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vSmithsonian Institition, 

Bi'REAU OF American Ethnoixk>y, 

Washington, D. C, Decemher 15, 1918, 

Sir: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript, 

entitled ''Early History of the Creek Indiana and Their Neighbors," 

by John R. Swantoi\, and to recommend its publication, subject to 

your approval, as Bulletin 78 of this Bureau. 

Very respectfully, 

J. Walter Fewkes, 

Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Sjnithsonidn Institution. 




Introduction 9 

ClafBification of the Southeastern tribes 11 

TheCusabo 31 

History 31 

Ethnological infonnation regarding the C'usabo 72 

The Quale Indians and the Yamasee 80 

The Apalachee 109 

The Apalachicola 129 

The rhatot 134 

The Tawasa and Pawokti 137 

The Sawokli 141 

The Pensacola 143 

The Mobile and Tohome 150 

TheOsochi 165 

TheChiaha 167 

TheHitchiti 172 

The Okmulgee 178 

The Oconee 179 

TheTamali 181 

TheTamahita 184 

The Alabama 191 

TheKoaaati 201 

TheMuklasa 207 

TheTuskegee 207 

Tennessee River tribes of uncertain relationship 211 

The Muskogee 215 

TheKasihta 216 

• The Coweta 225 

The Coosa and their doscendant^ 230 

The Abihka 251 

The Holiwahali 254 

TheHilibi 258 

The Eufaula 260 

The Wakokai 263 

The Atari 265 

TheKolomi 267 

The Pus-hatchee 269 

The Kan-hatki 269 

TheWiwohka 270 

TheKealedji 271 

ThePakana 272 

TheOkchai 274 

The Tukabahchee 277 

Other Muskogee towns arid villages 282 




TheYuchi 286 

The Natchez 312 

The Shawnee 317 

The ancient inhabitants of Florida 320 

History 320 

Ethnology 346 

The Seminole 398 

The Chickasaw 414 

The Choctaw 420 

Population of the Southeastern tribes, 421 

Bibliography 457 

Index 463 



Plate 1. Indian tribes of the southeastern United States. 

2. Territory of the States of Georgia and Alabama illustrating the geographical 

distribution and movements of the tribes and towns of the Creek Con- 

3. The distribution of Indian tribes in the Southeast about the year 1715. 

From a MS. map of the period. 

4. The southeastern part of the present United States. From the Popple 

map of 1733. 
6. The territory between the Chattahoochee and Mississippi Rivers. From 
the De Crenay map of 1733. 

6. The southeastern part of the present United States. From the Mitchell 

map of 1755. 

7. Part of the Purcell map. Prepared not later than 1770 in the interest of 

British Indian trade. 

8. Pfert of the Melish map of 1814, covering the seat of war between the Creek 

Indians and the Americans in 1813-14. 

9. Towns of the Creek Confederacy as shown on the Early map of Georgia, 1818. 
10. The Chickasaw country in 1796-1«00, according to G. H. V. Collot. 



THEIR neighbors' ' 


By John R. Swanton 


The present paper originated in an attempt to prepare a report on 
the Indians of the Creek Confederacy similar to that made in Bulletin 
43 for those along the lower course of the Mississippi River.* In this 
study, however, it is still possible to add information obtained from 
living Indians, about 9,000 of whom were enumerated in 1910.^ But 
when material from all sources had been tentatively brought together 
the amomit was found to be so great that it was thought advisable to 
divide the work into two or three different sections for separate pub- 
lication. As our account of the distribution, interrelationship, and 
history of these people is to be gathered rather from docimientary 
sources than from field investigations it is naturally the first to be 
ready for presentation. Since it has been compiled primarily for 
ethnological purposes, no attempt has been made to give a complete 
account of the later fortunes of the tribes under consideration, such 
important chapters in their career as the Creek and Seminole wars 
and the westward emigration belonging within the province of the 
historian strictly so considered. The writer's main endeavor has 
been to trace their movements from earliest times until they are 
caught up into the broad stream of later history in which conceal- 
ment is practically impossible. Although not pretending that this 
work is as yet by any means complete, he has aimed to furnish some- 
thing in the nature of an encyclopedia of information rc^garding the 
history of the southeastern Indians for the period covered, and hence 
has usually included direct quotations instead of attempting to 
recast the material in his own words. 

It was found that a satisfactory study of the Creek Indians would 
make it necessary to extend the scope of this work so as to consider all 
of the eastern tribes of the Muskhogean stock as well as the Indians 
of Florida. The Yuchi, on the ethnological side, have been made a 

> Swanton, Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley, Bull. 43, Bur. Amer. Ethn., IMl. 
* This includes the Creek and Seminole Indians of Oklalioma, the Seminole of Florida, and the Alabeuna 
and Kottsati ot Texas and Louisiana. ( Ind. Pop. in the I' . S. and Alaska, 1010. Wash., Ittl5. ) 



special subject of inquiry by D^. J'cank G. Speck/ but so many 
new facts have presented thetnselvoj? in the course of this investiga- 
tion regarding the early .l)fe(ory<>f these Indians that they have been 
treated at length.. Some new information is also given regarding 
the Natchez and tJ^gW Shawnee who were for a long period incor- 
porated with the.'Creeks. The Siouan tribes of the east have been 
made tfte*'3Ubject of a special study by Mr. James Mooney,' and all 
tljat wetoiow regarding two other southern Siouan tribes, the Biloxi 
. /;.aiKi Ofo, has been given by the writer in another publication.^ The 
.• : ramifications of the Creek Confederacy extended so far that even the 
Chickasaw are found to be involved, and they have in consequence 
been considered in this paper. The Choctaw, however, form a distinct 
problem and the principal attention paid them has been to incor- 
porate a statement regarding their population so that it may be 
compared with that of the other Muskhogean tribes. 

Sections have been included on the ethnology of the Cusabo 
Indians and the Florida tribes, for which we are dependent entirely on 
documentary sources. 

To illustrate this work several of the more significant of the older 
maps have been reproduced, and two from data compiled by the 
author. It must be understood that the main object has been to 
trace historical movements and give the relative positions of the 
various tribes and bands, so that few of the locations may be con- 
sidered final. It is hoped that eventually intensive work in the 
Southeast, and in other parts of the countrj- as well, will take form 
in a series of large-scale maps in which the historical as well as the 
prehistoric village sites of our Indians vnll be recorded with a high 
degree of accuracy. So far as the Southeast is concerned, an excel- 
lent beginning has been made by the Alabama Anthropological 
. Societj'. The handbook of this society for 1920, which comes to 
hand as the present work is going tlu'ough the press, contains a 
catalogue of "Aboriginal To^tis in Alabama" (pp. 42-54), which 
marks an advance over anything which has so far appeared and 
should be consulted by the student desirous of more precise informa- 
tion regarding the locations of many of the towns dealt with in this 
volume. In two points only I venture a criticism of this catalogue. 
First, I am entirely unable to embrace that interpretation of De 
Soto's route which would bring him to the headwaters of Coosa 
River below the northern boundar>^ of Georgia; and secondly, it 
seems to me a little risky to attempt an exact identification of the 
towns at which that explorer stopped in the neighborhood of the 
upper Alabama. At the same time I grant that such identifications 
• are highly desirable and have no personal theories in conflict with 
the ones attempted. 

