nations, well instructed 
and armed. We see him provided not only with arms, 
wares, ships, and other articles, the introduction of 
which, although they are unimportant in themselves, 
might be more easily and eftectually prevented ; but 
also with other things of much greater consequence, 
which can in no way be sufficiently guarded against, 
and which are of much greater use to the enemy, I 
mean, with the very artificers who do not cease to manu- 
facture arms, weapons, and other articles never before 
seen or heard of by the enemy in that barbarous 
country. And moreover, what is worthy of still more 
serious consideration, he is made acquainted with our 
* See Appendix T. 


most secret counsels, to be used hereafter to our de- 
struction. We do not therefore think it can really be 
expected that we should suffer navigation to be thus 
rendered free."' 

Hakim t has published a letter from Sigismund of this 
period, but dates it erroneously in 1559. It contains 
the following passage : — " We know the Moscovite 
dayly to grow mightier by the increase of such things 
as be brought to the Narve, while not onely wares, but 
also weapons, hitherto unknowen to him, and artificers 
and arts, be brought unto him, by meane whereof he 
maketli himself strong to vanquish all others. We 
seemed hitherto to vanquish him onely in this, that he 
was rude of arts and ignorant of policies. If so be 
that this navigation to the Narve continue, what shall 
be unknowen to him ? The Moscovite, with those 
things that be brought to the Narve, and made more 
perfect in warlike affaires with engines of warre and 
shippes, will slay or make bound all that shall with- 
stand him : which God defend." 

For the purpose of putting a stop to the trade car- 
ried on at Narva by Englishmen who did not belong to 
the privileged company, the directors sent Lawrence 
Manley there in the autumn of 1567, and the Queen 
gave him a short letter to the Czar, dated the 14th of 
October. Maidey was accompanied by Nicholas Proc- 
tor, who was afterwards agent at Moscow ; and it is 
worthy of remark that the former was despatched be- 
fore J enkinson had returned to London with the Czar's 
letter and commissions. Three months later George 
Middleton, a gentleman, was despatched to Moscow, 


and took with him a comprehensive letter from the 
Queen, dated the 10th of February, 1568. In this 
letter the Queen alludes, but very briefly, to the epistle 
of September, 1567, which she had received from the 
Czar by Jenkinson, saying that it had given her the 
greatest pleasure, and that she most thankfully acknow- 
ledged the good-will he displayed towards herself and 
subjects. On the other hand Elizabeth enters into 
the following details:* — "Amongst other commissions, 
George Middleton is especially enjoined to treat at 
once with your Majesty for the apprehension, and as 
speedily as possible, of certain Englishmen at Narva 
(Thomas Glover, Ralph Rutter, James Watson, and 
Christopher Bennet), who, in open contempt of Us, 
seriously defrauding Our subjects, and not slightly 
wronging even your Majesty, have behaved in the most 
faithless, insulting, and wicked manner to us all. They, 
as We have heard, have, without the knowledge of 
their masters, who are here in England, contracted 
marriages with Polish women ; and if the best mode of 
arresting them is not maturely considered, it is to be 
feared that they will take refuge in Poland." 

It was, moreover, announced that in the spring an 
ambassador, with some respectable merchants, should be 
despatched to Moscow, in order to treat of commercial 
and other necessary matters. Ivan Vassilovitch asked 
Middleton whether he knew anything of Jenkinson's 
embassy; and as he did not receive a satisfactory 
reply, he considered it wrong that the Queen, to whom 
he had sent by Jenkinson a verbal communication and 
* Sec Appendix V. 


a proposal for a close alliance, should slight all his ad- 
vances, and send people, and write to him, simply on 
mercantile affairs. As they were apprised in London 
that neither Manley nor Middleton had been enabled 
to arrange anything, and that they were viewed with 
suspicion, Thomas Randolph, an experienced diploma- 
tist, was despatched to Moscow in June of the same 
year. He was accompanied by George Turberville, his 
secretary ; Thomas Banister and Jeffrey Ducket, who 
desired to travel to Persia ; James Bassendine, James 
Woodcock, and Richard Browne, who were to start 
from Petschora on a voyage of discovery to the eastward 
of Waigats, and several other persons, all of whom 
arrived at Rose Island, at the mouth of the Dwina, on 
the 3rd of August. 

Thomas Randolph, born at Badlesmere, in the county 
of Kent, studied at Christchurch College, Oxford ; was 
afterwards principal of Pembroke College ; and in 1553, 
at the commencement of Mary's reign, went to France. 
From 1560 he was employed as Queen Elizabeth's 
active agent in Scotland in matters concerning Mary 
Stuart, and after he had been in Russia was dispatched 
again to Scotland by her. He had at that time 
the title of a Director of Posts (Post-director). In 
1573 he was sent to France. He died on the 8th 
of June, 1590, and was buried in the Church at St. 
Peter's Hill, Paul's Wharf. I have discovered a great 
number of his letters in England. His widow, Ursula, 
retained possession of Quinborough Castle. 

George Turberville was the youngest son of Nicholas 
Turberville, of VVhitechurch, in Dorsetshire. He ro- 


ceived the first part of his ethicatioii at a school at 
Winchester; in 15G1 became Fellow of New Collejre 
at Oxford ; and subsequently followed the profession of 
an advocate in London. He passed for a poet, and 
when in Russia amused himself with writing in verse 
to his friends in England — Edward Ducie, Spencer, 
and Palmer. He referred the latter to Herberstein's 
book on Russia, but states, by mistake, that this author 
was sent to Russia by the King of Poland. 

Randolph visited the convent of St. Nicholas, where 
they brought him bread and salt, as well as fish of dif- 
ferent kinds, and a black sheep with a white face. In 
passing through Vologda, Randolph makes mention of 
the fortress which the Czar had built of stone and 
brick ("the walls faireand hie"): at Jaroslavl, he men- 
tions the craft built by the English in the Volga in 
15G5 of about thirty tons' burthen, in order to navigate 
the river (" whicli there was never seen before") ; with 
the entire equipment, it had not cost more than a 
hundred marks. 

Randolidi, Banister, and Ducket reached Moscow 
on the IGtli of October, and were lodged in the house 
built for ambassadors, but no one was allowed to 
approach them. Dr. Reynolds, however, and some 
English professional men, visited Randolph clandes- 
tinely. The latter read a letter from the Queen, dated 
the 12tli of June, which in nowise corresponded with 
the expectations of the Czar, for he had entrusted 
Jenkinson with an important private communication to 

The Queen says merely that she had received the 


Czar's epistle of September, 15G7, sent by Jenkinsoii, 
and that the good-will which he therein expressed 
towards her subjects and herself, called for her own 
and her successor's cordial thanks, and that she now sent 
Randolph, because the Czar had desired that an envoy 
plenipotentiary should be despatched by her to Moscow. 
I have a copy of the " full powers " given to Ran- 
dolph. Banister and Ducket had likewise a short 
letter from the Queen to the Czar, and " full powers " 
as ambassadors to the Shah of Persia. 

Randolph declined making any preliminary state- 
ment to the Boyar Prince Afanassy Ivanovitch Va- 
semsky (Governor of Vologda) and the Secretary Peter 
Grigorjevitch, with reference to his embassy, and the 
audience was postponed in consequence ; at length 
came a letter to Moscow from Queen Elizabeth, dated 
the 16th of September, 1568, by way of Narva, in 
which the commissions entrusted to Randolph w^ere 
treated of separately. When she despatched this ex- 
planation, the Queen wrote to the magistrates of 
Narva, saying, that she had learned with surprise that 
Manley and Middleton were detained there, and de- 
manded that the letter which she now sent to Ivan 
Vassilovitch should be forwarded without delay. 

The following is a copy of this letter to Narva, 
written at Windsor, on the 16th of September, 
1568:* — "To the magnificent and illustrious supreme 
Magistrates of the Emporium of Narva, under the 
most potent Emperor of Russia, &c., and Our very 
dear friends. Magnificent, illustrious, and very dear 
* See Appendix W. 


friends: Wc have this year sent two ambassadors, 
Laurence Manley and George Middleton, Our well- 
beloved servants, with letters to His Imperial Majesty 
of Russia, and have heard that permission to pass 
through your Jurisdiction to your Emperor has been 
denied our ambassador George Middleton. This is a 
matter which excites the greater surprise in Us, the 
more so as We are certain that you cannot be unaware 
of the friendly intercourse existing, and the numerous 
offices of mutual kindness which are being amicably 
and courteously interchanged between your Prince and 
Us, and between the subjects of both, at tliis time. 
But as We now desire certain matters of great moment 
to be communicated to your Emperor, which it will 
interest His Majesty to hear, We, in the first place, re- 
quest that, out of obedience to your Prince, and, in the 
second place, beg, out of the courtesy We expect you 
will show Us, that you will take care that these Our 
letters which we enclose in ours to you, be conveyed to 
His Majesty as speedily as possible. We therefore trust 
that We shall hear (and, indeed. We shall diligently 
endeavour to ascertain the fact), that in this part of 
your duty you have been serviceable Magistrates to 
your Prince, and to Us complaisant and obliging friends. 
By so doing you will be enabled to merit approbation 
from your Prince and thanks from Us. This will be 
proved to you on Our part, when a suitable opportunity 
presents itself. Farewell." 

l^^ven the fresh letter, however, sent to be forwarded 
with that here quoted did not satisfy Ivan Vassilovitch, 
for it simply referred to the affairs of the merchants, and 



to the irretriilarities at Narva. The Queen therein ex- 
])ressed her surprise that Ivan Vassilovitch should have 
conferred special commercial privileges on former agents 
and clerks of the company ; on Glover, Rutter, Bennet, 
and Chappell. These Englishmen were connected with 
Jacob de la Folia, and other Dutchmen. Queen Eliza- 
beth's letter, as well as those from the directors of the 
company to Randolph and Middleton, were sent to 
Narva, to Andrew Atherton to be forwarded. That for 
Randolph Avas delivered by Atherton to Thomas Green, 
the assayer, who happened to be at Narva at the time. 
This was the cause of annoyance to both, for Atherton, 
who had likewise forwarded to London letters which 
had reached him from Moscow, was thrown into prison, 
with his servant and Green. At Narva, there was at 
that time Gregory Stephanovitch Ssobakin, Steward of 
the Bounds, whose niece, Martha Vassiljevna, was two 
years afterwards selected by the Czar out of a num- 
ber of beautiful women, to become his third consort. 

The result of the letter from the Queen was, that 
Randolph, Banister, and Ducket, had their audience on 
the 9th of February, 1569, at wdiich they presented 
the Czar with a quantity of silver plate, at the same 
time that they stated their wishes. A few days after- 
wards, Randoli)h was sent for in the evening by 
Ivan Vassilovitch, w^ho conversed with him for three 
hours ; but it must not be supposed that at this private 
audience important affairs were settled, for it probably 
only related to the marriage project. I have seen a 
letter from Randolph, in which he says with reference 
to it : " I had private tawlke with his Maiestie at 


good lengethe of niaynic matters, and cliieffeste point 
of my legation. Much liatlie byne said of otlier parte, 
but no resolution taken in anye thinge, that yet I have 
in hande." Randolph was sent for by Ivan Vassilovitch 
at the late hour in question, because the latter was to 
set out from Moscow on the following day for the 
Alexandrian suburb, and on his return, in April, Ran- 
dolph had again several interviews with him. A letter 
from Randolph to the Czar, in which he complains of 
Glover, Rutter, Bennet, and others, is dated the 12th of 
April, and it was on the following day that Ivan 
Vassilovitch again quitted Moscow. Randolph wrote 
to him and to the council again on the 7th of May, 
complaining now especially of Bennet, who had had 
the impudence to give out at Narva that the letter?, 
sent by Randolj)h by this route to England, contained 
improper expressions directed against the Czar. Ran- 
dolph's letters, sent to Narva to be forwarded to 
England, had, as it happened, been given to Bennet to 
translate. In June, Randolph, Banister, and Ducket, 
received an order to follow the Czar to Vo- 
logda. Here the new charter desired by the Eng- 
lish was granted, and on the 20tli of June rati- 
fied. On the 24th of June Randolph had his leave- 
taking audience, and on his return home was to be 
accompanied by the noble Andrew Grigorjevitsch 
Ssavin, as ambassador to Queen Elizabeth, the Djak 
Ssemen Ssevastjanoff being appointed his secretary. 
Daniel Sylvester, one of the clerks, went as inter- 
preter, and Thomas Glover for the purpose of set- 
tling the trade accounts. At the end of July they 


embarked at Rose Island, and arrived in London in 

According to the privileges obtained by Randolph, 
all the English who were in Rnssia were to depend on 
the enactment of Ivan Vassilovitch, dated four years 
before, and by no means on the exterior jurisdiction. 
The English factory at Moscow was situated on the 
Varvarka, behind the Caravanserai, near the church of 
St. Maximus, at the so-named Juschkov court-yard. 
Now, although the Varvarka belonged to another juris- 
diction, the English house was not placed under it. In 
like manner such houses as they might have in the 
towns included in the " temschtschina" jurisdiction, 
or which they might build, were to be compre- 
hended within the chamberlain's jurisdiction. In a 
letter, of which I have a copy, Banister wrote to 
London as follows : — " So that being of oppris nay no 
man of Esemsekye dare meddle with the English." In 
the manuscript English translation of the charter, there 
is likewise the following sentence : — " Their other 
houses in our townes of the Sempskyes." Hakluyt, 
however, sets doA^n by mistake — " houses in the towne 
of Senopski." Karamsin, who read this in Hakluyt, 
and could not guess that Senopski stood for Semski, and 
towne for townes, supposed that a distinct town, un- 
known to him, and called Senopski, was meant. In 
the manuscript of Randolph's charter which I have 
seen, it stands thus : — " We have graunted them the 
said house at St. Maxim's free." Hakluyt, however, 
has changed this into — " at St. Maxim's in the halfe 
free," which again is an unpardonable error. 



The Company in Ijondon liad already (in 1557) 
become acquainted throngli Nepeja, and by means of 
his interpreter, Robert Best, with the existence of iron 
ore and of the " Uklad " forges to the north-east of 
Vologda (as well as at Tula). On Nepeja's return 
home, the directors expressed a wish to receive sam- 
ples of this " uklad " (a particular kind of steel). In 
1566-67, Jenkinson was commissioned to solicit the 
Czar's permission for the English trading Company in 
Russia to establish iron works, and now this clause w^as 
inserted in its charter. At Viitschegda, where the chief 
town Ssolviitschegodsk, in the government of Vologda, 
now stands, the English were allowed to build for them- 
selves and to erect iron foundries, and to supply fuel 
for these extensive woodlands were likewise assigned. 
Hakluyt has it — " We have graunted to the English 
merchants leave to buy them a house at Wichida ;" but 
in the MS. it is " leave to build them a house." In a 
letter from Banister and Ducket, the merchants, dated 
the 25th of June, I found this : — " He hath given the 
company a mine of iron, with wood and ground to 
make the same six miles compasse, lying hard by 
the water-side, and is like to prove a great com- 
moditie both to the company and to our country." 
The principal workmen were to be sent out from 
England to carry on the works, and instruct the 
Russians in the art, for in their country at that time 1 
all iron was still smelted with charcoal; and it was 
only half a century later that stone-coal, or rather 
coke, was employed for the purpose. The iron pre- 
pared at Viitschegda was partly to be disposed of 



for home consumption, and partly to be exported to 

The English merchants likewise received permission 
to smelt down foreign dollars, and to stamp them anew 
as current coin. The charter granted to Glover, 
Rutter, Bennet, and Chappell, in 1568, was annulled, 
and only those Englishmen in the service of the 
company were to be allowed to trade in Russia itself, 
and through that country with Persia. Nevertheless, 
it w^as stipulated that articles of high value brought 
from England, as well as from Persia, should be first 
exhibited at the Czar's treasury, in order that he might 
have a prior choice ; the English were, moreover, bound 
to execute his commissions. They were likewise per- 
mitted to erect a building for forging bolts, at Vologda, 
close to their house, on the land granted to them for 
the purpose. The Czar likewise ordered a space to be 
allotted to them at Narva, on which to build a 

It is time that I should also speak of the English 
establishment at the mouth of the Dwina, which has 
been altogether overlooked by our geographers and 
historians, and which was situated on Rose Island. 

The easternmost corner of the south side of Dwina 
Bay, in the White Sea, east of Nenoksa, where Stephen 
Burrough and Chancellor first set foot on Russian soil, 
was at first the anchorage for English shipping, and 
was called the Roadstead or Bay (also harbour) of St. 

The southernmost of the four mouths of the Dwina, 
on Reineke's map, called that of St. Nicholas, was 

o 2 


tlieii t(M-nio(l the Koreliaii. Between tliis one and the 
next, which is further to the north, and still, as then, 
called that of Tudoshem, there is an island named 
on the map I have just mentioned, Jagrii, but at the 
commencement of the seventeenth century Jagornii, 
probably from jakor, an anchor, simply because here, 
after 1553, vessels were wont to anchor. 

The southern mouth is called the Korelian, because 
it faces Korelia ; that of Pudoshem had its name 
from the Pudoshem Islands lying opposite to it (for- 
merly also called Podushemje; Sauvage, the French- 
man, wrote it, in 1586, Poudes James) ; the Murman 
mouth is named after the Murman Sea (the North 
Sea), and is the northernmost, considering its position 
with reference to that of Bereso, which is used for 
large vessels. We leai*n from Stephen Burrough that 
the bay is called after it Bereso va Guba (Birch 

This island received the name of Rose Island from the 
quantities of wild roses which there grew luxuriantly. 
Its south shore is separated from the main land, on 
which is the monastery of St. Nicholas, merely by the 
narrow southernmost embouchure of the Dwina, which 
formerly, as is to be seen in old documents, was called 

On this island, where "Damascus and red rose, 
violet and wild rosemary" grew, and where tliere was 
also a pine and birch wood, the English established 
themselves, opposite to the convent of St. Nicholas 
and close to a spring of excellent water. Before they 
did so, they had intended building a house in Bereso 


Bay, but it was not to cost more than tJiree roubles. 
Stephen Burrough sounded the Bereso bar on the 
29tli of May, 1557, and found thirteen feet when the 
tide was at its lowest. Gray wrote on the 19th of 
February, 1559, from Cholmogorii to Lane, at Mos- 
cow : — " I doe intend to set up an house at Boroseva 
over against the place whereas the shippes shall ride ; 
it shall not cost above three roubles, and yet if we will 
there shall be two warme roomes in it." 

At Rose Island the goods taken out of the vessels 
arriving from England were placed in lighters, in order 
to be conveyed up the Malokuije and Dwina to 
Cholmogorii, and then on to Vologda. Similar craft 
brought Russian produce in the same way down the 
Dwina to the vessels at the Island, for the purpose of 
being shipped for England, whence it was sometimes 
transmitted to the south of Europe. 

Of the six vessels sent from the Thames to Rose 
Island, in 1567, only the three smallest, according to 
the instructions given by the directors of the company, 
were to be loaded with goods for London, and the re- 
mainder Avith wax and tallow for " Byskeye," " Gallyssia" 
(in Spain), " Lysheborne" (in Portugal), and Rome. For 
the latter city likewise yarn and a quantity of flax and 
hemp were sent on trial (" for the flax hathe as good a 
vent there as here, and a better all this last yeare"). 
The directors wrote that in the vessels intended to be 
sent to the south, cables (not above ten-inch), bales of 
Hax, packages of furs, yarn, &c., as well as other light 
articles for England, might be placed on the top of the 
rest of the cargo, so as to be easily taken out at Har- 


vvich (Ilarwedge), or in the Downs, and the vessels 
then continue their voyage. Then (in 1567) the prices 
of Russian produce in London were as follows : — Wax, 
£3 Ik. to £4 the cwt. ; tallow, 18^. ; flax, 286'. to 305. ; 
hemp, 12^. ; tarred rojDOS, prej^ared by the English at 
Vologda, 18s. (England had previously imported her 
cordage from Dantzic) ; yarn, lid. per lb. ; train oil, 
£10 per ton ; elk-hides, 6s. 8d. each ; hides for tanners, 
3*. 4d. It is remarkable that a quantity of Russian 
wool was then ordered on trial, as it was considered 
well adapted for working into hats and felt. The 
directors of the company* wrote : — " There is a cer- 
tayne kind of woll verie good in those parts for hats 
and ffelts. The Tartarians are accustomed to make 
their cloaks thereof, yt is much like the Estrich 
wooll. We praye you to send us some thereof for 
a prooffe, fFor we have more perfect ffelts made here 
in London at this present than any are made in Spaigne, 
and in great quantitie also." I will here, moreover, 
observe that at that time considerable quantities of salt 
were brought from England to Rose Island as well as to 
Naroni. Even at the Dvvina, where there were salt pits, 
the sale of a pood produced " six Dingots." 

At Rose Island there was no Custom House, the 
trade was quite free, and everything was imported and 
exported ad libitum. Here, in the English house, not 
only the English engaged in trade, who were arriving, 
departing, and passing by, but likewise the ambassa- 
dors, were lodged and entertained. Here Southam and 
Sparke spent a day in 1556 (on the 13th of July), 
when on their way from Cholmogorii to Novogorod. 


It was from this place that, in 1568, Randolph visited 
the monastery of St. Nicholas, and that he, as well as 
Banister and Ducket, wrote to Sir William Cecil on 
the 12th of August, 1568, by "William, of Burrowe;" 
here, likewise, the same Burrowe gave his instructions 
to James Bassendine for the projected expedition from 
Petschoram to the East. 

The dispatch from the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch de- 
livered by the Ambassador Ssavin to Queen Elizabeth, 
was dated from Vologda, the 20th of June, 1569. I 
discovered it in the British Museum. It is the oldest 
Russian letter from the Czar, in England, and possesses 
on this account a certain degree of interest. The 
place where it was folded has been much damaged by 
fire, so much so, that the letter is separated into two 
pieces. No one appears to have examined the contents 
until now ; in the catalogue of the Cottonian Library 
(Nero, book xi. 90) it is merely stated to be "two 
papers, Russian." 

Unfortunately it is exactly that spot in the letter 
where the Czar gives vent to his displeasure that his 
own affairs should be neglected for commercial matters, 
that has been injured by fire. Here he stated that the 
sovereign's business should always take precedence of 
private interests. In a contemporary English translation 
of the letter, there is this passage: — "They (Manley 
and Middleton) would not come to our near and privie 
counsaile, and would make them privie of none of theire 
affaires; all that they saide was of marchant affaires, 
and settinge our highest affaires aside, as it is the use of 


all countries that princes' affaires should be first ended, 
and after that to seek a gaine." 

Together with the llussian letter Ssavin delivered to 
Queen Elizabeth a Latin and Italian translation of it. 
In her letter of the I8th of May, 1570, deUvered by 
Ssavin to the Czar, she says: "Both which tongues 
(the romayne and the Italian) wee doe well understand." 

Ssavin spared no trouble in procuring a document 
establishing a treaty of friendship between Ivan Vas- 
silovitch and Elizabeth. On the 6th of May he handed 
in a note requesting that it might be drawn up in the 
Russian language (because the Czar understood no 
other), w^ord for word according to his wish, signed by 
the Queen with her seal affixed, and likewise that 
Elizabeth should ratify it in his presence with an oath. 
He, moreover, requested that the Queen should, on her 
side, send an ambassador with him, when Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch might have a similar document drawn up. He 
further expressed a Avish that Anthony Jenkinson might 
likewise be dispatched to Russia, for it was through 
liim that this matter was first brought on the tapis. 






The Russian Ambassador, Ssavin, returned to Moscow 
in the summer of 1570, with Ssevastianoff, Sylvester, 
and Glover. It had been discovered in London that 
the latter was more than four thousand roubles in 
debt to the company, which sum he was now to 
pay to Nicholas Proctor, the agent at Moscow. In 
consequence of the intercession made for him by Ivan 
Vassilovitch in his letter. Glover was treated with more 
forbearance by the directors of the company than 
would otherwise have been the case. 

The document containing the treaty is of the 18tli of 
jNIay. Sylvester had already translated it into Russian, 
in London, by Sir William Garrard's desire. As it is 
tolerably well preserved in the archives at Moscow, I 
need not dwell upon it at greater length. I merely 
recollect at this moment that Elizabeth assured the 
Czar Ivan Vassilovitch, who had for the second time 
become a widower, on the 1st of Sej)tember, 1569, 
that "• he would be very well received in England with 


his noble consort and his dear children." I discovered 
in Endand another sketch of this document, with the 
following passage : — " We have thought good in some 
secret manner to send your highness for a manifest and 
certain token of our good will to your highnes estate 
and suretye this our secret lettre, whereunto non are 
privie beside ourselfe, but our most secret councell." 

Ssavin brought with him from England a man who 
did much mischief in Russia, Doctor Elisseus Bomel. 
He was born at Wesel, in Westphalia, had studied 
medicine at Cambridge, and passed for a skilful astro- 
loger. People in London considered him almost a 
sorcerer, and he had likewise some adherents amongst 
the great. Archbishop Matthew Parker threw him 
into the Queen's Bench prison, and he was about to 
be released, on condition that he should leave England 
immediately, when, on the 3rd of April, 1570, he wrote 
to the same archbishop, informing him that he could 
indicate means by which a great evil which threatened 
England might be averted. Parker wrote on the same 
day to Cecil, to whom Dr. Bomel likewise addressed 
himself on the 7th of April, sending him a fragment 
of his treatise, " De Utilitate Astrologise," in which he 
sought to demonstrate from history that every five 
hundred years great changes took place in a kingdom ; 
at the same time he reminded him that just this 
period of time had elapsed since the Norman invasion. 
It was evidently Bomel's design to alarm the Govern- 
ment at that troubled period, and make himself of 

At the beginning of May, Bomel announced to 


Sir William Cecil that the Russian Ambassador, then 
in London (consequently Ssavin), had sent to him 
in prison an invitation to betake himself to Russia, 
where he would receive good pay. Bomel requested 
Cecil not to throw any obstacle in the way of this 
project, for on the following Sunday Ssavin intended 
to solicit the Queen's leave to depart He, at the 
same time, promised Sir William that he would 
keep him punctually informed of all that passed in 
Russia, as well as send him annually thence some 
small presents (" munusculaj grati animi significa- 
tiones"). Probably they were glad to get rid of Bomel, 
and, unfortunately, he really did accompany Ssavin, the 
ambassador, when he returned to Russia. 

Dr. Bomel was much about the person of Ivan 
Vassilovitch, not only at Moscow but in the Alexan- 
drian suburb, and at Vologda. It is a mistake to 
suppose, with Karamsin, that he was the first who 
suggested to the Czar the idea of a marriage with 
Elizabeth, for he merely urged him to it anew by his 
astrological mystifications and calculations. 

The following is the original letter which I have 
seen, written by Bomel to Cecil, from the Queen's 
Bench prison : * " Illustrious Lord — In about a month 
hence I shall be enabled through your magnificence to 
devote my services and assistance to Her Royal Ma- 
jesty, and point out a way whereby these intestine evils 
may be healed, without any effiision of blood. A short 
time will show whether my deeds as well as my sugges- 
tion do not please your magnificence. As, therefore, 
* See Appendix X. 


the Russian Ambassador {i. e. Ssavin) sends messengers 
to me daily, and does not expect to obtain my services 
without a large stipend, and I would not resolve on 
doing anything either in this matter or in others of my 
own accord, without first obtaining the leave and counsel 
of your magnificence, I earnestly entreat that you will 
plainly acquaint my servant" (he at first wrote my wife), 
" who is well educated, with your intention, before the 
ambassador on Sunday next presents my humble suppli- 
cations to the Queen, explains the cause of my deten- 
tion in this filthy dungeon, and obtains a free exit for 
me from this island to Russia. You cannot do me a 
greater favour than this, and you will confer such a 
perpetual obligation on me, that if Her Royal Majesty 
desires to make use of my services, you will always 
have me ready to come when called upon. Truly 
if I am permitted to depart hence, I shall not only 
make you acquainted by my letters with the customs 
of the Muscovites and their neighbours, their mode of 
government, the character of their climate, the position 
of the country, and such other things as are worthy of 
being noted ; but you will also receive from me annually 
such small presents of the produce of that extensive 
region as are proofs of a grateful mind. Lastly, if Her 
Royal Majesty has no desire to avail herself of my art, 
I earnestly entreat your magnificence that, together 
with the ambassador, you Mill stand my friend, inter- 
cede for me with our Most Gracious Queen, and be the 
cause of Her Royal Majesty's freeing me from these 
bonds. I doubt not that you will do this out of your 
wonted humanitv and vour attachment to the learned. 


Farewell your magnificence. I beg that you will recol- 
lect Bomel. From the Royal prison — addressed to 
your magnificence by Elija Bomel, your most attached 
physician." It is addressed : " To the right honourable 
Syr Wylliame Cecille, Knight, principall secretarie to 
the Queene's most excellent Maiestie these." 

By his artful and interested persuasions, Bomel cer- 
tainly induced Ivan Vassilovitch to commit several rash 
acts which, had it not been for him, would not have 
taken place. His fearful end he must have brought 
upon himself, principally by engaging in a conspiracy 
with other persons in favour of the Kings of Poland 
and Sweden. After having been put to the torture, 
he was bound to a stake and thrown on the fire; then as 
he was being carried off to the Kremlin in a sledge, 
in order to be cast into a grave, Jerome Horsey observed 
that life was still in him, and that he opened his eyes 
and uttered the name of Christ. His widow, Jane, 7iee 
Ricards, returned with Sir Jerome Bowes to England, in 
1583. This same Horsey, who had known Bomel person- 
ally at Moscow, wrote of him as follows: — " He had de- 
luded the Emperor, makinge him believe the Queen of 
England \^as younge, and that yt was very favourable 
for him to marry her;" and likewise, "he lived in great 
favour and pompe; a skilful mathematician, a wicked 
man, and practiser of much mischieff; most of the 
Nobles wear glad of his dispatch, for he knew much 
by them. He had conveyed great riches and treasures 
out of the country by Avay of England to Waesell, in 
Waestvallia, where he was bourn, though brought up in 
Cambridge, an enymie alvvaies to our nation." Strype 


says of Dr. Bomel : — " He was a physician of great 
fame, pretending to be skilled much in art, magic, and 
astrology, as well as physic, perhaps the son of Hen- 
ricus Bomelius, a preacher of God's word at Wezel." 

When his treacherous conduct had been discovered 
through the correspondence carried on by him in Latin 
and Greek as well as in cypher, he strongly asserted 
his innocence, relying upon some friends who, together 
with the Czarovitch Ivan, were appointed to examine 
his papers; but the rack extorted a confession from 
him. " Upon the racke his arms drawen back, dis- 
jointed, and his leggs stretched from his middell loyns, 
his back and bodie cutt with wyre whipps, confessed 
much and many things more than was written or 
willinge the Emperor should knowe. The Emperor 
sent word they should rest him. Taken from the pud- 
kie and bound to a wooden povel or spitt, his bloody 
cutt back and body rested and scorched till they 
thought no liff in him. Cast into a slead, brought 
throw the castell. I prest amonge many others to see 
him. Cast up his eys naminge Christ. Cast into a 
dungeon and died there." This is Horsey's account, 
and consequently, Karamsin is not altogether correct 
when he says that he was publicly burnt. 

Ivan Vassilovitch was by no means contented with 
the arrangement effected by Ssavin in London, and the 
latter sought to justify himself by stating in writing 
that he had not been properly treated in England. 
Although Ssavin died soon afterwards, this letter still 
remained as a document which might be used in a 
manner unfavourable to the Endish merchants. 


Daniel Sylvester, the interpreter, who had been in 
London with Ssavin, was now dispatched with a letter 
from the Czar to Queen Elizabeth, dated the 24th of 
October, 1570. This dispatch contains a concise his- 
torical retrospect of the intercourse existing with 
England up to that time, but it is not correct. It 
states, for instance, that Chancellor visited Russia three 
times. The Czar complains that the private commis- 
sion entrusted to Jenkinson, was not properly executed 
by him, although he had exacted an oath from him as 
well as from Ralph Rutter, who acted as interpreter on 
the occasion. He likewise intimated that he was dis- 
pleased with Randolph, because he would make no pre- 
liminary communication either to Prince Vasemky or 
to any one else, whether he had any report to make 
relative to the private commission in question ; that 
Ssavin was not so well received in London as he 
ought to have been; that Elizabeth reigned like a 
woman without energy, and yielded the guidance of 
affairs to merchants ; that no attention had been 
paid either to the wishes expressed by him, or to the 
commissions he had given, but that commercial matters 
alone had been discussed : and he now commanded 
that not only the charter granted at Randolph's 
request, but all preceding ones, should be forthwith 
suspended. He at the same time declared, that under 
these circumstances he now relinquished all views he 
had entertained with regard to England. 

The English translation of the dispatch of the 
24th of October, 1570, is partly as follows: — "You 
have set aside those (our) great affaires, and your coun- 


cell doth tlealc witli our ambassadour about marchaunts 
affaires, and your marchaunts (viz. those of the Russia 
Company) did rule all our busines, and wee had thought 
that you had been ruler over your lande and had sought 
honor to your self and profitt to your countrie, and, 
therefore, wee did pretend those weightie affaires be- 
tween you and us. But now wee perceive that there 
be other men that doe rule, and not men but bowres 
and marchaunts, the which seeke not the wealth and 
honour of our maiesties, but they seeke their own 
proffitt of marchaundize. And you flowe in your may- 
denlie estate like a maide, and whosoever was trusted 
in our affaires and did deceave us, it were not meete 
that you should credditt them. And now seeinge it is 
so, wee doe sett aside these aflfLiires and those bourishe 
marchaunts that have been the occasion that the pre- 
tended welths and honors of our maiesties hath not come 
passe but doe seeke their owne wealthes, they shall see 
what traffique they shall have here. All those privi- 
ledges which wee have given afforetime shall be from 
this dale of none effect." 

During the difficult period, from 1567 to 1571, 
William Rowley was the company's agent at Moscow. 
The management of the cloth trade was very properly 
entrusted to him, for he had been apprenticed to it 
for seven years, and had made himself acquainted with 
the colours and textures of cloth both in Holland and 

Previously to Sylvester's arrival in England, the 
Queen, in consequence of a report received by the 
directors of the Russia Company, that their privileges 


had been abolished, liad dispatched the before-mentioned 
Robert Best, a man well versed in the Russian language, 
and in some measure known to the Czar Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch, with a letter to the Czar, dated the 24th of 
January, 1571 ; and he proceeded by way of Sweden. 
Queen Elizabeth wrote to John, the third King of 
Sweden, on the 24th of January, 1571, that the Czar 
Ivan Vassilovitch had entirely, without grounds, confis- 
cated the whole of the property of the English in 
Russia ("vinctis manibus sub aresto custodiantur"); and 
thus the company, in consequence, sent this messenger 
(Best, who, however, was not named), in order to dis- 
cuss the matter with the Czar (who is here entitled 
Dux). She said, moreover, that the merchants in- 
tended to export all such goods as they might have in 
Russia in the ensuing spring, in order that for the 
future they might not be exposed to similar vexa- 
tions. She therefore requested the King to permit the 
messenger (Best) to pass without hindrance through 
Sweden, and return in like manner; and, moreover, that 
the vessels of the English merchants might be suffered to 
pass by that country unharmed. In her letter to the 
Czar, Elizabeth assured him that Ssavin had been re- 
ceived and treated in England with all honour ("nihil nee 
nostra nee aliorum opinione fieri potuerit honorifican- 
tius"), and requested that the exercise of free trade might 
be permitted to her subjects as it had been previously. 
Best arrived in Russia at a calamitous period : a 
fearfLil famine prevailed, and, moreover, the plague 
raged in a frightful manner. Still all these evils did 
not seem sufficient, for, on Ascension Day (the 24th of 



May, 1571,) the Khan Dewlet Girei advanced towards 
Moscow with a mighty horde of Tartars, and the result 
was, that these barbarians, having set fire to several 
houses in the suburbs, in a few hours the imperial city 
was so completely reduced to ashes, that, as an Eng- 
lishman wrote, not a post was left to which a horse 
could be fastened. One hundred thousand men, not 
only citizens, but fugitives from the surrounding- 
country, were partly burnt, partly smothered in the 
stone churches and in cellars, and partly drowned in the 
Moskwa. Jenkinson mentions, in his letter of the 8th 
of August, 1571, the same thing that was written on 
the 20th of June, 1570, by some one in King Sigis- 
mund's embassy to a friend abroad, that in some 
places in Russia hunger compelled the people to have 
recourse to human flesh in their despair, in order to 
appease its pangs. Jenkinson remarks that the plague 
at this period carried oiF about three hundred thousand 
persons; and that by the incursions of the Tartars 
under Dewlet Girei, Russia was deprived of about an 
equal number of her inhabitants. 

Daniel Sylvester must have given an account in 
England of the great famine in Russia at the end of 
1570, for, in the following year, 1571, the Russia 
Company shipped corn to Rose Island. I have already 
observed that the vessel, the Magdalene, on board of 
which came Richard Uscombe, was laden therewith, 
but, under the then existing circumstances, the corn 
could not be sold ; and it was not until 1572, that at 
Staritz Jenkinson obtained permission from the Czar 
for this to be done, when its sale was allowed alto- 


gether duty free. The house of the English in the 
Varvarka was destroyed by the fire we have named 
above; and in the beer-cellar attached to it, thirty 
persons, including the inhabitants and their acquaint- 
ances, and strangers who had taken refuge there 
as the fire approached, perished. Amongst them 
were the following Englishmen : Thomas Southam, 
who, in 1566, made the journey from the Dwina to 
Novogorod, and two other clerks; Thomas Field (not 
Tofild, as Uscomb copied the name), and John Wa- 
verley ; Thomas Carver, the apothecary, who arrived at 
Moscow either in 1567 or 1568 ; also Thomas Chafin, 
one of the principal workmen ; the widow of Thomas 
Green, the goldsmith and assayer, with both her 
children, and two children of Ralph Rutter, though the 
latter himself, with his wife, as well as John Brown 
and John Clarke, were, wonderful to relate, preserved 
alive. Thomas Glover, the former agent, and William 
Rowley, who then occupied that post, in order to 
escape from the heat as well as from the foul air in 
the beer-cellar, hazarded an attempt to quit it and 
reach another, and, although blinded by the smoke, 
they attained their object, and saved themselves ; but 
a boy who followed them on foot was caught by the 
flames. In this second cellar was also John Sparke, 
who, in 1566, had made the journey to Novogorod 
with Southam, and, in 1568-69, was one of the four 
who composed the expedition led by Arthur Edwards 
to Persia. 

Thomas Glover, who, as we have seen, found great 
difficulty in escaping from the fire with his life, betook 

p 2 


himself to Narva, and thenc(% on tlic 2n(l of July, 
1571, lie sent a description of the misfortune which 
had befallen the company's house to Sir William 
Gerrard, the oldest of the directors (he died in 1571), 
as a supplement to a letter which he had sent by 
his servant John Hunt, who was to communicate 
the details by word of mouth. He likewise wrote 
about this catastrophe to Sir William Cecil, who, un- 
known to him, had borne the title of Baron of Burghley 
since the 13th of February. Sir William Gerrard sent 
Hunt, immediately on his arrival in London, on the 
17th of August, to Lord Burghley with the letter 
addressed to him, and likewise delivered to him the 
intelligence received from Glover. Another and shorter 
description of the conflagration ajipears to me to have 
reached London by means of Nicholas Proctor, after- 
wards chief agent at Moscow, because he writes that 
he had quitted that city eight hours before the gates 
were closed and the fire broke out, and that he hurried 
by way of Pereslavl and Rostov to Jeroslavl. Now 
we find Proctor soon afterwards, at the end of July, 
at Rose Island, where he made the same commu- 
nication with reference to the catastrophe to Richard 
Uscombe, who had arrived from England at the same 
time as Jenkinson, as the former wrote to his friend 
Henry Lane on the 5th of August, and agrees in sub- 
stance with that account. It is, for instance, stated by 
both that altogether five-and-twenty persons perished 
in the company's house, whereas Glover says that 
there were thirty. 

John Stow, the well-known historiographer of Eng- 


land, and particularly of London, who was at that 
time occupied with a new edition of his "Englishe 
Chronicles," copied both the above-mentioned accounts 
when they reached him, although not correctly, and 
thus they were very improperly amalgamated. Stow, 
also, erroneously gives the name of William to Glover 
where the latter speaks of himself, whereas it was 
Thomas. Stow's MS. is preserved in the British 
Museum with a note outside, " in Stow's hand-writing." 
Of the leaf which contains the account, a highly-faulty 
and imperfect copy was made for Count Rumiinzoff, 
which was superscribed, " Destruction of Moscow, by 
John Stow." Hence it was that Herr Adelung, as I 
just find, was led to suppose that Stow was the author 
of the description, and that in 1571 he was occupied 
with commercial matters at Moscow, where he was an 
eyewitness of the conflagration, and described this 
fearful catastrophe. To the copy in question is 
attached another of a translation, made by Jerome 
Horsey, of a letter written by Theodore Ivanovitch to 
Elizabeth (and delivered by Dr. Fletcher) in April, 
7097, i.e. 1589. This latter translation of an Imj^erial 
letter is considered by Herr Adelung to be the conclu- 
sion of Stow's sujiposed description of the conflagration 
of Moscow, which took place on the 24th of May, 
1571. The loss of property sustained by the English 
Company was very considerable, for it was calculated 
by William Rowley, the agent at that time, to amount 
to ten thousand roubles. 

Ivan Vassilovitch, on the approach of the Tartars, 
proceeded to Jaroslavl from Serpuchov, on the other 


side of the Oka, by way of Pereslavl, and without 
touching at Moscow. There he was also on the road 
from the capital to Vologda, where, in 1566, he had 
constructed a strong fortress, containing a treasure- 
chamber made of stone, and whence he could proceed to 
Rose Island in the spacious craft built for him, in order 
to embark either for the isolated monastery of Ssolovetz 
or, in case of the worst, to England. He afterwards 
resided at the Alexandrian suburb, situated between 
Moscow and Jaroslavl, now the chief town, Alexan- 
droff, in the government of Vladimir. Thence he 
replied to the letter from Queen Elizabeth, of the 
24th of January, received through Robert Best, pro- 
mising to renew the charter as soon as Jenkinson 
brought him satisfactory intelligence with respect to the 
private commission entrusted to him. In a postscript 
to this letter, Ivan Vassilovitch says that he had just 
been made acquainted with Jenkinson's arrival in the 
Dwina. Best had been commissioned to solicit from 
Ivan Vassilovitch the release of Thomas Green and 
Ralph Rutter, who, according to Randolph's informa- 
tion, he supposed, had been cast into prison. Green 
was already dead ; and with regard to Rutter, who was 
at liberty, and who was expected in England, in order 
to submit his accounts to the company, Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch declared that he should suffer him to depart in 
compliance with the stipulation in question. On the 
2nd of June, 1571, Elizabeth wrote once more by 
Jenkinson with reference to Green's release. 