» Ethnology of the Yuchilndian!!, Anthrop. Pubs. Tniv. Mus., T'niv. Pa., i. No. 1. IQiW. 
• Sloiian Tribes of the Kast, Bull. 22, Bur. Amer. Kthn.. 1894. 

> Doraey and S wanton, Dictionary of the Biloxi and Ofo I^ngua^^e^, Bull. 47, Bur. Amer. Kthn., 1912. 





Below is a classification of the linguistic groups in the southeastern 
part of the United States considered in whole or in part in this bulletin: 

Mufikhogean stock. 
Mufikhogean branch. 
Southern division. 
Hitchiti group. 








Alabama group. 





("'hoctaw group. 










Quinipissa or Mugulasha. 





Nabochi or Xapissa. 

Muskhogean stock — (^ontinued. 
Muskhogean branch — Continued. 
Southern division — Continued. 
Guale Indians and Yamasee. 
Northern diviMon. 
Muskogee branch. 
Natchez branch. 
Uchean stock. 

Timuquanan stock. 

South Florida Indians. 
A is. 

As above intimated, some consideration has also been given to a 
part of the Shawnee Indians of the Algonquian stock, who were for 
a time incorporated into the Creek Confederacy. 

Of course no claim of infallibility is made for tliis classification. 
The connection of some of the tribes thus brought together is woD 
known, while others are placed with them on rather slender circimi- 
stantial evidence. The strength of the argument for each I will 
now consider. 

1 Here and throughout the pres4>nt work the Polish crossed I stands for a surd I common to nearly all of 
th« southeastern languages and sometimes represented in English, though inadequately, by thl or hi. 


In the first place it may be stated that sufficient linguistic material 
is preserved from the Apalachee,^ lEtchiti, Mikasuki, Alabama, 
Koasati, Choctaw, Chickasaw, the leading tribes of the Muskogee 
branch, Natchez, Yuchi, and Timucua, to establish their positions 
beyond question. The connection of all of the other tribes of the 
Choctaw group except Pensacola^ that of the Chatot, and the tribes of 
the Natchez branch has been examined by the author in his Indian 
Tribes of the Lowct Mississippi Valley, to which the reader is referred.' 

That Hitchiti with but slight variations was spoken by the Apala- 
chicola, Sawokli, and OkmiJgee is known to all well-informed Creek 
Indians to-day, and some of the people of those tribes can use it or 
know some words of it. The town names themselves are in Hitchiti. 

Oconee is placed by Bartram among those towns speaking the 
"Stinkard" language,' and all of the other towns so denominated, 
so far as we have positive information, spoke Muskhogean dialects 
belonging to either the Hitchiti or Alabama groups. Oconee, being 
a lower Creek town, would naturally belong to the first. Further 
evidence is furnished by the later associations of the Oconee people 
with the Mikasuki.* 

The TamaK, so far as our knowledge of them extends, lived in 
southern Geoi^a near towns known to have belonged to the Hitchiti 
group, and they were among the first to move to Florida and lay 
the foundations of the Seminole Nation. In Spanish documents a 
tribe called Tama is mentioned which is almost certainly identical 
with this,* and it may be inferred that the last syllable represents 
the Hitchiti plural -ali. These facts all point to a Hitchiti connec- 
tion for the tribe. 

Bartram tells us that in his time the language of the Chiaha was 
entirely different from that of the Kasihta, which we know to have 
been Muskogee, and in his list of Creek towns he includes it among 
those speaking Stinkard.' As explained above, this latter fact 
suggests that Chiaha was a Muskhogean dialect, although not Mus- 
kogee. By some of the best-informed Creeks in Oklahoma I was 
told it was a dialect of Hitchiti, and that on account of the common 
language the Chiaha would not play against the Hitchiti in the 
tribal ball games, although they belonged to different fire clans, 
which ordinarily opposed each other at such times. The chief of the 
Mikasuki told me that CTiiaha was the ''foundation" of the t(»wns 
called Osochi, Mikasuki, and Hotalgihuyana, and that anciently all 
spoke the same language. 

1 Almost oonfloed to one letter published in facsimile, accompiinied by its Spanish translation, by 
BuoUngham Smith, in 1800. 

I Bulletin 43, Bur. Amer. Kthn. The Washa and Chawasha have, however, sine e been identified as 
rhitiiniM*'''^" (See Amer. Jour. Ling., I, no. 1, p. 49.) 

I Bartram, Travels in North America, p. 402. 

« See p. 401. 

• Seep, met leq. 


The Tawasa Indians ultimately united with the Alabama, and 
the living Alabama Indians recall no differences between the lan- 
guages of the two peoples. Moreover, Stiggins, writing early in 
the eighteenth century, gives certain episodes in the history of the 
Tawasa as if he were speaking of the whole of the Alabama.^ Still 
more ancient evidence is furnished by Lamhatty, a Tawasa, who 
was taken captive by the Creeks and made his way into the Vir- 
ginia settlements in 1707. There the historian Robert Beverly met 
him and obtained from him an account of his travels and a rude map 
of the region which he had crossed in order to reach Virginia.' While 
the ending of most river names, -oubahy is identical with that which 
appears in Apalachee, the name of the Gulf of Mexico, Ouquodky^ is 
plainly the Old hatJci, "white water," of the Hitchiti, and is the name 
still applied by them to the ocean. Since the present Alabama 
term is OJci Juiikd we may perhaps infer that Tawasa speech was 
anciently closer to Hitchiti than to Alabama. Later, however, 
it was entirely assimilated by Alabama, and therefore it is more 
convenient and less hazardous to place it in the Alabama group. 
In either case the Muskhogean connection of the language is assured. 

It is probable that the "Pofihka'' of Lamhatty^ were the Pawokti 
later found living with the Alabama, arid if so it is a fair assimiption 
that their history was the same as that of the Taw^asa. 

Muklasa is set down by Bartram as a Stinkard town.* It was 
located in the upper Creek country, near the Alabama and Koasati 
towns, and it has a name taken from either the Alabama or the 
Koasati language. Gatschet states with positiveness^ that the 
Muklasa people were Alabama, and he may have learned that such 
was the case from some well-informed Indian now dead, for to-day 
the Creeks have well-nigh forgotten even the name. 

The Pensacola disappear from history shortly after their appear- 
ance in it, and nothing of their language has been preserved. Their 
name, however, is plainly Choctaw and signifies ''hair people.'' It 
may have been given to them because they wore their hair in a manner 
different from that of most of their neighbors, and Cabeza de Vaca 
mentions as a curious fact that several chiefs in a party of Indians 
he and his companions encountered near Pensacola Bay wore their 
hair long.* When w^e recall Adair's statement to the effect that the 
Clioctaw were called Pa'^sfalaya, '*long hair,'" because of this very 
pecidiarity a connection is at once suggested lietween the two peoples. 