Jenkinson had arrived at Rose Island on the 26th of 
July, accompanied by Daniel Sylvester the interpreter, 


and remained there some days. He made the voyage 
again on board the ship Swallow, which had been 
accompanied from the Thames by the Harry. 
Nicholas Proctor, who had arrived at Rose Island from 
Moscow shortly before Jenkinson's arrival there, in- 
formed him that Ivan Vassilovitch was highly dipleased 
with him, whereupon Jenkinson dispatched Sylvester to 
the Czar, soliciting instructions. The Queen had deli- 
vered to the former, besides the principal letter for 
Ivan Vassilovitch, a very short one, which he was to 
send on to announce his arrival. Of this letter I 
discovered two rough sketches at Cambridge. On ac- 
count of the plague quarantine, Sylvester made just 
as little progress on his way to the Czar as a se- 
cond messenger did who was dispatched after him; 
but we have seen, that as early as August intelli- 
gence of his arrival at Rose Island had already reached 
the village where Ivan Vassilovitch was then en- 
gaged in his memorable search for a bride (" lit. 
bridal show "), and where, on the 28th of October, 
he married the lovely Martha Vassilgevna Ssobakina, 
who was selected out of so many there assembled. 
This " flos florum, " however, withered away s.uddenly, 
and but seventeen days had elapsed after the nuptials 
when she died. A week after the ceremony, the Cza- 
revitch Ivan had espoused Jevdokija Bogdanovna 
Ssaburova, who was selected for him at this time by 
his father. The widowed Ivan Vassilovitch betook 
himself to Novogorod, which had not long before 
been visited by him with so much difficulty. He 
arrived there on the 24tli of December, and quitted 


it again on tlie 18th of January, 1572 ; and on his 
return to the village, he permitted Jenkinson to conic 
there from Cholmogorii. 

Jenkinson' must have remained a long time at the 
latter place, on account of the still-spreading pestilence ; 
and it was only on the 23rd of March, 1572, that he 
had an audience of IvanVassilovitch, at the Alexandrian 
suburb. In the letter which he delivered from Queen 
Elizabeth, she replied (on the 2nd of June, 1571) to 
all the points separately set forth in the Czar's dispatch 
of the 24th of October, 1570. Of this interesting epis- 
tle I found a copy in the public library at Cambridge ; 
and it is remarkable, that the error which exists in the 
Czar's letter of the 24th of October, 1570, with refer- 
ence to Chancellor's third voyage to Russia, should be 
repeated in it without observation. It is as follows : — 
" Scribit deinde Serenitas Vestra eundem Kicardum 
Chansler iterum et tertio missum et semper quidem ho- 
norifice tractatum et dimissum incolumem." With re- 
gard to the private commission, the j)assage runs thus 
— Jenkinson has on his side rightly fulfilled his mission 
— " Eum ad vos hactenus non remissimus quod eius 
opera adversus hostes terra marique utebamur." Man- 
ley's conduct Elizabeth would enquire into, but Mid- 
dleton (" Quem probum virum cognovimus") could not 
have been properly understood. 

Randolph had received orders from her to deliver 
her letter into the Czar's own hands, before he spoke 
about the contents with the council ; and she thought 
that Ssavin's report in this case ought to have been 
satisfactory. In reply to the allusion to her mode of 


government, she wrote : * " He (Jenkinson) will most 
truly acquaint your Grace that no merchants govern 
our state and affairs, but that we ourselves preside over 
the dispatch of business, as it behoves a virgin and a 
queen, appointed by the great and good God. In no na- 
tion are the people more obedient to their prince than 
our subjects are to us. This being the gift of the great 
and good God, to Him we tender our most humble 
and grateful thanks." She hoped that the charter 
would be renewed, and reminds the Czar of William 
Burroughs' capture of Polish corsairs, near Narva, in 
1570, and remarked that England might frequently be 
of great use to Russia. " Res omnis generis in vestrum 
imperium subditi nostri exportaverunt ad concilian- 
dam vestram benevolentiam, quas nos ad alios nullos 
orbi terrse principes exportari sinimus." This is an al- 
lusion to warlike matters. " Et vero possumus vobis 
confirmare multos principes ad nos scripsisse," (she 
means in particular the Emperor Ferdinand and Sigisi- 
mund King of Poland,) " ut vestram amicitiam depone- 
remus, nos tamen nullis literis adduci potuimus quin 
constanter in amicitia permaneremus." After the formal 
audience, Ivan Vassilovitch detained Jenkinson for 
some time with him, when, besides one secretary, only 
Sylvester the interpreter was present ; and the Czar 
detailed the reasons he had for his displeasure. Besides 
Manley and Middleton, he likewise named Edward 
Goodman as one of the messengers who had arrived at 
Narva, and with whom he was dissatisfied. But I have 
* See Appendix Y. 


nowhere found that Goodman received a commission 
from the Queen, or from the directors of the company. 
Jenkinson took considerable pains in justifying Ran- 
dolph's conduct ; enlarged on the advantages which 
England had procured for Russia, and solicited the re- 
newal of the privileges which had been suspended. As 
Ivan Vassilovitch had a journey in view at that time, 
he requested Jenkinson to wait at Tver until its con- 
clusion ; and on the 8tli of May he was summoned to 
an audience at Staritza. 

At this audience, which took place at Staritza, in 
the present government of Tver, on the 13th of the 
same month (1572), Vassilovitch set forth in substance 
what he had already written to the Queen by Sylvester. 
He moreover added, that he was now satisfied with 
the explanations given by Jenkinson, and with his 
mission, and would renew the privileges ; and repeated 
on this occasion, that he abided by his former plan with 
reference to England. 

As Ivan Vassilovitch at this audience alluded to the 
bad conduct of several Englishmen in Russia, I will 
here observe, that five years previously the directors of 
the company had much blamed the mode of living of 
those of their countrymen who had been appointed to 
the trading establishments at Moscow, Vologda, and 
Cholmogorii. They wrote, on the 18th of April, 1567, 
to their agent, William Howley, animadverting upon 
certain irregularities and abuses : for instance, great 
use of wine ("typling"), debauchery, hound and bear 
keeping, coursing ("they ride when we goe afoote"), 


useless expenditure in dress (" in velvets and silke "), 
tkc. A uniform dress was prescribed, and the price of 
one portion of it fixed, viz. for the furs. The " pelch 
of furres," which was to last for three years, stands 
on the list at one rouble. 




On the 14tli of May, 1572, Jenkinson received 
from tlie Czar a decisive answer to all his requests, a 
letter to the Queen, and the promise that the charter 
should be sent after him to Cholmogorii, and that 
Ralph Rutter, whose presence was required in Eng- 
land, should be ordered to join him there. He must, 
nevertheless, have embarked at the end of July at 
Rose Island without the charter, and without Rutter ; 
and on the 10th of September he landed on the 
coast of Norfolk, after a long voyage in which he had 
encountered many dangers. Although he had been 
one whole year in Russia he had not seen Moscow, 
which had been reduced to ashes some months before 
his arrival. 

Elizabeth replied from Windsor on the 20th of Oc- 
tober of the same year, to the letter delivered to her 
by Jenkinson of the 14th of May, 1572. She said that 
Ivan Vassilovitch had done so much that nothing more 
could be desired ("nihil uberius fieri potuerit, nee in I 
amicitia honorificentius"). She recommended the mer- 
chants appertaining to the company, who were still 


ill Russia, to liis further protection, especially the new 
ai^ent, Nicholas Proctor, and Banister and Ducket, who 
^\ ere expected on their return from Persia. The former, 
however, had already there met his death. She requested 
]iini not to give an audience to Glover, Rutter, and 
others, who no longer belonged to the company, but to 
send them back to England by Proctor. Sylvester 
brought this letter from the Queen to Moscow. 

The attention which Queen Elizabeth paid to the 
affairs of the Russia Company is remarkable. If the 
latter wished to obtain anything from Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch, the directors were accustomed to deliver a 
memorandum of it to Sir William Cecil (Lord Burgh- 
ley), in 1571, and he laid the matter before the Queen. 
In the present instance, the company's request was 
transmitted by Alderman Lionell Ducket, on the 18th 
of October, to Lord Burghley, by Daniel Sylvester, to 
whom the progress and position of the affair were known. 
Ducket requested Sylvester to give him an English 
translation of the royal letter, because he did not un- 
derstand Latin; and at Moscow there was now scarcely 
any one capable of translating properly from Latin into 
Russian. This, then, was the reason why Sylvester 
himself was dispatched to Moscow with Elizabeth's 

On the 15th of April, 1573, Ivan Vassilovitch wrote 
by Sylvester to Elizabeth, that, in accordance with her 
wishes he had conceded perfect freedom of trade to 
Proctor and the other Englishmen belonging to the 
privileged company ; but that Glover, Rutter, and other 


persons who liatl attempted to compete witli it, had 
been banished the country. 

On the 28th of July, 1573, the Queen returned her 
thanks, and recommended William Merritt, the com- 
pany's new agent, to the Czar. She had heard from 
Sylvester that the company's property at Novogorod 
had been confiscated, because it had been reported that 
many Englishmen were employed by John the Third, 
King of Sweden, in fighting against Russia, whereupon 
she gave the Czar to understand that they must be 
Scotch. Andrew Atherton was appointed factor, pro- 
bably at Novogorod. 

On the 27th of October, 1573, and on the 26th of 
May, 1574, Elizabeth wrote again to Ivan Vassilovitch, 
on the former occasion by Sylvester. She had learnt 
that Ducket's caravan had been plundered on its return 
from Persia, by w^ay of the Caspian Sea, and that seve- 
ral persons had been slain in the attack, as well as 
others wounded. She requested that compensation 
should be awarded, and at the same time announced, 
that now that the comjiany had recovered the favour of 
the Czar, and obtained the removal of Glover and other 
persons who interfered with them, it intended sending 
many vessels to Russia yearly, and that William Bur- 
rough, whom she, the Queen, recommended to the 
Czar, had been appointed its chief agent. 

In 1574, several Englishmen were likewise sent by 
the comj^any to the Lapland coast, for the purpose of 
carrying on a trade by barter; and they wintered 
there, viz.: Roger Leeche, James Alday, Christopher 


Colt, and Adam Tunstall, a cooper ; tliey had also a 
boy with them. From 1565, the Lapland coast had 
been frequented by traders from Antwerp ; and in 
1570 the Korelian Sea was, for the first time, visited 
by them. At that time also arrived Italian artists and 
handicraftsmen, in Dutch vessels, at the Solovetz 
monastery, and thence proceeded to Lake Onega, in 
order to travel on to Moscow. 

Ivan Vassilovitch replied on the 20th of August, 
1574, by Sylvester, complaining of the conduct of 
several Englishmen in Russia, and that others had 
taken service with the King of Sweden ; and touching 
anew on the non-fulfilment of the private commission 
entrusted by him to Jenkinson in 1567, and of the 
wish he therein expressed. 

On the 9th of May, 1575, Elizabeth answered him 
by Sylvester, whom she furnished with ample instruc- 
tions. The Queen lamented that Englishmen should 
have conducted themselves so ill in Russia, but hoped 
that they were such as did not belong to the trading 
company. She repeated that the so-called English- 
men in the Swedish service were probably Scotch, and 
consequently not under her control. The affair to 
which the private commission referred, she considered 
settled since Jenkinson's last mission. The proposed 
oath relative to the treaty she had not taken, in order 
that surprise might not be excited; and she further 
observed that any intimation with regard to her seeking 
an asylum in Russia would have much displeased her 

On the 29th of November, 1575, Sylvester had an 


audience of Ivan Vassiloviteli at the house of one of his 
retinue, built by him in 1500, outside the Kremlin, on 
the other side of the Neglina, near the Vsdviishenka, 
and where originally stood the house of his father-in- 
law, the Circassian Prince Micliailo Zemgrukovitch, 
which was burnt to the ground in 1564. This audience 
is memorable in Russian history, because it appears that 
on this occasion Ivan Vassilovitch appointed the Tartar 
Khan Ssain Bulat to the Regency of the realm (in 
1573), under the title of Grand Prince of the whole of 
Russia, whilst he called himself only Lord and Prince 
of Moscow. The Khan, it seems, had but two years 
before (in 1573) been baptized, under the name of 

Ivan Vassilovitch frequently expressed to Sylvester 
who understood Russian well, the dissatisfaction he 
felt that Elizabeth had not agreed to all the clauses 
which he wished the treaty to contain. He foresaw what 
had now come to pass, when, in 1567, he entrusted 
Jenkinson (whom he himself conducted to his apart- 
ment by a secret passage) with a private communication 
to that Queen. The reins of government held by him 
until then had just been delivered over by him into the 
hands of a stranger, who was neither a Russian nor a 
member of his royal house ; he (Ivan), however, retain- 
ing the State Treasury in his keeping. The stranger 
here meant was no other than the above-mentioned 
Tartar Khan Simeon Bekbulatovitch. We have 
hitherto been ignorant of the exact period when Ivan 
Vassilovitch appointed Simeon Bekbulatovitch Re- 
gent of Russia. As we are now cognizant of an Ukase 


issued in Ivan's name as Czar, dated the 1st of De- 
cember, 1575, we may conclude that the Regency of 
the Grand Prince Simeon must have commenced just 
at this time, on the last day of November, or the first 
of December. In " Willebrand's Chronicle " the year 
is consequently stated correctly ; he says : " In 1575 
the Czar, Ivan Basilovitz, made over the government 
of his empire to a Tartar Prince, who was taken pri- 
soner at the capture of Kasan, whose name was 

Jerome Horsey, one of the English clerks then at 
Moscow, mentions that Simeon's appointment was 
chiefly to be considered as a financial speculation. It 
has likewise been so described by Dr. Fletcher, whose 
little work on Russia, be it here said, was collected 
almost entirely from Horsey's notes, so that Fletcher 
stands in about the same position with reference to 
Horsey as Paolo Giovio did to our Demetrius Ge- 
rasimoff, and as in a lesser degree Dr. Faber did to 
Vassily Vlassy the interpreter. Horsey says : Ivan 
Vassilovitch has crowned Simeon, but without solem- 
nity and without the consent of his council (" crowns 
him, but with noe solempnitie nor consent of peers "). 
He farther relates that Ivan bowed himself to the earth 
before Simeon, and ordered the highest ecclesiastics, 
the nobility, and the officers to do the same. (" He 
sitts in Majestic. The old Emperor Ivan comes and 
prostrates himself, causeth his metrepolletts, bishops, 
prins, noblemen, and officers to do the like.") It is 
remarkable that Horsey, too, who frequented the house 
of Simeon's father-in-law, Prince Ivan Fedorovitsch 



Metisslavsky, should call Simeon a son of the Khan 
of Kasan. Just at the time of Simeon's installation, 
on the 1st of December, 1575, an embassy from the 
Emperor Maximilian the Third arrived at Orscha on 
the frontier of the empire, consisting of Hans Kobenzl 
von Prosseg, and Daniel Prinz of Buchan. This must 
have been very disagreeable to the Prince of Moscow, 
for he naturally would not be desirous that the German 
Emperor should in this way become acquainted with 
his quasi-abdication. He certainly would have shown 
Kobenzl and Prinz the way back again, if he had had a 
good pretext; but their mission was accredited by a 
letter from the Emperor, dated the 25th of September, 
and they were the bearers of his cypher, with a crown 
set with diamonds of very high value. 

The Boyar Nikita Romanovitch, Jurgeff Romanoff, 
then Governor of Tver, and Vassily Andregevitsch 
Ssitsky Jaroslavsky, Governor of Moshaisk, together 
with the Secretary Andrew Jakovlevitch Schtschelka- 
loff, were dispatched to meet the ambassadors, who had 
been conducted so far as Dorogobush. They handed 
the envoys a letter, in which they were requested by 
Ivan Vassilovitch, under his usual title of Czar, to 
remain there a short time, as he could not receive 
them immediately, on account of some travels he had 
just commenced (Kobenzl was told that they were 
pilgrimages during Lent) ; but that he would do so as 
soon as possible, not at Moscow, but at Moshaisk. 
Full three-and-fifty days were the ambassadors obliged 
to remain at Dorogobush, during which time showy 
furniture, of many different descriptions, was procured 


at Moshaisk at the Czar's expense, for the purpose of 
receiving and entertaining the guests magnificently. 
Notwithstanding all precautions, however, something 
with reference to the abdication reached their ears, for 
they had heard that Simeon had been crow^ned by the 
Metropolitan. Kobenzl writes : " Paulo ante nostrum 
adventum quadraginta circiter nobiles qui in caput 
ipsius (Johannis) iterum conspirarent, capite plexit, et 
ob unprobitatem subditorum imperio sese abdicans sum- 
mam rerum Simeoni Czari Cazanensis filio" (thus again 
son of the Khan of Kasan) " tradidit, et diadema quoque 
ipsi, uti ex quorundam sermone intelleximus, per Metro- 
politan! imposuit." Kobenzl's account of his embassy, 
which was composed in Illyrian, and translated into 
Italian, and also into Latin, has been repeatedly 
ascribed in Italy to the wrong author, for there it w^as 
supposed to have been WTitten by Philip Prenistain 
who had been in Russia. But as in the account itself 
it appeared that the author's name was John or Hans, 
an apocryphal John Prenistain (Pernstain) was created. 
This error of the Italians has likewise remained un- 
corrected by Turgenieff; and Adelung is wrong in 
blaming Karamsin, for what he himself says with re- 
ference to John Pernstein and Philip Prenistain, is 
incorrect. He might easily have discovered his mis- 
take had he compared the Italian MS., thus impro- 
perly endorsed and dated in the Rumanzoff Museum, 
with Kobenzl's Latin account, copied at Vienna by 
Wichman ; Adelung supposing, likewise, that Kobenzl 
and Prins had been at Moscow. 

The whole business of the embassy was dispatched 

Q 2 


at Moshaisk in great haste, between the 24th and 
29th of January, 1576, and Ivan Vassilovitch did not 
afterwards invite the envoys to Moscow. Prinz, who 
has also left behind him in Russia an account of the 
mission, must have remained at Dorpat until May, for 
Prince Sachary Ivanovitcli Ssugorsky (Governor of 
Belosersk) and the Secretary Andrew Arziibascheif 
who were dispatched with him to the Emperor Maxi- 
milian the Second. At all events, the reception and 
entertainment of these ambassadors at Moshaisk were 
very brilliant. Kobenzl declares, on his knightly 
honour, that neither in Rome nor in Spain did he 
meet with a better reception, when he was sent thither 
by the Emperor. It is remarkable that neither Ko- 
benzl nor Prinz made any complaint that they had not 
been invited to Moscow ; indeed, they rather appear to 
desire that this should be taken no notice of. Ivan 
Vassilovitch transmitted to the ambassadors rich pre- 
sents for the Emperor, and requested him to say, that 
he would feel obliged by Maximilian " sending him a 
good gunner and armourer." 

Sylvester had his conge on the 29th of January, 
1576, and, in my opinion, this took place, not at 
Moscow, but at Moshaisk. On the same day that the 
above-named envoys, from the Emperor Maximilian 
the Second, received their dismissal at the latter place, 
Ivan Vassilovitch again conversed with Sylvester about 
his abdication, but observed that he could resume the 
government as soon as he wished. He mentioned the 
closer alliance he had entered into just then, through 
Kobenzl and Prinz, with the Emperor Maximilian, 


and once more repeated his expressions of dissatis- 
faction with Queen Elizabeth, on account of the indif- 
ference she had shown to his former request. 

As we know with certainty, through Kobenzl and 
■Prinz, that Ivan Vassilovitch was at Moshaisk on the 
29th of January, 1576, Sylvester's audience of leave- 
taking must have occurred there. The several copies 
I have seen of the account of this audience state it to 
have been "in his town of Moscoviaf but this latter 
word must have been substituted by the copyists for 
Moshaisko, for, on the 29th of November, 1575, Syl- 
vester wrote, " in his cittye of Musco" (not Moscovia), 
"and house of oprisbeno." . In these copies there are, 
likewise, other errors. Ivan Vassilovitch had the fol- 
lowing conversation with Sylvester with reference to 
his abdication : " Allthough we manyfessted to thyne 
aparance to have enthronissed another in themperyall 
dignitye, and thereunto have enthrowled both us and 
ours, yet not so muche and the same not so farr 
resyned, but that at our pleasure we can take the 
dignitye unto us againe, and will yet do thearin as God 
shall instructe us, for that the same is not confirmed 
unto him by order of coronation we by consent elected 
but for our pleasure." Here, consequently, Ivan Vassi^ 
lovitch himself explains that Simeon Bekbulatovitch 
had not been crowned. He further said to Sylvester : 
"Behold" (probably it stood in the original — We hold) 
"also seven crownes" (for Turgeniev, the copyists have 
here put provinces,) " yet in our possession, with the 
cepter and the rest of the stately ornaments apertayn- 
ynge unto thempyre, withall the treasures belonginge 


to eache." At the coronation of Theodore Ivanovitch, 
which took place in 1584, seven crowns were really 

Both Kobenzl and Prinz relate that Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch (who then, nevertheless, was only Prince of 
Moscow) wore a crown at their audience at Moshaisk. 
The former compared them to the pope's crowns. 
Near the Czarevitch Ivan also stood a crown ; Ivan 
Vassilovitch held in his left hand a sceptre, and the 
Czarevitch his father's staff. During meal-time, both 
these crowns stood on a bench near the table. Until 
now, it had not been made public that Kobenzl and 
Prinz were in Russia at the time of the regency of the 
Grand Prince Simeon Bekbulatovitch ; but this appears 
from what Ivan Vassilovitch said to Sylvester on the 
29th of November, 1575, and the 29th of January, 
1576. Horsey, who was then at Moscow, mentions, 
indeed, that the Grand Prince Simeon was obliged to 
receive all ambassadors arriving at Moscow, and that 
some of these had refused to appear before him (" all 
ambassadors to resort before him, which some re- 
fused"), but this may merely relate to ambassadors 
from Asia. Of the Imperial Embassy Horsey saw 
nothing. We have one Ukase of the Grand Prince 
Simeon's, of January, 1576, consequently this was pro- 
bably issued before Kobenzl and Prinz's, as well as 
before Sylvester's, appearance at Moshaisk. 

Hence it must be supposed that, although Ivan Vas- 
silovitch had assumed the title of Prince of Moscow, he 
laid it down and resumed his own for the purpose of 
receiving the ambassadors from the Emperor Maximi- 


lian, and on the same account prevented their reception 
from taking place at Moscow. He resumed the reins 
of government at the commencement of the year 7085, 
for we liave an Ukase from him as Czar, dated the 2nd 
of September, 1576. Willebrand therefore says cor- 
rectly, "In 1576 the Grand Prince again assumed the 
government, and sent the temporary Emperor to his 
estates at Torsik (Torshok), bestowing upon him, like- 
wise, the principality of Otufee (Tver)." Margeret, on 
the contrary, is wrong in saying that Simeon's govern- 
ment lasted two full years. Horsey writes, with refer- 
ence to Ivan Vassilovitch's abdication, " The device of 
his own head might have sett him clear beside the 
saddell, if yt had continewed but a little longer, yt is 
bappie he is become invested again in statu quo prius." 
Fletcher naturally says the same, although expressed 
in a different manner. 

Judging, therefore, from the writers we have quoted, 
Simeon's regency lasted from the beginning of Decem- 
ber, 1575, until September, 1576 (the beginning of 
the year 7085), consequently nine months. We know 
that Simeon Bekbulatovitch now received the title of 
Grand Prince of Tver, which Theodore Ivanovitch 
afterwards took from him ; we know also that he be- 
came blind ; that the first pretender Demetrius, sent him 
(on the 29th of March, 1606) to the convent of St. 
Ciril, at Belosero, where he took the name of Stephen ; 
that the Czar Vassily Ivanovitsch Schinsky, on the 29th 
of May of the same year (1606), ordered him to be 
conveyed to the Ssolovetz convent ; that at his request 
Prince Demetrius Michailovitcli Posharsky, on the 25th 


of June, 1612, took care that he should be conveyed 
back to the convent of St. Ciril ; and, lastly, that on 
the 5th of January, 1616, he died, and was buried in 
the convent of St. Simon, at Moscow, as was also his 
consort Anastasia, who had died as a nun on the 7th 
of June, 1607, under the name of Alexandra. Ivan 
Vassilovitch acquainted Sylvester that he was negotia- 
ting, through Kobenzl and Prinz, with the Emperor 
Maximilian the Second, a treaty similar to that desired 
with Elizabeth, and again repeated his expressions of 
displeasure with regard to the way in which the Queen 
had received his proposal, observing that she ought to 
lay aside all arrogance. He alluded to the benefits 
which he had bestowed upon the English in Russia, 
specially adducing the permission which he had given 
for the preparation of ropes in Russia for the English 
fleet and mercantile marine ; and concluded with an 
intimation that he had conceded more favours to Eliza- 
beth than she had given him proofs of friendship. 
The Czarevitch, as well as Kobenzl and Prinz, were 
present at this audience given to Sylvester. 

On the 1st of July, 1576, Sylvester arrived at Rose 
Island with a fresh dispatch from Queen Elizabeth, 
and proceeded to Cholmogorii, where, on the 15tli of 
the same month, whilst he was making preparations 
for journeying onwards, he was killed by lightning at 
the English factory. All his papers, and with them 
the Queen's epistle, were destroyed by fire, as well as 
the factory itself. Sylvester was in the upper story of 
the quarters assigned to him. The tailor had just 
fitted a dress on him (a new yellow satten jackett or 


japoiie") for his journey to the Czar's, and had scarcely 
gone down stairs, when a flash of lightning struck 
Sylvester, his boy, and a dog belonging to him, 
(" pearcing down the collar of the inside of his newe 
coate, owt the right side of his body not outwardly 
seen, burnt his deeske, lettres, howse, all at instant "). 
When Ivan Vassilovitch received intelligence of this 
occurrence, he was much grieved, and exclaimed, 
"God's will be done!" Thus ended the negotiation 
carried on through Daniel Sylvester. 

I here break oflf my survey of the earliest in- 
tercourse existing between Russia and England, 
which embraces a space of more than four lustres, 
although the succeeding period offers much that is 
interesting. Of this I select, as an example, from a 
MS. of Jerome Horsey 's, (who arrived at Moscow as a 
commercial clerk in 1572, and succeeded in ingra- 
tiating himself at the court of the Czar Ivan Vassilo- 
vitch, as well as with Theodore Ivanovitch, and Boris 
Theodorovitch Godunoff,) that the Czarina Irenia Fe- 
dorovna (GodunofF's sister), who was married to Theo- 
dore Ivanovitch in 1580, had been several times 
enceinte, before the year 1592, when she was so, for 
the first time, of a daughter, wdio died early. In 
Horsey's account of his return to England, in 1585- 
86, undertaken at the request of Theodore Ivanovitch, 
is the following note : " I spent a good time inquiringe 
of the learned physicions of Oxford, Cambridge, and 
London, their opinions and directions concerning the 
Emjioris Irenia in some difficult matters, relating to 
conception and procuration of children ; she had been 


married seaven years" (in 1586 it was only six years), 
"and often conceeved, with some other marrias-e 
matters, wherein I was charged with secraecie." 
Horsey made use of the Russian characters (in the 
word conception, however, he placed a p for a tt), in 
order to render his journal unintelligible to such inqui- 
sitive persons as might turn over its leaves. 

Horsey, on this occasion, acquainted Queen EHza- 
beth that he was commissioned by the Czar Theodore 
Ivanovitch to beg that she would have a good English 
midwife procured for his consort Irenia Fedorovna; 
in consequence of which, one was selected, and dis- 
patched to Russia with Horsey. The following is the 
rough sketch found by me at Cambridge of the letter 

dispatched by Queen Elizabeth to the Czarina, viz. :* 

" Elizabeth, &c. To the Most Gracious Orine (Irene), 
Empress of Russia. Most Gracious and Powerful 
Princess, and dearest friend and sister. The extra- 
ordinary report which has frequently reached Us of your 
exemplary prudence, most rare virtues and manners, 
truly worthy of such a Princess, which has been ver- 
bally confirmed by our physician, that worthy man Dr. 
Jacobs, induces Us to love Your Highness with the true 
affection of Our soul, and ardently to wish you all 
possible happiness and prosperity, so that We cannot 
but be solicitous for your health and safety. There- 
fore, We have not only sent you (as you lovingly 
requested us) an experienced and skilful midwife to 
assuage the pains of childbirth by her science, but We 
also send you with her the aforesaid Doctor Jacob our 
* See Ajjpendix Z. 


physician who has been wont to take care of our health 
(a man previously known to you, full of faith in the 
medical art in which he excels), in order that he may 
superintend the operations of the midwife, and faith- 
fully tend your health. We earnestly desire to be of 
service to Your Highness, not in this alone but in all 
other matters ; and it will always give great pleasure 
to Our sisterly mind to gratify you. May the great 
and good God, &c. Given at our Royal Palace at 
Greenwich, on the 24th March, in the year of Our 
Lord 1585" {i. e. 1586) "and in the 27th of Our reign." 
It appears to me that, in translating this Epistle into 
Russian, the passage relating to the midwife has been 
purposely omitted. It barely mentions Dr. Robert 
Jacob, who then came to Russia for the second time. 
Probably this was done at GodunofTs instigation, as the 
arrival of a skilful midwife for his sister, the Czarina, 
w'as disagreeable to him. The midwife was not per- 
mitted to reach Moscow, for she was detained at 
Vologda. In a letter which I have seen, addressed by 
the directors of the Russia Company to Lord Burghley, 
it is stated that the Czarina Irenia Fedoro\iia was 
not made acquainted that a midwife had been sent 
to Russia for her by Queen Elizabeth ("nor was 
the Empresse made privie of any suclie woman com- 
mended from her Maiestie : the Empress never knew 
of her"). After the midwife had remained more 
than a year at Vologda, she was obliged to return to 
London, in the autumn of 1587, in a vessel which 
sailed from Rose Island, leaving her business altogether 
unperformed. As she supposed that Horsey was to 


blame for her not having reached the Czarina at 
Moscow, she brought a complaint against him before 
Queen Elizabeth. Horsey had already been sent by 
Ivan Vassilovitch, in 1580, by way of Livonia, to 
England, entrusted with an important commission — 
the purchase of all sorts of military stores, at that time 
very necessary. 

The Czar's letter to Queen Elizabeth, and his 
instructions to Horsey, were carefully concealed by 
the Secretary Savva (or Saveli) Froloff in the secret 
compartment of a wooden brandy flask of rough 
exterior; and this was suspended by Horsey under 
his horse's mane. He arrived in safety in London. 
Queen Elizabeth observed that the Czar's letter 
smelt of brandy. She ordered that all the stores 
that Ivan Vassilovitch required should be dispatched, 
and in the following summer of 1581, Horsey sailed 
with no fewer than thirteen large vessels, which con- 
veyed to Rose Island saltpetre, sulphur, powder, lead, 
and copper, amounting in value to nine thousand 
pounds sterling. 

At the North Cape he had an engagement with some 
Danish vessels, of which he sent in his report to the 
Czar at the Alexandrian suburb, and was honoured 
with his thanks. On this occasion. Dr. Robert Jacob 
came for the first time to Moscow with Horsey. The 
Russia Company gave the former a hundred roubles at 
his departure, and maintained him at its cost until 
December, when Ivan Vassilovitch awarded him a 
salary. Dr. Jacob afterwards gave not a little offence 
to the company by sending a large quantity of wax to 


England on his own account, whereby they suffered 
great loss. His brother died in Russia, and he re- 
turned to England after Ivan Vassilovitch's decease, in 
1584, in company with Sir Jerome Bowes, Fincham, 
the apothecary, and the widow Bomel. 

In 1586 Horsey brought articles of many different 
kinds to Moscow, whereby he gave no small pleasure to 
the Czar, and still more to Godunoif. Amongst them 
were two lions, twelve dogs (" mastive dogs, grey and 
blood hounds"), gilt armour, halberds, pistols, organs and 
virginals, jewels, gold chains, and pearls, together with 
white, red, and scarlet liveries. Godunoff sent for his 
sister, the Czarina Irene, to inspect the whole, and 
hear the organs and virginals (spinnets) (" admired 
especially the organes and vergenalls all gilt, &c., 
never seeing nor heeringe the like before, woundered 
and delighted at the loud and musicall sound thereof. 
Thousands of people resorted and steyed about the 
pallace to heer the same; my man that plaied upon 
them much made of, and admitted into such presence 
often wher myself could not cum"). The great plea- 
sure derived from the articles brought by Horsey from 
England, was the principal reason why the company 
obtained some very desirable privileges, and why 
further advantages accrued to the English residents 
in Russia. 

The house of Nikita Romanovitch Jure:eff Roma- 
noff, the grandfather of Michael Fedorovitch, was close 
to that of the English, for only the church of St. 
Maximus Ispovendik intervened. When, on one 
occasion, Ivan Vassilovitch suddenly ordered that he 


should be deprived of all his goods and chattels, he 
sent immediately afterwards to the English for cotton 
stuffs, in order to have the most necessary articles of 
clothing made for himself and his children, as well as 
for Theodore (afterwards Philaret) Nikitisch. For the 
last-named person, who afterwards, together with his 
son Michael Fedorovitch, governed as the Patriarch 
Philaret, Horsey composed a Latin grammar, as well 
as he could, in the Russian character. The young 
Theodore Nikitisch found great pleasure in the study 
of Latin, with the assistance of this grammar, although 
it certainly must have been very imperfect. 

Until the time of the foundation of the city of 
Archangel, Rose Island was the principal depot for 
the Russian trade with England by the North Sea. 
In 1583, when Theodore Andregevitsch Pissemsky, the 
ambassador, returned with Sir Jerome Bowes, Queen 
Elizabeth's envoy, from his mission to England rela- 
tive to Lady Mary Hastings, whom Ivan Vassilovitch, 
now a seventh time a widower, wished to marry, at 
Dr. Robert Jacob's recommendation, the former was 
quartered at the convent of St. Nicholas, but the latter 
at the English house in Rose Island. 

Pissemsky was a nobleman from Schatzki. His 
secretary, whom we only know as Ne-udatsch, I 
found in England, in the translation of the letter 
delivered by Pissemsky, called Ne-udatsch Gavorloff. 
Pissemsky's interpreter was Reginald Beckmann ; but 
the person who, in 1583, communicated to Queen 
Elizabeth the secret desire manifested anew by the 
Czar, Ivan Vassilovitch, to come to England and marry 


Mary Hastings, was ^gydius Crow. The Queen 
wrote to the Czar on the 8th of June, 1583, that he 
would be exceedingly welcome ; but, as is well-known, 
Ivan Vassilovitch died on the 18th of March, 1584, 
just before Bowes returned to England. 

Although Ivan Vassilovitch, on the 4th of March, 
1583, ordered a city to be built near the old and 
venerable convent dedicated to the Archangel Michael, 
according to the plan laid before him by Peter Afanass- 
jevitsch Naschtschokin, then Vaivode of the Dwina, 
and this command was promptly obeyed. The English 
subsequently received permission to continue their 
shipping business at their establishment at Rose Island. 

In the before-mentioned charter, obtained by Jerome 
Horsey in 1586-1587, is the following passage : — 
" We allow them (the English) to continue to retain 
the house and warehouses which they have hitherto 
occupied at the anchorage at the Pudoshem mouth ; 
and they shall not be obliged to remove these buildings 
to the site of the newly-founded city" (Novo Chol- 
mogorli, afterwards Archangel), " but they shall be 
permitted, as they have hitherto done, to unload En- 
glish articles of import, and embark Russian produce 
for exportation at their old house at Rose Island. 
The Cholmogorii Custom House shall merely receive 
lists of such goods, but shall not have the right to 
examine them." When Horsey, after obtaining these 
privileges and other advantages for the English Com- 
pany, again returned to England, Prince Vassily 
Andreievitsch Svenigorodsky, the Vaivode, escorted 
him by water with much pomp from the city of Novo- 


Cholmogorii, then recently built, to the English fac- 
tory on Rose Island. "The Duke mett me at the 
castell gate with three hunderd gonners shott of their 
calivers and all the ordinance he had in the castell for 
honnor of my waelcom, all the Dutch and French 
ships" (even in 1587 several had followed Sauvage, the 
first Frenchman who, the year before, had arrived at 
the Dwina) " in that roade shott of also their ordinance 
by the Duks apointment before I came. He feasted 
me, the next daie brought me to my barge, had 
apointed fifty men to rowe and hundred gonners in 
small boats to garde me to Rose Hand, did me all the 
honnor he could in his golden coate, told me he was 
comanded by the king's letter so to doe, toke leave 
and preied me to signifie his service to Boris Fedoro- 
vitsch. Came within four hours to Rose Hand, being 
but thirty miells, wher all the English masters, agent, 
and merchants mett me. The gonners landed before 
me, stode in rancke, and shott of all their calivers, 
which the ships heeringe shott of also some of their 
ordinance. The gonners and bargmen made drinccke 
at the seller dore, and despatched that night back 
again to the castell. The next day friers of St. 
Nicholas brought me a present, fraesh salmons, rye 
loaves, cupps and painted plaetters. The third daye 
after my arivall (on Rose Island), ther was sent a gen- 
tlemann, Sabloch Savera, a captain, from the Duke ; 
delivered me a copy of his comission of the Emperor's 
and Boris Fedorovitsch, their grace and goodness 
towards me, presented for my provicion 70 ewe shepe, 
20 (16) live oxen and bullocks, 600 henns, 40 


(25) flaeches of bakon, 2 milch keyne, 2 goats, 10 
fresh saHmons, 10 geese, 2 swans, 2 cranes, 3 young 
beares, a wild boare, 40 gallons of aquavita, 100 (Go) 
gallons of mead, 200 (60) gallons of beer, 1,000 (600) 
loaves of white bread, 60 (80) bushells of meall, 
2,000 eggs, garlick and onyons store. There was four 
great lighters, and many watermen, &c., there, that 
came with this provicion, which wear all orderly dis- 
mist. I took some time to make merrie with the 
master and merchants, havinge some pastymes that 
followed me, plaiers, danzinge bares and pieps, and 
dromes and trompetts, feasted them, and divided my 
provicion in liberal proportion." Horsey embarked 
with his companions at Rose Island on the 26th of 
August, and on the 30tli of September landed at 
Tynemouth, in Northumberland, whence he travelled 
post, by the York road to London, reaching it 
in four days. Queen Elizabeth had the Russian copy 
of the charter explained to her at Richmond by 
Horsey, and said, "I could quicklie learn it." She 
requested Lord Essex (Robert Devereux) to study 
the Russian language (" the famoust and most copious 
language in the world"). The presents from Moscow 
she afterwards took to Greenwich for inspection, and 
derived great pleasure from them. 

Rose Island remained for a long time the emporium 
for Russia's foreign trade, and with the Nenocksa shore, 
where Chancellor landed, well deserves a token of 
remembrance in commemoration of succeeding events. 
Our poet of the Dwina should celebrate these places 
in song, for certainly Somonossoff must, when a boy, 



have frequently passed Rose Island with his father, in 
his fishing excursions, from Cholmogorii to the White 

Rose Island is not only to be considered the cradle 
of our foreign trade, but that of the Russian navy. 
The navigation to the mouth of the Dwina, com- 
menced by the English, is known to have induced the 
youthful Czar, Peter, to travel there in 1693. Here 
he first saw and sailed on the seas, visited the foreign 
shipping, dispatched the first Russian vessel with 
goods for other countries, and built his first ship (the 
" St. Peter "), which he launched himself, and on board 
of which the Russian flag was hoisted for the first 
time. To this place he sent the " Peter and Paul," the 
first ship of the line built by him at Saardam, in 1697, 
and here was the first foreign ship (a Swede) captured 
by the Russians in 1701. In the following year Peter 
had two yachts, which had been built by him at the 
same place, dragged overland to Lake Onega, partly 
through forests. With the assistance of these craft, 
the founder of St. Petersburg took possession of the 





In earlier times, trade usually paved the road for 
natural philosophy. The commercial route, opened 
by Chancellor round the North Cape, thus led to the 
visit of an English botanist and zoologist to the 
Dwina in 1618. This was John Tradescant. 

Who and what was John Tradescant ? How, and 
with whom, did he come to Russia ? What did he 
do there? 

John Tradescant, the elder, M^as the man to whom 
is certainly due the no small merit of having founded 
the first museum for objects of natural history and art 
in England ; he also possessed one of the first, and in 
his time the best, botanical garden. Both establish- 
ments were close to each other in South Lambeth, at 
that time not far from London. This place is now 
within the boundless metropolis, on the east side of 
the South Lambeth Road (improperly called the south 
side) ; and the buildings stand just opposite to Spring 

The house containing the museum, which was called 
Tradescant's Ark, where the Tradescants, father and 
son, as well as Esther, the widow of the latter, and 

R 2 


afterwards Ashinole, resided, has been so often 
changed in its internal arrangements and outward 
appearance ; and, moreover, so many additions have 
been made to it, that at the present day it can no 
longer be discerned which were the apartments origi- 
nally devoted to the museum, and which were in- 
habited. The whole now consists of two divisions — 
the older, called Stamford House, is occupied by John 
Alexander Fulton, who has pepper ground close by 
according to a patent method ; and the other and 
newest division. Turret House, is inhabited by John 
Miles Thorne, proprietor of a brewery at Nine Elms. 

The objects in the museum, as well as in the 
garden, have been made known to the world by 
Tradescant's son, by whom both establishments were 
considerably increased, in a catalogue published in ^ 
1656, the title of which is " Musa^um Tradescantium, 
or, A Collection of Rarities preserved at South Lam- 
beth, near London, by John Tradescant." 