1 See p. 140. 

« D. I. Dushnell, Jr., in Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, no. 4, pp. 568-574. 

> Ibid., map. 

* Bartram, Travels in North America, p. 461. 
» Qatschet, Creeic Mig. Log., i, p. 138. 

* Bandeiier, Journey of Alvar Niifies Cabeza do Vaca, p. 48; al.^io present worlc, p. 145. 
' Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 192. lie spells the word Pas' PharAJdi. 


The Tuskegee have spoken Muskogee for more than a hundred 
years, but from Taitt (1772) and Hawkins (1799) it appears that 
they once had a language of their own.* This statement was con- 
firmed to me by some of the old people and they furnished several 
words which they aflBrmed belonged to it.' Perhaps these are 
nothing more than archaic Creek, but in any case the long associa- 
tion of the tribe with the Ooeks, Hitchiti, and Alabama points to a 
Muskhogean connection as the most probable.* 

The Muskhogean aiRnities of Yamasee have long been assumed 
by ethnologists, largely on the authority of Dr. Gatschet, but it can 
not be said that the evidence which he gives is satisfying.* One of 
the words cited by him as proving this, Olatara^a, is Timucua; 
another, yatiqui, is both Creek and Timucua; and most of the others 
are not certainly from Yamasee. The traditions of the Creeks are 
divided, some holding that the Yamasee language was. related to 
theirs, others that it was entirely distinct. This last contention 
need not have much weight with us, however, because to a Creek 
Hitchiti is an ** altogether different" language. From the state- 
ments of Spanish writers it is certain that the language spoken 
in their territories and those of the adjoining coast tribes, 
northward of Cumberland Island, was distinct from the Timu- 
cua of Cumberland Island and more southern regions. One prov- 
ince is called the *'lengua de Quale," the other the **lengua de 
Timucua."* More specific evidence as to the nature of that former 
language is not wanting. In 1604 Pedro de Ibarra, governor of 
Florida, journeyed from St. Augustine northward along the coast as 
far as St. Catherines Island, stopping at the important mission sta- 
tions and posts, and holding councils with the Indians at each place.^ 
Until he left San Pedro (Cumberland) Island he employed as inter- 
preter a single Indian named Juan de Junco, but as soon as he passed 
northward of that point another interpreter named Santiago was 
added. Moreover, the chiefs met previously were all called * * cacique, " 
but afterwards the name ''mica " is often appended, thechief of the very 
first town encountered being called the * ' cacique and mico mayor don 
Domingo. " It appears in letters written both before and after the one 
quoted above, as in three by Governor de Can^o in 1597, 1598, and 
1603, and the report of a pastoral visit to the Florida missions by the 
Bishop of Cuba in 1606. The earliest of all is in the narrative of an ex- 
pedition sent from Havana in search of Ribault's Port Royal Colony. 

> Mereness, Trav. in Amer. Col., p. 541; Dawkins, Sketch of the Creek Cduntry, Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., 
m, p. 39. 

s S6« p. 208. 

> See also the Alabama tradition (p. 192) in which Twkegee, under the name Hatcataskl, seems to be 
•namflrsted among the Alabama towns. 

4 Gatschet, op. cit., pp. 62-03. 

» Serrano y Sanr, Doc. Hist., pp. 171, 177. 

•n>id., pp. 109-193. 


The captain of the vessel * 'landed near the town of Guale and went 
there, where was the lord micoo (el sefior micoo)." A little later 
''the micoo of a town called Yanahume"* came to see him. This 
word is nothing other than the Creek term for chief. 

In 1598 the confessions of Guale Indians, whose testimony was 
being taken with reference to the revolt of 1597, were communicated 
by them to a Timucua who understood the language of Quale, and 
by him to another Timucua who could speak Spanish. In a letter 
describing his missionary work Fray Baltazar Lopez, who was sta- 
tioned at San Pedro, states that, while he is himself f amihar with the 
language of his own Indians, ho employs interpreters in speaking to 
the Guale people passing back and forth between their own coimtry 
and St. Augustine.^ 

Some supplementary evidence is furnished also by the place and 
personal names recorded from the Indians in this area, which 
will be found in the section on the Guale Indians and the Yamasee. 
The diflFerence between these and Timucua names is apparent when 
they are compared with the list of names on pages 323-330. The 
phonetic r does not appear, except in one case where it is plainly 
not an original sound, while/ and Z, which are foreign to the eastern 
Siouan dialects, are much in evidence. So far as Yuchi is concerned 
the history of that tribe, as will be seen later, tends to discount the 
idea of any connection there. Besides, m appears to occur in the 
Guale language at least — Tumaque, Altamahaw, Tolomato, Tamufa, 
Ymunapa — while it is wanting in Yuchi. To these arguments may be 
added the positive resemblances to Muskhogean forms in such names 
as Talaxe (pronounced Talashc), Hinafasque, Ytohulo, Fuloplata, 
Tapala) ^apala (Sapala), Culupala, Otapalas, Pocotalligo, Dawfuskee. 

Finally, the relationship is indicated by the speeches of various 
Creek chiefs at the time of their historic conference with Governor 
Oglethorpe in 1733.' Tomochichi, chief of the Yamacraw, a small 
band of Indians living near Savannah at that time, says * *I was a 
banished man; I came here poor and helpless to look for good land 
near the tombs of my ancestors." The Oconee chief declares that 
he is related to Tomochichi^ and on behalf of the Creek Nation 
claims all of the lands southward of the river Savannah. Finally the 
mico of Coweta thus expresses himself: 

I rejoice that I have lived to see this day, and to see our friends that have long been 
gone from among ns. Our nation was once strong, and had ten towns, but we are 
now weak and have but eight towns. You [Oglethorpe] have comforted the banished, 
and have gathered them that were scattered like little birds before the eagle. We 
deflire, therefore, to be reconciled to our brethren who are here amongst you, and we 
give leave to Tomo-chi-chi, Stimoiche, and lUispelle to call their Idndred that love 

» Lowery, M8S. 

* A Tnio and Hist. Narr. of the Colony of Oa. in .\m., <bc., Charles Town, S. C, 1741, pp. 31-30. 


them out of each of the Creek towns that they may come together and make one town. 
We must pray you to recall the Yamasees that they may be buried in peace amongst 
their ancestors, and that they may see their graves before they die; and their own 
nation shall be restored again to its ten towns. 

Here the Yamacraw and the Yamasee seem to be treated as former 
members of the Creek Confederacy. Unless the Yamasee and the 
Guale Indians had been so considered the Creeks "at this council 
would not have claimed all of the land on the Georgia coast south of 
the Savannah River and at the same time have asked that the 
Yamasee be recalled to inhabit it. It is as guardians of these tribes 
that they ceded to Oglethorpe the coast between Savannah River 
and St. Simons Island, with the exception of the islands of Ossabaw, 
Sapello, and St. Catherines, and a small strip of land near Savannah 

The particular Muskhogean dialect which these Indians spoke is, 
however, more difficult to ascertain. Ranjel indicates a connection 
between the Yamasee and Hitchiti,* and this impression appears to 
have been shared generally by the Muskogee Indians of later times. 
On the other hand, the word for chief among the Guale Indians was, 
as we have seen, miko,^ the form which it has in Muskogee, whereas 
the proper Hitchiti term is milci. This means either that Muskogee 
was already the linguci franca upon the coast of Georgia or else that 
the languages of the Guale Indians and the Yamasee belonged to 
distinct groups. According to several traditions the Muskogee at one 
time lived upon this very coast, and I am inclined to accept the second 
explanation, but it is not put forward with overmuch confidence. 