To this catalogue a portrait of the father, as well as 
one of the son, both painted by Hollar, are added. 
We find that, in the museum, amongst other things, 
there Mas a stuffed Dodo from the Mauritius. 
This is the only complete specimen of this bird ex- 
isting in a European cabinet, its race having been 
extinct for about two hundred years. I have already 
mentioned that Francis Willoughby bore testimony 
that he had seen it in the Tradescant Museum. Per- 
haps it is the same which, in the year 1538, was 
exhibited alive in London. Now, all that remains of 
it (at Oxford) is its head, which was cut off in 1755, 


and one of its feet. Of the first I have laid before 
the academy a plaster east, and of the latter several 
photographic sketches of the bones and sinews. In 
the British Museum another foot is preserved, which 
is, perhaps, that seen by Clusius before 1605, in 
the collection of Professor Pauff, at Leider, when 
brought from the Mauritius. I have, likewise, laid a 
})laster cast of this last before the academy, and pre- 
serve one of the Dodo's head, now in the Royal 
Museum of Natural History at Copenhagen, originally 
in the Paludam collection. At Oxford there is a lar^e 
oil painting of a Dodo, by John Savery, with the date 
of 1651, which I have copied, on account of the 
colouring. Rowland Savery, the uncle of the Savory 
just named, has represented the Dodo in the painting 
of Orpheus charming the wild animals, executed by 
him in 1638. The large painting of the Dodo in the 
British Museum was taken from the Sloane collection, 
but the artist is unknown. With the materials col- 
lected by me, a Dodo has been modelled here (in 
Russia) by Herr Jenssen, a pupil of Thorwaldsen, 
from which we are enabled to place coloured casts in 
our collections. 

Tradescant the elder died in 1638, and his son, 
who was born in 1608, departed this life in 1662. 
The only son of the latter (the Christian name of all 
three was John) was carried off by death before his 
father, viz., in 1652; and, consequently, the second 
Tradescant, who had no heirs, on the 16th December, 
1659, bequeathed the whole collection at South Lam- 
beth to Elias Ashmole. 


Aslimole, who was born in 1C)17, had ah*eady 
made himself known by three works — two of which, 
published in 1650 and 1652, treated of Alchemy — 
and the third, in 1658, of the philosopher's stone, the 
title of which was, " The Way to Bliss." It may be 
worthy of notice, that the work with which Ashmole 
first made his appearance before the public, in 1650, 
" Fasciculus Chemicus," was composed in Latin in 
1629, in Russia, and, indeed, at Moscow, by Dr. 
Arthur Dee, physician in ordinary to the Czar, Michael 

The complete title of this small work is, "Fasciculus 
chemicus abstrusce hermeticse sciential, ingressum, pro- 
gressum, coronidem, verbis apertissimis, explicans, ex 
selectissimis et celeberrimis authoribus, tali serie col- 
lectus, et depositus, ut non modo huius artis tyrombus, 
sed candidatis, summo emolumento, instar speculi Phi- 
losophise habeatur, a nemine hac methodo distributus, 
opera et studio Arthuri Dee, Archiatri Magni Impera- 
toris totius Russise." The preface to the reader is 
dated, "Ex Musseo nostro, Moscua?, Kalend. Martii, 
1629." This little book was afterwards published at 
Basle, in 1629, and then, in 1631, at Paris, translated 
into English by Elias Ashmole, and laid before the 
public with the latter's name anagrammatized into 
James Hasolle. Dr. Arthur Dee, who was born in 
1579, was the son of the well-known Dr. John Dee, 
of Mortlake, and in 1621 accompanied the Ambas- 
sador, Isaac Ivanovitch Pogosheff, to Moscow, where, 
until 1626, and again, after a visit to England, from 
1627 to 1634, he was physician in ordinary to the 


Czar, Michael Fedorovitch. His own house was near 
the llgin Gate, and the usufruct of an estate was like- 
wise granted to him. His father was esteemed a good 
mathematician, but, moreover, considered an enthu- 
siastic astrologer and alchemist. He jDrobably arrived 
at Moscow in 158(3, about the time when Horsey was 
endeavouring to fulfil his commissions for the Czarina, 
Irene Fedorovna, at Oxford, Cambridge, and London. 
Owing to the recommendations of the English at 
Moscow, an advantageous proposal was made to him 
by the Czar, whilst he, together with Kelly, happened 
to be carrying on his trade in Bohemia, as he had 
already done in Poland. His son was strongly infected 
with the father's enthusiasm ; in youthful Russia, 
howevei", there was fortunately but little sympathy for 
such folly. A certain Franz Murrer, then at Moscow, 
must have been familiar with astrology ; this I dis- 
covered from a MS. of Arthur Dee's, at Oxford, 
which refers to him, " Murrerus was an astrologer 
of some account at Moscow." 

The second work published by Ashmole in 1652, 
was his " Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum," a collec- 
tion of old medico-philosophical writings. 

This work had also become known to two Livo- 
nian amateurs of chemistry. At Oxford, I disco- 
vered in the second volume of Ashmole's own copy, 
a memorandum in Latin pasted in, which a Livonian 
knight, Nicholas von Vilcen, wrote whilst in Ashmole's 
house ; viz. — " Generose et nobilissime Domine, ad- 
fuerunt hie duo nobiles Germania, artis chymica) ama- 
tores, (jui viderunt et legerunt libruni Dominationis 


Vestrse Theatrum cbimicum Biitanniciun, quredam 
cum Dominatione Vestra communicaturi, si grave noii 
est et bora commoda designabitur. Commorantur in 
S. Steefens alle (St. Stepben's alley), at tbe 3 glasses of 
Mumm. Nicbolas von Vilcen, Eqnes Livonus, 18 Oct., 

Subsequent to 1650, Asbmole as well as bis wife 
repeatedly visited Tradescant, tbe younger, at Soutb 
Larabetb. Tbe former was tben married to his second 
■wife, and be was ber fourtb busband ; tbey w^ere united 
in 1649. Sbe resided at tbe Tradescants' from tbe 
20tb of November, 1652, until tbe 17tb of January, 
1653. On tbe 14tb of December, 1652, tbey observed 
tbe comet. We see tbat Asbmole succeeded in making 
himself important in tbe eyes of Tradescant tbe 
younger, probably by boasting of bis astrological and al- 
chemical knowdedge. He was likewise of great use to 
Tradescant, at tbe commencement of bis acquaintance 
with him, in making out tbe catalogue of tbe museum 
and garden, which be did in common with Dr. Thomas 
Wharton (born in 1614), for whom he tben busied 
bimself in finding out a good wife by astrological 
calculations. As Tradescant bad now no hopes of 
children by bis second spouse, Esther, he in bis will, as 
already mentioned, appointed Asbmole, who was in no 
wise related to him, bis heir. 

Esther Tradescant who, in 1662, when a widow, 
erected a joint monument (still existing) to the 
memory of tbe three John Tradescants, in the church- 
yard of St. Mary's, Lambeth, close to tbe palace of 
tbe Archbishop of Canterbury, protested for many years 


against the will made by her husband in favour of 
Ashmole; and at last (in 1674) lost her suit, and was 
obliged to deliver up the museum to the latter. In 
1676, she signed a declaration, probably not of her 
own free will, that she was wrong in proceeding against 
him, and in 1678, drowned herself in a pond in the 
same garden in which her father-in-law and husband 
had done so much for the cultivation of plants and 

Ashmole, whose before-named second and rich wife 
(who, by the way, endeavoured to get rid of him in 
1657, and for this purpose filled no less than eight 
hundred folios of paper with strong complaints against 
him) died in 1668, soon afterwards married a daughter 
of Sir William Dugdale, who sometimes resided at Ox- 
ford and sometimes in London, in order to make use of 
the libraries of those cities for the publication of his 
works (" Monasticon," " Baronage," &c.). Ashmole, in 
1672, published the " History of the Order of the 
Garter," and made collections of antiquities, coins, seals, 
&c., of which he lost a part by a fire in 1679. Then 
he also lost that library which, in the great fire of 
1666, he had brought in safety to Esther Tradescant's. 
In a letter dated the 1st of September, 1680, written 
by Sir Thomas Herbert at York, to Ashmole, with 
w4iom he had become acquainted in his travels, I find 
that the latter had then returned to Tradescant's 
house, in South Lambeth. Herbert wrote as follows : — 
" I find by your letter that you do not frequent the 
Court as you have formerly, having retyred yourself to 
your house in South Lambeth, a place I well know, 


having been several times at M. Tredescant (to whom 
I gave severall things I collected in my travels), and 
M'as much delighted with his gardens, so as you have 
sequestered yourself to a place of much pleasure als 
well as privacy." 

The University of Oxford presented Ashmole in 
1669 with the diploma of a Doctor of Medicine, and 
was offered by him the Tradescant collection as a 
present, on condition that they should erect a building 
expressly for it. Sir Christopher Wren, well known 
as the builder of St. Paul's Cathedral in London, was 
requested to draw out a plan, and the foundation stone 
was laid in 1679; on the 16tli of August, 1682, 
Ashmole travelled to Oxford in order to inspect the 
new house, and in 1683 tlie collection sent from Lam- 
beth (in February and March) Avas installed there 
by Dr. Robert Plott, who had been appointed its first 
superintendent. Dr. Plott had already published (in 
1677) his "Natural History of the County of Oxford," 
and from 1682 was one of the secretaries of the Royal 
Society. After his appointment to this post, he was 
also a Professor of chemistry, and in 1686 published 
his " Natural History of Staffordshire." 

This building is situated near the University Theatre, 
which was likewise built by Sir Christopher Wren in 
1664-69, at Dr. Sheldon's expense, and in which the 
highest mark of honour which the University had the 
power to offer, was shown by the presentation of a 
Doctor's diploma to the Emperor Alexander in 1814, 
to the now reigning Emperor Nicholas in 1817, and to 
the Grand Prince Cesarovitch Alexander in 1839. The 


former edifice is now called the Ashmolean instead of 
the Tradescaiit Museum, which would be a much more 
approj^riate denomination ; and hence it is, that the 
true founder's name is almost altogether forgotten. 
It would now scarcely ever be uttered, had not Henry 
Bernard Rupp, in his " Flora Jenensis," published in 
1718, given the name of Tradescantia to a particular 
class of plants, after the Pelagium Ephemerum Vir- 
ginianum Joannis Tradescanti ; so called by John Par- 
kinson in 1629. 

Tradescant the elder was gardener to the Earl of 
Salisbury, Robert Cecil (son of William), who died in 
1612; afterwards to Edward Lord Wotton, at Canter- 
bury, and then to George Villiers, Duke of Bucking- 
ham, the first of whom died in 1628, and the latter was 
murdered in the same year. 

Edward Wotton, Baron of Merley, was employed as 
a diplomatist in France, Portugal, and Scotland, and 
afterwards filled important oflftces at Canterbury, where 
he had a palace formed of part of the ancient convent 
of St. Augustine. From Lord Wotton's garden at 
Canterbury, Tradescant the elder sent plants to Par- 
kinson. Dr. Ducarel mentions, in his letter to Dr. 
WilHam Watson, published in 1773 ("on the early 
culture of botany in England, and some information 
with reference to John Tradescant"), that Parkinson, 
(page 141 of his " Paradisus Terrestris") had errone- 
ously written Canterbury, by which he must have 
meant South Lambeth. We see that Ducarel knew 
nothing of Tradescant's activity at Canterbury. Near 
the portraits of the Tradescant family in Ashmole's 


Museum, tlie latter of wliom appears to liave inherited 
them and Tradescant's collection at the same time, is 
also the portrait of Lord Wotton. Doubtless, it be- 
longed to Tradescant the elder, for Lord Wotton 
died ten years before him. The Tradescants were 
also gardeners to King Charles the First, and to his 
consort Queen Henrietta Maria. According to the 
epitaph on the tombstone, father and son were " Gar- 
diners to the Rose and Lilly Queen." 

Tradescant's contemporaries, John Parkinson, the 
London apothecary and royal herbalist, who, in 1629, 
published his " Paradisus Terrestris," and, in 1640, his 
" Theatrum Botanicum ;" and Thomas Johnson, like- 
wise an apothecary in London, who, in 1633, published 
John Gerard, the surgeon's, general history of plants, 
" The Herbal," with many additions of his own, — both 
repeatedly gave him the character of an extremely 
diligent and indefatigable collector, and this in expres- 
sions which testified the highest respect for him. 
Parkinson calls him, in his " Paradisus Terrestris," page 
152, a " Painful industrious searcher, and lover of all 
nature's varieties ;" and again, he says at page 346, — 
" that worthy, curious, and diligent searcher and pre- 
server of all nature's rarities and varieties, my very 
good friend, John Tradescante ;" and at page 575, — 
" -my very good friend. Master Tradescante, has wonder- 
fully laboured to obtain all the rarest fruits hee can 
heare off in any place of Christendome, Turky, yea, or 
the whole world." Johnson says of him in his edition 
of " Gerard's Herbal," page 184, — " Studious in the 
knowledge of plants;" and calls him at page 200, " the 


great treasurer of natural rarities." Tradescant is also 
mentioned in many otlier places, in the " Paradisu?," 
the "Theatrum," and tlie "Herbal." 

Shortly before Tradescant's death in 1638, the 
University of Oxford intended to appoint him super- 
intendent of their " Physic garden," which had been 
established by Henry Dan vers, Earl of Danby, in 1632. 

At Oxford, soon after the establishment of Tra- 
descant's collection in the Museum, it was called " an 
inestimable treasure of natural objects " — " thesaurus 
inffistimabilis rerum naturalium." That the Dodo 
also accompanied it from South Lambeth to Oxford, 
M'e gather from a work published in 1700, by Hyde, 
Professor at Oxford, who was likewise librarian in 
the Bodleian Library. Its name is " Veterum Persa- 
rum et Parthorum, et Medorum Religionis Historia." 
Hyde knew the Dodo by the description given of it by 
Herbert in his travels, and says, " ejus exuvice farctae 
in auditorio anatomico Oxoniensi servantur." This 
definite information is particularly important, because 
Isaac Walton, in the 1676 edition of his " Complete 
Angler," where he speaks of the fishes and animals to 
be found in the Tradescant Museum, then belonging to 
Ashmole, says notliing of the Dodo. Ashmole, who 
died in 1692, bequeathed to it his collection of books, 
manuscripts, coins, and other things ; and it had like- 
wise received presents of books and manuscripts from 
his father-in-law. Sir William Dugdale, and afterwards 
from Anthony Wood, the well-known historiographer of 
Oxford, and John Aubrey, the antiquarian. In 1697, 
the statutes of the Museum were published, when 


Edward Shvvyd was custos. I have found it stated 
that Peter the Great, in 1 698, about three weeks be- 
fore his departure from London, honoured the Uni- 
versity of Oxford "with a visit. If this be correct, the 
inquisitive monarch undoubtedly cast a glance over the 
Tradescant Ashmolean Museum. 

Such knowledge as we have hitherto acquired of 
Tradescant the elder, is to be met with principally in 
the herbals published by his aforesaid contemporaries. 
I found a passage in Parkinson's " Paradisus Terres- 
tris" (1629), where the author, speaking of the helle- 
bore, then called " elleborus albus vulgaris," says, at page 
346 : — " This plant grows in several places in Germany, 
and likewise in certain spots in Russia in such abund- 
ance, that, according to the account of that worthy and 
diligent searcher after and preserver of all natural 
curiosities, my much valued friend, John Tradescant, 
whom I have already mentioned several times, a re- 
spectable sized ship, as he says, might be loaded with 
the roots of the plants which he had there seen in one 
island." The same is stated, but in other words, in 
Parkinson's " Theatrum," page 218. 

As I have now been unable to discover, either in 
Moscow or anywhere else, in my researches after old 
accounts of Russia, anything of Tradescant's visit to 
that country, this passage has remained fixed in my 
memory, because I could not imagine in what part of 
Russia this island covered with hellebore was situated. 

In looking through the manuscripts in the Ashmolean 
Museum at Oxford, I examined all those which related 
more or less to Russia. Amongst these is one in the 


catalogue that has just made its appearance, and in the 
compilation of which Mr. WiUiam Henry Black, of the 
Record Office, a gentleman well skilled in similar tasks, 
was employed. It is numbered 824, xvi., and thus 
labelled and described : — " A voiag of ambussad (to 
Russia), undertaken by the Right Honorable Sir Dudlie 
Diggs, in the year 1618, p. 175— 186V' "This 
curious narrative of the voyage round the North Cape 
to Archangel, begins with a list of the chief persons 
employed in the embassy, and contains observations on 
the weather, and on the commercial, agricultural, and 
domestic state of Russia at that time. It is written 
in a rude hand, and by a person unskilled in compo- 
sition. The last half page contains some chronological 
notes, perhaps written by the same hand." This is 
the account of Mr. Black, the compiler of the cata- 

I now employed myself in deciphering the MS. ; fol- 
lowed the author on the Dwina and its islands, amongst 
which M as also Rose Island ; and when I came to the 
passage, " helebros albus enoug to load a ship," it was 
as if a sudden flash of light discovered to me that, in 
the brochure on which I had laid my hands, I saw a 
MS. of Tradescant. A further and more minute ex- 
amination satisfied me that my conjecture was correct. 

I must here observe that in England absolutely 
nothing was known of Tradescant's handwriting, for his 
autograph has, in no instance, been preserved. I con- 
clude that Ashmole destroyed the Tradescant papers ; 
but that, fortunately, like other people, he did not re- 
cognise the journal of his voyage to Archangel. 


The full title of the MS. which 1 have ascertained 
to be written by Tradescant, is, " A viage of Ambassod, 
undertaken by the Right Honorable Dudlie Diggs in 
the year 1618, being atended on with 6 Genttillmen 
which beare the name of the King's Genttillmen, whose 
name be heere netted on, M. No well, brother to the Lord 
Nowell, M. Thomas Finche, M. Woodward, M. Cooke, 
M. Fante, and M, Henry Wyeld, wdth every on of 
them their man, other foUoers on Brigges Interpreter 
M. Jams, an Oxford man, his chaplain, on M. Leake, 
his secretary, withe 3 Scots, on Captain Gilbert and his 
son, with on Car, also M. Mathew De Quester's son, 
of Filpot-lane, in London, therest his own retennunt, 
sume 13 whearof — Note on Jonne an Coplie Wuster- 
shermen — M. Swanli, of Limhouse, master of the good 
ship called the ' Dianna,' of Newcastell, M. Nelson, part 
owner, of Newcastell." 

From documents preserved in the archives at Mos- 
cow, I have become acquainted wdth the Christian 
names of all the persons who arrived at Archangel 
with Sir Dudley Digges. Nowell's Christian name 
was Arthur; Woodward's, Thomas; Cooke's, Adam, 
Fante's, Joseph. The secretary was Thomas Leak, 
the chaplain Richard James, the interpreter George 
Brigges. Then follow in our list Jessy De Quester, 
Adam Jones, Thomas Wakefield, John Adams, Thomas 
Crisp, Leonard Hugh, and John Coplie. This latter 
must be Tradescant. Hence we see that, by his 
" Note on Jonne an Coplie Wustershermen," must be 
meant only one person, and that himself. The others 
need not here be mentioned. 


What the words " Note one" (out of the thirteen) 
"John an" (and?) " Coplie people (?) from Worcester- 
shire," can mean, is not yet very clear to me ; at all 
events, " Jonne" must refer to John Tradescant himself 
Perhaps this supposition may yet lead to the discovery 
that Tradescant was not, as was supposed, a native of 
Holland, but of Worcestershire. The name of Tra- 
descant might be an adopted one. I will here merely 
observe, that it has also been written Tradeskin, which 
might be translated Trade-skin, consequently hide or 
skin merchant. In 1680, Sir Thomas Herbert wrote 
it Tredescon. 

In Flatman's Poems appears, at page 14, the follow- 
inof distich: — 


" Thus John Tradeskin starves our wondering eyes, 
By boxing up his new-found rarities." 

Sir Dudley Digges, to whom it is probable that Tra- 
descant attached himself in order to learn something of 
Russian plants and animals, was sent by James the 
First, in 1618, to the Czar, Michael Fedorovich, who 
in the preceding year had dispatched Stephen Ivanovich 
Voliinsky, Mayor of Rashk, together with the Secre- 
tary, Mark Posdegeff, to the king, principally for the 
purpose of negotiating a loan ; for, on Michael's ac- 
cession to his throne, he had found the Russian 
finances in a very reduced condition. The ambas- 
sador, Voliinsky, who was now returning to Russia 
started in another vessel at the same time as Sir Dudley 
Digges. The ship, commanded by Captain SM^anlie, 
of Limehouse, near London, on board of which were 


Digges and Tradescant, was called the " Diana," and 
was from Newcastle. Mr. Nelson, one of her owners, 
was likewise on board. 

I have copied some passages out of the Journal kept 
by Tradescant on the voyage, from which it appears 
that on the 3rd of June, 1618, they sailed froni 
Gravesend. On the 16th they anchored in the port of 
Tynemouth, in Northumberland ; and on the following 
day Tradescant, with some one else (probably Nelson, 
part-owner of the vessel), proceeded to Newcastle to 
purchase fresh provisions, through which incident we 
are made acquainted with the price of salmon at that 
period. Tradescant thus describes it : — " Tuesday (the 
16th June), to Tinmouth haven, to releve our sick 
men with fresh vittells from Newcastell. Wednesday 
(the 17th day), boat hoysed to set the people on shore, 
and myself and another to go to Newchastell for make 
provisione of beef and muttone, with many other neces- 
saryes, wheare I bought 11 salmons for Gs. the cuple, 
and some for 4^. the cuple, whiche at London would 
have been worth 21. 10s. the cuple." (What a contrast 
to the price at the present day ! The great difference 
in the relative prices arises, in the first place, from the 
mode of packing the salmon in ice, introduced by 
Dempster and Richardson on the Tay, and then from 
its being brought round in coasting craft.) " Also we 
went to suppe at the best ordinary in the toune with 
many dishes ; wen being payed for cam but to 8d. the 
peece, which in London, I think, 2^. the peece would have 
hardli mached it. On Thursday (the 18th) we re- 
turned to the ship with sume 17/. worth of provision. 



Sir George Selbe sent to my Lord Imbassator (Sir 
Dudley Digges) for a present 2 salmons and an hogs- 
head of beare ; the Mayre of Newcastell the day be- 
fore sent him one salmon, using his genttellmen with 
much courtesie being ashore at Shields, 6 myles short 
of Newcastell, his Lordship keeping abord all the 
while." Sir Dudley remained on board the vessel : he 
was very seasick. Early on the morning of St. Peter 
and St. Paul's Day (the 29th), Sir Dudley Digges sent 
M. Voliinsky some meat and porter out of courtesy, 
because he knew that on that day the Russians' fast 
was at an end. " On Saynt Peetter's day (29 June), 
on the morning, my Lord (Digges) sent the Russian 
Ambassator (Voliinsky) fresh vyttuals on quarter of 
mutton, half a fittill porter, &c. 3 live pullets ther 
lent being but then ended ; also at new Castell my 
Lord sent him two small salmons and 9 gallons of 
Caynary Sack; the curtiseys hathe passed as yet without 

On the evening of the same day a bird came 
on board the vessel, which was then in the sixty- 
sixth degree of latitude, and about sixty leagues from 
land. The bird was taken alive, and handed over to 
Tradescant ; but he was not acquainted with its name. 
When the bird died he preserved the skin. " Also on 
Monday night (29) the cam a Strang bird abord our 
shipe whiche was taken alive and put to my custody, 
but dyed within two dayes after being 60 leagues from 
the shore, whose like I yet never sawe, whos case I have 
reserved. This was in Q6 degrees." 

On the night of the 1st to the 2nd of July, Tra- 

s 2 


descant saw a small part of the sun still above the 
horizon when it had reached its lowest point. " 1 of 
July in 67 (degrees) or a little short (?) whear the 
sunne did showe sume small part of her boddy all 
the night." Tradescant had already, on the 23rd of 
June, alluded to the clearness of the night when 
they were in the 60th degree of latitude, and when 
there was sufficient light to see to write by. On the 
4th a pinnace left the vessel destined for Greenland. 
" On Friday the 3 of July a man of Mr. Delcrass 
cam abord of us to take counsel about sending away 
the pennas for Greenland, the year being so far spent, 
as they thought, tlie Russe being landed the time of 
the year would be too far spent whear it Avas decreed 
that she should goe on of her intended voyage. 
This man's name was M. Spyke M^ho was made wel- 
com according to the manner of the sea. My Lord 
(Digges) sent back with him two bottells of his wine 
on of Sack and on of Clarret even present fit for such 
people, yet two great as the time required by reason 
of our long voyage. Satterday the 4 of July the pen- 
nas parted with us. That night at 12 we saw the sun 
shine about an hour higghe just northe." During the 
four following days there v/as a fog ; on the 5th (Sun- 
day) they saw many whales. On the 6th they saw the 
North Cape, and on the following day they spoke a 
Danish man-of-war near Wardohuys. " Monday morn- 
ing (6 July) we had sight of the North Cape, which is 
all covered with snow." 

Further on he says : " The air is cold, the land 
high, all Hands, with many bayes. Tuesday morning 


(7) on of the King of Denmark men of war de- 
manded of us to com on board to show our pase, 
but we ansered that our boat was stowed, we could 
not; besid, we had an Inglish Ambassador on board, 
which he presentlie desisted from his demand. Our 
consort also tould him in like sort that he had a 
Russ Ambassator a board. Also in his company we 
found the Companye's other shepe who had bin from 
her port from Hamborow 3 weeks with other two in 
her company, also two Hollanders, who he caused their 
boats to com abord. We at that time had been out of 
England 5 weeks lacking a day. The man of war laye 
to waft or watter the fishermen that fishe upon that 
coast of Wardhouse whear the King hathe a castell 
withe great comand of Lapland, whear many Danes 
live with the Laps, which, if I might have the whole 
kingdom to be bound to live there, I had rather be a 
portter in London, for the snow is never of the ground 
wholly. The King's man of war gave us a peece or 
gun, which we ansered with another, and our Vise ad- 
miral gave him 3, and so for that time partted being 
now short of Wardhouse 3 leags ; being Inglish and 
strangers 7 sayls bound for Aarchangel." On the 11th 
some Lapland fishermen from the coast near the island 
of Ssossnovetz brought them fresh salted salmon, some 
of which Sir Dudley bought. 

Tradescant describes the Laplanders as well as 
their boat. As he compares this with a Dutch 
" schuyt," we must suppose that he had been in 
Holland. The island of Ssossnovetz, on the Lapland 



coast (in 66" 29' N. lat.), was named Cross Island by 
Stephen Burrough in 1557, from a cross which he 
discovered there. At the mouth of the Ssossnoka, 
behind this island, there is even now a Lapland 
fishing station. Tradescant writes: — "11 July we 
had a small boat of that country of the Cros Hand 
that brought his bote laden withe salmon 3 dayes 
salted. My Lord bought on for 4*. our money 4 
very great on. Now after wee were so far as Crose 
Hand the snowe began to abate and the natur of the 
coaste to change from russet to a greener coller, the 
inland being full of shruby trees, and further of we 
monythe perseve great woods, but all this way no kind 
of grayne. Now to speak of the boate and the men. 
On of them was a man aboute 50 yeares withe on eye, 
hard favord, the yonger man was about 25 years, well 
favord and well limbed, and both clad in lether, withe 
the skins of sheepe with the fire side inwarde, bothe 
having crusifixes about the necks very artificyally mad. 
Ther boat was small, very neatly mad, lik to the man- 
ner of Hollands scuts." 

On the 12th, Tradescant saw a large white fish (?), 
which they told him was a bitter enemy to, and de- 
stroyer of, the salmon. " On Sunday, being the 12 
of Juley, the wind being contrary, being some 6 
leags short of Foxnose, we had sight of a great 
whight fish twse (twice ?), so great as a porpos, being 
all over as white as snowe, whiche they say is a 
great destroyer of the salmons." 

Fox Nose is a promontory, so named by Stephen 



BuiTOUgh in 1557, on the eastern shore of the 
White Sea, near the small river Kamennoi, three 
leagues north of Keretz, which latter must be the 
promontory called by him Dog's Nose, and this is 
eight leagues north-north-west of Kuiskoi Noss, ac- 
cording to Burrough Coscaynos. Of Dog's Nose he 
says : — " It showeth like a gurneed's head, and is 
the better knowen because it is fuller's earth, and 
the like I have not seen in all that country." Salt 
works were established there. The fish seen by Tra- 
descant must have been a white dolphin (Delphinus 
Leucas). This dolphin of the North is at times con- 
founded with the fish Beluga (Acipenser Huso) of the 
Volga and the Caspian Sea, because with us (in Russia) 
it bears the same name (beluga). During my stay in 
Scotland, in 1815, a Beluga, similar to those of the 
Icy Sea, was observed by the fishermen for several 
months in the Frith of Forth, and was no small an- 
noyance to them. At length the salmon fishers not 
far from Stirling succeeded in killing it. It was placed 
by Professor Jameson in the museum of the Edinburgh 
University : and Mr Patrick Neill and Dr. Barclay un- 
dertook to make a scientific examination of it. 

On the loth many small birds flew on board the 
vessel, when distant not more than three leagues from 
the shore. Tradescant captured three, and preserved 
their skins. He observes that they resembled the 
English linnet. " On Monday, the 13 of July, ther 
wer many small birds cam abord the shepe, being 
sume 3 leags from the shore. I have thre of ther 


skins whiclie were caut by myself and the rest of 
the company. They did muche resemble the manor 
of our Englishe linnets, but far lesser." Probably 
Linaria minor. 

On the 13th, the vessel passed over the Bar of the 
Dwina. It must have been the Beresov mouth. Ac- 
cording to Tradescant, the depth of water was twelve 
feet and a half. In 1557 Stephen Burrough had found 
thirteen feet. " On Tuesday, the 14 of Jully, we came 
to the bar, where we spent on daye because it was 
calme. On the Wednesdaye we went over the bar 
having only on foote watter mor than the shep 
drew " On the 6th of August, when the vessel 
sailed out of the Pudoshem mouth, Tradescant states 
that she was in ten feet and a half water. The English 
Company's agent at Archangel sent them fresh provi- 
sions immediately after they had crossed the Bar. " At 
our first entterance over the bar intto the river we re- 
seved from the agent on good bullock, 2 sheep, 10 
hens, 2 fesants, 6 pattriges, non like the Inglish." On 
the 16th, first Valiinsky, and then Digges, were wel- 
comed to the port with military honours. The officer 
who received them, unknown to our author by name, 
was Peter Perfirjeff, the chief of the Strelitzes at 
Archangel. "On Thursday, the 16 day (of July) we 
came unto the harbor, but before we came lialfe the 
way the souldyers cam to sallut ther owne ambassador 
(Woliinsky), but not us ; but in the halfe way passage 
in the river the Grand Prestave salluted my Lord 
(Digges) withe main boats full of souldyers, who him- 


self was entterteyned in the cabbin withe a banket of 
sweet meats, the agent and the rest of the Inglish 
marchants having had the like enterteynement just be- 
fore his coming, whear at his departur we gave 3 
peeces of ordnance, and he us his small shot, whiche was 
but poorlie performed, ther peeces being hardli so 
good as our calliver, neyther had the soulgers any ex- 
pertnce like to thees in thees parts." 

On the same evening some Samoiedes came off to the 
vessel in a boat, and are thus described by Tradescant: — 
" That night (16 July) came abord of our ship a boat of 
Sammoyets, a miserable people, of small growth. In 
my judgment is that people whom the fixtion is fayned 
of that should have no heads, for they have short necks, 
and commonly wear ther clothes over head and shoul- 
ders. They use boues and arrowes, the men and 
women be hard lie known on from the other, because 
the all wear clothes like mene, and be all clad in skins 
of beasts packed very curouslie together, stockings and 
all. They kill moste of the Loth deer that the 
brought. The be extreme beggers, not to be denied." 
On the same day our author gives us a proof that he 
was a good observer, for the remarkable appearance of 
u double flood, the Manicha, did not pass unnoticed by 
him. He writes : " This night we weighed the anchor 
on account of the two floods : the first barely lasted 
two hours, followed by a remarkably strong ebb ; and 
two hours later a long flood like ours succeeded." 
"Farther, that night (16 July) we wayed anccor by 
resen of the two fluds ; the first is but 2 houres, and 


then a swift ebe ; and then presentlie after two hower 
along- find like ours." As we are aware, tlie Russian 
Academy has lately caused the Manicha at the mouth 
of the Dwina, and at some other places situated near 
it on the coast of the White Sea, to be observed by 
means of an instrument invented expressly for the pur- 
pose by our colleague Senz, which has received the 
name of the Hypsalograph. 

Tradescant's impatience to acquire a knowledge of 
the plants of the Dwina district lying before him was 
so great, that he requested to be conveyed to the 
nearest shore in the ship's boat. Immediately after 
he landed he fell in with a berry which he describes 
as resembling the strawberry, but with leaves in some 
measure like the aveus {Geum Urbanum), of which 
he says that it was used as a remedy against the 
scurvy. As it was of an amber colour, it must have 
been the yellow cranberry, Rubus ChaincBmorus, by us 
(the Russians) called Moroschka. He dried some ber- 
ries in order to save the seeds, and afterwards sent 
part of them to Paris to Robin the florist ; probably 
Vespasian, whose father John had established the 
first good garden in the French metropolis, whence 
during the last ten years of the sixteenth century, 
he carried on a mutual exchange of seeds with 
Gerard of London. This appears from Gerard's 
"Herbal" (published in 1597), and is Hkewise re- 
peated in Johnson's edition. Parkinson also makes 
mention of Robin in the " Paradisus " and in the 
" Theatrum." In the latter book, he says that Tra- 


descant had received from Vespasian Robin some 
roots of Doronicum Americaniim {Rudbeckia laciniatd), 
and shared them with him. Jean Robin cultivated 
in his garden, about the year 1600, more than a 
thousand different plants. The species Robinia is so 
called after him. He received from Henry the 
Fourth the title of " herboriste (also simpliciste) 
du Roy," and it was he who delivered to Pierre 
Vallet, who bore the title of " Brodeur ordinaire 
du Roy," flowers from which to sketch the em- 
broidery patterns for King Henry the Fourth's court 
ladies. A work is extant, called " Le Jardin du Roy 
tres chrestien Henry IV. Roy de France et de Navarre 
dedie a la Royne par Pierre Vallet, brodeur ordinaire 
du Roy, 1608." We know, to a certainty, that Ves- 
pasian Robin sent American plants from Paris to 
Loudon for Tradescant. 

It was not only our (the Russian) plants which 
interested Tradescant. " I would have given five shil- 
lings for one of their skins," says he, as some birds 
flew before him, of which one he describes must 
have been a black cock. Tradescant's description is 
somewhat strange : — "great to the bignes of a fesant, 
the wing whit, the bodie green, the tayll blewe or dove 
collar." Tradescant even alludes to finding a piece of 
the skin of a snake. 

On the evening of the 16th of July, the vessel lay 
close to the shore, before the English factory at Arch- 
angel ; and on the following day Tradescant landed 
with the whole of the party. Sir Dudley was received 


by the Intendant Perfijeff. Three houses were selected 
for their residence, of which two belonged to the 
Dutch, and the third to an Englishman named Wilkin- 
son. " They be all built of wholl trees layd on the 
top of the other very strong, withe fayr roomes 
packed betwen the hollowes withe wood moss. Hav- 
ing but four bedsteads, content to lay our bodi on the 


TRADESCANT's description of life is RUSSIA FORESTS 



On the 20th of July, 1618, Tradescant obtained an 
imperial boat in order to explore the islands in the 
Delta of the Dwina, northwest of Archangel, and to 
examine the plants growing on them. " On Monday 
(20th of July)," he states, " I had one of the Empe- 
ror's boats to cari me from iland to iland to see what 
things grewe upon them, whear I found single Rosses, 
wondros sweet, withe many other things which e I 
meane to bringe with me. We had a comander with 
us, who was glad to be partaker of coorte cake, as 
we thear could get, whiche was sower creame and oat- 
meall pastill very poorli mad, which to them was a 
great bankit." 

On this excursion it was that he found on one island 
so much hellebore {Helleborus allms), the present Vera- 
trum album, or V. Lobelianum. I have already men- 
tioned that what Tradescant says of it has enabled me 
to recognise him as the author of the MS. He states 
by the way that this plant was called " Cameritza" by 
the Russians. Hence we might infer that in the pre- 
sent name " Tschemeritza," as often happens, the C or 


K is clianged into Tscli ; as Komar or Kamar now 
signifies a gnat, it follows that the Russian name for 
hellebore is gnat-plant. Russia therefore must have 
named this plant, not like Germany, from its producing 
the effect of sneezing, but from the peculiar quality it 
possesses, mentioned in old botanical works, of killing 
gnats. Pliny says, " Muscse necantur albo (sc. Elle- 
boro) trito et cum lacte sparso." In Brunsfel's " Con- 
trafayt Book of Plants," published in 1532, at page 
Ixv., there is the following receipt : " If thou wilt kill 
all the gnats in August, take hellebore, macerate it in 
milk, and set the same milk for the gnats to drink." 
As in the spring the large Russian rivers inundate 
so much land when the snows melt, and this is fa- 
vourable to the development of the gnats, which, as is 
well known, issue from the water, it is important for 
those who live on and visit the Delta of the Dwina, 
where also great abundance of these tormentors of 
men are generated, to have a means of destroying 
them at hand. Hence, then, the name of Komaritza 
— now changed into Tschemeritza ; I must observe, 
nevertheless, that at present the hellebore is not put 
to this use. 

Speaking of the "Tscheremucha" tree (PrunusPadus), 
Tradescant acquaints us that the English at Archangel 
called the berries wild cherries. The Russian name 
must be the root of the word Cerasus or Cherry. 
He took with him several of the branches which had 
taken root in the ground, in the hope that some of them 
might thrive in England ; consequently he contem- 
plated the application of this supple kind of wood to 


hoop-making. He mentions that the English coopers 
at Archangel frequently made use of hoops of this ma- 
terial for caviare casks, because they were tough and 
durable to an extraordinary degree. The Flemings, 
Dutch, Hamburgers, and Russians must likewise have 
used much of this wood at that time for hoops ; and it 
was also conveyed to England for the purpose of bind- 
ing casks for the Greenland fisheries. " They have 
littill trees that they make hoops of, which the Inglishe 
say they be wilde cheryes, but I cannot believe it. It 
is of that kind, but is like a chery in leafe, and beareth 
a bery less than our Scarbis" (he means Sorbus), 
"bery somewhat blackishe, but was not ripe at my 
being theare ; the wood is wondrous pliant, and if a twig 
chance to tuche the ground it will take roote, as I have 
seen in many places. I took up of them in July, an 
brought them over a plant or two, which I hope will 
growe ; for all the unfit season of the yeare they be very 
willing to grow. Now for the abundance of hoopes 
that there is mad, 1 may imagine, for our coopers, for 
the great caske of caveare, and the Fleming, Hol- 
landers, and Hamburgers, and Russes, spend such 
abundance, yet our people bring them away for the 
hooping of the cask in Greenland ; and by the report 
of the coopers, they be the best hoops in the world, for 
they say, in a whole day they break not on." 

Tradescant names several other trees and plants seen 
by him. His four sorts of " Nadelholzer" (Needle- 
wood, i. e. trees with needle-like foliage, firs, pines, 
&c.) must have been Pinus sylvestris, Picea (abies) 
obovata or vulgaris, Larix sibirica, and abies sibirica 


(Ledeb). He speaks of large birch trees, Betula alba, 
tapped in May and June for the purpose of using the 
sap in the preparation of an agreeable beverage. 
" In the contrie, as 5 parts is woods and unprofitable 
grounds, I have seen 4 sorts of fir trees an barch trees 
of great bignes, whiche in the spring tyme they make 
incistion for the juice to drinke, which they saye is a 
fine coole kind of drink, which lasteth the most part of 
May and the beginning of June." 

Tradescant further says, with reference to other trees 
not seen by him : " By report they have most sorts of 
trees that we have in Ingland, up in the contrie, botli 
cake, elm and ashe, aple, peare and cheryes ; but the 
frut les, and not so pleasant. This have bin tould me, 
and amongst the rest of a plant that grow^ethe upon the 
Volga, whiche they call God's tree, whose leaves be 
much lik to fennell ; but the report is, is pasing sweet 
and of great vertue." This is the Artemisia abrotatum, 
which plant is called in Russian Boshige derewo, lite- 
rally God's tree ; whence Tradescant was probably led 
to take it for a tree. Of berries he also names, red, 
black, and white currants, Ribes rubrum, nigrum et 
album (he says, that they were larger than any he had 
seen in England), three or four sorts of vaccinium, one 
red ; red bilberries (Brussnika), V. Vitis ida^a, perhaps 
also whortleberries (Klukiva) Oxycoccos palustris, tM'o 
blue ; common bilberries (Tschernika) V. Myrtellus, and 
perhaps great bilberries (Golubika) V. siliquosum. " I 
have seene shrubs of divers kinds, as Ribes, or as we call 
them currants, white, red, and black, far greatter than 
ever I have seen in this cuntrie ; 3 or 4 sorts of v/horts, 


red ons, and two sorts of blewe ons. The currants, and 
all other things wear so much biger than ours, as I 
could gather by the vyger of the somer, which is so 
quick, that when a thing is in blosom it never fellethe 
could till it is a perfect frute." He moreover found 
Angelica (Archangelica ?) Lysimachia (vulgaris), Penta- 
folia major (Potentilla ?), Geranium flore coeruleo, as 
well as pratense, Saxifrage (Pinipinella?), Sorrel (Ru- 
mex), Ros solis (Drosera), &c. "Also I have been 
tould that thear growethe in the land both tulipes and 
narsisus. By a Brabander I was tould it, thoug by his 
name I should rather think him a Hollander. His 
name is Jonson, and hathe a house at Archangel. He 
may be eyther, for he always druke " (is drunk) " once 
in the day." 

I think that there is an error, either in the MS. or 
of the press, in Parkinson's " Paradisus Terrestris" of 
1629, where, in speaking of a species of strawberry, 
he says, that Tradescant brought it with him from 
Brussels ; probably Brussels is here put for Russia. 
The passage is as follov.s : — " There is another straw- 
berry very like unto tliis, (the Virginia strawberry, 
which carrieth the greatest leafe of any other except 
the Bohemian,) that John Tradescante brought with 
him from Brussels (Russia ?) long ago (1618) ; and in 
seven yeares could never see one berry ripe on all sides, 
but still the better part rotten, although it would every 
yeare flower abundantly, and bear very large leaves." I 
must, moreover, observe that Tradescant, with reference 
to the strawberry, wrote as follows : — " I also saw stravv- 
beryes to be sould, but could never get of the plants ; 



but the beryes wear 3 times at my Lords (Digges's) 
table ; but they were in nothing differing from ours, 
but only les, which mad me that I did not so much 
seek after them." It is probable, notwithstanding, that 
he took some seeds with him. 

Tradescant makes some observations, although but 
cursorily, on the cultivation of the different kinds of 
grain ; on bread, flesh, beer, arable land, ploughs, mode 
of carriage, on the streets made of wooden logs in the 
city of Archangel ; the skilful use of plain carpenter's 
work ; the building of dwelling-houses, farms, &c. He 
thus heads his observations : " Things by me observed." 
Then follows : " Imprimis for the sowing of rye the 
sewe in Jully, ther wheat in June, these two grazers 
seeme 13 months before they be reaped by reason of 
the snow falling in August or September, and so lietlie 
till the May after. 

" The harvest is in August and the beginning of Sep- 
tember ; their barley, oats, and pease they sowe in May 
the last, and commonly reap the first of August, or 
the last of July. 

" I have bin showed oats whyte, very good, whiche 
wer sowne, and mowne, and keapet, thrashed in 6 

" For ther howses they be made all of long peeces 
of fire, being half cut away on the insyde. They be 
glased withe glas called slude ; their ruffes be flat al- 
most and cut hordes of a handfuU thick layd longwayes 
doune the ruffe ; they leave the rinds of birche trees 
under the horde, which be as broad a yearing calfe or 
broader, and 3 yards long, whiche they laye the edges 



on above another, and doo defend the wet, and rayne 
and snowe. 

" Now for ther warmthe they have stooves wherein 
they heate ther meat, whiche is so well don that it 
givethe great content to all strangers. 

" For beds I have seene none of the buses but think 
for the most part they sleep upon bed-steads, and most 
of ther beding is beare skins, and other skins. The 
English and Leefelanders, I have seen ther beds lik to 
thees horded beds in England, of a mean sort. 

" For ther meat and bread, it is reasonable god ; they 
have bothe wheat and rie bread, and is full as good os 
most places of Ingland dooe afford, only they never 
bake it well, and have many foolish fatyons for ther 
form of ther loafe, sum littil ons so littill as on may 
well eat a loaf a two mouthe full, other great onse but 
much shaped like a horse shooe, but that they be round, 
and a horse shoo is open in the on end ; also they have a 
broune kind of rye bread, whiche is both fine and good. 
I have seen at the Inglishe house, and also in the 
Duche houses, Leeflanders so good bread as I have yet 
never seen the like in this contrie. 

" For ther drinks they be meads made of hony and 
watter, and also beere ; but ther Ruse beer is wonderfull 
base of an ill taste, but ther best meade is excellent 
drinke, mad of the hony which is the best honnyof the 
world. I have drunke such beere brewed by a Russe in 
the Inglishe house, bothe for strength and for good tast 
as I have never betterd it in England. 

" For the mutton and beefe it was bothe small and 
lean, ther shape much like to the Norfolk sheepe ; ther 

T 2 


beefes like runts of 4 marks price ; ther hens and cokes 
small, and no capons. Ther pidggs they spend wonder- 
full small ; the hogs short, well trused swine, ther bacon 
tasts much after oyle, because of the muche fishe ther 
hogs eate. 

" Ther land, so muche as I have scene, is for the 
earable fine gentill land of light mould, like Norfolke 
land, without stons ; ther maner of plowes like oure, 
but not so neat, muche like to Essex ploughes, withe 
wheels, but the wheels very evill made. 

" The carts be littill ons, long narrow ons, muche 
like them of Stafordshir ; the wheels be lowe mad of 
two peeces of slit for timber, being thik weare the ex- 
selltre goeth thorow, and so deminishe les till they com 
to the rime, and follow the cattell withe muche labor. 
For ther horses they be well shaped, short kryt, well 
joynted ; only ther Tarter horses be longe, much like 
to the Barbery horses, but of the best use of any in 
the knowne world, for, as I have heard Captaine Gil- 
bert report, that hathe long lived theare" (I shall 
show, farther on, who this Gilbert was), " he had on 
which he hathe rod a whole day together, and at night 
hathe give him a littill provender, and the next day 
hathe don the like, and so for many dayes, and yet he 
confessethe that he hathe not known seldom one 
of tire. 

*' For ther streets they be paved withe goodli timber 
trees, cleft in the middell, for they have not the use of 
sawing in the land, espetiali in that part whear I was, 
neyther the use of planing withe the plane, but onlie 
withe a shave, or as some parts of this kingdom calleth 


it, a draing knife, and withe muche speed, but that I 
think is by reson of the softnes of ther woods. The 
yards of ther bowses be all paved withe timber, and 
divided betwin neybor and neybor with palliadowes 
of yong timber of 12 or 13 foot highe, the timber 
being so big, as from post to post they put through a 
long piece .... throw a mortis. 

" Also the con trie bowses be built like to those 
of the townes, and pallasadeed whiche be don all in 
on forme, having the yard rounded withe cow-houses, 
and places for shepe and horse, being all open to the 
yardsyde, muche lik cloysters beer in Ingland, ther 
ploughes and carts amongst ther cattell to mak par- 
tission, an over liethe the hay, for the most part they 
be quadrand, and on corner is the dwelling-howse, and 
on syde the barn whiche is comonly the pont. Far- 
ther it is to be observed, that all thees cuntry bowses 
stand on little hills, whiche bathe bin raysed by art at 
the first, and also without the pallisade, or fence of in- 
closure, ther stands the bodyes of timber trees some 7 
or 8 feet high, and from the inclosure, some 16 foot, 
and on from an other 7 or 8 foot, whiche they say is 
to defend the isse whiche at the first thawing, if it be 
with rayne, makethe a very great flud." 

Tradescant was shown oats which, six weeks after 
they had been sown, were thrashed out. The bread 
he found to be as good as in most places in England ; 
still he somewhat objected to the baking, and to the 
external shape. Besides white, and the usual rye 
bread, he also mentions a finer description of the 


The cattle he found small, the sheep similar to 
those in Norfolk. Beef and mutton lean, cocks and 
hens small, and no capons. The young pigs, he 
says, are killed when very small ; the hams tasted 
oily, because the swine (at Archangel) were fed so 
much upon fish. 

The Russian beer was generally bad, but that brewed 
by a Russian at the English factory at Archangel, was 
as good as any he had ever drunk in England. 

The arable land near Archangel he compares to 
that in Norfolk ; the ploughs he found to resemble 
those in Essex, but the wheels were badly put toge- 
ther. The carts were small, narrow, and oblong, like 
those in Staffordshire, the horses tolerably good. 

That the Russian carpenters were enabled to work 
with such simple tools, Tradescant might well explain, 
at least, as far as regards quickness, by the softness 
of the wood. 

The arrangement of the farms he compares with 
that of the monasteries in England, for the cells are 
built in a circle round the court. 

With somewhat more copiousness Tradescant gives 
an account of five varieties of craft which he saw on 
the Dwina. 

In the first place he describes the barges (Lodgen). 
They have, he says, the appearance of one lighter 
turned upside down on another : the entrance was 
from the side ; the deck lined inside with the bark of 
trees (Lubki), and the seams caulked with tarred 
moss. The masts and sails he found to resemble 
those of the Gravesend barges. He mentions the 


streamers usually placed on the mast, together with 
hawks' or horses' bells, as well as on the long and 
thick rudder. In shallow places they are propelled 
along slowly with poles. On the Lapland coast and 
elsewhere they usually sail only with the wind astern. 
Tradescant was present when thirty labourers were 
enfjasjed in launching a lighter into the water with 
levers, and in so doing, as he says, made as much 
noise as if all the inhabitants of the city had fallen 
together by the ears. He thought he might boldly 
assert that, with five other Englishmen, he could have 
accomplished more than these thirty Russian labour- 
ers taken together. 

The boats, carrying from eight to nine persons, in 
which mostly the smaller cattle and poultry were 
brought to Archangel to market, he finds smaller 
than the wherries on the Thames, and points out the 
diff^erence between them, observable in the rudder. 

Craft, with keels made out of a single tree, as 
much as seven feet in diameter and thirty in length, 
the sides of which were raised with planks fastened 
together with ropes from the Tscheremucha (Prunus 
Pad us), and then covered with birch-bark or seal- 
skins, were employed, as he says, in numbers in the 
seal and other fisheries. 

Tradescant admires the strength of the beams 
employed in building the barks. He thought that 
they might be useful to the East India Company if 
they were decked. He further describes the river 
craft with awnings, for persons of station. 

Lastly, in Tradescant's journal of his residence at 


Archangel, there is something geological. It relates 
to the Scandinavian blocks of stone (blocs erratiques) 
seen by him, which are found in Russia as far 
north-east as the Petchora and the Ural, and south 
as far as the Voronesk and Tscheringov Government. 
Tradescant writes : *' In the Dwina district lie a 
quantity of stones, of which some are half a waggon 
load, and still more heavy. I requested some one 
who understood Russian to inquire how these stones 
came there, as there are none of any other descrip- 
tion in the vicinity, and the ground towards the 
Dwina is marshy." The interpreter (probably 
George Brigges) received for answer : " Ther lyethe 
by the river syde many great stones, some of halfe a 
cart load, and near whiche I demanded one to ask 
how they cam thear, the land being witheout, being 
moorish toward the watters syd, and they tould our 
interpreter that they were brought ought (out) of the 
land by the isse." 

This latter explanation is, in a certain degree, 
interesting ; but the people were of opinion that the 
Dwina ice brings these blocks of stone from the 
interior of the country; for that they were trans- 
ported there from Scandinavia our inhabitants of 
the Dwina district did not then imagine, although 
several of them, as even now happens, may have gone 
a long distance on icebergs in the Icy Sea. 

On the 5th of August Tradescant quitted Arch- 
anoel in the Diana, and at the same time Nelson, 
part-owner of this vessel, returned. For the point 
of departure, the Pudoshem mouth must have been 


chosen, for the vessel anchored on the first eveningf at 
Rose Island, which is situated between that and the 
shallow Korelian mouth, which Tradescant visited, 
in order to botanize there. 

*' The 5th of August we set sayle for Ingland from 
the point, a myll from the toune. That night we cam 
to an ancor under Rose Hand wheare I (and) divers 
(other) went on shore whear ther was a littill soul- 
dyers hous poorly garded withe sum 10 men, whear we 
bought gras for our live sheepe, whear I gathered of 
all such things as I could find thear growing, which 
wear 4 sorts of berries, which I brought awaye with 
me of every sortt. This Hand is lowe land all over 
but whear the house stands, and that place is a long 
bank of drie white sand, the land being eyther woods 
or meddow, but seldom eyther mowne or fed." 

AVhere Tradescant gives a general account of the 
plants discovered by him on the Dwina delta, he does 
not describe the roses which grew wild, at the time 
that he mentions his visit to Rose Island ; but he must 
doubtless have seen most of them there. When he 
says that from four to five English acres were be- 
decked with them, he certainly refers to this island. 
He compares the roses seen by him with the cinnamon 
rose. Of the many rose-bushes which he took with 
him, he says, that he hopes that, at all events, some of 
them would grow and thrive in England, wherein he 
was not disappointed. " I have seen roses, only single, 
in a great abundance, in my estimation four or five 
acres together ; they be single, and much like oure 


sinoment rose ; and who have the sense of smelling, 
say they be marvelus sweete. I hope they will bothe 
growe and beare heere, for amongst many that I 
brought home withe the roses upon them, yet some 
on may grow." 

From the catalogue of the plants in the Tradescant 
garden, we see that the Rosa Moscovita was to be 
found there even as late as 1656. That rose was in 
this case brought originally from the islands of the 
delta of the Dwina, and perhaps from Rose Island 
itself. Parkinson describes, in his "Theatrum Bota- 
nicum" of 1640, a rose brought from Muscovy (*' Syl- 
vestris Russica, the wild bryer of Muscovie"). This 
must have been an ojffshoot of that introduced by 

I must here remind my readers, that until the year 
1630 there were none but wild roses in Russia. It 
was only at that period that Peter Marselius for the 
first time brought cultivated roses from the ducal 
garden at Gottorp to Moscow, which then throve very 
well. The Russian wild roses were formerly called 
by us, gul, after the Persian. Hence appears, in old 
Muscovite receipts for rosewater, the name of " gula- 
fuaga woda," from gulaf, the Persian word for this 
water. The petals of the wild roses were used for 
pharmaceutical purposes even long after the introduc- 
tion of the garden rose. Even in 17^4, as much as 
thirty pounds of the conserve was sent to the apothe- 
caries' hall at St. Petersburg. 

Apropos of roses, we learn from Tradescant's 



journal, that he was deficient in the sense of smelling, 
for he says : " those who have it assured me that the 
roses on the island were marvelous swete." 

In another place there is a direct confirmation of 
this, where he speaks of boiling blubber for train 
oil. This, he says, spreads a stench which nearly 
poisons passers-by; "but as I was wanting in the sense 
of smell, I could not bear testimony to this." Here, 
then, was a compensation for the pleasure of which he 
was deprived at Rose Island. 

This passage inTradescant's journal has already been 
quoted. There we learn, that he saw how distended 
sealskins were cleansed as much as possible from the 
oil on their fleshy side, turned outwards for the pur- 
pose of covering bottle-cases, which, for the most part, 
were sold to the Dutch, numbers of whom came to 
Archangel. These foreigners varnished them over 
at home, provided them with the necessary iron 
lining, and then brought them again to Archangel for 

On Rose Island, Tradescant likewise found a plant 
with berries, which was unknown to him, and which 
he describes as fully. It must have been the Swedish 
privet (Cornus Secica), which is by no means rare 
there. He took some branches with him on which 
were berries, but the ship's boys destroyed them before 
he was aware of it ; nevertheless, to his comfort, he 
found some on the ground. To water his plants, too, 
some salt water, instead of fresh, was brought to him 
at sea, without anything being said to him on the 
subject, because several casks of fresh water had been 


thrown overboard when the vessel grounded on the 
bar at the time of her sailing. 

" A sort of plant, bearing his fruit like hedge-mer- 
cury (Mercurialis perennis), which made a fine showe, 
having leaves on the tope of every stake, having in 
every loupe a berry about the bignes of a hawe, all 
the three berry es growing close together, of a finner 
bright red than a hawe, which I took up many roots, 
yet am afraid that none held, because on our being 
on ground we staved most of our fresh watter, and so 
wear faint to watter withe salt watter, but was mad 
believe it was freshe, whiche that plant having but a 
long whit thin root, littill biger than a small couch 
gras ; and the boys in the ship, before I pe(r)seved it, 
eat of the berries, except som of them cum up amongst 
the earthe by chance. I found this plant to growe in 
Rose Island." 

On Rose Island he also found pinks (Feldnelkia 
Dianthus), as beautiful as those in England, with 
deeply-cut petals. " Thear (in Rose Island) I found 
pinks growing natturall of the best sort we have heere 
in Ingland, withe the eges of the leaves deeplie cut or 
jaged very finely." 

On the 6th August the Diana went over the bar, 
where Tradescant, as already mentioned, sets down 
eleven feet of water. The vessel there touched the 
ground, but fortunately got off. On the 8th he was at 
the Island of Ssossnovetz, and on the same evening fell 
in with the English man-of-war, which had brought 
Voliinsky to Russia. From the 8th to the 10th the 
wind was contrary, and then to the 13th there was a 


thick fog, so that the Diana, in four or five days, only- 
made ten leagues. Near Cape Svatoi Noss the vessel 
appears to have been drawn into the whirlpool de- 
scribed by me, and was in great danger of being 
wrecked on a rock (probably Kamen Woronucha). 
On the 14th there were several whales in the neisrh- 
bourhood of the ship, and Nelson called Tradescant 
on deck, in order to point out to him how one of 
them was tormented by a "thresher." On the l6th 
the Diana passed the North Cape, but it was only on 
the 22nd of September that Tradescant landed at St. 
Catherine's Docks, in London. 

"The 6 of August we weyed ancor" (from Rose 
Island) " the vv^ind being fayer, and went, for the 
bar is but 11 foot watter and our ship drew 10 
and a halfe, the tide being then neape whear we cam 
on, and sat 6 or 8 bowers to oure great grefe, a 
floud presently rising, whiche if it had continewed the 
shipe must needs have perished ; but, thanks be to 
God, the next tyde we cam of without any harme. 
The next day we wear becalmed. The 8 day we mad 
Cros Hand, the wind being fayre, but small and much 
raine, in so muche that all the decks wear leake, 
which for my own part I felt, for it rayned donne 
thourow all my clothes and beds to the spoyll of them 
all. The 8 day at night we met withe on of the state 
men-of-war that the Russian Ambassator cam home 
in of Cape Grace " (eight leagues and a half north-east 
of the Island of Ssossnovctz). " From the 8 to the 10 
conttrary winds. From the 10 to the 13 extreme foge, 
so that in 4 or 5 dayes we went but 10 leags a head. 


Of Cape Gallant" (Svatoi Noss) " we wear afrayed of 
being brought upon a rock " (probably Kamen Woro- 
nucha), " but, thanks be to God, it proved beter. The 
14 daye being Fridaye we saw mani whales, whear the 
owner of ship " (Nelson) " sawe on chased with a 
thresher and called me to see it, but they rose no 
more. The next day (15) being Satterday we had a 
great storme, the wind being at east. On Sunday 
(16) towards night the storme seased and the wind 
changed west ; that night we mad the North Cape. 
On vSunday being the 13 of September I with on were 
walking on the wash of the shipe, I descreyed lande, 
which was present aproved by the whole company, 
which land was to the southward of BofFum Ness, 
part of cuntrie of Scotland ; our master imagined it 
to be the Frithe, but could no more tell than any 
other. This is in on iuste monthe we had bine with- 
out sight of land, for the Sunday monthe befor wee 
had sight of the North Cape of the land called As- 
sumtion. On Friday 18 August" (it should be Sep- 
tember), " 12 of the clock, we made Flambrow Head. 
Saturday 19" (again August instead of September) 
"night we recovered Yarmouth Road, where we an- 
chored and dined in the towne. On Sunday (20) after 
dinner we wayed anchor, and that night, the wind be- 
ing fayre, we recovered Al(d)boroug ; the next morn- 
ing being Monday we wayed, and that daye came to 
Gravesend. On Tuesday the 22 of August " (he must 
mean September) " we landed at Saynt Katharine neer 
London, whear, God be thanked, we ended our viage, 
having no one man sick, God be thanked." 


From the passage in Tradescant's Journal, which 
we have quoted ahove, we find that as early as 16X8 
the name of "Thrasher" was in use for the dolphin, 
well known as the tormenter of the whale, and even 
called " Balsenarum tyrannus," viz., *' Delphinus 
(Phocsena) orca," in Russian Kossatka, although, at 
that period, barely twenty years had elapsed since the 
English had practically engaged in the whale-fishery 
at Iceland, and also not far from the North Cape. 
I cannot, however, refrain from mentioning that the 
first plan formed by the English, in 157<5, for carrying 
on the whale-fishery, had immediate reference to those 
waters where Nelson pointed out to Tradescant a 
whale pursued by the delphinus orca. In order to take 
lessons in the practical part of this branch of industry, 
which was then unknown in England, some Biscayans 
experienced in the art were engaged. With regard 
to the necessary experiments, William Burrough, 
amongst others, was taken into council. 

The plan was to send a vessel of two hundred tons 
equipped for the whale-fishery, with five pinnaces and 
fifty-five men, to Wardhuus, in April ; the fishery was 
to take place not far from the Lapland coast. The 
aforesaid Biscayans were to teach the method of har- 
pooning, boiling the blubber, &c., and a skilful cooper 
was then to put together the staves taken with them 
from Enoland. 

William Burrough, as we have previously mentioned, 
was the principal agent of the London Company in 
Russia, in 1574 and 157^. In the voyage with his 
brother Stephen, in 1556, he had observed a whale 


close to his vessel, when in the vicinity of Nova Zembla. 
In the subsequent voyages to Rose Island, the English 
doubtless met with whales frequently ; and this may 
have given rise to the establishment of the English 
whale-fishery, which has since become so important a 
branch of industry. 

Just one hundred and nineteen years after Trades- 
cant's visit to Russia, viz. in 1737> the thrasher, as 
well as the swordiish, were instanced by Dr. John 
Brickell, by hearsay, in his natural history of North 
Carolina, as deadly enemies to the whale. 

Dr. Brickell writes : *' These fish (the whales) 
are never found dead, or floating to the shear with 
their tongues in their heads, for it is the opinion of 
many in these parts, that the thrashers and sword-fish 
(which are mortal enemies to the whales, wherever 
they meet them) eat the tongue out of their head, as 
soon as they have killed him ; but whether this be 
done by the fish above mentioned, or by others of the 
same voracious nature, I will not take upon me to 

Twelve years earlier (in 17^5), Paul Dudley com- 
municated to the Royal Society, that the orcas were 
called killers by the whalers, and that they pursued 
the young whales as bull-dogs do a bull, to bite and 
thrash them. The whales bellow like hunted bulls, 
and as their tongues hang out of their mouths the 
orcas eat them. 

Paul Dudley's words are : " Our whale men have 
given this fish (that preys upon the whales) the name 
of killers. They go in company by dozens, and set upon 


a young whale, and will bite him like so many bull- 
dogs ; some will lay hold of his tail, to keep him from 
threshing, while others lay hold of his head, and bite 
and thresh him, till the poor creature, being thus 
heated, lolls out his tongue ; and then some of- the 
killers catch hold of his lips, and if possible, of his 
tongue ; and after they have killed him they chiefly 
feed upon the tongue and head, but when he begins 
to putrefy they leave him." This killer is, without 
doubt, the orca that Dr. Franguis describes in these 
words: *'Quando orca insequitur balsenam, ipsa balsena 
horribilem edit mugitum, non aliter quam cum taurus 
mordetur a cane." These killers have sometimes bit 
out of a dead whale a piece of blubber of about two 
feet square. 

One of the manifold appellations bestowed on the 
dolphin in question, and indeed a very old one, is 
"grampus," probably abbreviated from " grand por- 
pois." As this fish is much met with in the neigh- 
bourhood of the North Cape, it is likewise called a 
North Caper. The Russian appellation of Kossatka 
was bestowed upon it, from the oblique and somewhat 
crooked wake, almost peculiar to the fish, and usually 
left by it in the water. Kossa, as we know, means a 
scythe, and likewise a twisted tail ; and the word 
kosso, curved, is the root of both. The kossatka are 
even now frequently seen about the spot, where, ac- 
cording to a calculation made at the time, Nelson 
must have observed them on his voyage with Trades- 
cant, viz. near the Peninsula of Riibatschy and the 
Varanger Fiord. An eye-witness told me that the 



kossatkas very often drive whales into shallow water, 
and, indeed, ashore, in the Gulf of Motover, which is 
formed by the south shore of the Peninsula of Rii- 
batschy and the opposite coast ; and not only there, 
but in the northern bight, now called the Harbour of 
Nova Zembla, and in both the bays situated to the 
south of the same, on the main-land. In confirma- 
tion of this, the shore at those places is actually co- 
vered with the skeletons of whales. The easternmost 
of these southern bays was, probably on that account, 
called Ketova (from kit, a whale), but is now on 
our charts set down as Titovskaja. The westernmost 
bay, which is now set down in them as Kutovoja 
(which has been derived from kut, an angle or end), 
may probably have been originally called Kitovaja, 
especially as the rivulet flowing into it is likewise called 
on the charts Titovka (sometimes Kitovka). There 
were consequently two whale bays ; that to the west 
stretching in a south-west direction, and the other 
and easternmost one to the south. Tilesius saw a 
shoal of kossatkas form themselves into a sort of battle- 
array, and drive seals before them, whilst the latter 
sought to escape by repeated leaps into the air. A 
sketch of this scene he presented to Pallas. 

It is remarkable that Dr. W. Scoresby, who was 
so experienced in all that relates to whales, mentions 
nothing of this dolphin. He doubts indeed (in 1820) 
the existence of the thrasher, for he says, " The 
sword-fish and the thrasher (if such an animal there 
be) may possibly be among the enemies of the whale, 
but I have never witnessed their combats." 


As Tradescant doubtless learnt the name of the 
thrasher from Nelson, part-owner of the vessel, it 
must be supposed that the latter had already visited 
the north on former occasions. A river and a light 
in Hudson's Bay were named after one Nelson, who 
with Thomas Button was dispatched to the north-west 
by Sir Dudley Digges, and other members of the 
Russia Company, and who wintered in this bay in 

From imperfect accounts which we possess of Button's 
expedition we learn that Nelson, who accompanied him 
as captain of one of his vessels, died in that bay. 
Button was likewise dispatched, as Hudson had been 
in the previous year, by Sir Dudley Digges and some 
other members of the Russia Company, to search 
for the north-west passage. At the entrance into 
Hudson's Bay he stopped at an island named by 
Hudson after Sir Dudley Digges, in order to put 
together a pinnace which had been brought thither 
with him in pieces. 

It is to be lamented that Tradescant did not remain 
longer in Russia, for, with his spirit of observation 
and his indefatigable zeal in the collection of objects 
of natural history, he would certainly have taken 
note in his journal, of much which would have been 
highly interesting to us now. 

He took with him to England several articles of 
dress, as appears from his Catalogue. At page 49, 
we find the '* Duke of Muscovy's vest, wrought with 
gold upon the breast and armes." The English often 
called the Czar Duke, but likewise Prince. In I6I8, 

u 2 


there was no other Prince at Archangel than the 
Vaivode Audreas Vassilovich Chilkoff : his assistant 
was Bogdan Borissovich Vojeikoff. Probably this 
vest, wrought with gold, came out of the wardrobe of 
Prince ChilkoiF. At page 47, a Russian vest is also 
mentioned. At page 50, Russian stockings, without 
heels, and Russian shoes, shod with iron. At page 
48, boots from Russia ; 46, a knife from Moscovy. At 
page 4, is the Northern Diver or Gorara (in Russian, 
Gagara), or Colymbus, from Muscovy. Hence I 
believe it was that I discovered the dissevered head 
in the so-called Ashmolean Museum. At page 16^, 
is the Rosa Moscovita (Moscovia Rose) before men- 
tioned, from Rose Island. 

Parkinson tells us in 1640, in his " Theatrum 
Botanicum," that Tradescant brought a *' Geranium 
Moscoviticum purpureum " from Russia to England ; 
which has not been described, although it existed for 
a long time in English gardens. 

"G. Muscovit. purpur. groweth in Muscovy, 
brought to us by Mr. John Tradescant, hath not beene 
published, although we have had it longtime in our 

In the catalogue of the plants in South Lambeth 
Garden, which we have often mentioned, there is how- 
ever no "Geranium purpureum," but at page 116, we 
find G. Batracoides fiore coeruleo ; and Tradescant 
writes in his journal, that he found the " Geranium 
flore serulle," on the islands of the delta of the Dwina. 

Two years after his visit to Russia, he undertook 
a voyage into the Mediterranean sea, with the expe- 


dition destined at that period to act against Algiers. 
He brought with him from Fermentera Island, 
" Trifolium stellatum," which Johnson, in his edi- 
tion of Gerard's "Herbal," describes as "Trifolium 
stellatum hirsutum ;" and he informed Parkinson that 
he had seen fields full of Gladiolus in the Barbary 
States. According to Parkinson (" Theatrum Bota- 
nicum"), Tradescant received " Trifolium fragiferum 
Lusitanicum tormentosum," from Guillaume Boel 
of Lisbon. 

Seven years later, in 1627, Tradescant accom- 
panied the ill-fated expedition undertaken by the 
unfortunate Duke of Buckingham (George Villiers), 
under vvhom he was gardener, to La Rochelle and the 
Isle de Rhe the year before his murder. He brought 
from the latter island " Leucojum marinum maxi- 
mum Parkinsoni." Tradescant, the younger, made a 
voyage to Virginia before 1640. He brought with 
him from thence, " Aquilegia Virginiana" (Park. Th. 
Bot., page 1367 ; " Musseum Tradescantianum," page 
84. A. Canadensis, L.) ; " Spargianum mains, sive 
ramosum Virginianum (Park. Th. Bot., page 1206 ; 
Mus Trad, page 1 69) ; " Gelseminum sive Jasminum 
luteum oderatum Virginianum scandens sempervirens" 
(Park. Th. Bot., page 1465 ; " Gelsenium nitidum," 
Mich.); "Cupressus Americana" (Park. Th. Bot., 
page 1477; " ^' Virginiana," Trad., Mus. Trad., page 
106 ; " Taxodium distichum," Rich.). Probably also, 
"Arbor siliquosa locus nostratibus dicta" (Park. Th. 
Bot., page 1550 ; " Locusta Virginiana arbor," Mus. 
Trad., page 135). William Watson mistakes in 


saying (" Phil. Trans." vol. xlvi.) that Tradescant, the 
father, was the first who introduced the cypress. 

I have already mentioned that the three Trades- 
cants, father, son, and grandson, were buried close to 
the palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the 
churchyard of St. Mary's, Lambeth. 

In the so-called Ashmolean Museum, there are 
several portraits in oil of the Tradescants, the father 
and son ; of the young grandson and his stepmother 
Esther there are also portraits. Of the elder Tra- 
descant, a portrait was likewise taken immediately 
after his decease, and a plaster cast of the head pre- 
served. Besides the portrait of the father and son 
previously alluded to, taken by Wenceslaus, the 
Bohemian, for the catalogue of the Museum, it has 
been twice engraved by John Thomas Smith. That 
of Esther Tradescant is engraved by Caulfield singly, 
and together with her stepson (not her son). The 
Tradescants' house at Lambeth was originally en- 
graved by the J. T. Smith just named, for his "An- 
tiquities of London and its Environs" (1791-1800). 
Under the portrait of Tradescant the father, there is 
this inscription : — " Johannes Tradescantus Pater, 
rerum selectarum insignem supellectilem in Recon- 
ditorio Lambethiano prope Londinum, etiamnum vi- 
sendam primus instituit ac locupletavit." Under that 
of the son: — "Johannes Tradescantus Filius, genii 
ingeniique paterni verus heres, relictum sibi rerum 
undique congestarum thesaurum ipse plurimum 
adauxit et in Museo Lambethiano amicis visendum 
exhibet." It is possible that the worthless notes 


which cover the blank paper of the last page of the 
MS. on which I have written the name of the elder 
Traclescant, originated with the younger one who was 
connected with Ashmole. The scrawl commences : — 
" Simpathetical and antipathetical working of herbes, 
plants, stones, minerals, with other utemost virtues, 
sometimes taught by the devil" .... and farther 
on : — " Theare was never any callende mad publik 
before the captivitie of babilon, by which they were 
divided the yeere into twelve parts," &c. 

Even as early as the middle of the preceding cen- 
tury, the English gardeners named some plants after 
Tradescant. First ; the " Phalanguim Ephemerum 
Virginianum," already mentioned, which was then set 
down by Rupp, in Germany, as the parent of the 
Tradescantia genus. Secondly; the " Narcissus pseu- 
donarcissus," which was named by Parkinson in honor 
of Tradescant, and from the number of its petals, as 
well as its yellow colour : — " Pseudonarcissus aureus 
maximus flore pleno, sive roseus Tradescanti ;" and 
last and thirdly, the aster which Tradescant received 
from George Gibbes, a physician at Bath, who 
brought it with him from Virginia, and which is also 
set down by Linnaeus as *' aster Tradescanti," so that 
in botany, not only a species of plants, but likewise a 
tribe is named after Tradescant. In 174'9j William 
Watson visited the Tradescant garden with Dr. 
Mitchell. They found there still growing "Borrago 
latifolia sempervirens (anchusa sempervirens);" " poly- 
gonatum vulgare latifolium (convallaria pol3^gona- 
tum);" " Aristoloehia clematitis rector, Dracontium 


dodonsci (Arum dracimculus) ;" a " Rhamnus catliar- 
ticus" twenty feet high, and nearly one foot thick, and 
two large arbutus trees, which plants we find inserted 
in Tradescant's catalogue. Dr. Andrew Coltie Du- 
carel, the antiquary and historian, during the latter 
part of his life, which terminated in 1785, inhabited 
a portion of Tradescant's house, at the same time th-at 
John Small occupied the other part, which had been 
added by Ashmole, and which Small purchased in I76O. 
In 1773, Ducarel wrote a letter about Tradescant to 
the before-named Dr. Watson, wherein he attempts to 
remove some erroneous ideas with respect to him; and 
this was published in the " Philosophical Transac- 
tions," vol. Ixiii. He supposes, for instance, that 
Tradescant the elder was not a gardener at Canter- 
bury, and was not alive in 1656, and that Ashmole 
purchased the collection from his son. 

The fame which, by means of Parkinson and 
Johnson, accrued to the founder of the garden at 
South Lambeth, doubtless hastened the lavin"- out of 
other botanical gardens. The Oxford physic gardens 
I have already mentioned. Soon afterwards the apo- 
thecaries' garden at Chelsea, which still exists, was 
formed ; it was superintended first by Watts and 
Drody, and more recently by James Petiver and 
Philip Miller. Private gardeners likewise displayed 
zeal for progressive improvement in the science. 
Rose, King Charles the Second's gardener, visited 
Tradescant's garden in 1669, when the widow Esther's 
suit with Ashmole was still pending ; and two years 
before the transfer of the Tradescant collection to 


Oxford, viz. in lC81, four gardeners formed an asso- 
ciation for bringing the cultivation of fruit-trees to 
perfection. Their names were Roger Locker, Queen 
Catherine's gardener, who was likewise superintend- 
ent of many other gardens ; George London, gar- 
dener to the Bishop of London (Henry Compton), at 
Fuiham ; Moses Cooke, gardener to the Earl of 
Essex (Arthur Capel), at Cassiobury and Hadham ; 
and John Field, gardener to the Duke of Bedford 
(William Russel), at Woburn Abbey. Of these gar- 
deners, George London and Moses Cooke are like- 
wise known as authors. The former translated, with 
Henry Wise, two small French works, which he 
published under the title of " The Retired Gar- 
dener." Moses Cooke wrote, " The Manner of 
Raising Forest Trees." 

Sir Hans Sloane was, in 17 12, proprietor of a 
piece of ground which he afterwards ceded to the 
Apothecaries' Guild. Not far from this garden, at 
Chelsea, he spent the latter part of his life, and 
there he died. Sloane's collections of specimens of 
botany and natural history served as the founda- 
tion for the British Museum in London. His 
monument stands on the left shore of the Thames, 
near Chelsea church, whilst the founder of the Oxford 
Museum rests on the right shore of the river at 
Lambeth. Of the now somewhat indistinct bas- 
reliefs on the monument of the three Tradescants, 
there are sketches amongst Pepys' papers, at Mag- 
dalen College, Cambridge, which Dr. Ducarel has had 
engraved (" Philos. Tran." vol. Ixiii.). The epitaph 


placed on the monument at its erection in 1662, 
which was repaired by subscription in 1773, runs 
as follows: — 

" Know, stranger, ere thou pass, beneath this stone 
Lie John Tradescant, grandsire, father, son: 
The last dy'd in his spring ; the other two 
Liv'd till they had travelled art and nature thro'. 
As by their choice collections may appear, 
Of what is rare in land, in seas, in air ; 
Whilst they (as Homer's Iliad in a nut) 
A world of wonders in one closet shut. 
These famous antiquarians that had been, 
Both gardiners to the Rose and Lilly Queen, 
Transplanted now themselves, sleep here; and when 
Angels shall with tlicir trumpets awaken men, 
And fire shall purge the world, these hence shall rise, 
And change their garden for a paradise." 

May the discovery of Tradescant the elder's MS. 
described in these pages, serve to refresh our remem- 
brance of this enthusiastic friend of Flora, and the 
first founder of a museum of natural history in Eng- 
land ; and teach us to value as it deserves, his hitherto 
insufficiently-acknowledged merit. 



In order to give our readers a better account of Sir 
Dudley Digges and some other persons, in whose 
company Tradescant visited Russia, it may be neces- 
sary next to consider what Sir Dudley and the 
Russia Company, founded at Sebastian Cabot's in- 
stigation, have contributed towards the great geo- 
graphical discoveries in the north. 

A review of the history of the expeditions under- 
taken in the last half of the sixteenth and the first 
twenty years of the seventeeth century, to the north, 
north-east, and north-west, shows that they were 
either fitted out by the Russia Company itself, or 
that at least some of its members gave them a help- 
ing hand. 

It has been shown that this was the company 
which, in 1556, dispatched Stephen Burrough, and 
in 1580, Arthur Pet and Jackmann, for the purpose 
of seeking a north-east passage. An active member 
of the same company, William Sanderson, was the 
chief investigator of the expedition commanded by 
John Davis, in which Davis' Straits were discovered 
to the north-west, and Hope Sanderson was reached. 


All the Russian historians repeat a mistake at 
first made in the extract from the " Dwina Annual 
Record," which was unfortunately lost, viz. that 
Dutch vessels sailed to the Dwina as early as 1555, 
which was hut the second year after Chancellor's 
first arrival there. This was not the case, for we 
have seen that the first Dutch vessel dispatched to 
the Lapland coast at Philip Vinterhonig's instigation, 
arrived there in 1565 ; but that it was in 1577 
that the first reached the Dwina, and which be- 
longed to Gilles Hoofman, Nine years later, in 
1586, the first French vessel appeared there, from 
Dieppe, commanded by Jean Sauvage. 

The frequently-repeated visits of the Dutch to 
the Dwina led to the three expeditions undertaken 
by them in 1594, 1595, and 1596, with the object 
of searching for a north-east passage. With refer- 
ence to the last voyage, I have had an opportunity 
of making some observations on the return to Kola. 
Here I am reminded that, in sailing northwards from 
the North Cape, an island was discovered in 74° 30', 
which the Dutch named Bear's Land, or Bear's 
Island, because they had a long contest there with 
one of these animals, and that this island beino-, so 
to say, discovered anew by the English in 16U4, was, 
in the ensuing year named, by a member of the 
Russia Company, Cherry Island. 

If, on a globe, or on a chart of the Arctic Regions, 
we look at the appellations bestowed on different 
places towards the north, east, and west, after passing- 
Cherry Island, the following observations occur : 


On Spitzbergen, which is situated due north of it, 
we see a mountain named after the " Muscovie Com- 
pany ; " and on this island we likewise find the 
names of some active members of the same com- 
pany. One of these, whose name occurs three times 
in the northern part of the island, Sir Thomas Smith, 
was, as we shall hereafter mention, in Moscow, in 
1601—5, as the first Ambassador sent there by King 
James the First, and was for some time at the head 
of the Russia Company. Another member, Ben- 
jamin Deicrowe, was the London agent of the same, 
and is incidentally mentioned by Tradescant in the 
" Journal" of his voyage, where he speaks of the 
whale-fishery. In the British Museum 1 have seen 
a MS. of his. 

Round half the globe, to the right, we read mostly 
the names of our countrymen (Russians), as monu- 
ments to the fame of the Russian spirit of enterprise ; 
and to the honour of our country's navy, Russian 
navigators have accomplished, eastwards of Nova 
Zembla and Matvejeva Zembla, what was imprac- 
ticable for English and Dutch voyagers, on account 
of the ice. To the left, however, in the farthest 
part of North America, stands, far beyond Hope 
Sanderson, in Baffin's Bay, the name of Sir Dudley 
Digges ; and still higher, even on the most northern 
point of America which has been explored, we again 
discern Sir Thomas Smith's name. Between both, we 
see that of another active member of the Russia Com- 
pany, John Wolstenholme, in a bay, in the neigh- 
bourhood of which, at Serillack, is situated, accord- 


ing to Ross, the northernmost settlement of Esqui- 
maux, whence Baron Wrangel proposes that an ex- 
pedition be undertaken in sledges drawn by dogs 
on the ice to the North Pole. The names of the 
three members of the Russia Company whom we 
have just mentioned, we find at the entrance into 
Hudson's Bay. 

The existence of the names we have quoted in 
the high north, is owing to the expedition under- 
taken by the great geographical discoverers, Hudson, 
Button (with Nelson), and Bileth (with Baffin), whose 
names will only perish with the w^orld itself; and 
who were sent forth by Sir Dudley Digges, Sir 
Thomas Smith, John Wolstenholme, and some other 
members of the Russia Company, in order to follow 
out Sebastian Cabot's eai'lier discovery. Thus 
through the Russia Company was it that two empires 
now entirely surround the world in the north, and 
that the possessions of England and Russia join just 
opposite to Cherry Island. 

This great and important result requires a review 
of the persons who brought it about. 

Francis Cherry, whose name now figures on the 
map of the world, at the northernmost point of the 
continent of Europe, devoted himself in Russia, and 
particularly at Moscow, to a practical life. In the 
time of Ivan Vassilovitch he was employed by the 
English factory on the Varvarka at Kitai Gorod. 
He acquired so good a knowledge of the Russian, 
that he was employed at Court as interpreter 
(" Mister Francis Cherry was the Emperour, Ivan 


Basilivich, his interpreter"). In our public docu- 
ments he is named " Frangike Tsarei." He is also 
mentioned as " Frangike Ivanoff," whence it appears 
that his father's Christian name was John. 

About the period when, through Jermach, 
the extensive Transural region, " with the golden 
soil," came into the possession of Russia ; when 
Anthony Marsh, the company's agent at Moscow, 
sent a Russian Commissioner, with a Samoiede, over 
the Yugorian chain for sable skins ; when some 
Promuschlenniks from Pustosersk proposed to this 
Marsh to sail past Matvei's Land to the Oby ; and 
when the Stroganoffs, through Oliver Brunei, thought 
of exploring Siberia from the Icy Sea, — Cherry 
travelled to Permia (''he has travailed in person 
into Permia, farre to the east in Russia"). He 
appears to have advanced farther than the Strogo- 
noffs' possessions, viz. to the east side of the Ural, 
for he ate sturgeon from the Oby ("Francis Cherry 
saith that he hath eaten of the sturgeon that come 
out of the river Obi"). Some of the natives, who had 
been great travellers, told him that in the east there 
was a warm (not frozen) sea ("the Russes that are 
great travellers say, that beyond Ob to the south- 
east there is a warme sea, which they expresse in 
the Russe tongue — Za Obu reca moria teupla"). We 
know that in 1567 two Cossacks traversed the whole 
of Siberia, and advanced as far as Pekin. 

When Jerome Horsey was about to embark for 
England in 1587, Francis Cherry delivered him at 
Rose Island a piece of goldstuiF and beautiful sable 


furs, as a present from Boriss Federovitch Godunoff, 
in order that he mioht have a dress made from them 
in remembrance of him. Soon afterwards Cherry 
came to England with a letter from the Czar, 
Theodore Ivanovitch, to Elizabeth. In 1591 he 
aoain brought letters to the Queen from the Czar 
Theodore, and Boriss Godunoff, and from the latter 
likewise to Lord Burghley. In 1596 we find Cherry 
elected a member of the Russia Company. 