The name of the Cusabo first appears in the form ''Co^apoy*' in a 
letter of Governor Pedro Menendez Marques dated January 3, 1580. 
It is there given as the name of a big town occupied by hostile Indians 
and strongly placed in a swamp, about 15 leagues from the Spanish 
fort at Santa Elena.' The tribe appears later as one of those accused 
of fomenting an uprising against the Guale missionaries in 1597, and 
afterwards among those appealed to for help in putting it down.* 
There is every reason to believe that its appellation was connected 
in some way with that of the Coosa Indians of South Carolina, but 
how is not certain. 

By the English the name is sometimes used to designate all of the 
coast tribes of South Carolina from Savannah River to Charleston 
and two on the lower course of the Santee. On the other hand, not 
only are the latter sometimes excluded, but at least one of the tribes 
of the neighborhood of Charleston Inlet. Mooney suggests a still 
more restricted use of the word.* In its most extended application 

» See p. 95. 

* Or mko; c indicates precisely the same as Jc. 
I Lowery, M8S. 

« Sec p. 80. 

• Siouan Tribes of the Kast, Bull. 22, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 88. 


it included the Santee, Sewee, Etiwaw, Wando, Stone, Eiawa, Edisto, 
Ashepoo, Combahee, Indians of St. Helena, Wimbee, Witcheau, 
and Coosa. However, there is good reason to reject the Santee 
and Sewee from this association and to place them with the Siouan 
tribes of the east, to which the Catawba and other tribes of north- 
eastern South Carolina and eastern North Carolina belonged. This 
is the conclusion of Mooney, and it is confirmed by the following 

On his second expedition toward the north, in 1609, Francisco 
Fernandez de Ecija had as interpreter, ''for all that coast," Maria 
de Miranda, a woman from the neighborhood of Santa Elena, named 
presumably from the former governor of Santa Elena, Gutierrez de 
Miranda. In Cayagua entrance (Charleston Harbor) he met a 
Christian Indian, Alonso, with whom he had previously had dealings 
and who is spoken of as ''interpreter (lengua) of the River Jordan,*' 
the Santee, upon which stream his own town was located. Ecija 
states that Alonso and Maria de Miranda understood one another 
and even goes so far as to state that '* they spoke the same language.'* 
From what follows, however, it is evident that we are to understand 
only that they understood and could use the same languages, for 
just below Ecija says of another Indian whom he calls "mandador 
of the River Jordan'' that he spoke through the said Maria de Mir- 
anda, *' because the said Indian understood something of the language 
of Escamaqu." This indicates that the language of the Santee 
River people was distinct from that of "Escamaqu" or Santa Elena. 
While he was on the Santee, Ecija secured the surrender of a French- 
man living among the ''Sati" (Santee) Indians. This man declared 
that he had obtained news of the English colony to the northward 
from three Indians, and when the explorers were in Charleston 
Harbor on their return an Indian came down the river who he said 
was one of those who had informed him. Ecij a questioned this Indian, 
but ''understanding that he (the Indian) understood the language 
of Santa Elena, the said captain (Ecija) commanded that the said Maria 
de Miranda should speak with him. Then he asked him through 
her the same questions that the Frenchman had asked him in the 
language of Sati."^ These facts show plainly that the language 
spoken on Santee River and that of Santa Elena were not mutually 

In 1700-1701 John Lawson traveled northeastward from Charles- 
ton to the Tuscarora country, thus passing through the very heart 
of the eastern Siouan territory. He visited and described both the 
Santee and Sewee and hence must have had opportunities to hear their 
speech. It is significant, therefore, that he states of the languages 

1 Lowery, MSB. 
148061'— 2: 


of all the people through whose territories he had passed that none 
of them had the sounds /or l.^ This is true of Catawba, the sole 
representative of the Siouan languages of the east from which we 
have much material. It is therefore probable that Lawson was 
correct for the other languages to which he refers.' San tee and 
Sewee would thus share this dialectic pecidiarity and be associated 
by it with the other eastern Siouan tribes. On the other hand, 
several town or tribal and personal names from the Cusabo country 
contain I and one an /.' It is perhaps significant that in forming 
companies of his Indian allies before marching against the Tuscarora, 
Capt. BamweD placed the *'Corsaboy'' in one company with the 
Yamasee, Yuchi, and Apalachee, while the ''Congerees and Sattees/' 
the last of whom must be the Santee, were with the "Watterees, 
Sagarees, Catabas, Suterees, and Waxaws." The composition of 
his other companies shows clearly that neighboring and related 
tribes were purposely placed together.* On the other hand, there are 
certain Unguistic considerations which seem to indicate an alliance 
between the Cusabo tribes proper and the Indians of the Muskhogean 
stock. It is to be noted that the French Huguenots established 
among the Cusabo in 1562 visited the Guale chief to obtain com, 
accompanied by Cusabo guides, and had no difficulty in commu- 
nicating with him.* When Spanish missionaries were sent to the 
Province of Guale, south of the Savannah, they composed a grammar 
in the language of the people among whom they lived, and this 
granmiar subsequently fell into the hands of missionaries among 
the Cusabo.* It would naturally be supposed that if any radical 
difference existed between the languages of the two provinces some 
comment would have been made, but neither the missionaries at 
this time nor the Spanish explorers then or later so much as hint 
that any such difference existed, though they do indeed recognize 
the country north of the Savannah River as constituting a distinct 
province from that to the southward. 

In 1600, when testimony was taken from a number of Quale 
chiefs, it is stated in a letter detailing the proceedings that 'Hhe 
notary who had been eight years in the Province of Santa Elena, 
although he did not speak the language, understood much of the 
languages of those provinces, and attested that the Guale Indians 

1 Lawson, Hist. CaroUna, p. 378. 

s In his vocabulary of Woocon, another Siouan dialect, there is no /and hut one /, in the word for "duck." 

> See pp. 20-24. 

* South CaroUna Hist, and Genealogical Mag., ix, pp. 30-31. 

» Since their guides belonged to the Maccou or Escamacu tribe, which there is some reason to think fbay 
have been identical with that latM* known as Yamacraw, this fact might not in Itself be conclusive, but 
these Maccou were found to be associating intimately with the other Cusabo tribes in their neighborhood 
without any suggestion of a difference in language, and a little later the Spaniards applied their name to 
the entire district or "province" otherwlie designated Orlsta or Santa Elena, the southern part of the 
Cusabo territory (see p. 60). 