On the 2nd of July, 1598, he returned to Moscow 
with letters from Elizabeth to the Czar, Theodore 
Ivanovitch, and to Boriss Godunoff, it not being 
known at the time of his departure from London that 
the former had died on the 7th of January. On the 
1 1th of July he had the honour of delivering his letters 
to the new Czar, Boriss Godunoff, and on the 20th 
he reported to England that the rumour which had 
been spread of Elizabeth's having supplied the Sultan 
with cannon and warlike stores, originated with a 
Pole. In December, Cherry was sent back to Lon- 
don by way of Novogorod and Pskov, and there gave 
the first information of a projected marriage between 
the Czar's daughter, Kseni Borissovna, and Prince 
John the younger of Denmark, and stated that the 
Lubeckers sought to extend their trade to Moscow. 
It was also Cherry who, in 1599, negotiated the en- 
gagement of Dr. Timothy Willie, who was to succeed 
Dr. Mark Ridley at Moscow, where he had arrived 
in 1594, and whence Elizabeth ordered him back in 
1598. In 1601, he was employed in London as 
assistant in the translation of some Russian letters 


from GodunofF, brought to Elizabeth by Richard 

In 1603, the well-known Cherry sent a vessel, 
named the Grace, to Kola, where Josias Logan, who 
had been appointed factor or agent for the manage- 
ment of the business, was to be left. From Kola 
the vessel sailed to the north, according to the in- 
structions given by Cherry, in order, if possible, to 
reach the 80th degree of latitude, and make geogra- 
phical discoveries. William Gordon from Hull was 
appointed factor for this part of the voyage. On the 
l6th of August the vessel made the above-mentioned 
island, which lies in 74° 80'. Gordon and Bennet 
seem to have been ignorant, notwithstanding the 
accounts of the Dutch voyages in 1596, which were 
then in existence, that the island had been previously 

Cherry desired to have this island examined more 
closely, particularly as Gordon and Bennet had dis- 
covered traces of its being frequented by walruses. 
Consequently, in the following year, 1604, in which 
he likewise escorted Sir Thomas Smith, who was 
on his way to Moscow, as far as Gravesend, he 
dispatched another vessel, named the Good Speed, 
under the command of the same Captain Bennet, 
and with Thomas Weldon as factor. Bennet was 
first to sail to the Kola, and the Petschenza Bights, 
on the Lapland coast, where a commodious bay is 
still called the foreign station ('* nemetzkoe stano- 
wischtsche"), and then to endeavour to reach that 
island a second time. On it were now found a great 



many walruses, and as they did not yet understand 
how to kill them with lances, they fired at them ; but 
when all the powder and lead they had taken with 
them were exhausted, the idea struck them of shooting 
these unwieldy but powerful animals in one eye with 
a blowpipe, and then attacking them on the blind 
side — (our promiischlenniks are accustomed, where 
the nature of the ground allows of it, to throw 
shovelsful of sand on the heads and into the eyes 
of the walruses before they fall upon them with 
lances). On the return of the vessel with a large 
quantity of walrus-teeth and hides, the island was 
named in London after Sir Francis Cherry. 

To these first two expeditions in 1603 and 1604, 
now succeeded many others; which gradually acquired 
importance in a commercial as well as in a geogra- 
phical point of view. 

Bennet and Weldon were again sent to Cherry 
Island in 1605, and as in this voyage they had the 
misfortune to be plundered, by Dunkirkers, of almost 
all their firearms, they were compelled again to adopt 
the method, still pursued, of killing the walruses wdth 
lances. From their blubber oil was boiled on the 
island in cauldrons, taken with them, and eleven 
tons of it were brought to London as a new product 
of industry. 

In 1606, besides the former vessels with the per- 
sons already mentioned, a pinnace was sent equipped 
by another member of the Russia Company; the 
commander was Jonas Poole, who had made the 
previous voyages in the vessel of which Bennet was 


captain. They now understood this new description 
of sport so well, that in the course of six hours about 
eight hundred walruses were slain. 

In the following year (I6O7) another ship, the 
" Paul," commanded by Thomas Weldon, sailed for 
Cherry Island, dispatched by a London brewer of the 
name of Duppa. The trip was repeated in I6O8, 
but the master was instructed by the company to 
touch at " Tipany," in Lapland. We can scarcely 
suppose that by Tipany, the harbour (" Korabelnaja 
guba") between Cape Tipunov and Cape Korabelnoi 
(in the map Cape Sergejev), at the east end of 
Riibatschii, is meant. Waida Bay, at the north end 
of this peninsula, was then often called Wedagoba, 
or also Kegor from Cape Kekur, which was near it. 
On this occasion a thousand walruses were killed in 
seven hours, and a pair of young ones were captured, 
of which the male was brought to London, and 
even to the palace, to be shewn to King James. 
Another vessel, the " Dragon," not belonging to the 
company, had arrived at Cherry Island ; she was 
also dispatched by Duppa, and commanded by Richard 

In 1609 two vessels sailed for account of the com- 
pany, one, the " Lioness," with Jonas Poole and 
Thomas Weldon, went straight to Cherry Island, and 
on the 8th of May took formal possession of it for 
the Russia Company. In the other, the " Paul," 
was Thomas Edge, an apprentice to the same com- 
pany, as factor, and who was first to go to " Tipany," 
in Lapland, for the purpose of loading fish. Edge 

X 2 


arrived later at Cherry Island, and took Josias 
Logan with hira. The " Lioness " then went to 
Archangfel, and the factors returned to London in 
the " Paul," now commanded by Poole. They brought 
with them two young bears, which for a long time 
were exhibited to the public in Paris Garden (in 
Southwark, not far from the Thames, between Black- 
friars and Southwark Bridges). 

In 1610, the Russia Company once more dispatched 
two vessels, the " Lioness," with Thomas Edge, to 
Cherry Island, and the " Amitie," with Jonas Poole, 
to make discoveries in the north. Poole, whose lieu- 
tenant was Nicholas Woodcock, arrived in May at 
Spitzbergen, which had been seen by the Dutch in 
159fi, and in I6O7 by Hudson, but which the English 
now maintained had been discovered bv Sir Hugh 
Willoughby in 1553. Poole named the high moun- 
tain, the peak of which was first discerned by him, 
Muscovie Companies Mount. Walruses were killed 
there likewise, and twelve tons of their oil brought 
to London. The horn of a narwhale, then usually 
called a sea-unicorn, which was considered a great 
curiosity, formed part of their spoil. 

Henry Hudson, who in I6O7 had made a voyage 
to the north, in I6O8 and 1609 others to the north- 
west, and in the latter year one also to the west, and 
had discovered the river named after him, was again 
dispatched westward by Sir Dudley Digges, John 
Wolstenholme, and some other members of the 
Russia Company. His ship appears to have been 
the "Discoverv," the same in which Button with 


Nelson, and then Bileth with Baffin, afterwards made 
their voyages. In our most recent Arctic chart (pub- 
lished in 1845), it is stated by mistake that Bileth 
was under Baffin's orders. When Hudson, in the 
joyful hope that he had at last discovered the long- 
wished-for passage, entered the straits which will 
ever be called after him, he bestowed names on the 
capes and islands in the following order : — God's 
Great Mercie, Hold with Hope, Magna Britannia, 
Henry (after the Prince of Wales, successor to the 
throne), James (after the King), Ann (after the 
Queen), Charles (after the second son of the King, 
and afterwards King himself), Salisbury (after Robert 
Cecil, son of William), and lastly, at the entrance 
into the ba}^ likewise named after him, Digges and 

It happened that the cape to which Sir Dudley 
Digges' name was assigned, did not form a part of 
the main land, but of an island. Digges' Island be- 
came frequented ; and when the sailors were returning 
with the vessel in the following spring, after the wicked 
deed perpetrated on Hudson, the principal supercargo, 
Henry Green, and some others, were murdered on it 
by the savages. Abacuck Pricket, who was in Sir 
Dudley Digges' service, gave such an account, on his 
return, of the strong westerly current near Digges' 
Island, by which the vessel which had touched on a 
rock there was floated off, that Sir Dudley determined 
on sending another vessel there in the following year 

In 1611, Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of the 


Russia Company, dispatched two vessels, the *' Mary 
Margaret" and the "Elizabeth," to Spitzbergen, 
which had been visited by Poole in the preceding 
year ; the first of these was commanded in chief by 
Edge, whilst Bennet was the sailing-master, and Poole 
was captain of the other. The latter was to endea- 
vour to reach the North Pole from Spitzbergen (New 
Land, Greenland), but only advanced as far as the 
eightieth degree. With Edge were six skilful whalers 
from St. Jean de Luz. The ice in the bays was an 
obstacle to the fishery, nevertheless they caught one 
whale, and from its blubber oil was boiled, for the 
first time in Spitzbergen, in the bay which, in 16 10, 
had been named Crosse Road by Poole, and which 
was probably situated in the north part of the island. 
Oil was likewise obtained at Foule Sound, from the 
walruses which were killed there. Both vessels were 
lost, and the whole of the crews returned in a vessel 
which arrived at Spitzbergen from Hull for the whale 
fishery, viz., the " Hopewell," commanded by Captain 
Thomas Marmaduke. Some of the oil which was on 
board the other vessels, was likewise brought in her 
to England. 

Sir Thomas Smith, at the same time that he sent 
the two above-named vessels in l6ll, dispatched 
Josias Logan, whom Cherry had placed as factor at 
Kola, with William Pursglove, an assistant, and Mar- 
maduke Wilson, an apprentice, to Pustosersk, not far 
from the Petschora river, in order, if possible, there 
to establish a direct trade with England ; for at Mos- 
cow, at that time, no attention was paid to commercial 


affairs. On board the " Amitie," a vessel com- 
manded by James Vaden, and which brought the 
above-named persons to the Petschora, the pilot was 
William Gordon, the same who with Bennet was sent 
by Cherry to the north in l603, and first arrived at 
Cherry Island ; moreover, the interpreter was Richard 
Finch, who had learnt Russian at the factory at Mos- 
cow, and who, as we shall see, was in 1605 dispatched 
by the pseudo-Demetrius after Sir Thomas Smith, 
who was on his road from Moscow to Archangfel. 

On the bar across the Petschora mouth, formed by 
Petschorsky and Medgansky- Savorot, the vessel 
touched the ground, but was got off and passed over 
without any damage. The cape, now called by us 
Russkv Savorot, which bounds the Petschora mouth 
to the west, is always named by Finch Petschorsky 
Savorot. It is thus set down in the chart of our 
north coast, which we shall hereafter mention more 
particularly, and which Isaac Massa has preserved 
for us, and this is probably a better appellation than 
the other. Finch correctly indicates the position of 
the islands of Dolgoi and Ostroff, which are inside 
this Savorot in the Ssuchoe Loch, and remarks that 
they must not be confounded with the other Dolgoi 
islands, situated to the south of Matvejeff Ostroff. 
The Mangasei coasters sailed to Matvejeff Island 
from the mouth of the Petschora in thirty hours with 
a fair wind, and from thence to the Yugorian inlet in 
nine hours. Linschoten, in 159i, copied the inscrip- 
tion found on a large wooden cross, discovered on 
Matvejeff Island, which was then named by the 


Dutch, Mauritius Island. This cross stood on the 
west side of a narrow spit turned to the north. 
Forster confounded the islands of Matvejeff and 
Dolgoi with each other. Logan calls the Mediinskoi 
Savorot of the present chart, Medenskoi, and Finch, 

The ** Amitie " lay at anchor in the bay, when, on 
the 11th of July, Logan, Pursglove, and Gordon were 
rowed in the shallop by six men through Ssuchoje 
More to the Petschora river, in order to ascend it as 
far as Pustosersk, which they reached on the l6th. 
On the way they called at several fishermen's huts, 
the owners of which fled, because they took the 
strangers at first sight for Poles ; indeed, in one in- 
stance they fired on the sailors remaining in the boat. 
The people's terrors were usually dispelled by aqua 

In 1611, Pustosersk, notwithstanding a destructive 
fire which had taken place shortly before, still con- 
tained about one hundred houses and three churches. 
It had no Vaivode ; for the last, as Logan related, 
set fire to the castle in the winter of 1610-11, by 
which a hundred houses perished in the flames ; and 
he then took his departure. Logan said : *' In times 
past these places have been good for trading ; but 
now, by reason of a bad Governour, in these trouble- 
some times, upon a spleene he has fired the towne, 
and burned above an hundred houses, and so by that 
means they have fallen into poverty, and trading has 
decayed by reason of his great exactions." Now, on 
the arrival of the English, the tax-gatherers were the 


highest public functionaries in the place. It was 
only after eight days' deliberation that they gave 
Logan and his two companions permission to take up 
a temporary residence at Pustosersk. " In the mean- 
time wee made much of them, and feasted them with 
our aqua vitse, biscuit, and figs, that we might the 
better obtayne their love." It was a fortunate cir- 
cumstance that just at the commencement Logan was 
recognised by a native of Cholmogorii who was pre- 
sent, at whose uncle's he had resided for a twelve- 
month at Kola, and where he had been previously 
seen by him. They did not fail, moreover, to display 
copies of the different charters granted by the Czar 
up to that time. Logan afterwards dwelt, strangely 
enough, at the house of a Pole, Jurgevitch (Uriavich), 
who had been some time before a prisoner at Tobolsk 
and at Beresov, but had returned to Moscow. At 
the time of his conversion to the Greek Church he 
received the name of Trifon. On the 25th, Gordon 
and Pursglove returned to the '* Amitie " with some 
wares they had purchased — the former to sail further 
on, but the latter with the intention of going back to 
Pustosersk with Wilson, and bringing with him from 
the vessel sundry commodities for trading. 

From Logan and Pursglove, as well as from Gor- 
don, who accompanied them from the vessel to the 
city, we learn much of that region, especially with re- 
ference to its branches of industry and trade. Josias 
Logan was an acquaintance of Hakluyt's, then a 
canon in Westminster Abbey. Hence it was that 
Logan and Gordon (on the lyth of June) bestowed 


Hakluyt's name on a river on Koljujeff Island, in the 
same way that similar testimonials of respect had 
been given him elsewhere by the Russia Company's 
agents. Thus his name appears on the north side of 
Spitzbergen, and likewise in Baffin's Bay, quite close 
to that of Sir Thomas Smith. Logan wrote to Hak- 
luyt on the 24th of July, viz. on the evening prior to 
Gordon's return to the vessel which was awaiting him 
in Petschora Bay, that in the winter two (he afterwards 
says three) thousand Samoiedes arrived at Pustosersk 
with goods, amongst which might be some that the 
English had not even dreamt of (" which may be such 
as we dreamed not on yet"). He heard of the Jenisei 
river, which flows near China, and as he by chance 
saw a piece of an elephant's tooth, which had been 
purchased from a Samoiede (and which was probably 
procured from a fossil), he believed himself to be on 
the right road to China ("you may perceive what 
hope there is of this enterprise"). On the l6th of 
August he wrote again from Pustosersk to Hakluyt, 
mentioning the abundance of salmon, beluga, walrus, 
and seal-oil; white foxes and feathers. He points 
out the route by water through the Jugorsky to the 
Oby, and mentions the Jenisei, the Tungousi, &c. 
Logan considered this information so interesting, that 
he requested Hakluyt to furnish the Earl of Salisbury 
(Robert Cecil), Lord High Treasurer, with a copy of 
the letter. This information was repeated in I6II 
to Hakluyt, the celebrated historian of voyages. As 
he died in I6I6, when he had made no use of Logan's 
letters, they afterwards came into the possession of 


Purchas, who published them. At Pustosersk, the 
young Andreas Artamonovitch Matvejeff spent three 
years (from 1677 to 1680) with his exiled father, 
Artamon Sserjevitch, and his preceptor, Poborsky 
the Pole, who had voluntarily accompanied him. The 
father was, as we know, a favourite of the Czar, 
Alexis Michaelovitch ; and in his house the latter 
became acquainted with Natalia Kirilovna, Peter's 
mother. In 1691 the son was Vaivode of the Dwina 
district, and in 1699 Ambassador to Holland. In 
I7O8 he was Ambassador to Louis the Fourteenth of 
France, and in 1707 to Queen Anne of England, 
where (in London) he was arrested in the street for a 
small debt. In I712 he was Ambassador to Vienna, 
and in 1715 Count of the Holy Roman Empire, His 
eldest daughter was grandmother of the imperial 
chancellor. Count Rumanzoff. 

The chief industrial occupation of the Pustoserkers 
was the fishery of the Beluga Dolphin ("Delphinus 
leuca"), near Cape Bolvan, to the east of the exten- 
sive delta of the Petschora, for the purpose of ex- 
tracting their oil, and of salmon ("Salmo nobilis"), 
and salmon-trout (*' Salmo omul"), for their own use 
as well as for salting them down for exportation. 
Pursglove was himself present, in 1612, at the fishing 
for belugas at Bolvanovsky Cape. About fifty boats, 
each with three or four men, had arrived there from 
Pustosersk, distant two days' sail, on the 23rd and 
24th June. He describes the size of the belugas, 
the mode of harpooning them, and the abundance 
of oil which they produce. This fishery lasted from 


the 24th of June until the 20th of July, and then 
they proceeded to their chase after the ducks, geese, 
and swans. The walrus-hunt, for the oil, teeth, and 
hides, was carried on by the Pustoserskers at the 
same places frequented by the natives of the Mesen, 
Pinega, and Dwina, viz. at Waigat and on the coast 
of Nova Zembla, as well the Karian Sea. In Isaac 
Massa's very interesting map, we find seventy 
mouths of the Dwina set down at the Petschora 
delta. This map, published by Hassel Gerard in 
1613, and unseen by Muller, was originally drawn 
up at Moscow, with the names of the places in the 
Russian language, including all that existed up to 
the year 1601, for it contained the city of Tasovskoi- 
Gorod, which was built in this year on the eastern 
shore of the Tas, which was also called Mangasei. 

Logan said that in 1610 the Pustoserskers caught 
fifteen thousand salmon, and describes them as very 
fat. Three of them usually weighed a pood. As 
much as from one to four Russian pence (dengi) 
were paid for the fish. From eighty to one hundred 
salmon were exchanged for a pood of salt. The salmon 
were so plentiful at Cape Bolvanoff, that at the end 
of the summer the fishermen knew not what to do 
with them, and many were actually spoilt, especially 
when salt was dear. 

Finch wrote that the Orauli (wandering salmon) 
were caught particularly near both the Selenniija 
Islands (great and small), situated opposite to Med- 
jansky Savorot. He describes them as resembling 
mackerel ("like maccarels"); and Logan says that 


it was a fish of very good flavour (*' a very sweet 

The Pustoserkers also carried on a chase after 
geese, ducks, swans, and white grouse (the Eng- 
lish wrote partridges), partly on account of the 
flesh, which was used fresh, and salted for winter, 
and partly on account of the feathers, with which 
they traded, and of which Logan immediately 
purchased a considerable quantity (five-and-forty 
sacks full), and shipped them on board the vessel 
which was returning with Gordon and Finch. White 
grouse feathers were sold by the Pustoserskers at five 
altins the pood ; duck feathers, including the down, 
at seven to eight altins. Formerly white grouse fea- 
thers had been given away by the Cholmogorii people 
for two-pence (dengi) a pood and a piece of soap, 
which at Cholmogorii cost ten pence (dengi). 

From Logan and Pursglove's descriptions, it ap- 
pears that Lamposhna (on an island on the Mesen) 
was no longer, in I6II, the place it was for some 
years after Chancellor's arrival in Russia, where a 
great market was held ; but instead of this fair, there 
was then an important village, where now stands the 
chief town of Mesen. This place was founded by the 
Okladnikoffs from Novogorod. It is to be wished 
that the lower portion of the river Mesen — at all 
events, as far as a little above Lamposhna — were pro- 
perly set down on a chart. One place, called Mesen, 
was formerly situated higher up the river of this 
name. Hither, twice every winter, viz. before Advent 
and before the great fasts, " Permacks " and Samoi- 


edes came in great numbers to carry on a trade by 
barter with the Russians, who assembled there from 
Cholmogorii, Vologda, and other places. The in- 
habitants of Pustosersk were wont to bring principally 
salmon and omuli (omellies) in sledges drawn by rein- 
deer. From Sslobodka they were conveyed farther on 
by horses. Almost all the Pustoserskers travelled 
with their own reindeer. Some of them possessed as 
many as twenty or thirty, which in winter were let out 
for the conveyance of fish, and in summer were en- 
trusted to the care of the Samoiedes. In November, 
1611, about seventy reindeer sledges proceeded with 
fish from Pustosersk to Sslobodka. 

On the 23rd of November, I6II, Pursglove tra- 
velled from Pustosersk to Sslobodka with the reindeer 
caravan, named " Argish," which consisted of two 
hundred and ten sledges (Narten), to almost all of 
which two reindeer were yoked. About two hundred 
loose reindeer likewise went with them. 

The road from Pustosersk to Sslobodka, the present 
city of Mesen, lies over the chain of mountains which 
we are accustomed to call Timan, and to which the 
name of Tschaitzin Kamen is also often appHed. 
Pursglove simply calls it "Camen;" and as he had 
newly arrived in the country, he probably repeated 
the name just as he had heard it from the Russians in 
1611. Loschak, the master of the fishing-boat, 
speaking to Stephen Burrough in 1556, gave the 
mountain chain at the Yugarion Inlet the name of 
" Bolschoi Cumen." One continuation of the Ural 
we clearly see at Waigat, and we might well expect 


(o discover one of the Timaii at the Peninsula of 
Kanin. Might not, then, Kanin be a corruption 
of Kamen ? Kanin Noss then would properly have 
been called Kamennoi Noss, and meant the Cape of 
the Timan chain. If Russians, who, like Pursglove, 
had travelled by the land route between Sslobodka and 
Pustosersk, and thus had passed over the Kamen, 
stretching to the north-west, were now to undertake 
to go thither by water, they would again find the 
Kamen at the solstitial point of their voyage. This 
Kamen the Samoiedes, or other strangers, may have 
turned into Kanin. For the reading world, the pre- 
sent Kanin Noss received this name on the 8th of 
July, 1556. On this day Stephen Burrough wrote in 
his journal, " We plyed neerer the heedland which is 
called Caninoz." This name he heard from the 
fishermen whom he brought in his company from the 
Kola Gulf, and may, like so many others, have noted 
it down incorrectly. The Dutch, in 1 594-1 597> had 
made Candinoes and Candenoes out of Burrouoh's 
Caninoz. In Linskoten's map, Camenkh still stands, 
together with Candenos. On the before-mentioned 
chart, representing the south coast of the White 
Sea, Waigat, Nova Zembla, and the Karian Sea, 
(which Isaac Massa succeeded in procuring at Mos- 
cow,) we find Canninoos and Caninoos. In 1611, 
Gordon wrote that in conversation the Cape was 
"corruptly" termed Candinos, for that it was really 
Callinos. Is it not probable that Gordon here in- 
tended to write Canninos? The Russian explanation 
on the large map (" bolsckoi tschertesh") has it, 


" Konez gorii Schamagodskago (Ssamojedskago ?) 
Kamini " (end of the Samoiede Kamen). The word 
Kanin does not here appear. At Pustosersk the dis- 
tance from " Menschoi Kamen," the Timan, is 
quoted. Linguists should examine whether Timan 
may not have gradually been produced from Kamen. 
We find the word likewise changed into Kimin 
(Cuminum, Carraway), Timon, and even Tinin. 

Ten altins were paid for the hire of a yoke of rein- 
deer from Pustosersk to Sslobodka, which journey, a 
distance of nearly five hundred versts, was generally 
performed in sixteen days. At Sslobodka, where 
Pursglove arrived on the 9th of December, he unex- 
pectedly found an Englishman established, named 
Thomas Ligon, who was glad to be able to enter- 
tain him in his house. This Ligon had been servant 
to Richard Cockes, one of the persons previously em- 
ployed by the company in Russia. Cockes, together 
with five others, was alluded to by Queen Elizabeth 
in a letter to the Czar Theodore Ivanovitch, dated 
the 14th of January, 1592, as faithless to the com- 
pany. Cockes was nevertheless a member of the 
company in London at a later period, and his name 
appears in the charter granted to it in December, 
1604 by the pseudo-Demetrius. In writing of his 
meeting with Ligon at Sslobodka, Pursglove says : 
" Saluting mee in English, he marvelled much to 
meet me there, and caried me from the rest of my 
company to his lodging, and gave me there very kind 
entertaynement. The next morning I departed thence 
in his sled, having overnight hired a horse to the next 


towne, which was fifteen versts off, and so travelling 
day and night, changing horses at every convenient 
place." From Sslobodka Pursglove travelled in a 
horse-sledge to Cholmogorli, where he met Fabian 
Smith, the Anglo-Russian Company's agent. 

This journey was performed by the loaded sledges 
in six days, and fourpence (dengi) per pood were 
paid for carriage. Pursglove went back to Sslobodka 
in the like manner, for the purpose of returning with 
the reindeer-caravan to Pustosersk, which this time 
consisted of two hundred and fifty sledges. He 
reached that place on the 5th of January, 1612. 

Ust Ziilven is a place situated more than two 
hundred versts south of Pustosersk, higher up the 
Petschora, just opposite to the embouchure (ustje) 
of the Ziilven. Logan embarked in a boat to proceed 
up the Petschora, with his host, the Pole, Jurjevitch, 
on the 26th of May, 1612 ; the passage lasted four 
days. On the 9th of June he quitted Ust Ziilven, 
and on the 11th returned to Pustosersk. 

He had been informed, as Finch had been before 
him, that he would find at the Petschora many elk- 
hides, as well as beaver, and other furs. He took 
with him principally cloth and copper kettles for 
barter, but did not succeed in trading as much as he 
had expected. The place he describes as a village, 
with about forty houses. According to the description 
of the " Bolschoi "^J'schertesh," there was then, as 
now, a church dedicated to the miracle-working St. 
Nicholas. Formerly it was written Tschilma, as well 
as Schulma. Logan found the barley growing near 



Ust Ziilven to be nearly as white as rice j and rye was 
likewise cultivated there. 

On the 24th of June Pursglove was sent by Logan 
to the mouth of the Petschora, where the fishery of 
belugas and omuli then began, with orders to pur- 
chase all the beluga oil on the spot. On the 5th of 
August, Logan and Wilson joined hira there, with a 
view to assist at the conclusion of the oil-boiling. 
The casks were then placed on board a fishing craft 
(Lodge), and brought by Logan and his two com- 
panions to Archangel, whence all three proceeded 
to Cholmogorii, and arrived there on the 29th of 

The "Amitie," the vessel, which brought them to 
Petschora the previous year, had set sail immediately 
after Gordon's return from Pustosersk, on the 1st of 
August, 1611. 

The day before its departure from the Petschora 
Gulf (on the 31st of July), a fleet of about thirty 
kotschen, or lodgen (coasting and fishing craft), sailed 
into it. These came from Ustjug, Cholmogorii, 
Pinega, and Mesen. Mangasei had been their 
destination; but, through contrary winds and the late 
season, they had given up the voyage, and decided on 
leaving the craft with their caro^oes at Pustosersk 
for the winter, proceeding themselves to their homes 
in small boats on the Zulma, and then on the Pesa, 
and other rivers. They were loaded with meal, bacon, 
butter, oatmeal " tolokno " (pounded and dried oats), 
and salt, as well as with some yeast, leather, and 
cloth. For Pustosersk itself only two craft had ar- 



rived in I6II with similar commodities. As they 
mostly fed on fish, little meal and that of poor qua- 
lity, was consumed. 

I here quote some remarks from Logan's journal, 
with reference to his stay at Pustosersk, because we 
really know so very little of the habits of the people at 
that time in this remote spot. On the 12th of January, 
1612, an order reached Pustosersk for a complete fast 
to be observed during three whole days and nights ; 
even infants were not to be exempted. It began on 
the following day : " They neither eating nor drinking 
so much as water, neither admitted they their sucking 
babes, save those that fainted, to whom they gave a 
few figs and a little water." On the 23rd, the 
*' Carritchey " (properly Churjutschi) Samoiedes ar- 
rived at Pustosersk. Logan invited their chief, with 
his son, grandson, and nephew, to dinner on the .SOth. 
He related that they were in open war with the 
Samoiedes of Mangasei, and that consequently on 
this occasion they had been able to bring but few 
commodities with them. He mentioned that two years 
previously they had seen some other vessels near 
Waigat, but had been afraid to show themselves. 
" They seemed to be glad of our coming, when they 
saw our behaviour, and the entertainment they had of 
us. Neverthelesse they are very timorous, and un- 
reasonable covetous, as by more acquaintance I per- 
ceived by them." On the 2nd of February most of 
the Samoiedes proceeded with their goods to Sslo- 
bodka (on the Mesen). On the 1st of March the 
Russians departed, with the goods they had obtained 

Y 2 


by barter. On the 11th of April the Pustoserskers 
returned from Sslobodka, bringing rye, rye-meal, 
and other provisions. On the 21st of June seven 
** Ssoimas " belonging to Pustosersk, Ust Ziilma, Pi- 
nega, and Mesen, sailed for Mangasei — Logan and 
Pursglove wrote Molgomsey, Gordon Mongauzey 
and Munganzea. According to Miiller, the Sa- 
moiedes inhabiting the country about the Tas were 
called Mokassei. This was the origin of the Rus- 
sian name of Mangasei, bestowed upon this region, 
as well as upon the city built there in 1601, but 
in no way was it derived from the European word 

In London orders had been given to Gordon and 
Finch, that, if they did not find walruses (mohorses) 
somewhere in considerable numbers, they were to 
endeavour either to reach the Oby from the Petschora, 
or discover Sir Hugh Willoughby's (problematical) 
Land. After this they were to touch at Cherry 
Island on their way home. But as the vessel had 
been obliged to lie at anchor for so considerable a 
period in the Petschora Gulf, they could neither ap- 
proach Nova Zembla on account of the ice in the 
Straits of Waigat, nor was any Willoughby's Land to 
be discovered ; and when they reached Cherry Island, 
Poole had not long before quitted it in the '* Eliza- 
beth " for Spitzbergen, as they learnt from a letter 
which he had left behind him. They set sail, there- 
fore, in the " Amitie," for the Thames. 



In 1612 the Russia Company sent two vessels 
to Spitzbergen, the " Seahorse," under the com- 
mand of Thomas Edge, and the " Whale," under 
John Russell. On board of one of these was Gor- 
don, who, as we have just seen, had, with Finch, 
accompanied Logan to the Petschora, and likewise 
visited the town of Pustosersk. They fell in with a 
Dutch and a Spanish ship, both commanded by Eng- 
lishmen who had been in the company's service. One 
of them, Allen Sallowes, had made many voyages 
between the Thames and the Dwina, and the other, 
Nicholas Woodcock, had served under Jonas Poole. 
Both these foreign ships were ordered off by Edge. 

Edge ordered Sallowes to come on board his ship, 
but allowed him to depart in freedom. Woodcock, on 
his return to London, was imprisoned for eighteen 
months, but in 1 614 we find him again at Spitz- 
bergen, as commander of the *' Prosperus." 

Thomas Marmaduke, from Hull, who, without the 
Russia Company's permission, often sailed to Spitz- 
bergen, attained the eighty-second degree of north 
latitude in 16I2, with his ship, the '* Hopewell." In 


the preceding year, Woodcock, who, after the loss of 
Edge's vessel, had returned to Spitzbergen with some 
others of the wrecked crew who were proceeding to 
Cherry Island in boats, piloted him into the bay of 
*' Crosse Road,'* which was well adapted to the whale 
fishery ; and this moreover led, after the loss of the 
second vessel, to the safety of the crews of both. 
Marmaduke presumed to erect a cross at Spitzbergen 
in 1612, as if he were the first that had discovered it. 
I must here observe, by the way, that an English 
vessel, the " Diana," commanded by *' Thomas Bus- 
tion, dwelling at Wapping Wall," arrived at Foule 
Sound in 1612. The vessel in which Tradescant and 
Sir Dudley Digges made their voyage to Archangel, 
was called the "Diana," and belonged to New- 

Tn the ensuing year, l6l3, seven vessels were 
dispatched to Spitzbergen by the Russia Company. 
Amongst them was a man-of-war, the "Tigris," of 
21 guns, commanded by Captain Benjamin Joseph. 
In this vessel William Bafiin, afterwards so well- 
known, served in a subordinate capacity ; but he has 
been incorrectly called the chief of this expedition. 
He had already, in the preceding year, accompanied 
James Hall on his fourth voyage, and given a descrip- 
tion of it. During the summer many vessels of other 
nations arrived at Spitzbergen. One of these was 
again conducted there by Thomas Bonner, an Eng- 
lishman, who had been in the service of the com- 
pany. Captain Joseph, who had a royal commission, 
under the Great Seal, sent all these vessels away. 


taking Bonner, and the Dutch vessel commanded by 
him, to England. 

In 16 14, three vessels and two pinnaces dispatched 
by the Russia Company sailed for Spitzbergen, where 
they found eighteen Dutch ships, of which four were 
men-of-war, each of thirty guns. Against such a 
force it was natural that the company's vessels could 
do nothing. Robert Fotheby, who commanded the 
ship " Thmasine," on board of which was also 
William Baffin, set up in Maudlen Sound, on the 
23rd of June, a cross with the escutcheon of King 
James the First, under which was nailed a sheet of 
lead, with the Russia Company's cipher, and a six- 
pence. He took some of the earth with him, and 
made another voyage to the north, but this had no 
further result, although he maintained that he had 
advanced beyond the eightieth degree of latitude. 

In the year just mentioned, William Gordon, with 
whom we are already well acquainted, made a journey 
from Pustosersk to Yugoria, which is interesting ; 
for, in the first place, it shows us with precision that, 
contrary to Lehrberg's opinion, Yugoria was, at least 
partly, to the west of the Northern Ural ; and, se- 
condly, because we thence see that the assertion made 
by Fischer, that in I6O7 the Pustoserskers' travels 
extended only as far as Rogovoi Gorodok, and that 
the place was desolate, is not well founded, for here 
we find that Gordon also proceeded as far as Rogovoi 
Gorodok. Logan likewise wrote, during his residence 
at Pustosersk in I6II, that, on the 4th of December, 
the inhabitants of the town departed by land to 


Yugoria (not " Ingoria "), for the purpose of trading 
with the natives of that place and the Samoiedes. 

On the 19th of January, 1612, the Pustoserskers, 
who had travelled as far as " Ingoria," returned. 
They had been unable to purchase much ("had but a 
hard voyage"), because the Karatschei Samoiedes 
had been prevented from proceeding thither by the 
hostilities then existing with those of Mangasei, viz. 
with the Mokaseis at Tasowskoi-gorod, whence came 
the best sable furs which found their way into 
Russia. On the 8th of September, I6II, Logan had 
noted down that a Pustoserskan craft (a *'soyma") 
descended the river in order to sail for Yugoria, but 
did not leave the Petschora, and was obliged to give 
up the voyage. 

As Logan then knew the Russian language, and 
had resided at Pustosersk since July, the names he 
gives are doubtless correct. 

Gordon writes that on the 20th of November, 
1614, about four o'clock, he started from Pustosersk 
for Yugoria ("to Yongorie"). All the rivers across 
which his journey lay, are named by him, and he 
mentions in which direction they flow, and likewise 
where they disembogue ; the distances travelled are 
likewise given. Each day's journey is set down, and 
the weather, the state of the road, and incidents of 
every kind described. The following are the names 
of the rivers ; — The Schapkina (which flows into the 
Petschora), the Novgorotka (falling, according to Gor- 
don, into the Schapkina, but I have not been able to 
find this river on any map), the Habeaga (which 


joins the Petschora), the Hargena (according to Gor- 
don, a tributary of the Kolva, perhaps the Charajaga), 
the Colvoy (Kolva, falling into the Ussa), and the 
Ssandavets. This tributary of the Kolva is now 
called Ssandivei. Gordon, with his company, ascended 
the Kolva six or seven miles in an east by north 
direction, and reached its conflux with the Ssandavets. 
The Kolva there flows from the north-east, the Ssan- 
davets from the south-east. Here they traversed the 
plain lying between both rivers in an east and some- 
what southerly direction, for twelve miles, when they 
took up their quarters for the night, and on the 
following day, the 6th of December, the festival of 
St. Nicholas was kept, which is thus described by 
Gordon : — " The sixth being Saint Nicholas day, 
which, with the Russes, is held a principall day, in 
the morning they caused their Images to bee brought 
into the chrome, lighting wax candles before them, 
making their prayers to them, according to their 
order ; after which, I gave them a bottle of aqua 
vitse, with which the guides were drunk that they 
could not guide their decres, but set me to direct the 
way by compasse, which I did all the day, although I 
had but little skill : we went south-east and by east 
twenty miles. The seventh day being very faire 
weather, our guides lay all the day with PohmeaU 
and could not goe forward." For those who do not 
understand Russian it is to be observed that the 
word Pochmelje, which Gordon here quotes, means 
the sickly feeling which follows intoxication. The root 
of the word is chmel, humulus : hops. The common 


people who naturally had no idea of the formation of 
alcohol during the chemical process of the fermenta- 
tion of the beer, appear to have supposed that the 
hops gave it its intoxicating quality. 

Gordon next notices a rivulet, without name, which 
flows into the Ssandavets, the Hoseada (which falls 
into the Ashva), and the Azua (Ashva, a tributary 
of the Ussa). The road then lay over a considerable 
ridge, named Yangorda (nowhere marked on the 
map), then over the smaller Rogovaja, and a plain 
called Korapunia Tundra, after a Russian of the 
name of Korapa (Correapa), who died and was buried 
there some thirty years before. At last they reached 
(on the 18th of December), at midnight, the greater 
Rogovaja, where was situated the Gorodok of the 
Russians, who here carried on their trade by barter 
with the Samoiedes. I have nowhere found two 
rivers of the name of Rogovaja marked on the maps. 
Gordon says of each of them, that it falls into the 
Ussa. (It might be an addition to Krestinin's re- 
putation to state that he mentions two rivers Rogo- 
waja.) Gordon remained here until the 6th of 
January, 1615. On the SOth of December he took 
an observation with his astrolabe, and found the sun to 
be two degrees above the horizon. He sets it down 
as in 65° 8' latitude, but it must have been at least a 
degree lower. Fischer has set down Rogovoi Goro- 
dok on his map in 65 degrees and about 25 minutes 
latitude. On the 6th of January, 16 15, Gordon 
commenced his journey homewards, which lay ex- 
actly along the same route, and reached Pustosersk on 


the 1 9th. The accounts given by Gordon, Logan, 
and Finch, of the annual journeys from the other 
side of the Yugorian chain, made by caravans of 
trading Karatscheja Samoiedes to Rogovoi Gorodok, 
and by way of Pustosersk to Sslobodka on the Mesen, 
make it probable that the fifty Samoiedes and two 
hundred reindeer, which were captured on the Yu- 
gorian chain, when the Princes Uschatoi and Kurbsky 
took the field against the Yugorians about the year 
1500, formed such a caravan proceeding to the west. 
It fell in with a detachment of the Russian troops, be- 
cause it was not aware of their line of march. The 
place where our warriors quitted the Petschora, up 
whose stream they had ascended, may have been Us 
Ussa. Neither Miiller nor Lehrberg knew what to 
make of this word, which had been incorrectly copied 
Ustascha. It is much to be regretted that we have not 
a map of the Ussa and its surrounding country. Here, 
for a considerable period, was carried on the commu- 
nication between Europe and Asia. 

According to Gordon's calculation, he had travelled 
to and fro nine hundred and eiohteen miles with rein- 
deer. The last hundred and fifty miles were traversed 
without resting. Travellers were accustomed to leave 
the " Argisch " with the loaded sledges behind them, 
and hasten forwards with the finest animals. This 
Gordon, as well as Pursglove, calls travelling post 
("riding post"). Gordon writes with reference to 
this posting and the "Argisch," as follows: — "Two 
deere being yoaked to a sled, they will runne with 
such swiftnesse and so long to continue, as is not to be 


believed, except to those that have seene the same. For 
riding post, they will ride without rest or sleepe two 
hundred miles in four and twentie hours, but with 
their argish or stuffe thirtie miles in twelve houres ; 
their women usually doe guide their argish, which is 
ten sleds, and to every sled a bucke, all made fast one 
after another." When Pursglove, in January, 1612, 
travelled back from Sslobodka to Pusto^ersk with 
the argish ("argeshey "), he traversed, in company 
with seven other post-sledges, the last hundred and 
fifty versts in forty hours. 

It is greatly to be desired that the course of both 
the Rogovaja rivers and the site of the ancient 
Gorodok on the easternmost and largest of them, 
were correctly fixed by inspection of the spot. It is 
probable that this place was, a considerable time 
since, the solstitial point for commercial relations 
between two continents. It occupied the same posi- 
tion between Europe and Asia as Kiachta now does 
with regard to Russia's trade with China. So early as 
1092, Nestor had heard from the mouth of an inhabi- 
tant of Novogorod, named Gury Rogovitsch, what 
had been related at Gorodok, to his clerk, who had 
travelled from Pustosersk to Yugoria. It had re- 
ference to the chain lying between the place visited 
by the traveller and a gulf of the sea. Similar jour- 
neys may have been by no means uncommon, if not 
for theNovogoroders themselves, at all events for their 
tributaries the Pustoserskers ; and it is possible that 
the place in Yugoria, to which Nestor alludes, was 
the very same where local circumstances contributed 


to the establishment of the Rogovoi Gorodok, visited 
by Gordon. The coincidence between the name of 
the place and that of the native of Novogorod seen 
by Nestor is remarkable. 

The generally circumspect Lehrberg has allowed 
himself to be so far misled by partial and incorrect 
statements, as to maintain that Yugoria did not lie in 
European Russia, but just to the east of the Ural. 
Gordon, whose journey took place about the time 
that this description of the map of Russia was drawn 
up, convinces us that this assertion of our historian 
is unfounded, for a part of Yugoria was situated in 
Europe and another in Asia. 

That Yugoria extended west from the Ural to the 
sea, is evident, amongst other things, from the in- 
structions given to Stephen and William Burrough, 
at Rose Island, at the beginning of August, 1568, 
for the expedition which was to sail in the summer of 
1569, from theDwina, or rather from the Petschora to 
the East, for the purpose of making geographical 
discoveries and observations along the coast on the 
further side of Waigat. Both brothers had, as we are 
aware, accompanied Chancellor to Russia, in 1553, 
and in 1558 made a similar voyage to Waigat and 
Nova Zembla. They had, on this occasion, brought 
the Ambassador Randolph from England to Rose 
Island. James Bassington (Bassendine) was to sail in 
their track from the Petschora along the sea-coast of 
Yugoria (*'by the sea-coast of Hungorie ") to the 
passage between this and Waigat. The position of 
this island and of Nova Zembla the Burroughs had 


laid down on a chart (" which islands you shall find 
noted in your plat "). On the other side of Waigat, 
they write, there was a bay extending southward into 
Yugoria("a bay that doth bite to the southwards into 
the land of Hugory "), and into which two rivers, the 
Kara and the "Naramsy," flow. This Gulf of Kara 
is probably that to which, in the eleventh century, the 
Yugorians, in speaking to Rogovitsch's clerk, gave 
the name of Luka (a bay), Morja (the sea). If 
Rogovitsch's travelling agent was, like Gordon, on 
the greater Rogovaja, the geographical part of the 
communication made by Nestor is intelligible, for be- 
tween this Rogovaja and the above-named Luka 
morja is situated the Yugorian chain, which is above 
five thousand feet in height. So soon as this is ex- 
amined in a geographical, geological, and especially 
in a scientific point of view, we shall be enabled to 
determine more accurately what was the true meaning 
of the account given by the Yugorians to the traveller 
alluded to. The whole question probably reduces 
itself to this : viz. that, at that time, Chiirgutschi or 
Mugassi (arrowless) Samoiedes hunted on the Yugorian 
mountain chain, and desired to barter their peltries 
for iron with the Yugorians, who accidentally fell 
in with them. This latter commodity they required 
for their arrowheads and other purposes. Nestor's 
explanation shows his extensive reading. 

Gordon's Rogovoi Gorodok was, perhaps, a place 
formerly inhabited by the Yugorians. Even without 
being better acquainted with the locality, we may 
hazard a conjecture that this was one of those Goro- 


doks or Gorods (towns) which the Novogoroders 
sought to overcome by force of arms, in 1193. The 
Yugorians, as we know, brought silver for barter with 
the Novogoroders, besides sables and other wares. 
Consequently that metal must have been a production 
of mining industry in the East at that remote period, of 
which so many traces have been discovered in Siberia. 
Wilson, who at the time of Gordon's journey to 
Rogovoi Gorodok, was at the village of Ush-Ulma, 
previously visited by Logan, in l6l2, had there spent 
the whole winter of 1614-15, for trading purposes; 
and on the 9th of June, 161.5, returned to Gordon, 
at Pustosersk, with the peltries he had collected. 
Neither Logan nor Gordon says anything of the ores 
found in the upper part of the Ziilma. This mineral 
treasure had, even so early as the end of the fifteenth 
century, attracted the attention of the Government, 
so that in 1491, by order of the Czar Ivan Vassil- 
ovitch, two miners, who had been engaged abroad, 
were sent there, accompanied by the before-named 
Greek, Manuel Ivanovitch Raleff, as interpreter and 
escort. In 1839, at the instigation of Michailo 
Ivanoff Resarzoff, the Vatten merchant, not only 
was a fresh inspection of the spot ordered, but smelt- 
ing works were established, which, however, were 
soon abandoned. Okladnikoff, the before-named na- 
tive of Mesen, who was appointed to superintend this 
business, assures me that a favourable result might 
have been expected ; but unfortunately we possess no 
geological, and, indeed, not even one good geographi- 
cal description of this district, which is so interesting 


to industry in a double point of view. We say this, 
for in the neighbourhood of the spot where the 
earliest discovery of ores took place in our country, 
of which we have any account, there was also the 
important portage ten versts over land and five over 
lakes, through which the Rotschuga (the Pjesa) is 
brought into connection with the Tschirten (Ziilma), 
and, consequently, the north of Russia with the 
Petschora country, Yugoria, and the Ural. Resanzoff 
might, however, have found the copper ore near the 
Ssula, about one hundred versts above its mouth, 
better than that smelted in the neighbourhood of the 
Ziilma. The Ssula falls into the Petschora, somewhat 
south of the village of Velikovussotschnaja. Near 
the Rudjanka and Tshirten the ore must be very rich 
in silver. On the 21st of August, Wilson and Gordon 
sailed, together with John Copman and Thomas 
Dogget, from the Gulf of Petchora, for Holland. 

At the time of Gordon's description of his residence 
at this Bay, the Islands of Glubokoi and Lovezkoi, the 
Sacharjeff Bereg shore, and the Kusnetzkaja bight, 
("Casnet's Nose; " Messa has it Coscaja Nusnaja,) 
were known under the same names. To the shallows 
(Gulajevskija Koschki) Gordon gives that of " Drie 
Sea:" in 16 11 he also quoted, as Russian names, "Suchoi 
niorie." Massa has on his map " Socchoiamore." 

While Gordon was active in the remote Petschora 
district, the Russia Company, notwithstanding the 
foreign competition which they encountered, had dis- 
patched two large ships and two pinnaces to Spitzber- 
gen ; Captain Joseph commanded one, and Edge the 


other vessel. The Dutch arrived with three men-of- 
war and eleven other ships, consequently nothing 
could then be done against them. From Denmark 
three men-of-war arrived, for the purpose of levying 
a duty on the English. These were the first Danish 
vessels which visited Spitzbergen, and they were 
shown the way by James Voden, the same who in 
1611 piloted Josias Logan, William Gordon, and 
their companions, to the Petschora, but was now faith- 
less to the Russia Company. Fotherby went on a 
voyage of discovery to the north in a pinnace, but did 
not advance further than his predecessors. 

In 1616, eight large vessels and two pinnaces, under 
Edge's command, sailed from England for Spitzbergen, 
and reaped so rich a harvest, i. e. 1300 tons of train 
oil, that they could not take all with them. Four 
Dutch vessels were there at the time. 

One of the English ships discovered the island 
named after Edge, where about a thousand walruses 
were killed, and their teeth taken to London. 

In the ensuing year fourteen vessels, placed under 
Edge's command, started, together with two pinnaces, 
for Spitzbergen, on which occasion the venture was 
good, 1900 tons of train oil having been obtained. 
One ship went on an expedition of discovery to the 
East, and fell in with the island which was named 
after Richard Wiche, a member of the Russia Com- 
pany. A Hull vessel, probably commanded by Mar- 
maduke, also visited the east side of the island. Ten 
Dutch ships, of which two belonged to the pavy, had 
preceded the English vessels to Spitzbergen. Three 


were from Zealand. Edge allowed these last to take 
away the produce of their fishery. 

The Russia now joined the East India Company, 
and in 1618, sixteen vessels, with two pinnaces, all 
again placed under Edge's orders, were dispatched to 
Spitzborgen ; but from Zealand more than twenty hea- 
vily-armed ships had arrived, and on the 19th of July 
a bloody battle was fought. By Tradescant's journal 
we have seen, that on the 4th of July a pinnace, equip- 
ped by Benjamin Deicrowe, left the vessel which con- 
veyed Sir Dudley Digges, together with Tradescant, 
to Russia, in order to sail to Spitzbergen (Greenland). 
After this year, the English whale-fishery at Spitzber- 
gen was abandoned. 

The owners of the vessels sufifered a considerable 
loss in 1618. Nine of the ships, with two pinnaces, 
were indeed dispatched in the ensuing year, by the 
united companies, but returned altogether unsuccess- 
ful in their venture. In 1620, some members of 
the Russia Company, Edge, Deicrowe, Ralph Free- 
man (an Alderman, from whom a Strait at Spitzber- 
gen takes its name), and George Strowd, undertook 
this business on their own account, and equipped 
seven vessels, but met with no success. In the fol- 
lowing year, the seven ships again dispatched to the 
fishery, fared somewhat better; but in 1622 the pro- 
prietors lost one out of nine vessels which they had 
fitted out; and this led to the abandonment of this 
branch of industry to the Dutch, from that period. 

In the year after the return of Hudson's vessel, it 
was sent by Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, 


and another person, under the command of Thomas 
Button, to the bay discovered by Hudson in 16 10. 
She passed the winter of l6l 2-1613, as ah'eady men- 
tioned, in the bay named after Nelson, into which the 
river, likewise so called, flows ; and afterwards re- 
mained for some time at Digges' Island. 

After Captain Gibbon, who had been to Hud- 
son's Bay with Button, had visited it again in I6l4, 
without any result, Robert Bileth, who had made all 
three previous voyages, was sent thither in l6l5, 
when he discovered some new places. 

In l6l6 he was dispatched by Smith, Digges, and 
others, to Davis' Straits, when William Bafiin was 
his pilot ; and they succeeded in attaining the high 
latitude of eighty degrees north. A cape wasth en 
named after Sir Dudley Digges, a gulf after John 
Wolstenholme, an island after Richard Hakluyt, and 
a bay after Sir Thomas Smith. It is a remarkable 
circumstance, that the bay navigated for the first time 
by Bileth on this voyage should not have been named 
after him, but after Baffin, who was subordinate to 

I think that I shall be enabled in the sequel to ad- 
duce proofs, that a careful examination of the MSS., 
very few of which were unfortunately left behind by 
the English who were in Russia, in the sixteenth 
century, might lead to not unimportant geographical 

Our geographers give the name of Nova Zembla 
not to one but to two islands Ivinof north of Yuooria 
and Waigat ; but, according to old English documents, 

z 2 


this appellation properly appertains only to the 
southernmost, for the most northern of the two had 
originally another name, which it would now be cor- 
rect to restore to it. 

On the 21st of February, 1584<, Russian navigators 
from Pustosersk acquainted Anthony Marsh, the 
English trading- agfent at Moscow, that in sailing to 
the Oby three islands were passed, viz. Waigat, 
Nova Zembla, and Matvejeva Zembla. The words 
rendered in English are : *' If you would have us 
travell to seeke out the mouth of Ob by sea, we must 
go by the isles" (observe the plural number) "of 
Waygats and Nova Zembla, and by the Land of Mat- 
pherve, that is, by Matthew's Land." Christopher 
Holmes, who at that time (1584) was agent at Vo- 
logda, wrote that Marsh had been made acquainted 
with another north-eastern route from Kan in Noss to 
the Oby, namely by Nova Zembla and Matjuschin Jar, 
(" he learned another waj by Nova Zembla Matthus- 
chan Yar") in addition to that from *' Medemsky Savo- 
rot" (in the Petschora Gulf), into the Bay of Kar (and 
consequently through the Yugorian straits, which 
separate the mainland from Waigat). From Matjii- 
schin Jar to the island situated opposite to the mouth of 
the Oby (thus Beloi Ostroff was then already known, 
viz. in 1584), it is five days' sail. It is, moreover, re- 
marked that Matjuschin Jar is forty versts broad in 
some places, but in others not more than six. Natur- 
allv enough the discoverers did not venture to call 
this latter country an island ; and as the southern 
shore (Jar) lying opposite to Nova Zembla is now 


called Matvejev^a Zembla, this appellation has grad- 
ually been extended to all those portions of the country 
nhich were afterwards discovered towards the north, 
and is now applied to the whole island. The Bays or 
" Fiords" of the east coast, which indent the land 
so considerably, appear to have been known in 1584, 
although too small an estimate is made of the breadth 
of the country, viz. less than sixty versts of the pre- 
sent day : it was then merely conjectured. 

That the judgment I have pronounced on the 
English documents of 1584 is the correct one, is 
proved by the before-mentioned map, drawn up at 
Moscow probably in 1604, but at the latest in 1608, 
and engraved for Massa in 1612 with a Dutch title. 
The island of Waigat is set down on it beyond Yu- 
gorsky Schar (Yugorian Inlet), which is here 
changed into " Gorgoscoi Tsar," and written " Wey- 
gats." Towards the north, in the broad opening of 
the Kara passage, is set down in Dutch, ** Here 
you may pass over at high water, elsewhere it is dry." 
Then comes a large, oblong island, sloping to the 
north north-west, against which is written, ** Nova 
Zemla." North of this is a channel, at whose 
western entrance stands " Matsei of Tsar." This 
should be called '* Matvejeff Schar ;" and proves to 
us that the present appellation of Matotschkin Schar 
is incorrect. To the north of this channel (Matve- 
jeff Schar), we find land as far as the edges of the 
chart, which is altogether but six inches and a half 
from top to bottom. This is the land which, in the 
letter from Pustosersk, dated the 52 1st of Fcbruarv, 


1584, is mentioned as Matvejeva Zembla (Semlja) 
(Matvei's Land). 

From what we have adduced, it appears, 1st, that 
even in 1584, the straits to which the name of Matot- 
schkin Schar is now assigned, were not only known, 
but used as a passage ; 2ndly, that Matotschkin Schar 
is a corrupted name, and Matjuschkin or Matvei's 
the true appellation. The name of the discoverer of 
this channel, situated to the north of Nova Zembla, 
as well as of the land in question, must have been 
Matvei ; whence the diminutive Matjuscha. Con- 
sequently the land situated to the north of Mat- 
vei's Straits, and which we know to be an island, 
must have been called Matvei's, or Matjuschin's 
Land. The appellation of Matvei's Land might be 
preferred, because a small island already mentioned, 
lying to the west of Yugorsky Schar, bears the name 
of Matvejeff OstrofF; perhaps from the same person ; 
this original appellation is moreover analogous to 
that of the southern island (Nova Zembla). The 
small island, cape, mountains, and bay, situated 
not far from the passage, at the south-west corner of 
Matvei's Land, (and from which the first three were 
called Mitjuscheff, but the latter Mitjuschicha,) in 
all probabiHty received their names from the same dis- 
coverer, Matjuscha, for they are all close to each 
other, and not far from the straits named after him. 
The same reasoning applies to Cape Matotschkin, 
which is likewise in the neighbourhood, but in Nova 
Zembla, and to the small river Matotschka. 

Were a proof still necessary that " Matsei of Tsar" 


really means Matvejeff Schar, it is to be found on 
Massa's map itself; for the Matvejeff Island so often 
mentioned lying north of Dolgoi Ostroff, and to 
which De Veer, in the journals of Dutch voyages, 
from 1594 to 1597, gives the name of " Mat Flae, 
Matflo," and other similar names, is there set down 
as "Matserf;" and in the annexed explanation of 
Russian names, it is said, that " Matseof means 
Mathy's eylant." 

On the map which was first published by Massa in 
1612, and then in I6l3, it is observable, that after it 
was engraved in accordance with the Russian design, 
the outline of the west coasts of Nova Zembla and 
Matvejeff Zembla was added to it, according to Dutch 
maps drawn up after Barentz' voyages. By these 
means the position of Kostin Schar was set down very 
high in Nova Zembla; and the name which was 
placed even still higher, resembles the real one just as 
closely as the *' Matsei of Tsar " does Matvejeff Schar, 
for it is Costintsarch. On the map of all Russia, 
dedicated by Hessel Gerard to the Czar Michael 
Fedorovitch, soon after his election in 1614, the 
*' Matsei of Tsar" was omitted ; probably because it 
was not known what it could mean ; and to the channel 
the name of Costintsarch was given. It seems to 
me, that originally the year mdcxiii. was engraved 
on this map, and that subsequently a fourth i was 
added, probably because it was not ready in 1613. 
Gerard embodied the most essential part of Massa's 
small map ; and this might have led people at Mos- 
cow to observe that the map of the north coast which 


had been drawn up there, had found its way to Hol- 
land. Massa carefully avoided mentioning the name 
of the person who procured him the Russian map, for 
he feared that he would suffer for it. (" Est sola hsec 
tabella rudis duntaxat illius orae delinatio maritimae, 
eamque magna molestia mihi comparavi ; si vero re- 
sciscerent illi quorum interest, actum esset de Moschi 
illius vita, nomen ideo illius non prodimus.") The 
incorrect insertion of Costintsarch first in Massa's and 
then in Gerard's map, is also the reason why the 
Dutch at a later period sought a passage in vain at 
Kostin Schar. Kostin derives its name just in the 
same way as the Matsei Channel, from the diminu- 
tive of that of its discover, viz. from Kostja, which is 
formed from Konstantin, just as Miitajuscha is from 

Kostin Schar had already been visited by Oliver 
Brunei, a Netherlander, before Barentz' well-known 
voyage, for this is noted down by DeVeer in his jour- 
nal, on the 8th of August, 1594. We have hitherto 
been unable to discover who this Brunei was. Foster 
and Barrow^ maintained that he must have been an 
Englishman. The former supposed De Veer's " Cos- 
tinsarch " to mean " constant search," and the latter 
that it meant ** coasting search." 

I find it likely that this Brunei was that *' Belgian" 
whom Johannes Balach, of Arensburg, furnished with 
a letter of introduction, on the 20th of February, 
1581, to the well-known cosmographer Gerhard Mer- 
cator, of Dinsberg ; from which it appears that 
his Christian name was Oliver (Olferius). He had 


been a prisoner in Russia, and was afterwards em- 
ployed by the Stroganoffs, who were landed pro- 
prietors, first at the Vutschegda, and subsequently at 
the Kama and the Tschussovaja. Anika Fedoroff 
Stroo^anoff established salt works at Solwiitscheofodsk, 
as early as 1517, and commenced an important trade 
to the Oby with the Samoiedes. He repeatedly sent 
people there over the Yugorian Chain, and Oliver 
(Brunei) likewise travelled to the Oby over the Ural, 
in the Stroganoff's service. He moreover made a 
voyage, probably down the Petschora River, and then 
through the Yugorian Straits, and by the Karian 
Sea to the Mutnaja, up this river to the Volok, and 
down the Selenaja to the Oby. From Siberia, he must 
also have visited the Gulf of the Ta, where Tasoffskoi 
gorod (Mangasei) was afterwards built. 

" Adiit ipse fluvium Obam tum terra per Samoeda- 
rum et Sibericorum regionem, tum mari per littus 
Pechorse fluminis ad Orientem." 

The "Yaks Olgush," mentioned in the letter 
to Mercator, quoted by Hakluyt, the meaning of 
which has hitherto remained a riddle, can relate to 
nothing else than the Ta Gulf. Perhaps Oliver men- 
tioned it to Balach as " Taesof guba.'* Now (1580?) 
the Stroganoffs (" Yaconius et Nuekius," probably 
means Jakoff Anikieff, for he might still be alive at 
the time of Oliver's departure from Russia,) sent him 
to Antwerp, for the purpose of engaging experienced 
sailors to make voyages to the Oby, in two vessels 
. which a Swede was then building at the Dvvina for 
them (the Stroganoffs). 


" Qui et Samojedicam linguam pulchre teneant et 
fluvium ob exploratum habeant, ut qui quotannis ea 
loca ventilant." 

Oliver himself was to bring from Holland a vessel 
of small draft of water, into the bay near the convent 
of St. Nicholas, and then to Rose Island, in order to 
man her there with Russians, who, through their an- 
nual journeys to the Oby, knew the river well, and 
spoke the Samoiede language. He was then to start 
from Rose Island at the end of May, and employ one 
day in the Petschora Gulf in determining the latitude, 
surveying the coast, and sounding the shallows (he 
had previously observed a channel with but five feet 
water), with a view of fixing upon a good entrance 

" Quoniam Pechora3 Sinus vel euntibus vel re- 
deuntibus commodissimus est tum subsidii tum di- 
versorii locus propter glaciem et tempestates.'* Dolgoi 
Island is named ; probably that in the Petschora Gulf, 
not far from the Western Savorot, is meant. 

The vessel was then to sail by Waigats to the 
Karian Sea. 

" Sinus qui per meridiem vergens pertingit ad ter- 
ram Ugorise, in quem adfluunt exigui duo amnes, 
Marinesia atque Carah, ad quos amnes gens alia Sa- 
moedorum accolit immanis et efferata." The river, 
which in the letter to Mercator is called Marmesia, is 
probably the same which, by Stephen Burrough, ac- 
cording to the testimony of Loschak the coasting 
captain (1556), is named Naramsay, but in the in- 
structions drawn up by Stephen and William Bur- 


rough, in 1568, Naramsy. In Massa's map it is to 
be found considerably to the north of the Mutnaja 
(here Moetnaia), and set down as Nearontza. From 
the description given in the " Bolschoi Tschertesh" 
(historical sketches of the Volga), it appears that the 
whole western shore of the Peninsula of the Oby is 
called Njaromskoi, Njarmskoi, and likewise, although 
probably less correctly, Nariimskoi bereg. In our 
most recent map, this river is altogether left out, as 
are also the historical and still more important Mut- 
naja and Selenaja. In Massa's chart, the Scharapo- 
viija Koschki is set down as Sarapovi coosci. In its 
neighbourhood the Mutnaja, which has a lake on its 
south side, debouches into the Karian Sea, and on the 
other side of the Volok the Selenaja flows into the 
Gulf of Oby. In the same latitude, between the Mut- 
naja and the river Paderitza, is an inlet specified as 
Monguitzar, which, to my knowledge, is not described 
by any of the later navigators. My idea is, that the 
channel between the coast and the island to which the 
name of Liitke has been lately assigned, is here meant. 
With reference to the inlet situated opposite Kol- 
gujeff, Linschoten, as is well known, supposed that 
the word Schar, which he changes into Toxar, relates 
to the island lying before it, now named Ling ; and 
he merely terms the mouths of the Schar, " ooster " 
and " wester gat." On Massa's chart, at the eastern 
mouth, is set down " bolsoitsa " (bolschoi Schar), and 
at the western, " tsermensei " (Schar menschoi) ; be- 
tween both we read also " mesoetsar," which unques- 
tionably is a repetition of the last name, menschoi 


Schar. West of Kara, in the Karian Gulf, which, he 
it remarked, really hears some resemhlance to an 
arrrow-head, no rivers are set down in our latest 
charts, whilst Massa has several ; the names of those 
given by him as flowing into the Gulf of Karatjeff, 
and further west, deserve also to be taken into consi- 

Oliver was instructed next to reach the Oby, the 
mouth of which must, according to the testimony of 
the Samoiedes, be divided into seven branches : pro- 
bably the Petschora is here confounded with the Oby. 
On the Oby he was to endeavour to get to the Tas 
River Gulf, which had been previously visited by 
another route. 

The Tas River, in the neighbourhood of which, as 
already mentioned, the Mokasse, or, more properly 
the Mugassi Samoiedes dwelt, and where the best 
sable furs were procured, was thus known to the 
Stroganoffs in 1580. According to the explanation 
given in the " Bolschoi Tschertesh," the Tas flows 
into the Icy Sea. 

Oliver hoped to advance still further towards the 
unexplored country in the east, and even to the con- 
fines of China; but in the event of his being obstructed 
by the ice, he contemplated returning to the Petschora, 
or even to the Dwina, in order to winter, and proceed 
with the voyage in the ensuing spring. As Vetsen now 
apprises us that Oliver Brunei had been to the Pet- 
schora Gulf with a vessel from Enkhuisen, but which 
was lost, probably in the " Ssuchoje more" (arm of the 
sea), now Gulajeffskija koschki, I think it may be 


taken for granted that he was the person dispatched 
to Holland by the Stroganoffs in 1580 (?), and more- 
over, that he was the Olferius recommended by Balach 
of Arensberg (on Oesel Island), to Gerhard Mercator, 
in February, 1581. 

From what we have adduced, it appears to follow 
that the Stroganoffs, to whom the route across the 
Yugorian Chain to the Mugasse Samoiedes had long 
been known, at the time that they assisted Jermak, 
contemplated advancing along the Tschussovaja, and 
over the Ural into Siberia, /. e. in the year of the se- 
cond English expedition to the east, for the purpose 
of exploring that country, from the coast of the Icy 
Sea, and, if possible, as far as China. As we are 
quite aware that at that time a route to the Petschora 
was known through Matjuschin Schar and round the 
peninsula of the Oby, it is probable that Brunei 
would have made his way through these straits, had 
his vessel not perished, as already mentioned, in the 
Petschora Gulf. The decease of the brothers, Jakoff 
and Gregory Anikieff Stroganoff, and, still more, Jer- 
mak's conquest of Siberia, may have been the reason 
why the exploration of the north coast was considered 
by the remaining Stroganoffs, Semen Anikieff, and 
his uncles Maksim Jakoffleff and Nikita Grigorjeff, 
as a matter of minor importance, and consequently 

It is likely that Brunei, when a younger man, vi- 
sited the Lapland coast, in one of the first Enkhuisen 
vessels, sent there on one of the trading voyages, 
commenced by Philip Vinterkonig, in 1565, and on 


that occasion proceeded, without permission, to the 
coast of theWhite Sea, in the same way that Cornelius 
de Meyer himself and Simon von Salinger travelled 
to Moscow, in disguise. Dutch authors, indeed, state 
that he came to the Dwina, and therefore either to 
Rose Island or to Cholmogorii, and was taken by the 
English for a spy, and sent to Moscow, which led 
to his being imprisoned for some years at Jaroslaf, 
whence he w^as released at last, through the interces- 
sion of the Stroganoffs. In Dutch the passage runs 
thus : — *' Op verzoek van de voernaamste kooplieden 
te Cola, de Ameckers ontslagen.'* I think, however, 
that the word Ameckers must mean Anikieffs, and 
that Cola is substituted for Sol (Viitschegodskaja), 
Probably Brunei inspired the Stroganoffs with hopes 
of disposing of their stock of peltries advantageously, 
in Holland. He appears also to have undertaken an 
expedition to the latter country in their service, for 
in 1577 he came from thence with Jan Van de Valle 
to Moscow, by land. The latter was the agent of 
Gilles van Eychelenberg, named Hoofman (who had 
been previously settled at Antwerp, but then at Mid- 
dleburg), and he, de Valle, was the person who set up 
a competition in Russia against the English Company. 
The first Dutch vessel, which, in 1577j came to the 
Dwina, belonged to Gilles Hofman ; it was from Zea- 
land, and sailed, as well as those that succeeded it, 
not to the Korelian mouth, which was frequented by 
the English, but to the Pudoshem entrance, where the 
Dutch then erected their warehouses. In 1584, 
Michael Moucheron, as agent for his brother, Baltha- 


sar, ordered his captain, Adrian Kruyt, to sail up the 
Pudoshem Straits as far as the convent of St. Michael 
the Archantrel, where the citv of Novo-Cholmooforii 
(Archangel) had just then been built; and hence it was 
that the Pudoshem branch of the Dwina was for a 
long time called Moucheron's River by the Dutch. 
According to the Czar's decree, promulgated in com- 
pliance with a petition presented by the Dutch, 
through the Chancellor Andreas Jahovlevitsch Schts- 
chelkalofF, in 1586, they immediately removed their 
warehouses from the Pudoshem mouth to Novo-Chol- 
mogorii, whilst the English, who saw this with much 
displeasure, remained at Rose Island until 1591. 

The erroneous name of Matjuschin Schar was 
given to this in I769, and was, indeed, introduced 
by Pilot (who had the rank of lieutenant) Fedor 
Rosmiissleff, who spent a long time in this " Schar," 
with a view to make himself better acquainted with it. 
In his descriptions, journals, and charts, he incorrectly 
assigns to this passage the names of Matotschkin and 
Matotschnik Schar. Rosmiissleff's error must have 
been corrected, for at present the name is written 
Matjuschin, Matvejeff, or Matvei's Schar, in honour 
of the discoverer, who unfortunately is not better 

I must here observe, that in I769 Rosmiissloff set 
down a small island of the name of Matvejeff, oppo- 
site to Besimjannoi Bay, on the west coast of Nova 

One of the principal reasons why our early know- 
ledge of the passage between Nova Zembla and 


Matjiiscliina Zembla was lost was, that Isaac Massa 
himself, in his larger map *' Russise, vulgo Moscovia 
dictse, partes septentrionalis et orientalis," which is 
better known, and found at Blaev and elsewhere, has 
omitted to insert Nova Zembla as it was delineated 
in the chart of the west coast, drawn up by the 
Dutch in 1594-97. As the Dutch had not seen 
the passage between Nova Zembla and Matvejeva 
Zembla, it is naturally not set down in their charts, 
for it is only near Costintsarch that they have 
placed a narrow inlet, not stretching far inland. 
The places lying to the east of '* Gorgoscoitsar " 
are introduced by Massa, in accordance with the 
small map he obtained at Moscow. 

He has, however, forgotten to name the selenaja 
on the Peninsula of the Oby, whilst the " Reebnaia" 
and the " Tsernaia," as well as the " Pyr," are set 
down in his maps ; he has also omitted the river 
*' Michalova," in the neighbourhood of Yugorsky 
Schar, and near the Ssokolji ludii and Meescoi 
Islands (by us called Massnoi and Mestnoi). The 
same is the case with the small river " Motsianca," 
which, according to the small chart, reaches to the 
Volok from the Tas, and from thence flows into 
the Turuchanka (here Toergaefhoeck), which joins 
the Yenissei (according to Massa, Teneseia reca), 
and where (in 1662) Tasorskoi gorod or Mangasei 
was subsequently removed. Opposite to the mouth 
of the Yenissei, in like manner as before that of the 
Oby, is an island here termed Ostorf. The mouth 
of the Pjassida (Peisida reca) is likewise shown on 


the map. Hence it appears probable that this river 
was known at Moscow in l605. As the Pjassida is 
the last river included in this chart to the east, so it 
ends in the west with Una Bav, where Chancellor's 
ship the Bonaventure passed the winter in 1553- 
1554, and where, in l694, the Czar, Peter, ma- 
nufactured and placed the cross which has been 
preserved in the Cathedral Church at Archangel 
since 1805. As several of the rivers, bays, and 
capes situated to the west of Yugorsky Schar are 
omitted in our most recent charts, I will here give a 
list of all the names to be found on Massa's small 
chart : — Oscoriagoeba ; to the right, the Pertomin 
convent, and to the left, as it appears, some salt 
works are set down. Testia (?) Usma Neuvonsa (the 
river where Chancellor landed in 1553), Ozera (a 
lake, from which it flows into the sea), and landwards 
Nenocsa osoil (this place is of importance, from its 
salt works), Tostieberg (berg probably stands for 
bereg, shore, consequently it means Tostie shore ; to 
the eastward of it buildings are represented), -Sooltsa, 
Codina, and monastery of Coreelscoi. The nearest 
mouth of the Dwina is also here called Corelsca, 
not Nicolskoe ; then follow Podesemscoi, Monnanscoi, 
and Berasova. To the right of the shore of the 
Dwina stands the Casteel Archangeli, resembling the 
view in Gerard's map ; along the seashore follow 
Moedescoi, Sechomov, Cocia osoil (the salt works 
are mentioned), Solotitsa (here is a village set down 
with a church), Morsovitz (the island), Cosci (repre- 
sented as two islands), Coeloeia, Gorigorscoi noos, 

A A 


Mesen (the river). As far as the Koloi and Mesen, 
the region is termed Somersyde. To the east of the 
Mesen follow Slahota, Zeitza, Malgaia, Nees, Titsa, 
Polosona, Kia, Toina, Canninoos, Crinca, Moscuica, 
Zicopa (?), Promoi, Totsa, Kolgoi (the island), 
Tetscaiagocba (the bay), Teesca landouve (the land 
lying nearest to the shore), Goloebintza, Goloebe- 
ica (?) Otma, Oitmitsa, Peisa, Peisitsa (?) Voloinga, 
Nidega, Swetenoos, Garnostail, Beelt. Here now 
comes the before-mentioned Schar, to which the 
names of Tsermensei, Mesoetsar, and Bolsoitsar are 
given. Colcolcova, Pitzaniza, Petseerscoi Savoroot, 
Coscaia Niesnaja, Dolgoi Ostrof, Socchoiamore, 
Petchora riviere, Petzora, Semdeceta ostei, Bolvan- 
£caia goeba, Tserneia, Menseiborandey, and Bolsoi- 
borandey. Here, near the Varandei Island of the 
present day, is an Inlet set down, and the names I 
have mentioned are placed at its mouths; Petsianca 
Borlovaicas. Goltsi stands near the rocks, not far 
from Dolgoi Island, which, although inserted, is 
not named, probably because an island of the same 
appellation is to be found so near it in the Petschora 
Gulf. Zelentsi, Korotaca goba, Corotaeva reca, 
Moltsiancova (?) Troscovaja (according to the ex- 
planation, Cabelian riviere). Then follows Gorgoscoi 
tsar, and west of Waigat some small islands are set 
down, and against them Zemostrof. West of the 
port of Kar is an important island, by name Poro- 
novo. Aoainst this is entrraved the Dutch Laatrhe 
Eylandt, as well as Costintsarch. Westward of the 
Oby we find Siberia, and there, higher up, is likewise 


set down Toboll as the " Metropolis Sybirise." The 
chart is headed in Dutch, " Map of the North-East 
of Russia, or the Land of the Samoiedes and Tun- 
gouse, as it was known to the Russians and described 
by Massa." Isaac Massa was likewise sent to Mos- 
cow just at the commencement of Michael Fedoro- 
vich's reign, in 1614, I616, 16 18, as well as sub- 
sequently, in l62i, to fulfil diplomatical missions 
from the States-General. Rechta incorrectly names 
him Maas, where he mentions that in I6I6 Doctor 
Job (Hiob) Polidanus accompanied him for the pur- 
pose of being chief physician to the Czar. He 
farther calls him erroneously Mahs, where he speaks 
first of the son of the apothecary, Arensen, then of 
*' Godseiuus," an apothecary, whose true name was 
Hassenius ; and, lastly, of the physician, Damius, 
who came to Russia in 1624. Massa contributed 
essentially to the extension of the trade of the 
Dutch with Russia, and, as a well-informed man, 
sought to make himself useful in other departments 
of industry. He is called by the Russians, Macca, 
Abraham's son. 

It may be here observed, that Dutch navigators, 
such as Teunis Ys and Willem de Vlamingh, appear 
to have originally changed the name of Matjuschin 
into Matotschkin, for they likewise wrote Matthys- 
stroom, as Matushinzaar. Witsen copied them, where 
he has set down Matys and Mathys-stroom as Matis- 
kinjar, and Mathys hoeck. To foreigners, the word 
Matjuschka was better known than the name of 

A A 2 


On the north-east end of Matvei's Land, the flag 
of the Russian navy remains yet to be hoisted. For 
two hundred and fifty years that part of the country 
has been trodden by no human foot. When the 
Dutch wintered here in 159G-97, the island, for 
at least twelve years, had been called not Nova 
Zembla, but Matvejeva Semlja. It is scarcely to be 
believed, that north of Matjuschin Schar (inlet) 
another strait is to be found. Vlamingh, as is well 
known, sailed round the north-east corner of Mat- 
vei's Land in l66i, and one, Cornelius Jelmerts 
(Kok), who was on board of his vessel, saw land in 
the south-east quarter. For this reason Dirk Rem- 
brantsz van Nierop first applied the name of Jelmer- 
land to the Peninsula of the Oby, and which other 
mapmakers have since copied ; on several of our 
Russian maps is still to be seen the word Jalmal. 
A grandson of Alexis OssipofF Otkupschtschikoff, a 
burgher of Mesen, assured me that the latter had 
sailed round the north-east coast of Matjuschin's 
Land into the Gulf of the Oby, and feturned thence 
to Mesen with reindeer. His son, Pawel, accom- 
panied the Liitke expedition of 1823 as pilot. The 
father was better known under the name of Piicha. 
Krestinin, however, bears witness that at Archangel, 
in 1788, he heard from Otkupschtschikoff, who was 
then seventy-four years of age ; that from his thir- 
teenth year he had been once every summer, and 
sometimes oftener, to the northern part of Nova 
Zembla, i. e. Matvejeff's Land, but had not thought 
of making a voyage into the Gulf of the Oby. 


Ssava Fofanoif Loschkin, the Olonetzer, appears to 
have passed two winters, probably those of 174^- 
1743, and 1743-1744, on the east coast of Mat- 
vejeva Semlja. In 1835 Issakoff, a native of Kemi, 
sailed from the north to the east coast, and appears 
to have seen two islands to his left. It might, how- 
ever, soon be shown how much the north-east corner 
of Matvejeva Semlja, according to Barentz' sketch of 
I596-I597, is pushed out too far to the east, in the 

The same Pustoserskers to whom we are indebted 
for a knowledge of the correct name of Matvei's Land, 
and the straits between it and Nova Zembla, con- 
sented, in compliance with Marsh's request, to travel 
to the Oby bv land. For this purpose they received 
fifty roubles, and a man who could write was appointed 
to accompany them. They were to proceed up the 
Petschora and the Ussa in two small craft, each with 
ten men, and then (on one side availing themselves 
pi-obably of the river Jeletz, and on the other of the 
8sob) travel on to the Oby. On this river they w-ould 
then pass by five gorodki (towns) which are here 
named. I mention this because it may lead to a 
geographical eclaircisseinent The first halt, accord- 
ing to the English translation of the letter, would 
be at the embouchure of the " Padou," which flowed 

I into the Oby. By that river must be meant the 
Pad-jaka, in Russian simply Pad, and which, accord- 
ing to the " Bolschoi Tschertesh," w^as likewise called 
Sba. It does not appear to have occurred to our 
hydrographers that this problematical Sba-river can 


be no other than the 8sob, which is also written 
Ssoba, and which the " Bolschoi Tschertesh" incor- 
rectly supposes to flow into the Ussa, for its stream 
really joins the Oby ; so uncertain is the " Bolschoi 
Tschertesh*' with reference to a river, which however 
forms the communication between the Petschora and 
the Oby by the Ural route. 

Marsh, taking advantage of the privileges conferred 
on the company, sent the before-mentioned Pusto- 
serskers with Bogdan, a commissioner, and a Samoi- 
ede boy to the Oby by this route. They probably 
also visited the environs of the Tas. They bartered 
goods for a thousand roubles* worth of sables and 
other furs. These were, however, taken from them, 
and Marsh the agent was prohibited from sending 
out similar expeditions. 

I think I must make here another remark, that 
the Pustoserskers reported in 1584, that an Eng- 
lish vessel had been wrecked at the mouth of the 
Oby ("your people have been at the river of Ob's 
mouth with a ship**), and that the crew were mur- 
dered by the Samoiedes, because they imagined that 
they came to plunder or subjugate them. What ves- 
sel can this have been ? One of Jackman's ? Hak- 
luyt indeed says that he wintered in a Norwegian 
harbour in 1580-1581, and sailed in February in 
company with a vessel whose destination was Iceland. 
Of this information, however, there is no documentary 
evidence. That in 1581, an English vessel really 
did reach the Oby is confirmed by Horsey, who 
acquaints us that the " Sibirian Emperor '* who 


was brought to Moscow, told him that two years 
previously he had seized a vessel with people like 
himself, who had intended to pass by the Oby to 
China. " I heerd him tell he had som English- 
men in his countrie, at leastways such men of coun- 
tenance as I was, taken with a ship, ordinance, pow- 
der, and other riches, but two years befor, that would 
have passed the River Ob to seek Catay by the 
North Sea." 

Horsey can have meant no one else but the 
Czarovich Mametkul, who was dispatched to Moscow 
in 1583-1 584^ by Jermak. Now as Jackman was 
lost in 1581, we must suppose that, after wintering 
in a Scandinavian harbour, he made another attempt 
to advance in an easterly direction. He was fur- 
nished with provisions for two whole years, and the 
instructions given to the expedition were, that if it 
became necessary to pass the winter in harbour, it 
should be in one as near the Oby as possible ; but she 
was to sail up that river in the ensuing summer, and 
endeavour to reach the city of Siberia. " If you so 
happen to winter, we would have you the next sum- 
mer to discover into the river Ob, so farre as conve- 
niently you may ; and if you shall finde the same 
river (which is reported to be wide or broad") to be 
also navigable, and pleasant for you, to travell farre 
into, happely you may come to the citie Siberia, or to 
some other towne or place, habited upon or neare the 
border of it, and thereby have liking to winter out 
the second winter : use you therein your discretions." 
The vessel arrived at the Oby just as Jermak was 


engaged in hostilities with Siberia, and it is likely 
that she was believed to be in alliance with him. Thus 
did Jackman and the crew of his vessel (in all nine 
persons) perish in consequence of the conquest of 
Siberia. The Pustoserskers were well acquainted in 
1584 with the fish taken in the Oby. They showed 
Marsh the following : Sturgeon, large and small, 
(Acipenser sturio et ruthenus) ; Tschir (Salmo na- 
sutus) ; Nelma (Salmo nelma) ; Pidle (perhaps 
Pelet, Salmo pelet) ; Muksun (Salmo rauksun) ; 
Sigi (Salmo lavaretus). There is no Salmon (Salmo 
solar) in the Oby. They reported that it was an easy 
thing to sail to the mouth of this river : " and assure 
thy selfe that from Vaygats to the mouth of Ob, by 
sea, is but a small matter to sayle." These words 
prove that our Promvischlenniks at that time often 
made the voyage round the peninsula of the Obv. 
Siberia was then conquered, and soon afterwards, 
in 1585, ManssurofF's cannon completed, higher up 
the Oby, the subjection of that part of the country 
which he made tributary to Russia, and where, in 
1586, Tjumen, and in 1587, Tobol, were built. 
These towns consequently became the chief points of 
communication between Russia and the conquered 
country, thus depriving the early northern routes over 
the mountains of their importance. The Stroganoffs, 
a short time before they invited Jermak to join them, 
had done their best, by means of Oliver Brunei of 
Enkhuysen, to attract the Dutch to Russia for the 
sake of trade ; and this led, not as is supposed to the 
introduction of the art of ship-building into Russia, 


but to their three well-known maritime enterprises of 
1594, 1595, and 1596. 

I cannot allow it to pass unnoticed, that Storch 
has erroneously deduced from Balach's letter to Mer- 
cator, that the Czar Ivan Vassilovitch had the first 
vessels built on the White Sea in 1581, by Dutch 
carpenters ; and that many authors, some of them even 
Dutch, have repeated this error. Hakluyt says, how- 
ever, that the StroganofFs had two ships built on the 
Dwina by a Swede (in Balach's letter it is Sueno, 
(Sueco?) artifice). 

At the time when the EnMish souo^ht to establish 
a direct trade with the Samoiedes at the Oby and the 
Tas, in 1584, the Dutch had already obtained a 
firm footing at Moscow, through the exertions of De 
Valle, and likewise sailed with their vessels to the 
Dwina, and as far as the convent, where by that time 
the present city of Archangel was built. 