• Roidiat, La Florida, n, p. 307; Baroia, La Florida, pp. 188-lJO. 


spoke the truth.'** Somewhat more equivocal is a reference to an 
interpreter named Diego de Cardenas, who is said to have ''under- 
stood the language of Santa Elena and also that of the Province of 
Quale." He himself testifies, in 1601, that he "has been many 
times in the lengua de Quale and is lengua of that (province) and of 
Elscamacu."* Most important of all is, of course, the flat statement 
by Qov. Pedro Menendez Marques, when, in writing in 1580 of the 
Indians of Santa Elena, among whom he then was, he sajrs ''they 
speak the Quale language.'' A more nearly literal translation of the 
words he uses would perhaps be, "It (Santa Elena) pertains to the 
linguistic Province of Quale (viene A la lengua de Quale)."' 

In his expedition north on the Atlantic coast, to which reference 
has already been made,' Qovemor Ibarra went no farther than Quale 
(St. Catherines Island), but one of the chiefs who came to see him 
at this place was named Ova, in all probability the same as the Oya 
or Hoya mentioned by French and Spaniards as living near the pres- 
ent Beaufort, S. C* While Ibarra was at St. Catherines we also learn 
that " the chief of Aluete said that the chief of Talapo and the chief 
of Ufalague and the chief of Crista, his nephew and heirs, were his 
vassals and had left him and gone to Uve with the mico of Asao" 
(St. Simons Island);* and when the governor came to Asao on his 
return he met them there and had a conference with them.* Crista 
was certainly a Cusabo chief, and there is every reason to suppose 
that the others mentioned with him were also CHisabo. As we have 
already stated, in his dealings with the Indians north of Omiber- 
land Island, Qovemor Ibarra employed two interpreters, Juan de 
Jimco and Santiago. There is no hint that any change was made 
after that time, and not the slightest indication that the Cusabo 
employed a language different from that of the Quale Indians, among 
whom Ibarra met them. The chief of Cya is referred to as a "mico'' 
along with the chief of Quale, while the chiefs Talapo, Ufalague, and 
Crista seemed to have moved down the coast to Asao as the result 
of some slight disagreement with their neighbors and to have settled 
there as if they were perfectly at home. 

Again, as has already been remarked, while/ and I are absent from 
the Siouan dialects to the north, r is a conspicuous sound, appearing 
in such names as Congaree, Sugeree, Wateree, Shakori, etc. It also 
appears in one form of the name Santee given by Lawson — Seretee. 
Cn the other hand, it is wanting in all Cusabo names that have come 
down to us — with one or two exceptions which need cause no disturb- 
ance. Thus, the name Crista, given above, appears persistently in 

1 Lowcxy, MS8. * Serrano y Saoz, Doc. Hist., p. 188. 

* Lowery and Brooks, M8S. * Ibid., p. 191. 

* See p. 14. 


Spanish documents, but it is evidently the Edisto of the English and the 
Audusta of the French. The Edisto are in one place called Edistare, 
but it is probable that this form was after the analogy of the Siouan 
names, and it may, in fact, have been obtained through a Siouan 
interpreter. Moreover, Laudonni^re, on inquiring of the Cusabo 
Indians about the great chief Chicora, of whom he had learned 
through Spanish writings, was told instead of a chief Chiquola Uving 
toward the north.* The Z, it is to be seen, is substituted for r. 

Spanish attempts to record the Cusabo language were cut short by 
the unfriendliness of the natives and the abandonment of the mis- 
sions. Linguistic material may j^et be discovered, however, among 
the unpublished documents of Spain. At all events the Spaniards 
had a very much better excuse than our own South Carolina colonists 
for their almost complete failure to make any permanent record of 
the language of the people among whom their first settlements were 
made. A few detached phrases and the following place, personal, and 
other names are practically all that is left of Cusabo : 

Ablandoles. Mentioiied together with the * 'Chiluques' * as a tribe of Santa Elena. 
As the latter probably refers to a non-Cusabo tribe, the Cherokee, the former may 
not be a Cusabo tribe either.' 

Ahoyabi, Aobi (?). A small town near Ahoya, or Hoya. 

Alush. a chief of Edisto.' 

Aluste, Alueste, Alieste, Alubte. a chief and \dllage probably located near 
Beaufort, South Carolina.* This may be only a form of Edisto (see p. 60). 

Appee-bee. The Indian name of Foster Creek, S. C* 

AsHEPOO, AsHiPOo, AssHEPoo, AsHA-po, IsHPow. A tfibo and a river named 
from it still so called; in one place this is made a synonym for Edisto. 

AwENDAw, OwENDAW, Ai-EN-DAi'-BOO-E. An old town, perhaps Sewee.' The 
name is preserved to the present day. 

Babickock. a creek flowing into Edisto River, near its mouth. 

Backbooks, Backhooks. Coast people at war with the Santee; they may have 
been Siouan instead of Cusabo.^ 

Barcho Amini. An Indian of Santa Elena of the town of ( 'ambe, perhaps a Spanish 

Bluacacay. a Santa Elena Indian.' 

BoHiCKBT. An Indian village near Rockville, S. C. : a creek and a modern place are 
Btill BO called." 

Boo-SHOo-EE, Boo-CHAW-EE. A name for the land about the peninsula between 
Dorchester Creek and Ashley River. There are a number of \'ariant8 of this name.® . 

Callawassie. An island on one side of Colleton River. ^'^ 

Cambe. a town in the province of Santa Elena.' 

Catuco. Name given in one place to the fort at Santa Elena. It seems to be an 
Indian word.^^ 

1 Laadooni^, Hist. Not. de la Floride, pp. XK3I. ' Ibid., p. 45. 

> Copy of MS. In Ayer CoU., Newberry Lib. • 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 03, 334. 

> S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 20, 170. • 8. Car. Hist, and Qen. Mag., yx, p. 03 et seq. 

• Serrano y Bans, Doc. Hist., pp. 187-18& >« Modem name. 

• 8. Car. Hist, and Qen. Mag., vi, p. 64. u Brooks, M88. 

• LawBon, Hist. CaroUna, p. 24. 

swanton) early history OF THE CREEK INDIANS 2l 


Chatuachb, Satuache, Satoachb. a town and minion station 6 to 10 leagues 
north of the Spanish fort of Santa Elena. ^ 
Ohehaw. a river; the name probably refers to the Chiaha tribe, to be discussed 


CmcHESSEE, Chbchessa. a river flowing into PoH Royal Sound, and also a creek, 
otherwise known as Deer Creek.' 

Clowter. Head warrior of the ' ' Ittuans. ' ' It appears from certain writers that 
he took his name from a white family of the name Crowder, therefore it is not really 
an Indian name.' 

CoiCBAHEE, CoMBOHE, CoMBEHE, CoMBEE, CoMBAHE. A tribe On a river which 
still bears their name; they were bounded by the Coosa, who were said to live north- 
east of Combahee River. 

Coosa, Kusso, Causa, Cussges, Kussoes, Kusso, Coosoe, Cussoe, Coosa w, 
KusiAH, Cuss AH, Kissah, Casor, Cocaoyo, Cocao, Cozao. A tribe sometimes 
reckoned among the Cusabo and sometimes excluded from them. They lived on the 
upper reaches of the rivers from the Ashley to the Coosawhatchie.* 


CussoBOB, C09APOY, CoBAHUE, CosAPUE, CossAPUE. Collective name for the tribes, 
or part of the tribes, now under discussion.' Originally it seems to have been applied 
to a town (see p. 58). 

CoTEBAs. A place.* 

Datha, Dathaw. An island on the coast. This is south of Port Royal Sound; 
and although it is in South Carolina it may have been in the Yamasee territory. It 
is also given as the name of a chief.^ 

Da who. a modem river name. 

Edisto, Edistah, Edista, Edistoe, Edistoh, Edistow, Edisloh, Edistarb, 
Odistash, Crista, Oristanum (Latinized), Audusta, Adusta, Usta. One of the 
Cusabo tribes." 

Escamacu, Eescamaqu, Escamaqu, Escamaquu, Escamatu, Uscamacu, Camacu, 
Camaqu, Maccou. One of the most important of the tribes near Port Royal in Spanish 
times; it frequently gave its name to the province (see p. 60). 

Etiwaw, Etewaus, Etiwans, Ittawans, Ituan, Itwan, Ittavans, Ettiwan, 
Itawans, Etwans, Itawans, Ilwans, Eutaw (?). A tribe on Wando River, 
sometimes included with the Cusabo and sometimes excluded from them.' 

Gualdape. Name of the region where Ayll6n made his last settlement, in 1526 
(see pp. 3&-41). 

Hemalo. a Cusabo chief who visited Madrid and was kiUed by a Spanish captain 
in 1576. 

HoBCAW Point. The extreme south termination of land lying between the Wacca- 
maw River and the sea; also a point on the south bank of Wando River where it de- 
bouches into Cooper River, now Remley's Point. The name Hobcaw Neck was 
applied anciently to all land between Shem-ee Creek and Wando River.^^ 

1 Semno y Sans, Doc. Hist., p. 132; Lowery, MSS. 

s Modern name. 

> South Carolina Pub. Docs., MS. 

* The name occurs In numerous places. See p. 68 et seq. 

* Occurs In numerous places. See pp. 31-^ foilowing; abo Mooney, BolL 22, Bur. Amer. Ethn.* 
pp.82, 86. 

* S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 332. 
T See p. 42. 

* Modem geographical name. 

* See pp. 24-25. 

>• S. Car. Hist, and Gen. Mag., xiv, p. 61. 



Hooks. Given with the BackbookB as a tribe at war with the Santee; they may 
have been Siouan instead of Cusabo ^ (see p. 20 ). 

HoYA, Ahoya, Oya. a town mentioned by both Frenchmen and Spaniards, on 
or near Broad River. 

IcKABEB, IcKERBY, AccABEE. Peronneau's Point on Ashley River.' 

IcosANS. According to Bartram, a tribe near South Carolina hostile to the colonists 
and driven away by the Creeks; probably the Coosa.' 

Inna. a Santa Elena Indian.* 

JoHAssA. An island.' 

KiAWA. Cayaoua, Cayaqna, Cayegua, Kiwaha, Kywaha. Kywaws, Cayawah, 
Oayawash, Kyawaw, Kiawhas, Kbywaw, Keyawah, Kayawah, Kaaway, 
KiAWAii, Keywahah, Kiaway. Kiawaws, Kiawas, Keawaw, Kayawagii. Kye- 
WAW, Chyawhaw. a Cusabo tribe living on Ashley River.' 

Mayon. a town, apparently on Broad River, in 1562 (see pp. 49, 50). 

Palawana. Polawak ^?). An island near St. Helena Island, which was granted 
to the remnant of the Cusabo in 1712.^ 

Patica. Given by Bartram as a tribe formerly living near South Carolina and 
driven off by the Creeks: they were probably one of the Yamasee bands.' 

Oketee, Okeetee, Okatie, Oketeet. a river flowing into Colleton River, near 
Port Royal.' 

Oni-se-cai:. Indian name of Bull's Island, perhaps Siouan. 

Santhiacho Huanucase. An Indian of Santa Elena.* 

Shadoo, Sheedou. a chief of Edisto.® 

Siiem-ee. a creek near Charleston now called Shem.^" 


(lAtinized), Stalame (?). One of the Cusabo tribes, on Stono Inlet.' 

SuPALATE. Probably Cusabo because associated with Ufalague (see p. 82). 

Talapo, Talapuz, Ytalapo. a chief and town probably near Beaufort. S. C." 

Tib WEN. A plantation. ^^ 

TiPicop IIaw, Tippycutlaw, Tippycop Law, Tibbekudlaw. Indian name of a 
hill in Wadlxx) barony.*' 

ToupPA, To UP A. A town and chief, located apparently on Broad River in 1562 
(see p. 49). 

Upalague, Ufalegue. a chief, probably from the neighborhood of Beaufort, S. C* 

Wadboo, Watboo, Watroo. a creek flowing into Cooper River: a Wad Ixx) Bridge 
appears later." 

Wambaw. a creek and swamp, perhaps in the Siouan territory instead of in that 
of the Cusabo." 

1 Lawson, Hist. Carolina, p. 45. 
> S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 3B6. 

* Bartram, Travels, p. M. 

* Copy of MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Lib. 
» Modem geographical name. 

* Modem geographical name; also see pp. 24-25. 61. 

T Thomas in 18th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pt. 2, p. 633. 

* Bartram, op. cit., p. 54. 

* S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 19. 20. 23. 64-65, 68, 7U 
w S. Car. Hist, and Gen. Mag., \i, p. 64. 

1^ Serrano y Sans, Doc. HLst., p. 188: also see p. 82. 

u S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 175. 

u s. Car. Hist, and Cfcn. Mag., xi, p. 171; xu, pp. 47-48. 

M Serrano y Sans, Doc. Hist., pp. 188, 100. 

» S. Car. Hist. Soc. CoUs., v, p. 332; S. Car. Hist, and (len. Mag. v, pp. 32, 119. 

M Modem name. 




Wampi, Wampbe. The name of a plant which grows in the lowlands of South 
Carolina; also called pickerel weed (Pontedma cordata).^ 

Wando, Wandoe. a tribe on Cooper River usually included with the Cusabo; 
Wando River is named for them but Uie name has been transferred from the stream 
to which it properly belongs.' 

Wantoot. a plantation in the low country of South Carolina.' 

Wapbnsaw. Lands near Charleston, S. C* 

Wappetaw Bridge. A place name. 

Wappoo, Wappo, Wapoo. A creek on the landward side of Edisto Island; also given 
by Bartram as the name of a tribe formerly living near South Carolina, which the 
Creeks had driven away.* 

WAsmsHOB. A plantation.* 

Washua. An island.^ 

Westo, Westoe, Westoh, Westa, Westras. A name which appears to have been 
given to the Yuchi by the Cusabo and is evidently in the Cusabo language.' 