When Sir Jerome Bowes was appointed envoy to 
Moscow in 1581, he was commissioned to complain 
that Van de Valle the Dutchman was permitted to 
trade freely there. " That the Duche man, John de 
Wale, who endeavoreth to overthrowe the trade of 
her Maiesties subjects, is not onely suffered to con- 
tinnewe his traflSke in those places directly against 
their privileges, but also remaineth free from all tax- 
ations." At the coronation of the Czar Fedor Ivano- 
vich, on the 10th of June, 1584, it was proposed that 
Jan Van de Valle, as a subject of the King of Spain, 
should take precedence of Horsey the Englishman ; 
but the latter succeeded in obtainino it. He said 



'* he would have his legges cut off by the knees, 
before he would yield to such an indignitie offered to 
his sovereigne, the Queene's Maiesty of England, to 
bring the Emperor a present in course after the King 
of Spaine's subject, or any other whatsoever." Richard 
Relph, one of the many faithless clerks of the Eng- 
lish Company, who had been established at Kasan, 
wrote as follows from Rose Island in July, 1584, to 
two of his friends at that place, (Kasan), who were 
similarly disposed, viz. Nicholas Spenser and George 
Henenge : — *' Our English Compagnie has but small 
friendship at Mosco at this present, and John Dowall 
he is aflote. This Emperor (Fedor Ivanovich) has 
made proclamation that his land shall be open to all 
strangers, and hath sent his letters into France and 
other places with the said effect." I have, however, 
seen in England, and copied, a charter neatly written 
on parchment, granted by Fedor Ivanovich in May, 
1584, and consequently just before his coronation. 
This document is unfortunately much injured by 

Moucheron, whose vessel was the first that arrived 
at Archangel, was the same who, ten years later (in 
1594), dispatched his captain, Cornelius Corneliszoon 
Nay, who had already made frequent voyages to the 
Dwina on his account, to search for the long-desired 
north-east passage. This Nay, as is well-known, 
reached the Karian Sea in the same year, proceeding 
as far as the west coast of the peninsula of the Oby, 
where the names of both his vessels, the " Mercurius" 
and " Swaen " (Swan), were bestowed upon two 


rivers, of which one was probably the Mutuaja, 
which for a long time before had been frequented by 
our Promiischlenniks. 

The whole of what is now Siberia, from the Ural 
to Kamschatka, had already been discovered and con- 
quered in an extraordinary manner. The Russians 
had already advanced beyond the islands in the Kam- 
schatkadale Sea, and visited the coast of America, 
when Catherine the Second, in May, 17G4, gave orders 
for the islands' complete exploration. Almost at the 
same time the Empress issued an ukase for the equip- 
ment of an expedition to the north, and which with 
the pretext of a revival of the whale fishery at Spitz- 
bergen, was to ascertain whether a vessel could not 
reach the north pole from Archangel or Behring's 
Straits in a north-west direction, and so proceed to 

Captain Krenitzin was instructed to take possession 
and give an account of the islands lying between 
Kamtschatka and America ; but this could not be 
carried into effect until I768 and I769. Captain (of 
the first class) Vassily Jakovlevich Tschitschagoff was 
appointed to the chief command of the polar expe- 

The official report drawn up by Captain Kre- 
nitzin on his return to Kamtschatka, where he was 
drowned, was communicated, probably through the 
medium of the Princess Daschkoff, to Dr. William 
Robertson, the royal historiographer of Scotland and 
Principal of the University of Edinburgh -, by him 
delivered to William Coxe of Cambridge, who was 


at St. Petersburg-, in 177^^) and published by the 
latter in I78O. Princess Daschkoff had consulted 
Robertson in writing in 177^ with reference to 
placing her son at the Edinburgh University, and 
subsequently when she resided at Holyrood House 
in that city, during the studies of the young prince, 
from 1778 to 1779j became more closely acquainted 
with him. She then likewise became acquainted with 
other Scotchmen celebrated in the annals of litera- 
ture, of whom we will only mention Dr. Joseph Black, 
Dr. Hugh Blair, Dr. Adam Ferguson, and Adam 

Miiller has described both TschitschagofFs voyages 
in 1765 and I766 very correctly from the original 
documents, and delivered his work to Pallas shortly 
before his death. The assertion, however, that Lo- 
monossoff was consulted when the plan for these 
northern voyages was drawn up, is not to be found 
in it. 

When on the 13th (24th) of May, the Empress, 
Catherine the Second, signed the Ukase relative to 
this so-called whaling expedition, she commissioned 
Count Ivan Grigorjevich Tschernischeff to signify 
her commands to the Admiralty College, that in the 
event of its appearing desirable, Lomonossoff should 
be consulted on the subject. The latter consequently 
gave in the sketch of a plan which he afterwards 
completed. Tschitschagoff received his formal in- 
structions from the college in question. 

Orders were given that several Promlischlenniks 
from Mesen and other places on the north coast, 


should be sent for from Archangel, in order that their 
experience might be rendered available for the voyage. 
Amongst these was the before named Alexis Ossipoff 

The probability of Lomonossoff's having given the 
first impulse to these expeditions of ours to the north, 
may be inferred from the fact, that, in a memoir drawn 
up by him in Russian on the 10th (21st) of Septem- 
ber, 1763, which he dedicated to His Imperial High- 
ness the High Admiral, Paul Petrovich, he not only 
recapitulates the earlier voyages to the Icy Sea, and 
speaks of the possibility of reaching the East Indies 
by the Siberian Ocean, but even proposes that the 
north-east corner of Nova Zembla, or rather Matvei's 
Land, should be made the point of departure for so 
important a sea-voyage. Lomonossoff unfortunately 
allowed himself to be carried away by a vague idea 
which had neither experience nor probability in its 
favour. His Imperial Highness the young Cesaro- 
vich, by an Ukase issued by the Empress, his mother, 
on the 21st of December, 1762 (1st of January, 
1763), at Moscow, was appointed High Admiral and 
President of the Admiralty College, where he was 
present for the first time on the 18th (29th) of August, 

The above-named work of Lomonossoff is one 
of the last productions of our academicians. In its 
historical part, in which the well-known northern 
expeditions, the voyages of the Normans to our coast, 
and the ancient trade of the natives of Novooorod 
with the regions of the Petschora and the Obv, are the 


topics, the " Dunki" (the name formerly given to 
sable furs) are likewise mentioned. Lomonossoff also 
speaks of these Dunki in his old history of Russia. 
In a document dated nearly five centuries and a half 
ago, I have discovered the most extraordinary names 
given to different descriptions of peltries exported from 

At Spitzbergen, whence, properly speaking, Tschit- 
schagoff's northern expedition was to take its depar- 
ture, ten wooden houses were to be erected, with 
ovens and a magazine. In fact, five habitations, 
together with a storehouse and a bathing-room, which 
had been conveyed there together from Archangel, 
were erected at Bell Sound in I764, and sixteen 
persons located there. This small Russian settle- 
ment was situated in 77° 32^, consequently in a 
somewhat higher latitude than Wolstenholme Sound, 
and in one somewhat lower than Sir Thomas Smith's 
Sound in Baffin's Bay. 

The Admiralty College recommended that five 
masters or pilots, with three assistants, and three 
apprentices, should be instructed in the Academy of 
Sciences during the winter of 1764^-1765, under the 
superintendence of Lomonossofi^, in the mode of 
making astronomical observations. They were then 
dispatched to Archangel, and thence, for the most 
part in reindeer-sledges, to Kola. Rumovsky had 
then been for four years chief astronomer at the 
academy, and for a year director of the observatory. 
He had observed the first transit of Venus at Selen- 
ginsk, in I76I, and travelled to Kola in I769 to 


witness the second. The above-named pilots were 
dispatched from St. Petersburg on the 4th (1.5th) of 
March, I765. By them a quadrant belonging to the 
academy, and which Popoff had made use of at 
Irkutsk, in observing the first transit of Venus, was 
sent to TschitschagofF, together with a chronometer 
received from England, and a memoir on the declina- 
tion of the magnetic needle at St. Petersburg. In 
this memoir, which the college had obtained from 
the academy, it is stated by Taubert that, according 
to the latest observations, the variation amounts to 
four degrees and a half west, but it is known to be 
far greater. One month after the departure of the 
pilots, on the 3rd (14th) of April, LomonossofF died. 
The three vessels built for this expedition at the 
Dwina, in 17t)4, by Lamb Yames, an Englishman, had 
wintered in Catherine Harbour, viz. the " Tschit- 
schagofF," the *' Panofi;" and the " Babageff." They 
sailed thence on the 9th (20th) of May, I765, but, 
owing to the ice, only reached the latitude of 
80° 20', a height which, in the earlier period of 
the navigation of the Northern Seas, had been 
attained by the vessels of the Russia Company from 
England, under Edge's command. Edge, in his 
map of Spitzbergen, has set down " Deicrowe's 
desier" and Point Purchas as the northernmost 
points observed. To the northernmost promontory 
in the island the latter name appears to have been 
assigned ; but it has been since called by the Dutch 
*' Verlegen Hook," which appellation the Russians 
adopted literally. James Bisbrown, from Liverpool, 


appears to have reached 83° 40' in the summer of 
1765, and then to haye seen open sea hefore him 
towards the north. The unexpected and speedy 
return of our three vessels to Archangel, without 
carrying out the proposed object, aroused the dis- 
pleasure of Count TschernischeiF, as the letter written 
by him to TschitschagofF testifies. 

Orders were given that they should be immediately 
sent back to Catherine Harbour at Kola, and make 
a fresh attempt thence in the ensuing year (I767). 
F. U. T. Aepinus, member of our Academy of 
Physic, drew up a memoir for the Admiralty College. 
He was one of the academicians who made speeches 
when the Empress Catherine the Second, on the 2nd 
of July, 1763, honoured a public assembly of the 
Academy of Sciences with her presence. He was 
tutor to the Czar Cesarovich, and at the academy 
he was one of the first who laboured in the de- 
partments of electricity and magnetism. This voyage 
commenced on the 19th (30th) of May. On this 
occasion, however, they again only attained the lati- 
tude of 80° 30', and from the small colony at Bell 
Sound, then but two years old, took away seven 
persons, who were all that remained alive out of 
the sixteen first landed, returning with them to 
Archangel. Jonathan Wheatley, an Englishman, 
sailed nevertheless, in the same summer, in a north- 
west direction from Hakluyt's Headland as far as 
81° 30' without encountering any ice. Thomas Ro- 
binson even reached the latitude of 8^° 30'. The 
well-known North Pole expedition of Captain Phipps 


(uncle of the Marquis of Normanby), which started 
in 1774, had no better result than Tschitschagoff's. 

The idea that a passage, available in a commercial 
point of view, might be found along the coast of 
Siberia, in an easterly direction, is now, and indeed 
with reason, abandoned. Russia might, however, in 
my opinion, obtain from the White Sea and the 
Northern Ocean an article of very essential advan- 
tage to her industry and, indeed, to agriculture ; for 
Nature here affords us a material wherewith to 
impart a considerable degree of fertility to the large 
tracts of arable land which border the rivers flowing 
into these seas. It is well-known that from the 
walruses, beluga-dolphins, and different varieties of 
seals, only the hides and oil are taken, besides the 
tusks from the former animal, whilst the entire car- 
casses are lost. On the strand at the mouths of the 
Mesen and Petschora, as well as on the shores of the 
White Sea, lie thousands of these hideless animals, 
which, although turned to no account for industrial 
purposes, naturally acquire a value by chemical decom- 
position ; and were this scientifically promoted, it might 
assist in providing nourishment for thousands of men 
and domestic animals. At suitable places along the 
sea-shore, means should be adopted for the preparation 
of a concentrated manure from this azotic produce of 
the seas. The compost should then be brought up 
the rivers in barges to those districts which admit of 
cultivation, but are not at present productive through 
a deficiency of manure, whence meal, salt, and other 

B B 


necessaries, might be conveyed to the coast. Russia 
has in the Northern Ocean and the White Sea 
an inexhaustible abundance of such matter, fit for 
promoting the growth of vegetables. At one time, 
plans were formed for the preparation of manure 
at the oil boilings at the mouths of the Dwina, 
the Mesen, and the Petschora, from the oleaginous 
animals caught in their neighbourhood, and it has 
been calculated whether whole walruses might not 
likewise be brought there from remote places, as the 
craft (" Lodjen") employed in the walrus fishery, on 
the coast of Nova Zembla, could carry five thousand, 
but seldom bring more than a thousand pounds of 
oil and hides : it might often be profitable to extract 
the former substance at the above-mentioned places, 
and then a shorter time would be spent on remote 
coasts. The capture and conveyance of the animals 
might, perhaps, in many instances, be altogether a 
separate business from the subsequent operations. 

It seems as if a beneficent Providence afibrds us 
the means of fertilizing that ground in the northern 
districts which is least productive, whilst, in the 
interior of the empire, where the supply of a similar 
substance for the preparation of manure is not met 
with, it has given us a black soil, which does not 
stand in need of it. Neither Great Britain nor 
Ireland, nor, indeed, any other European country 
situated near the sea, is as highly- favoured as ours 
in this respect ; for the seas we have named contain 
not only, as well as theirs, animal nourishment pre- 


pared for men, but likewise afford a material for the 
production of large quantities of potatoes, corn, and 
other veofetable food for domestic animals. This 
is a treasure which must be dug up : a gold mine, 
which is not brought suddenly to an exhausted caiout 
mortuum^ but produces a fresh harvest from year to 

The herring, salmon, and other fisheries in the 
White Sea and in the Northern Ocean, ought to be 
carried on much more extensively than at present, 
and with better appliances for the preservation of 
the produce than are at present in use. Herrings 
might then at once become an important article of 
export, instead of large sums leaving the country, as 
they now do, for purchasing them. As it is to be 
hoped that on the Lapland coast, also, the Russian 
fishery will soon be carried on with more activity, 
it is certainly to be lamented that our boundary-line 
on the maps should no longer extend as far as it did 
a short time since in the direction of the Varanger 
Fiord, for on that portion which has been curtailed a 
much more profitable fishery might be carried on. In 
reference to the herring-fishery, the example given in 
the north of Scotland deserves to be adduced. For- 
merly the Dutch caught and salted the herrings as 
they annually descended from the north, and then 
they were purchased by Great Britain. Thirty years 
ago I was on the spot, and saw what the Government 
and private individuals did towards securing this 
branch of industry to the natives of the coasts of 

B B 2 


Caithness and Suthcrlandshire, and I lately found it 
permanently established to a great extent at Wick, 
Helmsdale, and other places on the north coast. At 
Wick alone about eight thousand men are employed 
during the fishing season. During my first residence 
in Suthcrlandshire, I was an eye-witness to the un- 
willingness displayed by the small tenants, who had 
lived for several generations in the interior of this 
district, to quit their miserable smoky huts in order 
to be settled on the coast, in accordance with mea- 
sures adopted by the mother of the present Duke of 
Sutherland. I now found them living in pleasant 
villages, and deriving a comfortable subsistence from 
the sea by fishing, whereas formerly they led such 
indolent lives on the heaths of the mountains and 
valleys, that those of the Samoiedes, on the mossy 
plains along the Northern Ocean, might, in compari- 
son, be called more active and useful. On the heaths, 
which were previously turned to no account, now 
wander countless sheep, whose instinct teaches them 
to search out the tender blades of grass sprouting up 
between the heath, and when they have attained a 
suitable age, they are, for the most part, conveyed 
to London in steamers. 

The commercial house of Eribanofi*, Fontaines, and 
Liihrs, at Archangel, is shortly (in connection with 
Alexander Ivanofi^ Dengen, the burgher of Vologda) 
to make an experiment, with the instrumentality of 
Captain Michael Plakiten, from the Kena, in the 
collection of the guano on Kolgujeff^ Island. If here 


and elsewhere on the north coast a certain quantity 
of a substance resembling the Peruvian and African 
guano should be discovered, it must be, in a great 
measure, deprived of its soluble and fertilising por- 
tion by the frequently-repeated thawing of its covering 
of snow, and, on this account, no extraordinary result 
can well be expected from this speculation, at all 
events, for any length of time. 





Let us now turn to the persons with whom Trades- 
cant came to Archangel, in order to ascertain their 
motives for visiting Russia. 

As the object of Sir Dudley Digges's mission to 
Russia was of the same nature as that of his pre- 
decessors, I must make some mention of these 
members of the Russia Company, and amongst them 
of one who had been previously established in our 
country for a long time at the factory at Moscow. 

John Merrick had already, when a younger man, 
served at the factory at Moscow. I take him to 
be the son of that William Merrick, one of the ori- 
ginal members of the company founded by Cabot, in 
1554. From a letter written at Rose Island in 1584, 
it appears that John Merrick had at that time been 
appointed agent at Jaroslavl. (Robert Peacock 
had then arrived at Moscow, in William Turnbull's 
place, the latter having been removed by William 
Burrough.) In May, 159^i, Queen Elizabeth wrote 
to Godunoff that John Merrick was named aoent at 


Moscow. In 1596 he was already a member of the 
Russia Company in London, but remained as agent 
at Moscow. In March of the same, and in January 
of the following year (1597)> the Queen exculpated 
herself to Godunoif from the calumnious accusations 
which the Pope and the Emperor had transmitted to 
the Czar, as to her having rendered assistance to 
the Sultan, to the prejudice of the Christian world. 
Elizabeth had received notice of these intrigues from 

On the 14th of March, 1598, Merrick reported 
to London the death of the Czar Fedor Ivanovitch, 
which took place on the yth of January — until that 
time he had been unable to obtain permission to 
dispatch a courier. He made known at the same 
time the election of Boriss Fedorovitch Godunoff, and 
added that he was particularly well-disposed towards 
him and the English. In July of the same year 
Francis Cherry was despatched by Elizabeth to Mos- 
cow, in order to contradict the reports circulated 
with reference to her diplomatic proceedings with the 

In the summer of I6OO the noble Gregory Ivano- 
vitch Mikulin, accompanied by Ivan SinovjefF, as 
secretary, were sent to Elizabeth by Godunoff, with a 
view to cement the friendly intercourse then existing. 
Merrick proceeded to England at the same time. He 
took with him two young foreigners who understood 
the Russian language, a Frenchman, of the name 
of Jean Parquet, and William Colliers, an Eng- 


Mikulin landed at Gravesend on the 18th of Sep- 
tember, amidst the firing of cannon. Sir William 
Russell, knight, whose son Francis was the founder of 
the ducal line of Bedford, was sent by the Queen to 
escort him up the Thames to London, where he was 
received by the Earl of Pembroke (Henry Herbert), 
accompanied by many other persons of rank. The 
Queen sent two state carriages, one of which con- 
veyed Mikulin, opposite to whom sat Lord Pembroke, 
whilst on his right was Sir William Russell, and on 
his left John Merrick. In the other carriage was 
Sinovjeff. The audience took place at Richmond, 
on the 14th of October. I found the oriofinal letter 
delivered by Mikulin to the Queen in the Tradescant 
Ashmolean Museum, at Oxford. It is dated the 
13th of May, l600, and embraces no details, for the 
ambassador was to fulfil his mission verbally. 

On the 6th of January, 1601, Mikulin and Sinovjeff 
dined with the Queen. On the l6th of May, she 
wrote to Godunoff bv Mikulin, who returned to Mos- 
cow in July. 

The journal of Mikulin's mission to London, kept 
by Sinovjeff, is not uninteresting. We here have in 
the Russian lanfjuasfe some notes on London in 1600 
and l601, mentioning the Tower, the city, and the 
only bridge over the Thames by which the city was 
connected with Southwark, with the houses and booths 
thereon. The honours paid to Mikulin and Sinovjeff 
were great. Guns were fired off at the Tower as 
they passed by it. Lord Bothwell, ambassador from 
the Kinn of Scotland (who two vears later became 


also King of England), visited them twice, the first 
time under a feigned name. The Journal contains all 
kinds of details, even that at the Queen's table Mi- 
kulin declined washing his hands in the silver vessel 
presented to him by her orders for that purpose, 
which much amused her. 

In February, 1601, Mikulin assisted in fighting for 
the Queen of England, when the conspiracy — of which 
the mad Earl of Essex (Robert Devereux) was the 
instigator, and in consequence of which he was exe- 
cuted on the 25th of the same month — broke out in 
London. With Mikulin an apothecary came to Mos- 
cow, but he immediately returned to England. This 
ambassador, as well as Sir Richard Lea, who was at 
Moscow somewhat later, begged James Trencham, 
the apothecary who had returned to England with 
Bowes in 1584, to revisit Russia ; and he brought a 
letter from Elizabeth to Godunofi^, of the 11th of 
March, l602, not, as Richter says, in 1601. We 
possess a list of the multifarious drugs and chemical 
preparations imported by him. Sir Thomas Smith 
found Mikulin at Jaroslavl in 1C05. Mikulin 
actually appears to have taken the pseudo-Deme- 
trius for Ivan's son ; and several Strelitzes, who 
were of another opinion, were cut down by their 
comrades at a feast given by him. Mikulin had done 
some service in the field before Narva in 1590, with 
a hundred Circassians. 

Whilst Mikulin and Merrick were on their wav 
from Russia to England in 1600, Elizabeth had dis- 
patched Sir Richard Lea as ambassador to Boriss 


Fedorovitch, and he returned to her in the summer 
of IGOI. To John Merrick, who had remained be- 
hind in London, and Francis Cherry, who was then 
settled there, the translation of Godunoff's confiden- 
tial letter delivered to Queen Elizabeth by Lea, was 
entrusted. In the same year, too, Merrick was sent 
to Boriss Fedorovitch with an answer from the Queen. 
He was also commissioned to oppose a marriage which 
was on the tapis between the Czarina Ksenia Boris- 
sovna and a member of the Austrian house, an at- 
tempt to impede which was also to have been made 
by Lea. Through the latter the Queen had pro- 
posed a daughter of Ferdinand Stanley, Earl of 
Derby ("being of our blood royall and of greater 
possessions than any subject within our realm"), as 
bride for the Czarevitch Fedor Borissovitch, but she 
subsequently learned that the latter was but thirteen 
years old, and consequently four years younger than 
Lady Stanley. Lord Derby had no son, but three 
daughters : the eldest, Anne, married Grey Brugges, 
Baron Chandos ; Francis, the second, John Egerton, 
Earl of Bridgewater ; and Elizabeth, the third, Henry 
Hastings, second Earl of Huntingdon. Elizabeth 
provided Merrick with a memorial (a " minute ") for 
Boriss Fedorovitch, wherein, amongst other things, 
she says : " We have thought it our part by this 
lettre to lett you knowe howe the case standeth, and 
to assure you that, if we had any of our blood 
(nay, of our own bodie) answerable to your expec- 
tacon, that we would thincke ourself both honored 
and strengthned by such a match, not only in regard 


of yourself from whom the Prince is descended, but 
in respect of the great towardlinesse which we doe 
understand to bee in him. Seeing therefore that it 
hath pleased Allmightie God (who holdeth the hartes 
of all kinges in his hand) soe to dispose our mynde 
as it could never geve way to those affections which 
might have been the meanes to raise an issue of our 
owne person (a matter whereof we have noe cause for 
our owne mynd to be sorye . . . ), wee think it also 
our part to hold you no longer in expectacon but to 
return you this our speedy answere, which we wish 
would present you the grief we have because the 
earnest desires in both of us of such a union could 
not take place." As Godunoff now left it to Eliza- 
beth to propose another, Merrick was to lay before 
him a list of the whole of her relations ("a draft of 
the pedigree"), so that he might not only select a 
bride for the Czarevitch, but a bridegroom for the 
Czarina. Merrick reached Moscow on the 10th of 
February, 1(302, and took up his quarters, according 
to his desire, at the English house on the Varvarka. 

On the following morning the Chancellor, Afa- 
nassy Ivanovitch Vlasseff, politely invited him to 
his house, and the day after visited him personally 
at his place of residence, in order to request him 
to hold himself in readiness in the evening to accom- 
pany him to the Czar. The Chancellor himself 
conveyed Merrick in his sledge to Boriss Federo- 
vitch, who was in the Kremlin. (" His Majestic 
then sitting in private, and not in state, having 
his ffeete [)laced on a footstoole covered with sables ; 


he gave me his princely hand to kiss.") When 
the Czar learnt that his last letter to the Queen 
had been entrusted to Merrick (and Cherry) to be 
translated, and that, because the contents were thus 
known to him, he had been selected for the pre- 
sent mission, he conversed with him so much the 
more freely. He praised Christopher Rietlinger, the 
physician who accompanied Lea, and who was an 
Hungarian. Lea requested the Czar to confer on 
this physician the title of Doctor. GodunofF pub- 
lished some very bitter remarks, condemning the 
proceedings of the Pope with reference to the Queen. 
Merrick was commissioned to translate into Russian, 
with the Chancellor Vlasseff's assistance, Elizabeth's 
letters, and the list of her entire pedigree and rela- 

As he was engaged in this occupation on the 
23rd of February, VlassefF produced a paper from 
his writing-desk, and asked Merrick how it was 
that the Queen did not mention the families of the 
Earls of Hertford and Huntingdon. On the 3rd 
of March, the persons sent by GodunofF to Den- 
mark returned ; and on the 13th, those dispatched 
to Moscow by King Christian the Fourth arrived : 
the latter delivered the portrait of Prince John, and 
it was decided that he should receive the hand of 
Ksenia Borissovna. On the !22nd of June Merrick 
had his audience of leave-taking. Boriss Fedorovitch 
recommended four young Russians to him, whom 
he took to England to place in an educational esta- 
blishment. Merrick reported that GodunofF had 


told him " that he did the rather make choice of 
this our country for the especiale love he beareth 
her Maiestie, and the good opinion he hath of our 
NaQon ; and that I should make them known to 
her Maiestie, and desire her, in his name, that 
she would be pleased to give leave that they may 
be trayned up in learninge, and not be drawn to 
forsake their reliijion." 

On the 24th of July Merrick travelled from 
Moscow to Archangel, and thence sailed on the 
30th of the same month. On the 5th of September 
he delivered Godunoff's letter to the Queen at 
Oatlands, not far from London. The original of 
the letter sent by Godunoff to Elizabeth in June, 
1602, through Merrick, was discovered by me in 
the Tradescant (Ashmolean) Museum at Oxford. 
Boriss Federovitch therein states that he had given 
an audience to Merrick, her envoy, in order to 
receive her letter, and that the verbal communica- 
tion entrusted to the bearer had been delivered to 

Elizabeth's reply to the Czar was couched in very 
friendly terms. She proposed a young English- 
woman, whose name she did not mention, as a bride 
for the Czarovitch Fedor. The father of the latter 
thereupon asked who and of what rank this lady 
was, but received no reply, the death of the Queen 
having occurred in the interim. Elizabeth had 
departed this life on the 24th of March, completing 
her glorious reign of five-and-forty years, which exer- 


ciscd SO highly important an influence on Russian 
trade and industry. 

In the ensuing year (l604) her successor on the 
throne, James the First (until then James the Sixth 
of Scotland), dispatched to Boriss Federovitch Godu- 
noff the already frequently mentioned Sir Thomas 
Smith, who, for several years in succession, had been 
Governor of the Russia Company. He was pre- 
sented to the King at Greenwich, by Lord Salisbury, 
before his departure. The ship John and Francis 
brought him to Archangel. 

Smith had his first audience four days before the 
intelligence of the advance of the pretender, Deme- 
trius, reached Moscow, viz. on the 11th of October. 
He obtained from Godunoff all that he desired for 
the company's benefit. 

During his residence at Moscow, John Merrick 
continued to be the principal agent of the company, 
and William Russel (previously Dutch agent) was 
Merrick's assistant. At Smith's audience, the chief 
person present was Peter Fedorovitch BassmanofF. 
Smith calls him *'a very gallant nobleman." Mer- 
rick and Edward Cherrie, probably a brother of 
Francis, were invited to dinner. 

Shortly after Smith again quitted Moscow, Boriss 
died, viz. on the 13th of April. As Smith decided 
on waiting at Vologda for the favourable season for 
navigation, he was enabled to return thence the 
papers he had received from the deceased Czar to 
the latter's son and successor, Fedor Borissovitch, 


who, on his part, then confirmed them ; but, before 
Smith quitted Russia, he, too (Fedor), had departed 
this life. Demetrius, the pretender, sent after him 
Gavvilo Ssamoilovitch SsalmanofF, who, in I6OO and 
1601, had been Vaivode of the city of Verchotvije, 
then recently built, and as interpreter, the Richard 
Finch, who, as we have seen, accompanied Logan and 
Gordon, in I6II, to the Petschora. These persons 
overtook Smith at Archangel n the 31st of July, 
and delivered him a letter, in which the usurper 
requested Sir Thomas to express to King James 
his wish to be on friendly terms with him, and to 
mention, that immediately after his coronation an 
embassy should be sent to him ; at the same time 
he requested to have Godunoff's letter returned to 
him. Smith reached London only in September, 
still, in the same year (1605), he published an 
account of his travels ("Voyage and Entertainment 
in Rushia, with the tragicall ends of two Emperors 
and one Empresse within one month"). 

Samuel Southeby, who had been at Moscow as 
chaplain with Sir Thomas Smith, likewise thought 
of laying his observations before the public, but did 
not fulfil his intention. 

Merrick likewise continued in Russia as English 
agent during the disturbed period which commenced 
in 1605. On the 8th of June of the same year, 
Demetrius, the pretender, invited him from Zula, 
when Merrick was on the road to Archangel to pay 
him a visit ; in consequence of which, he visited the 
usurper at his camp at Kolomenskoje, near Moscow. 


Here he received, on the IStli of June, a free pass for 
travelling through the country, and to England, as 
well as permission for the English to carry on their 
trade free of duty. Tunofei Matvejevitch Lasareff, 
the Vaivode at Archangel, and the Secretary Roman 
MakariefF Voronoff, received orders to permit Mer- 
rick and the other English, to pursue their traffic 
without hindrance. In December of the same year, 
Merrick obtained from the pseudo-Demetrius, at 
Moscow, a formal charter, which he sent to England 
by Oliver Lysset during the winter. 

In this document, Sir Thomas Smith's name stands 
at the head of the members of the company. I have 
already mentioned, that Richard Cockes, whose clerk 
(Thomas Ligon) discovered Pursglove in 1611-1612, 
at the village of Okladinoif, on the Mesen, is also 
named. John Merrick and Edward Cherry are like- 
wise set down as members. Amongst other thinofs, 
the permission formerly granted, and still existing, 
for vessels to load and unload at Rose Island, was 

Vassily Ivanovitch Schuisky granted a fresh char- 
ter to the English, at Merrick's request, on the 4th of 
June, 1606, and sent him to England with it, as well 
as with an account to King James, of the events which 
had lately taken place in Russia. He promised that 
a Russian embassy should speedily follow. 

During Merrick's absence, Mark Brewster re- 
mained at the head of the factory at Moscow. In 
the summer of 1609, George Brighouse, one of the 
clerks, arrived at Moscow from Cholmogorii, travel- 


ling post by way of Vladimir, and took up his 
quarters for a short time with Brewster. On his 
return, at the beginning of September, he gave an 
account which was transmitted to England. It re- 
ferred to occurrences at and near Moscow, the battle 
near the Chodiinka, Butschinsky's protracted arrest 
(Brewster daily sent him food from the English fac- 
tory), &;c. One piece of intelligence which has come 
to us by these means, relative to one of the three 
wives of Ivan Ivanovitch, is worth noticing. Brig- 
house dined with her in her cell at Vladimir, both on 
his journey to, and his return from Moscow, and was 
received by her in a very friendly manner. He 
says : — " The Princesse, wife to Evan Evanovitch, 
that was eldest sonne to the old Emperor, she whom 
you gave the good entertainment to, made very much 
of him ; he dined in her presence ; after dinner, 
sent him a great present of many dishes and drinkes 
for your sake, and often remembered you and your 
great kindnesse to her and hers, still remembering 
T. La, and kept him so a longe time in her owne 
cell." I consider, therefore, that the last of the three 
consorts whom the Czarevitch had in the course of 
two years is here meant. Karamsin could not tell 
what became of her. According to Passevin, she 
was the cause, owing to her light behaviour, of the 
tragic end of her consort in the Alexandrian suburb, 
on the 19th of November, 158^. Her name whilst 
a maiden and wife, was Helena Ivanovna ; her 
brother was the celebrated General Fedor Ivanovitch 
Scheremeteff; her father, Ivan Vassilovitch, died in 



a convent in 1578 ; when she became a nun, she 
assumed the name of Leonida. Two letters written 
by her under this name, and with her seal attached, 
are extant ; one of the 20th of August, 1583, and the 
other of the 21st of July, 1587 > both dated from the 
Novodevitch convent, at Moscow. The first is pre- 
served in the Trotzkisch convent, and the other is in 
the possession of M. von Biitschkoff, Librarian to the 
Imperial Public Library at St. Petersburg. The con- 
tents of the latter letter show that this Czarina was 
a joint-proprietor with her brother, of the village of 
Borissoglebsk, in the then Kostroma district on the 
road from Nerechta to Nishny Novogorod. Brig- 
house's account is the only one which we have, since 
1587, of this lady, who is interesting in an historical 
point of view. According to the same, she must 
have been still resident in 1609, in the Uspenkisch 
convent at Vladimir, which is now nearly seven cen- 
turies and a half old. 

Mark Brewster continued to preside over the fac- 
tory until the eventful summer of 1611, residing still 
at the Varvarka. After that dreadful day (the 8th of 
September), on which Kitaigorod was sacrificed by 
our people, in order to compel the Poles to retreat, 
Brewster received permission, through the favour 
shown him by Prince Fedor Ivanovitch Motislavsky, 
to dwell in a cellar of the palace at the Kremlin. 
Merrick, who had remained at Cholmogorli and 
Archangel, quitted the latter place for England in the 

Captain Jacob Margeret, who, three days after the 


destruction of Kitaigorod, left the Kremlin, and with 
Michailo Glebovitch Ssaltiikoff removed to Poland, 
wrote from Hamburg on the 29th of January, I6l2, 
to Merrick in London, that a fire had broken out, 
kindled by the red-hot balls of the Russians, and 
that the English house behind the great Caravan- 
serai had been consumed, so that but three buildings 
remained standing and uninjured in the town. He 
mentioned Chodkevitch's arrival at the Kremlin, and 
his expedition against Rjasan. In the prognosis 
which Maroferet oives of Russia on this occasion he 
makes a considerable mistake, for he says : — " If the 
Russes have no forraine helpe, as there is no appear- 
ance, no question it will come to pass, as I writ last to 
Your Worship, that they will be forced to yield." 
Margeret, as is well known, ventured to return to 
Archangel as early as 1 61 2, to offer his assistance to 
Russia ; but Prince Demetrius Michailovitch Po- 
sharsky sent him back in the disgrace he merited. 
Michael Fedorovitch, soon after his accession to 
the throne, dispatched Stephen Michaelovitch Uscha- 
koff, and Ssemar Saborovsky, not only to the Emperor 
Matthias, but to Holland and England, in order to 
announce his election to the sovereignty of Russia, 
and pave the way for friendly intercourse. In 
Holland and England, moreover, they were to apply 
for assistance in concluding a peace with Sweden, and 
to neirotiate a loan. Purchas witnessed the landinor 
of our envoys at Gravesend — their honourable recep- 
tion in London, the part they took in the amusements 
(" the running at tilt at White Hall"), and the 

c c 2 


audience granted to them by tlie King, on the 24th of 
March, 1()14. Russia, on which so much misfortune 
had fallen between 1605 and 1G13, required money 
in order to be enabled to defend itself against the 
hostilities which still continued on the side of Poland. 

In 1615, Merrick, the ci-devant clerk and trade- 
agent at the Varvarka, now knighted by James the 
First, and appointed to the Privy Chamberlainship, 
arrived at Archangel as ambassador from that King, 
with a suite of no less than four-and-forty persons, and 
a nobleman named Michael Jelisarovitch Vikentjeff 
was sent from Moscow to meet and receive him. Sir 
John Merrick announced that King James was ready 
to advance Russia a sum of money, which was a 
communication naturally much longed for. He was 
further commissioned, to act as mediator of a peace 
between Russia and Sweden ; and subsequently, he 
and the Russian Commissioners proceeded, in Novem- 
ber of the above-named year (l(3l5), to the province 
of Staraja-Russa, where the negotiations were to take 
place, and where a Dutch embassy also arrived. 

Merrick was at first lodofed with his suite in a 
desolate countrv house, near the villaofe of Romanoff, 
where the Swedish General Jacob de la Gardie then 
was. The Dutch embassy, which arrived on the 20th 
of November with Reynbout van Broderode at its 
head, were at first quartered in the neighbouring 
village of Milagona, but subsequently provided for in 
the village of Glebovo, The Russian Commissioners 
had quarters allotted to them in the village of Diderina, 
to which (on the lyth of December) De la Gardie, 


ai)d Merrick, with their suites, afterwards removed. 
Here the treaty was to be celebrated in tents erected 
for that purpose on the snow ; but the cold, which was 
exceedingly great, afterwards compelled them to 
assemble at Merrick's. In his lodge an armistice 
for three months was at length concluded on the 4th 
of March, 16 16. This was the whole result of the 
long negotiations which were carried on with un- 
speakable inconvenience, owing to the desolate nature 
of the country, and the intense cold. We are indebted 
to Anthonis Goeteeris, who accompanied the Dutch 
Commissioner as treasurer, for an account of the 
manner in which the negotiations were carried on, as 
well as for illustrations of all the townships named. 
At Dideriua, even the tents behind which was the 
house inhabited by Merrick, were depicted, as well 
as the procession to them. 

Goeteeris has handed down to us two views of 
Ivangorod as it was at that time. In March, 
Gustavus Adolphus sent a letter to Merrick at 
Moscow, whither he had returned, by Christopher 
Woldek, who travelled thither by way of Osta- 
schkoff. It was also through Merrick's mediation 
that the King raised the siege of Narva at the com- 
mencement of October ; and now really began the 
negotiations for a peace. On the 20th of November, 
Merrick made a provisional arrangement with the 
Swedish Commissioners. In the " Chronological 
Record," which appeared in 1845, it is not cor- 
rectly stated that a Dutch Ambassador was present 
at the celebration of the Stolbov peace. The first 


rieootiation between Merrick and the other Com- 
missioners ended in an armistice. The substantial 
treatv of peace was first agreed to at a subsequent 
meeting at Stolbova between Tichvia and Ladoga, 
by the above-named Russian Commissioners, without 
the assistance of the Dutch, on the ^i7th of February, 
1617. In virtue of this treaty, Russia received back 
Novogorod Staraja-Russa, Porchov, Ladoga, Gdov, 
and some other provinces ; but transferred to Sweden 
the whole tract of country from Ivangorod (Narva) 
as far as Noteburg (Oreschek Schliisselburg) ; in- 
cluding, consequently, the ground on which 8t. Peters- 
burg now stands. 

The treaty of Stolbov, to the completion of which 
Merrick's mediation had very essentially contributed, 
was signed by him as witness. He returned to 
London immediately afterwards. 

In August of the same year, 1617j Stephen Ivano- 
vitch, Voliinsky, Mayor (Namestrick) of Rashk, and 
Mark PosdejefF, Michael Fedorovitch*s secretary, were 
sent to England, as already stated, partly with a view 
to cement the existing friendly relations between both 
realms, and partly to urge the fulfilment of the pro- 
mise made of the loan of a sum of money (a hundred 
thousand roubles). I discovered the letter from the 
Czar Michael Fedorovitch, delivered to King James 
the First, by Voliinsky, amongst the Cottonian papers 
in the British Museum, It is inserted in the Cata- 
logue under the head of Nero, B. XI. 92, as " a paper 

The English Government was ready to make a loan, 


but wished to impose sundry conditions, viz. that the 
navigation on the Volga, and across the Caspian sea, 
should be free to the English ; that a contract should 
be entered into for the supply of hemp, flax, and cord- 
age, and that the Dutch should not enjoy commercial 
privileges equal to those of the English ; lastly, good 
security was required for the repayment. I found 
these conditions in the British Museum in London 
(Lansdowne No. 160, 7I, Fol. 246). 

It was considered advisable that an embassy should 
be dispatched to Moscow, with special reference to 
this loan ; and Sir Dudley Digges, the active member 
of the Russia Company, so often named, and in whose 
suite Tradescant came to Archangel, was appointed its 

Sir Dudley Digges was the son of Thomas, and the 
latter of Leonard Digges. Both were known as au- 
thors of mathematical, geometrical, and other scien- 
tific works. The first written by Leonard, *' A 
general Prognostication," appeared in the year of the 
Willoughby expedition (1553). The title of the 
second book, published two years subsequently, was : 
" A Prognostication everlasting of right good effect, 
fructfuUy augmented, contayninge playne, briefe, plea- 
sant, chosen rules to judge the wether for ever, by the 
sunne, moone, starres, &c." The "Tectonicum" ap- 
peared in 1556 (*'a book named Tectonicum, briefly 
shewing the exact measuring and spedie reckoning of 
all manner of lands, squares, timber, stones, steeples, 
&c."). The *'Pantometria" ("a geometrical, practical 
treatise, divided into three bookes, Longimetria, Plani- 


metria and Stereometria") was published by Thomas, 
with corrections and additions in 1591. Of thelatter*s 
works I will here only name : " Scalse mathematicse 
Stratioticos (" an arithmetical military treatise"), and 
*' a brief discourse what orders were best for repuls- 
ing any forraine forces, if at any time they should 
invade us by sea in Kent, or elsewhere." 