Westoboo, Westoebou, Wbotoe bou, Westoe Boo, Webtoe Bou. The name of 
the Savannah River in the Cusabo language, said to mean " River of the Westo'' and 
in one place interpreted as *'the Enemies' River." ^ 

WnfBEE. Wimbehe, Guiomaez (?). A Cusabo tribe which seems to have been 
located between the Combahee and Broad Rivers.*" 

Win A. Mentioned as an Indian met near Port Royal in 1681 along with another 
named Antonio. It may be merely the Spanish Juan. 

Wis KIN BOO. A swamp in Berkeley County, between Cooper and Santee Rivers." 

WrrcHEAu, WiCHCAUH. Watchetsau (?). A Cusabo tribe mentioned only two or 
three times; location unknown.*^ 

WoafMONY. 'The son of a chief of St. Helena." 

Yeshoe. The name of certain lands in South Carolina near Charleston.*^ 

Yanahume. a town on the south side of "the river of Santa Elena," reported by 
a Spanish expedition of 1564.*' 

Following are the few words and phrases to be found in early works 
dealing with this region : 

Appada . The [Sewee?] Indians called out this word to the English and it is proljably 
corrupt Spanish . *' 

HiDDESKEH. This is said to mean ''sickly." *' 

HiDDiE DOD. Described as '*a word of great kindness among them"; the Indians 
who used this, however, also referred to the English as "comraro," evidently an 
attempt at the Spanish camarada, so we can not feel sure that kiddie dod is not a 
corrupt Spanish expression as well.*' 

HiDDY DODDY CoMORADo Anoles Wbstoe Skorrye, ''English very good friends, 
Westoes are nought." ** The words here are under the same suspicion as the one just 
mentioned and must therefore be handled carefully; moreover, Indian words con- 
tained in old dociunents are so often transcribed wrongly that we can never be certain 
of the exact form where we have but one example to which to refer. 

Modem name. 
Seep. 61. 

8. Car. Hist, and Oen. Mag., ra, p. 192. 
Ibid., VI, p. 64. 
Bartram, Travels, p. 54. 
8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 175. 
A modem place name. 
See pp. 288-291. 

8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls. , v, 76-77, 166, 378, 
380-887, 428, 459-460. 

M Ibid., pp. 66, 334; also see p. 55. 

" 8. Car. Hist, and Oen. Mag., xm. p. 12. 

» See p. 70. 

i< 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 21, 75. 

>« 8. Car. Hist, and Gen. Mag., vi, p. 64. 

u Lowery, MSS. 

M 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v ,p. 166. 

"Ibid., p. 201. 

u Ibid , p. 199. 

» Ibid., p. 459. 



One among the above names, Ufalague, has an / and an Z; six 
others an I, Aluete, Alush, Callawassie, Palawana, Stalame, Talapo; 
and seven an m, Combahee, Shemee, Stalame, Wambaw, Wampi, 
Wimbee, Wonmiony. As in the case of the Guale and Yamasee 
languages (see p. 15), these argue a Muskhogean connection. 

The only other fact that seems to promise assistance is the trans- 
lation of the word Westoboo as ** river of the Westo,'* from which it 
would seem that boo signifies "river. " ^ So far as I have been able to 
find, nothing like this occurs in either Yuchi or Catawba, the closest 
resemblance being with the Choctaw hoky- with which perhaps the 
Alabama 2>a'Tji, theTimucua ihi(ne), and the Apalachee i/6a6 are con- 
nected. The ^little evidence this one word gives us, therefore, points 
toward Muskhogean relationship. It is possible that the same word 
occurs in certain of the names given above, such as Ashepoo, Bohicket, 
Boo-shoo-ee, Backbooks, Cusabo, Wadboo, Wappoo, Wiskinboo, and 
perhaps also in Combahee (also spelled Combohe). If this expla- 
nation holds good for Cusabo the term would probably mean '^ Coosa 
River people, *' though it is difficult to see how such a name came to 
be applied generally, in some cases to the exclusion of the Coosa 
Indians themselves. We must suppose it to have been adopted 
as the name of a town near the mouth of the Coosawhatchie, or some 
other river on which Coosa lived, and the usage to have extended 
from that place along the coast. It should be noted as a rather 
remarkable fact, and one probably based on some feature of the 
Cusabo tongue, that of the place and personal names given above, 
16, or more than one-fourth, begin with w. This is a common initial 
in stream names from the Creek language, owing to the fact that 
many of them begin with tm, which is almost the same as oi, an abbre- 
viation of oiway water; but in the names under consideration wa 
initial is more common than vxi and we together. 

The evidence so far adduced applies particularly to that group 
of Cusabo tribes living near Beaufort, to which the term is sometimes 
confined. There was a second group, farther to the north, about 
Charleston Harbor, consisting of the Kiawa, Etiwaw, Wando, and 
perhaps the Stono. In both the English and Spanish narratives 
the chief of Kiawa appears on intimate terms with those of Edisto and 
St. Helena, and their solidarity is emphasized on more than one 
occasion by the early writers, they being classed as coast Indians, and 
contrasted with the Westo inland upon the Savannah River and 
the tribes Hving in the *' sickly" country northward of them.'' In 
later times the Etiwaw assisted the English in destro^'hig the Siouan 
Santee and Congaree.* Henry Woodward, upon whom the English 

I 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., y, p. 167. 

I It should be noted that final -k in many Choctaw words is barely distinguishable as pronounced. 

* See p. 07; also Lowery, M88. 

« 8. Oar. Pub. Docs., M8. 


settlers of South Carolina relied in all of their communications with 
the natives, calls the Kliawa *' Chyawhaw, " * and although he is unsup- 
ported in this, his information should have been the most reliable. 
If he is correct, the Kliawa were probably a branch of those Chiaha 
Indians noted elsewhere, some of whom are known to have lived near 
the Yamasee at an early period. It is also to be observed that the 
chief of Kiawa accompanied Woodward on his expedition to visit the 
chief of "Chufytachyque " and acted as his interpreter.* If the latter 
were the Kasihta Creeks, as I shall try to show,' this fact would 
indicate some similarity between the languages of the two peoples. 
The following statement of the explorer Sanford may be added: 

All along I observed a kinde of Emulacon amongst the three principall Indians of 
this Country (viz*) Those of Keywaha, Eddistowe and Port Royall concerning us 
and our Friendshipp, contending to assure it to themselves and jealous of the other 
though all be allyed and this Notw^'^standing that they knewe wee were in actuall 
warre with the Natives att Clarendon and had killed and sent away many of them, 
£for they frequently discoursed with us concerning the warre, told us that the Natives 
were noughts they land Sandy and barren, their CV)untry sickly, but if wee would 
come amongst them Wee whould finde the Contrary to all their Evills, and never any 
occasion of dischargeing our Gunns but in merryment and for pastime.* 

Clarendon County was in the North Carolina settlement between 
Cape Fear and Pamlico Sound, mainly in Siouan territory. In 1727 
the Eaawa chief was given a grant of land south of the Combahee 
River, which probably means that his people removed about that 
time to the south to be near the other Cusabo Indians.' 