Dudley, born in 1583, had studied at the University 
College at Oxford from 1598 till 1603, and after- 
wards busied himself with jurisprudence in London. 
He was knighted by James the First in I6O7, and 
travelled on the Continent for his improvement. We 
have seen that he was one of the promoters of the 
five expeditions undertaken for the discovery of a 
North- West passage with the ship Discovery, from 
1610 till 1616, successively commanded by Hudson, 
Button, Bileth (and Baffin). The unfortunate Hud- 
son, as we have before stated, assigned Digges* name 
to an island in Hudson's Straits in his first voyage in 
1610, as Bileth, in the case of Baffin, gave that name 
to a Cape in Baffin's Bay in I6I6. This Cape Dud- 
ley Digges is, according to Ross' observation in 1818, 
situated in 76° 5' of latitude, and south of Petovak, 
the settlement of Esquimaux in the Arctic Highlands, 
near Wolstenholme Sound, opposite to Wolstenholme 
Island, and north-w^est of Sovallick, the spot on the 
shore of Prince Regent's Bay where the meteoric 
iron, of which these Esquimaux make their knives, is 
found. Baffin fixed the latitude of Cape Dudley Digges 
at 76° 35' ; Ross here saw a lofty chain inland, on ac- 
count of which he names this region the Arctic High- 


lands. Esquimaux belonging to the Petovak settlement, 
came over the ice to his vessels in dog sledges ; canoes 
they did not possess. Ross brought some of their 
knives with him to Great Britain. Not only Dr. 
WoUaston of London, but likewise Mr. Andrew Fyfe 
of Edinburgh, pointed out the nickel contained in the 
iron of which they are made, and thus renders their 
meteoric origin probable. The attention of the 
whalers visiting Baffin's Bay should be directed to this 
iron ; and they should be requested, when accident 
leads them into the neigbourhood of Sovallick, and a 
landing there is practicable, to ascertain the situation 
and quantity of that metal existing there, and likewise 
to bring as much of it as possible with them. In the 
cataloojue of the orioinal Tradescant Museum and 
Garden, Sir Dudley's name stands amongst the 
patrons and benefactors of these establishments. He 
brought Charles the First a Narwal (Unicorn) horn, 
which the King ordered his physicians to examine. 
Parkinson the botanist has described it. Baffin, who 
in 1616 was with the North-West expedition equipped 
by Digges, Smith, and Wolstenholme, under Bileth's 
command, informed Wolstenholme, that near the 
places named after these gentlemen in the north of 
Buffin's Bay, they saw many narvvals. In Tradescant's 
Museum there was a " Monoceros home." Frobisher 
on his second voyage (1577) found a dead narwal with 
the " home." At Windsor a " home" seven feet in 
length is preserved. In 1581 Ivan Vassilovitch pur- 
chased for a great sum from the agent of a commercial 
house at Augsburg, a piece of a narwal's horn, three 


feet and a half long, and richly set with precious 
stones. This horn-stick (Possoch) was taken from the 
Kremlin by the Poles in l6ll, together with many 
other treasures. 

Sir Dudley Digges is known as the author of seve- 
ral works. In that first published long after his death 
(1655), " The Compleat Ambassador," Elizabeth's 
negotiations with reference to her marriage with the 
Duke of Anjou (1571), and with the Duke of 
Alen^on (1581), are described. His first little work 
on the quality of war and soldiers (" Politique Dis- 
courses of the Worthinesse of Warre and Warriors"), 
appeared in 1604 ; and " The Defence of Trade, in a 
letter to Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of the East 
India Company," in l6l5. 

The voyage he made to Archangel in 1618, con- 
temporaneously with Voliinsky, we are already ac- 
quainted with. As soon as Michael Fedorovitch 
received intelligence of Digges' arrival there, he sent 
the Boyar, Eedor Vladimirovich, from Moscow, by 
way of Vologda and Ustjug, to meet and escort him 
to the metropolis. 

The Poles were at that time making inroads into 
Russia in many directions, and Uvaroff in consequence 
received instructions, after manifold consultations 
with the Boyars, with regard to the course to 
be adopted with the embassy committed to his 
guidance, in the event of their falling in with any 
of these hostile parties. Digges, however, stood in 
such fear of the Poles, that even before Fedor Vla- 
dimirovitch reached him he turned back from Choi- 


mogorii to Archangel, and embarked for England. 
The charge of the mission at Moscow he entrusted to 
Thomas Finch and Fabyan Smith who was then the 
agent there. 

Sir Dudley's return from Cholmogorii without pro- 
ceeding to Moscow in fulfilment of his mission, drew 
upon him the displeasure of King James the First, 
who banished him from the Court for some time. In 
a letter addressed to the Czar, Michael Fedorovitch, 
in 1619, there is the following passage: — "Notwith- 
standing the reasons which he (Digges) gave for his 
excuse, the kinge took this contempt of his I'etorne so 
distastefully, that (allbee the freinds he could make) 
hee was presently commanded from the Courte, and 
so remaineth in his Majestie's displeasure." In the 
same letter it is, however, mentioned that Digges' re- 
turn did some service, for through him was received 
the intelligence of these hostile proceedings of the 
Poles against Russia; and this led to the refusal, by 
James the First, of the application just made to him 
by the King of Poland for auxiliary troops from 
England and Scotland. Sir Dudley Digges regained 
the favour of the king, and was sent to Holland in 
1620 on a mission connected with East India affairs, 
and in 1621 to Ireland, when Member of Parliament, 
to inquire into its ecclesiastical and political condition. 
In 1626 he spoke very boldly in Parliament against 
the Duke of Buckingham, George Villiers, King 
Charles the First's great favourite, for which he was 
obliged to atone by imprisonment in the Tower, 
although but for a few days. Several of his later 


speeches have been preserved — one of them, in 1628, 
*' on the right and privilege of the subject," was pub- 
lished in 1642. In 1630 the lucrative appointment of 
Master of the Rolls w^as promised to him, but he did 
not actually receive it until 1636. He died in 1639, 
and was buried in the church of Chilham, in Kent. 
We have a likeness of him engraved by H. R. Cooke, 
after a painting by Cornelius Jansen ; and a smaller 
portrait of him in mezzotinto is by Woodburn. In 
the public documents drawn up at Archangel, he is 
mentioned as " Prince Thomyn Dudley Digges." I 
must yet observe that, in Rhymer's Foedera, xvii., 257, 
the full power conferred on Sir Dudley Digges for his 
mission to Russia is incorrectly dated in 1620 instead 
of 1618. 

Fedor Vladimirovich Uvaroff escorted Thomas 
Finch, Thomas Leak, the secretary, Richard James, 
the chaplain, and fourteen other persons from Vo- 
logda to Moscow, where this mission was received on 
the 19th of January, 16 19, with all honours; and a 
suitable residence was allotted to them in the great 
ambassador's hotel at Kitaigorod. 

Finch refused for a long time to give the Czar the 
explanations he desired. At an audience before the 
boyars, instead of the hundred thousand roubles 
which were expected, only forty thousand crowns 
(in weight 5335 pounds, 36 solotnik) were paid, 
which, according to the calculations of that time, 
amounted to somewhat more than sixteen thousand 
roubles. The princes Gregory Petrovitch Romoda- 
novski (patrician of Briiusk), and Gregory Constan- 


tinovitch (patrician of Kascbira), carried on the nego- 
tiations. The sum offered was so insignificant, that 
they were on the point of declining to receive it, for 
at that time peace had ah'eady been concluded. 

The Fabyan Smith mentioned in the letter which 
Michael Fedorovitch wrote to James the First on 
this occasion, and who was employed as agent in the 
matter of the loan, was appointed to the chief post at 
the factory in Russia after Merrick. The Russian 
Government often obtained such articles as it needed 
from him. In 16 14 he received payment for the 
iron guns and balls, 240 pistols, 320 pike-heads, and 
cloth for the soldiers at Jaroslavl, &c., which he had 
delivered. At the time of Sir Dudley Digges' ar- 
rival he was at Archangel. After Smith's decease 
Thomas Wyche became agent in Russia, and in 1634, 
Richard Swift in his stead. In the so-called Ashmo- 
lean Museum at Oxford I discovered the copy of a 
letter, dated the 31st of July, 1631, from Charles the 
First to Michael Federovitch relative to this person. 
Swift had been employed by King James the First 
in 1617j on a mission to Moscow. This appears 
from a letter of the Czar's of September, 1617j which 
is to be found in the same museum. Alexis Ivano- 
vitch Sjusin, who had been employed in negotiating 
the peace with Sweden, was also sent to London at 
that time, with the secretary, Alexis Vitovtoff. 

On the I6th of March (I6l9), Finch and his col- 
leaojues had their first audience from Michael Fedo- 
rovitch, and on the 15th of July a second one for 
leave- takino-. 


The Royal letter delivered by Finch, which con- 
tained Sir Dudley's credentials, was dated the 30th 
of May, 16 18. Prince Volkonsky laid the ambas- 
sador's presents before the Czar, but unfortunately 
they are not specifically detailed. In his Imperial 
Majesty's armoury at Zarskoje-Sselo, there is a sword- 
blade with the date of 1618, and with the portraits 
of King James the First (fifty -three years old), his 
son. Prince Charles, Maurice, Prince of Orange, and 
of the Elector Palatine, Frederick the Fifth, who 
became the Kino's son-in-law in 1613. 

On the 20th of August the English, escorted by 
Ivan Fomitch Ssiitia, departed from Moscow for 
Archangel. In this journey they were accompanied 
by Isaac Massa, the Dutch ambassador, to whom we 
are indebted for that map of a part of our north 
coast of which we have said so much. 

Dr. Richard James, the chaplain who accompanied 
the embassy, was a learned and diligent Oxonian. 
A number of his manuscripts, mostly of a theo- 
logical nature, are extant in the Bodleian Library. 
He wrote an account of what he observed in Russia 
in 1618-1619, and which is described by Tanner in a 
list of these MSS. prepared after James's decease, as 
*' An Account of his (James's) Travels into Russia, 
8vo, in five sheets." As Dr. James's MSS. were 
obtained by purchase for the Bodleian Library, I 
naturally sought amongst them for the account of his 
Russian travels ; but, notwithstanding all my trouble, 
I was unable to discover it, and think I may assert 
that this MS. does not now exist in the Bodleian 


Library. Perhaps indeed it was never there, or was 
soon afterwards lost, for in the catalogue made 
in 1697 a note is inserted at No. 43 of James's 
papers, saying, "it is missing;" and it was precisely 
in this bundle that, according to a comparison with 
Tanner's catalogue, the account of his Russian travels 
ought to have been found. Tl\e loss is to be deplored, 
for James doubtless describes Philaret's entry into 
Moscow, and his introduction to the Patriarch. It 
is to be hoped that we shall still succeed in disco- 
vering this MS. somewhere in England, for it would 
be valuable for the knowledge it would give us of 
Moscow as it was at that period. 

Some literary remains, however, brought by Dr. 

James from Russia, I discovered at Oxford. I shall 

first name some Russian songs of that time. One 

of them refers to Philaret's entry into Moscow ; 

another is of the year 1605, and relates to Ksenia, 

the beautiful and accomplished daughter of the Czar 

Boriss Fedorovitch, subsequently known as the nun 

Olga, whom we have several times mentioned, and 

for whom, after the death of John the Danish prince, 

a bridegroom was sought in England (in the Hertford 

and Huntingdon families), Austria, and Schleswig- 

Holstein. The crime of which Rostuga was guilty 

towards this Princess, and through which he has 

deservedly become an object of abhorrence to all 

mankind, is sufficiently well known. A third relates 

to the youthful hero. Prince Michael Vassiljevitch 

Skopin Schuisky, commander-in-chief of the army, 

an ornament to his country and a pattern to his sol- 


diers, through whose sudden death, late in the even- 
mg of the 23rd of April, 1610, the affairs of Russia, 
already so complicated, became still more so. 

These Russian songs are of high value, and espe- 
cially because they are altogether unchanged from 
what they were when copied for Dr. James : they were 
brought from Cholmogorii to England in the spring 
of l6lO, and there they have hitherto lain unre- 
garded. As respects the old Russian songs lately 
published in Russia, we neither know with certainty 
the period of their composition, nor the extent of the 
alterations which they have subsequently undergone. 

I must observe that Dr. James remained in Russia 
longer than Finch and Lea. The embassy, indeed, 
quitted Moscow, as already stated, in August, 1619; 
but when it reached Archangel, the vessel which was 
to have conveyed it to England had already set sail, 
on account of the lateness of the season. As they 
now suffered shipwreck outside the bar in the last 
remaining merchant vessel, of whose departure they 
availed themselves for their home, they re- 
turned to Archangel and Cholmogorii after the loss of 
most of their things. Finch and Lea, with two 
others, now departed by land ; but James, with the 
remainder, stayed the whole winter at Cholmogorii, 
whei'e this active Oxford scholar applied himself to 
the acquisition of the Russian language. I have 
likewise discovered a collection of Russian words, 
with an explanation of their meaning in English ("a 
Russian vocabulary "), which was brought to England 
by James. It appears from it that the English traders 


in Russia at that time had made themselves properly 
acquainted with the language of the country. Several 
animals, plants, utensils, implements, and other things, 
are not only named in English, but likewise specially 
described. This is the case, for example, with the 
word " Jitvouke," " A small bird, usually as large as 
larks, and also with claws of about the same length ; 
back and belly of the same colour ; but they have like- 
wise on the side of the head two short horns of black 
feathers, and on the throat a black spot. The feet 
and bill are blackish, and on the head and throat are 
shades of a yellow colour. They taste like larks, and 
are very fat. On the 4th of October (viz. 1619), 
we ate at Cholmogorii eighteen of them, which were 
purchased for four copecks ; and on the 6th, twelve 
of them were bought for three copecks." We like- 
wise see from this description that here the snow (or 
mountain lark (alauda nivalis, s. alpestris) is meant ; 
and we learn that it was then called Shitwonka, from 
shito (corn), their food. Opposite the word " Kin- 
shal" is placed '* a Persian dagger. The officer of 
the Customs at Archangel was wont to boast that he 
stabbed the Pretender, Demetrius, with one of the same 
description." This little book was stitched in leather 
at Cholmogorii, and a narrow strap is sewn to it, so 
as to be rolled round and thus to keep it together. 

We have a sermon preached by Dr. James at Ox- 
ford in 1621, but not published until 1630, when it 
was dedicated to Sir Robert Cotton. It is surprising 
that Dr. James alludes in it to the two weeks before 
the orreat fast. He therein describes what he saw at 

D D 


Moscow in 1619 ; and, amongst other things, 
says that a numher of men (" scores of men ") 
were murdered in a drunken state. In a poem, 
of which James was the author, a woman of Chol- 
mogorii, named Maria, at whose house he must have 
lived, is depicted by him in a very unfriendly man- 
ner. This "heart's relief" he has entitled, "An 
execration on Marie of Cholmogorod, in whose house 
I should have binne lodged if my man had not tould 
me the condicion of the place." A few other lines are 
addressed by him to Anthony White, of Oxford, who, 
in consequence of his long absence, considered him to 
be dead, and had made an elegy on him. 

In the same ship which conveyed Sir Dudley 
Digges, Tradescant, Dr. James, and the other per- 
sons already named, to Russia, was also David 
Gilbert, the Scotch captain. This Gilbert is the 
same who, as I have discovered in the Moscow 
archives, was induced to enter the Russian service 
under Boriss Fedorovitch at the same time as Captain 
Margeret, and who likewise served with the same 
person in the body-guard of the first Pretender, Deme- 
trius, which was composed of foreigners. He was one 
of the fifty-two strangers whom the second Pretender, 
Demetrius, wished to drown in the Oka without anv 
further examination, owing to an unfounded suspicion 
he entertained of them. These foreigners had already 
been driven from Koselsk towards Kaloga on the 
river just named, when Martin Beer, the chaplain, 
and Captain Gilbert, together with three others, 
Ensign Thomas Moritzen, and Reinhold von Engel- 


hard and Johann von Reenen, two Livonian nobles, 
ventured to cross the Oka for the purpose of im- 
ploring Marian Morisckka, through the medium of 
the ladies who were with her, to intercede for them. 
She really became the preserver of these innocent and 
calumniated persons. Gilbert subsequently served in 
the Polish ranks, but was soon taken prisoner and 
brought to Moscow. Sir John Merrick, who returned 
to England in I617, then induced King James to in- 
tercede for him with the Czar, Michael Federovitch. 
In the Tradescant ( Ashmolean) Museum at Oxford, I 
discovered the original dispatch from Michael Fedo- 
rovitch, which contains a reply to James, wherein 
Gilbert's great crime is circumstantially represented. 
By this it appears that, on account of his desertion to 
the Poles, and the share he had taken in the many 
pillagings and blood-sheddings at Moscow, and in 
the empire generally, he had forfeited his life ; but 
that at the king's request, he should be pardoned, 
and might return to his native country with Volunsky, 
the ambassador, who was dispatched to England in 
1617' The above-named Russian dispatch (Gramota), 
discovered by me at Oxford, is much damaged. It is 
therein said, that in the letter from King James, de- 
livered by Sir John Merrick, it was asserted that 
Gilbert was taken prisoner by Sholkevski's people, 
and obliged to enter the Polish service, but that he 
was again taken prisoner by the Russians without 
having anywhere lent his assistance in injuring them, 
and that he now had been in fetters three years. The 
King requested that he might be set at liberty, and 

D D 2 


permission given him cither to return to his native 
comitry, or to enter the Russian service. Hereupon 
the reply given was, that Gilbert had engaged to serve 
the Czar Boriss Feodorovitch ; but that, under 
Schuisky, he had gone over to the second usurper at 
Tuschino, and subsequently to the Poles. He then 
came to Moscow with Sholkevski, and was after- 
wards taken prisoner by the Russians whilst fighting 
against them. When, by permission of his Imperial 
Majesty, I examined the MS. of the archives of the 
Orusheinaja Palace, at Moscow, unrolled by me in 
1836, I found, amongst other things, that David 
Gilbert, with Captains Jacob Margeret and Robert 
Dunbar, as well as Jacob Hock, an ensign, and An- 
drew Let (who had been recently baptized), were 
taken into the military service by Afanassy Ivanovitch 
VlassefF, during his residence abroad in I6OO and 
1601. Pay was given to each, according to his rank. 
At the same time (in 1836) I discovered the lists of the 
crowns, and other valuables, taken by the Poles from 
the Czar's treasury in the Kremlin in I6II. Amongst 
these, it may be incidentally remarked, were a crown 
which was intended for the Pretender, Demetrius, 
but the workmanship of which had not been com- 
pleted ; an hussar's saddle, ornamented with jewels of 
great value and gold ; and, moreover, the richly- 
decorated *' unicorn" stick, already alluded to, and 
three common narwal horns. In the documents 
found by me all the precious stones were separately 
enumerated, and their value affixed. From Masske- 
vitch's Journal we find that these valuables, taken 


from the Kremlin, were distributed amongst the sol- 
diers in Poland in I6l4. The plain narwal horns 
were sawn in pieces, and delivered by weight, of 
which Masskevitch received two *'Loth" (half 

Captain Gilbert returned from England, in I6I8, 
with his son Thomas, to make a fresh offer of his 
services to the Czar. On board the vessel he gave 
Tradescant an account, amongst other things, of 
the wonderful endurance of Tartar horses. Trades- 
cant writes : *' Ther Tartar horses be longe, much 
like to the Barbery horses, but of the best use of any 
in the knowne world, for as I have heard Captaine 
Gilbert report, that hathe long lived there, he had 
on whiche he hathe rod a wholl day together, and 
at night hathe give him a littille provender, and the 
next day hathe don the like, and so for many dayes, 
and yet he confessethe that he hathe not known seldom 
on of tire." 

During his stay in England, Captain Gilbert gave 
some account of the first Pretender, Demetrius. Ac- 
cording to him, Demetrius, a few days before his end, 
and consequently very soon after his nuptials (for be- 
tween both events but nine days intervened), saw two 
apparitions in the night, which so much disturbed 
him that he first came to Gilbert in the ante-room, 
where his life-guards were, and then sent for But- 
schinsky his private secretary. 

Gilbert likewise related in England, that he re, 
ceived from the second Pretender, Demetrius, a written 
invitation, in which the writing of the first usurper 


was imitated. When Gilbert approached him with 
his guards, he displayed so accurate a knowledge of 
all the aJBPairs of the first Pretender, that as he, 
Gilbert, assures us, he should have believed in the 
identity of one with the other, owing to the correct 
allusions which the second impostor made to previous 
incidents, if he had not been personally so well 
acquainted with the first. The latter was, according 
to Gilbert, a man of very prepossessing exterior, but 
the second, "a very deformed wretch," as different 
from the first as day and night. It must be recollected 
that Gilbert stood in hi^h favour with the first 
Demetrius, when officer of the guard ; whereas the 
last one wished to have him thrown into the Oka. 
Gilbert farther stated that he had openly expressed 
this conviction to the Polish general (consequently to 
the Hetman Ruskinsky), who accompanied the second 
usurper, and asked him how it was that he took this 
Demetrius, who was so very different from the other, 
to be one and the same person ; whereupon the reply 
was : " It is no matter, Captaine, this Demetrius shall 
serve our turne to be revenged of the .... Russe." 
Besides Captain Gilbert and his son, another 
Scotch Captain, Robert Carr, accompanied Tra- 
descant from England to Russia in I6I8. Carr com- 
manded one of the six companies of British Cavalry, 
which on the 24th of June, 16 10, remained the 
longest in the field of battle, in the unfortunate affair 
at Kluschneff. From twelve to fourteen hundred men 
of these companies held their ground against eight 
thousand Poles, and thrice repelled their charges, but 


at the fourth were thrown into disorder, and dispersed. 
Carr, indeed, lost, like the other captains, his entire 
company, but was the only one of them who remained 
alive and unwounded. The names of the other cap- 
tains were : Benson, Crale, Creyton (Crichton ?), Kcn- 
drick, and York. 

The young- Gilbert (Thomas) and Captain Carr did 
not remain in Russia, but returned to England in IGIQ. 
Captain Gilbert, however, stayed there. 

Jessy de Quester, who likewise came to Russia in 
Tradescant's company, must have been a son of Mat- 
thew De Quester, whom James the First named Foreign 
Post-master at the time of the first establishment of 
this department. De Quester resided in Philpot lane 
in the City. 

I here conclude the explanatory addenda, which I 
have been induced to give in consequence of my 
discovery of Tradescant's journal of his travels. I 
think I have satisfactorily shown that researches into 
the English archives will furnish some not uninte- 
resting supplements to the history of our country, if 
the documents discovered are compared with the 
contents of those preserved at Moscow. 





" Interea in Angliam et Scotiam missus Legatus, qua 
ill legatione ita se gessit, ut jucundissima, gratissima. et 
gloriosissima sit ejus noniinis memoria, et apud Anglos 
et Scotos, quos ipsos etiam eodem tempore, cum inter 
se maximum bellum gessissent et starent jam utrinque 
instructi exercitus infestis animis et signis, alter in 
alterius pemiciem accincti, in concordiara dissidentes 
recouciliavit. Factum omnibus seculis memorandum. 
Tanti erat illius viri, apud peregrinos etiam homines, 
qu^edam vocis et vultus augusta magestas et gravissimis 
in rebus nominis autoritas." 


" Contra suos inimicos et hostem Swantonem Regni 
Swecie occupatorem gubematorem. Et quum aliquis 
nostrum incipiet lites adversus Swantonem qui nunc 
gerit se pro gubematore Regni Svecie, Ericum Sture 
capitaneum in Wiburg aliosque occupatores regni 
uostri Suetii iufideles subditos atque rebelles tunc 
primus inter nos alter utri siguificabimus." 


" Annunciamus vobis plurimas et amicabiles saluta- 
tioues, serenissime et carissime frater. Scribimus ad 


vestram celsitudinem quantum vestra misit celsitudo ad 
genitorem nostrum Joliannem Imperatorem et Domi- 
num tocius Russie et Magnum Ducem vestrum Orato- 
rem Heraldum Magistrum David Kocken (Kocker?) Dei 
autem voluntas facta est quod genitor noster migravit in 
Dominum. Deinde a vobis ad nos venit vester nuncius 
Johannes Plagh, cum vestris credentialibus, literis et 
verbis, nam quid vir vester Magister David post obitum 
patris nostri a vobis retulit, vester nuncius Johannes 
Plagh nobis ex parte vestra ille idem retulit, quod 
si divina providentia genitor noster migrasset in 
Domino ut nos tunc vobiscum essemus simili modo, 
sicut vos cum genitore nostro in fraternitate et ami- 
citiafuistis contra omnes inimicos, etnuncium quoque 
nostrum ad vos fratrem nostrum Johannem Regem cum 
hoc unacum vestris" (not nostris) " nunciis mitteremus. 
Nos autem vobiscum cum fratre nostro Johanne Dacie, 
Suecie, Norwagie, &c. Rege amicitiam et fraternitatem 
habere volumus, eodem modo sicuti vos cum nostro 
genitore habuistis. Et nunc ad vos nostrum nuntium 
Yschonia" (Ystoma) " cum hiis nostris litteris optamus 
quatenus vestras fortificatas literas de amicicia et fra- 
ternitate nomine vestro scribere mandaretur, qualiter 
apud genitorem nostrum vestre littere fuerint, et huius- 
modi litteris vestris sigillum vestrum mandaretur ap- 
pendi. Et super hiis litteris ad nos crucem in pre- 
sencia nostri nuncii Ysconie (Ystoma) osculari veletis, 
istas quoque sic fortificatas litteras cum vestro nuncio 
una cum nostro nuncio Yscania" (Ystoma) "ad nos 
mittatis nobis hujusmodi tales vestras litteras obsig- 
nando. Et Deo favente cum idem noster nuncius 


Yscania" (Ystoma) "una cum vestris nimciis cum huius- 
modi vestris roboratis litteris ad nos redierit, quibus 
nobis visis nos vice versa de verbo ad verbum litteras 
nostras scribere, nee non sigilkim appendi manderemus, 
et super talibus litteris nostris in presencia vestri nuncii 
crucem osculari volumus, et de post easdem nostras 
roboratas litteras ad vos una cum vestro nuncio remit- 
tamus, Et sic Deo auxiliante vobis volumus obsignare 
nuncium quoque nostrum Ysconiam" (Ystomam) "ad 
nos absque mora remittatis. Ex Muscovia, anno sep- 
timo millesimo decimo, quinto mensis Julii septua- 
gesima die." 


"Johannes &c., Basilio tocius Russie Imperatori 
salutem et sincerem atque fraternalem in Domino di- 
lectionem. Delectissime frater et confederate. Vestre 
Majestatis nuncius Yscania" (Ystoma) " tali die N. 
ad nos una cum David Heraldo nostro applicuit, 
atque venit nobis vestras litteras exliibens atque pre- 
sentans. Ex quibus litteris clarius accepimus vos 
velle pie memorie domini Johannis Basilii vestigia 
in omnibus imitari, et precipue fraternalem amicitiam 
atque confederacionem nobiscum contrahere, ac in- 
super tali amicicia et confederacione litteras nostras 
conficere, et eos ad manus vestras una cum me- 
morato nuncio nostra N. ac Yscania" (Ystoma) " in 
presentiarum dirigimus atque transmittimus, summo- 
pere desiderantes atque deprecantes ut similes litteras 
vestras eandem amiciciam et confederacionem conti- 


nentes nobis rcmittere velitis. Princeps, liater iioster, 
socer ac parens." 


*' Postquam regnum (nostrum Suecie) intravimus 
cum paulo populo ut voluerunt (ne regnicole nimium 
aggravarentur), opposuerunt se nobis in effectum faci- 
endes nobiscum sicut Judei fecerunt contra Christum. 
Et tunc manus istorum Suecorum rebellium nostrorum 
sicut Deo placuit in persona evasimus. Et sic pre- 
fati Sucie rebelles adhuc totum nostrum regnum Suecie 
occupant et detenent contra Deum, contra justiciam, et 
juratam fidelitatem nobis prestitam. Unde ex corde 
monemur rogare fratrem et confederatum nostrum ut 
iniquitatem rebellium nostrorum menti sue habeat, 


" Concessimus viro honorabili et forti Hugoni Wili- 
beo et aliis qui cum eo sunt servis uostris fidis et 
cliaris, ut pro sua voluntate, in regiones eis prius in- 
cognitas eant, quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus, et 
adducant illis ex nostris terris id quod illi carent. 
Atque ita illis et nobis commodum inde accedat, sit- 
que amicitia perpetua, et foedus indissolubile inter illos 
et nos, dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus 
superabundant in regnis suis, et nos concedemus illis ex 
regnis nostris res, quibus destituuntur." 


" Accepimus literas vestras amoris et amicitie plenas 


per dilectnm Virum" (not, as has been copied for Alex- 
ander Turgenica, vestrum) " nuntium et Legatnm Osipli 
Nepeam " (not, as in the copy quoted, epea) " ad nos 
delatas. Intelligimus — ex litteris vestris — vos de vestra 
liberalitate varia privilegia libertates et munitates mer- 
catoribus nostris et aliis etiam nostri Ano^lie subditis 
qui in aliqua ditionis vestre parte mercaturam exercent 
dedisse et concessisse." 


" Fecimus ut qua? ab illo (Nepeja) vestro nomine 
proponebantur per certos nostros consiliarios, quibus 
negotium dedimus ut cum illo tractarent prolixe et 
diligenter perpenderentur." 


"Speramus hoc fundamentum mutue amicitie, hoc 
mode bene et feliciter jactum et stabilitum magnos et 
uberes fructus turn fraterni inter nos et successores nos- 
tros, amoris et amicitie firme tum perpetui inter subdi- 
tos nostros commercii coniunctionem allaturum. Et in 
majorem spem adducimus fore ut sicut Deus, ex sua in- 
finita bonitate et favore nostris temporibus, huic mari 
viam et navigationem, antea incognitam aperuit, sic 
etiam imposterum, in suum honorem et gloriam ad 
incrementum Christiane et Catholice Religionis, ad 
publicum commodum et utriusque partis subditorum 
et Regnorum bonum, sit earn conservaturus et pros- 
peraturus." " Et quoniam vester legatus Ossiph Nepea, 
qui se hie apud nos in sua legatione prudenter et 


considerate gessit, jam ad vos redire instituit, qui op- 
time exponere potest, et ut speramus prolixe vobis ex- 
poiiet quo animo sumus ergo hoc commercium nuper 
inter nostros vestrosque subditos et utriusque ditionis 
regna et urbes repertum." 


" Vi diro brevemente siccome mi e venuto qualclie 
occasione di andare a trattare in Moscovia un partite 
con que] Signore e per far qaesto prime mi e donate 
D (?) 400 contanti e di poi mezzo a participazione dello 

stesso negozio." 


" Non diciate che io sia andato se non in Svevia per 
qualche mio negozio che cosi ho scritto a ciascuno 
riservato a quelli di casa e questo accio non ne fossi 
fatto una contramina al mio disegno. Partiro a Santo 


" Vestrum erga nos et nostros singulare studium facit 
ut libenter etiam hoc tempore Raphaelem Barberinum, 
virum quidem Italum, sed nobis, certis nominibus, valde 
charum, his nostris literis vestra? Maiestati commende- 
mus. Petimus itaque, ut hie vir, vestra bona gratia 
atque voluntate et iussu etiam atque authoritate, si 
opus fuerit, beneque a Vestra Maiestate, humaniter a 
vestris subditis tractetur ; utque sibi ac suis, cum bonis 
universis, tutum liberumque sit, per vestra regna atque 
provincias ire, transire, istic morari quamdiu placuerit, 


et iiide abire atqiie recedere quandocunque illi ac suis 
libitum fuerit." 


" Avendo ottenuto per il paese del Moscovito fraii- 
chigie e salvi coiidotti per me e mia gente, spero in 
future avervi a far del bene, perche, ho auto certe 
eognizioni di che pochi sono informati, ho di poi auto 
passaporti e salvi condotti dal Re di Danimarca e dal 
Re di Sueda, cose che le stimo e vagliono molto, e per 
lion perdere 1' occasione alii XI. del presente" (on the 
11th of July, 1565) " ho spedito di qua una nave con 
X. M. (10,000) D (?) fra mereanzie e contanti che se 
a Dio piacera vadia e torni a salvamento sj^si'^ molto 
bene e cosi seguiro in futuro sperando che Dio per 
questa strada recompensi tutta la casa mia." 


" Noil so che dirvi se non che sto semivivo aspettando 
che N. S. Iddio mi faccia grazia che la nave ch' io 
mandai venga a salvamento siccome in lui spero." 


"Perche so che doveti sapere che ho mandate mia 
nave alle Nerve : vi diro avere ricevuto lettere dal 
sopracarico" (he had passed the Sound). " Pero se 
a Dio piaccia farmi la grazia che ritorni a salvamento 
sono molto certo di ristorarmi a doi)pio di ogni mio 
danno e da potermi contentare, perche vi ho carico sale, 
che quindi primo costo mi costa D. 1500 la qual grazia 


(li poterlo passare e stato gran favore che mi ha fatto il 
Re cli Danimarca a istanzia del Moscovito '1 quale mi 
fece lettere per detto Re molto in mio favore e me ne 
fece ancora pel Re di Sueda per aver passaporto franco 
dalle sue navi, dalle quali anzi mio ritorno ho tutto 


" E detto Moscovito mi ha fatto privilegi e franchigie 
e esenzioni bellisime per me, mia nave, e miei uomini, 
sicche non pago di cosa alcuna uno soldo. E come 
r paese clii vi va non ne puo uscire, a me ha fatto, che 
mia gente sieno d'ogni cosa libere e franche. Pero 
conchiudo che veggo la strada aperta da fare del bene 
e se io lo volessi andare a servire, come infinite volte 
mi fece dire da due Ferraresi prigioneri che vi sono, 
penserei starvi troppo bene, lasciato da parte la incom- 
modita del paese ; ma non me ne risolvo, se la necessita 
non me ne sforza, perche so che mai piu potrei uscire 
di la." 


" Intelligimus Vestram Maiestatem eam etiam nos- 
trarum literarum rationem habere, ut ad respectum 
earundem et plurimum semper nostris tribuat, et plus 
aliquando alienis etiam in nostram gratiam concedat, 
quam nos ipsae pro illis postulamus. Id quod superiori 
anno, cuidam homini Italo, Raphaelo Barberino, accidit, 
quem nos, ut peregrinatorem non ut negociatorem, 
Vestrai Majestati commendavimus. Sed de hoc Italo 
homine, quomodo et nostrarum literarum commenda- 


tioiie et Vestrse Maiestatis bonitate ausit abiiti et de 
aliis etiam rebus, qua; ad iiitercursum inter Nos ac 
Nostros institutum imprimis pertinent, Antonius Jen- 
kinson, perdilectus noster famulus fusius, coram pme- 
senti sui sermone, sed nostris verbis, animi nostri sen- 
tentiam deelarabit." 


" Quominus autem navigationem in Moscoviam per- 
mittere possimus, videt nos Serenitas Vestra gravissimis 
non solum nostris privatis, sed etiam religionis et rei~ 
publican totius Christianas rationibus proliiberi. Instrui- 
tur eniam hostis, ut diximus, commeatu, instruitur, quod 
niagis est, armis in ilia Barbaria inusitatis, instruitur, 
quod quidem maxime ducendum esse existimamus, arti- 
ficibus ipsis, ita, ut etiamsi ad ilium nihil pra^terea im- 
portetur, tamen opera artificum ipsorum, qui illi, 
vigente ejusmodi navigatione, libere summittuntur, 
facile omnia simul et fabricentur in ipsa illius barbara 
ditione, quaj usus ipsi belli requirit, et quae uti hactenus 
ipsi ignota fuerunt." 


" Cum enim hac navigatione recens admodum in- 
stituta, hosteni non modo regni nostri temi)orarium 
sed etiam omnium nationuni liberarum ha^redita- 
rium, Moscum, magnopere instrui et armari videamus, 
non solum armis, telis, commeatu, qua), etsi magna 
sunt, tamen facilius profecto proliiberi possent, sed 
etiam aliis multo majoribus rebus, qua? ncquo satis 

E E 


ullo consilio provideri, et liostem ipsum magis etiani 
juvare possunt, artificibus inquam ipsis, qui arma, 
qui tela, qui ca^tera ejusmodi in ilia Barbaria nee visa 
nee audita hosti fabricare non cessant ; ae prseterea quod 
maxime attendendum est, cognitione omnium, etiani 
secretissimorum consiliorum nostrorum, quibus illi paulo 
post, ad interitum, quod absit, omnium nostrorum abu- 
tatur, sperandum profecto nobis esse non existimamus, 
ut banc ejusmodi navigationem liberam esse patiamur." 


"Inter alia mandata hoc habet (Georgius Middle- 
ton) prajcipuum ut sedulo agat cum Vestra Maiestate 
de apprehendendo, primo quoque tempore certos istic 
(at Narva) Anglos (Thomas Glover, Ralph Rutter, 
James Watson, Christopher Bennet) qui, ad apertum 
contemptum nostri, ad sumraam fraudem nostrorum, 
ad non levem injuriam etiam Vestrse Maiestatis, ni- 
mium infidos, injuriosos et iniquos, nobis omnibus esse 
gesserunt. Qui, uti accepimus, clam, insciis eorum 
dominis, qui hie in Anglia sunt, cum Polonis foeminis 
concubia contrahere, et propterea, si ratio apprehen- 
dendi eos non maturius, non tutius ineatur, pertimes- 
cendum est ne brevi in Poloniam confugfiant." 



" Magnificis et illustribus Narvensis Emporii, sub 
potentissimo Imperatore Russia^, e. c. supremis Guber- 
natoribus, amicis nostris charissimis. Magnifici, illus- 
tres amici charissimi. Misimus hoc anno duos nuncios. 


Laurentium Manley et Georgium Middleton, utrumque 
nostrum perdilectum farauluni, cum Uteris nostris ad 
Imperatoriam Maiestatem Russise — accepimus, facul- 
tatem transeundi per vestram Jurisdictionem ad Im- 
peratorem vestrum nostro nuncio Georgio Middletono a 
vobis esse denegatum. Quae res eo majorem nobis 
admirationem commovet, quo certiores nos sumus, vobis 
incertum esse non posse qusequam certa amicitise ratio, 
quaequam magna et multa mutuae benevolentire officia, 
inter vestrum Principem et nos, inter nostros utrobique 
subditos, amice et humaniter hoc tempore intercedunt. 
Sed cum certae jam res sunt momenti magni, quas 
communicandas habemus hoc tempore cum vestro Im- 
peratore et quas intelligere imprimis intererit sua 
Maiestate, propterea a vobis primum pro vestra erga 
Principem vestrum obedientia, admodum requirimus, 
deinde pro vestra, uti speramus, erga nos quoque obser- 
vantia etiam petimus, ut has nostras literas, quas cum 
his vestris conjuuximus, primo quoque tempore, ad suam 
Maiestatem perferri curetis. Sic, ut nobis certo ali- 
quaudo constet (id quod ut constare possit, diligenter 
procurabimus) vos fuisse in hoc oiiicii parte et vestro 
principi obsequiosos Magistratus et nobis gratos et 
ofRciosos amicos. Quo officio vestro, vos nobis non 
minimam, et commendationem a vestro Principe, et 
gratiam a nobis etiam jioteretis promereri. Id quod 
vobis, pro nostra quidem parte, exploratum erit, cum 
ulla vobis ad id idonea dabitur opportunitas. Foeliciter 
valeatis," &c. 

420 - APPENDIX. 


'' Illustris Domine, Menstruum jam prope tempuy 
aderit, quod servitium et operam meam, Regiac Ma- 
iestati per tuam magnificentiam addicerem viamque 
ostenderem qua sine ulla sanguinis effusione liisce 
iutestinis malis mederi posset. Verum quod tam 
opera quam inventum illud meum tuse magnif. non ar- 
rideant temporis dilatio testatur. Cum igitur indies 
ad me legatus Ruthenicus (this is Ssavin) nuncios mit- 
tat meumque servitium non sine largo stipendio animo 
expectet, ego autem nihil omnino sine tuse magnifi- 
centiae licentia et consilio ea in re, sicut et in aliis, 
agere mecum constituerim, obnixe oro servo meo (he 
had first written, uxori mea?) in literis optime institute, 
mentem tuam aperte indices prius quam legatus die 
solis proximo libellos meos supplices Reginai exhibeat, 
causamque mese detentionis in hisce squalidis carceri- 
bus ostendat, atque exitum liberum ex hac insula ad 
Russian! pro me impetret. Hoc gratius nihil mihi 
feceris meque in perpetuum ita tibi devincies ut si Regia 
heec Maiestas mea opera uti volet, hie me at nutum 
semper paratum habiturus sis ; si vero ut discedam 
hinc concesserit, non Moscovitarum et vicinorum tan- 
tum mores, temperamenta, coeli qualitatem, regionis 
situm, et res ibi memorandas ex literis meis inde ad te 
datis cognosces, sed et annuatim a me munuscula 
grati animi erga te significationes accipies quae lata ilia 
regie protulerit. Postremo, si Regiae huic Maiestati 
arte mea prodesse non possum, obnixe oro tuam mag- 
nificentiam ut legato pro me apud serenis. suam nos- 


tram Reginam oranti Achates adstes, autorqiie sis 
Regiae Maiest. ut me a vinculis liisce liberet. Quod 
te facturum pro solita tua humanitate atque innata in 
(loctos .... lion dubito. Valeat tua mao-nificentia. 
Bomelii qugcso memor sis. Ex vinculis Regiis. Tuae 
magnificentine addictissimus Eliseus Bomelius, medicus 


" Ille (Jenkinson) verissime narrabit Serenitati Vestra? 
mercatores nullos statum et res nostras gubernare sed 
iiosmet ipsos rebus gerendis invigilare ut virginem et 
reginam decet a Deo optimo maximo constitutam, nee 
usquam gentium cuiquam principi maiorem prseberi 
obedientiam quam nobis a nostris populis, quod cum 
Dei optimi maximi munus sit eius numini gratias ob 
agimus humilissimas et maximas." 


" Elizabetha, &c., Serenissima) Orine Russise Irapera- 
trici, &c., Serenissima et potentissima princeps amica 
et soror charissima. Singularis, qutic de insigni vestra 
prudentia virtutibus rarissimis et moribus tanta principe 
vere dignis fama circumfertur crebro etiam sermone 
praistantis viri Doctoris Jacobi medici nostri confir- 
mata facit ut serenitatem vestram vero animi affectu 
amemus, eique fausta et foelicia omnia ardenter op- 
tenius. Ideoque de valetudine et incolumitate vestra 
11011 sollicita esse non possimus. Itaque non solum 
(quod nobis araanter petiit) obstetricem expertam et 
peritam misimus, qua: partus dolores scientia leniat, 


sed medicum etiam nostrum qui nostram valetudinem 
curare solebat, praedictum Doctorem Jacobum una 
mandamus, liominem vobis antea cognitum fide 
plenum ut medica arte in qua eucellit, obstetricis 
actiones dirigat, et vestra^ valetudini fideliter inserviat. 
Cupimus etiam vehementer, non in hiis solum sed in 
aliis etiam omnibus quse serenitati vestra) placere 
possunt, sororio animo libentissime gratificari. Quam 
Deus optimus maximus, &;c. Datum e Regia nostra 
Grinvici, die mensis Martii 24, anno Domini 1585 (that 
is, 1586), regni vero nostri 27." 


Printed by Woodfall and Kinder, Angel Court, Skinner Street, London, 

33 5 






Hamel, J. (losif 
Khri st iano vie h ) 

CTrade scant der Aeltere 
1618 in Hussland. English^ 

Early English voyages 
to Northern Russia