Besides these two coastal groups of Cusabo the Coosa tribe is to 
be distinguished in some degree from the rest befcause, instead of 
occupying a section of coast, it was in the hinterland of South Caro- 
lina along the upper courses of the Ashley, Edisto, Ashepoo, Combahee, 
and Coosawhatchie Rivers. From this difference in position and on 
the strength of the name I suggest that it may possibly have been a 
branch of the Coosa of Coosa River, Alabama, and hence may have 
belonged to the true Muskogee group. On the basis of our present 
information this can not be definitely affirmed or denied. 

By nearly all of the living Creeks the Osochi are supposed to be 
a Muskogee tribe of long standing, and Bartram classifies them 
with those who in his time spoke the Muskogee tongue." Neverthe- 
less Adair gives them as one of the ^'nations'' which had settled 
among the Lower Creeks.^ In very early times they came to be 
associated very closely with the Qiiaha and when they gave up 
their own square groimd the two combined. An old Osochi whom 

1 8. Car. Hisr. Soc. Colls., ▼, p. 186. 
> Ibid, p. 191. 

• See pp. 216-218. 

• 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 79h«). 

• 8. Car. Docs. ( Pub. Records of 8. C^ ., z, p. 34.) 

• Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

' Adair, Hist. Am. Inda., p. 257. 


I met in Oklahoma stated that his mother knew how to speak 
Hitchiti and he believed that many more of his people had known 
how to speak that language in earlier times. This would naturally 
be the case if, as seems to be indicated, the Chiaha were a Hitchiti 
speaking people, but of course it is possible that the Osochi anciently 
belonged to the Hitchiti group also. However, whether they ever 
spoke Hitchiti as a tribe or not, I am strongly of the opinion that 
they are the descendants of the people known to De Soto and his 
companions as the U^chile,* Uzachil,' Veachile,* or Ossachile.* 
Veachile is probably a misprint for U^achile. If this identification 
is correct the Osochi were evidently a Timucua tribe, which gradually 
migrated north until absorbed by the Lower Creeks. Confirmatory 
evidence appears to be furnished by a Spanish official map of the 
eighteenth century* on which at the junction of the Chattahoochee 
and Flint Rivers a tribe or post is located with the legend, '* Apalache 
6 Sachile.'' Apparently the compiler of the map supposed tiiat the 
6 in this name was the Spanish conjunction instead of an integral 
part of the word. The position assigned to them by him agrees 
exactly with that of the Apalachicola Indians at that period, and if 
*'6 Sachile*' really refers to the Osochi wo must suppose either that 
they had united with some of the Apalachicola or that they were 
classified with and considered a branch of them. Since the word 
Timucua often appears as Tomoco or Tomoka in English writings 
this hypothesis would also explain the Tomo6ka town westward of 
the Apalachicola on the map of Lamhatty® and the Tonmiahees 
referred to by Coxe in the same region.^ These particular Timucua 
would be none other than the Osochi. 

The Kasihta, Coweta, Coosa, Abihka, Holiwahali, Eufaula, Hilibi, 
and Wakokai, with their branches, have always, so far as our infor- 
mation goes, been considered genuine Muskogee people. The only 
suspicion to the contrary is in the case of the Coosa, whose name 
looks very much like a conunon corruption of the Choctaw word 
Jconshakf meaning **cane.'' By this name the Muskogee were known 
to the Mobile Indians. In Padilla's history of the De Luna expedi- 
tion we read that, when the Spaniards accompanied the Coosa in 
an attack upon their western neighbors, they came to a wide 
river known as "Oke chiton,'' or **great river." If this name was in 
the Coosa language it would prove that at that time they spoke 
Choctaw, but more likely it was in the language of their enemies. 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 73. 

* Ibid. I, p. 41. 

* Ibid, n, p. 6. 

« Oarcilasso de La Vega, in Shipp, Hist, of De Soto and Florida, p. 33a 

* Reproduced in Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, p. 2ia 
i Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 560 

* French, Hist. CoUs. I4i., 1850. p. 234. On his map he has " Tomachees " (Desrr. Prov. Car., 1741) . 



About one-sixth of all Creeks are probably of Coosa descent, and it is 
unlikely that a tribe of such size should have given up its language 
while much smaller bodies retained theirs almost or quite down to 
the present time. 

The Tukabahchee are considered by most Creek Indians at the 
present day as the leaders of the nation. Nevertheless Milfort/ 
and also Adair,- on the authority of a Tukabahchee chief of his time, 
declare that they had formerly been a distinct people. This ques- 
tion will be considered again when we come to take up Tukabahchee 
history, but it may be said that, even though the tribe were once 
distinct, it would not necessarily follow that its language was also 
different. There is, at all events, little reason to suppose it was 
anything other than some Muskhogean dialect. A foreign origin 
is also attributed to the Okchai Indians by the same writers. 
Some of the living Okchai appear to remember a tradition to this 
effect, but while it is probably correct there is no further proof, and 
there is no likelihood that their ancient speech was anything other 
than Muskogee.' 

Still another people, the Pakana, who now speak pure Muskogee, 
are reported to have been at one time distinct, both by Adair* and 
by Stiggins.' Since they settled near Fort Toulouse, they have 
sometimes been spoken of as if they were a branch of the Alabama, but 
this is probably due merely to association, just as the Okchai have 
oc<*,asionally been classed with the ^Vlabama because an Alabama 
town was known as Little Okchai. In the absence of more assured 
information-it will be best to class them with the Muskogee. 

Northern Florida was occupied by the Timucua Indians, but 
south of them were several tribes, which were reckoned as distinct 
by the Spaniards, though next to nothing has been preserved of their 
languages and very few hints regarding their aflSnities are to be 

The Calusa of the western side of the peninsula were the most 
important South Florida people, and they were the last to disappear, 
some of them remaining in their old seats until the close of the last 
Seminole war. The chief centers of their population were Charlotte 
Harbor and the mouth of the Caloosahatchee River, and this is of 
importance in connection with the following facts. In a letter writ- 
ten by Capt. John H. Bell, agent for the Indians in Florida, addressed 

■ MUfort, Mtooire, pp. 265-266. 

s Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 179. 

s Mllfort and Adair, Ibid. There is one direct statement to the effect that Olcchal was a distinct lan- 
guage (Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., 1st ser., n, p. 48), but the language of the Little Okchai (Alabama) may 
be meant (see next paragraph). 

« Adair, ibid., p. 257. 

• Seep. 272. 


to a committee of Congress, February, 1821, a list of Seminole towns 
is given.* The names of the first 22 are "extracted from a talk held 
by Gen. Jackson, with three chiefs of the Florida Indians, at Pensa- 
cola, September 19, 1821,'' and to them Captain Bell adds 13 towns 
on his own authority. The particular tribe of Seminole represented 
in each town is not always given, but it is appended in italics to the 
names of the last five. Thus there is a town of the Mikasuki, a town 
of the Coweta, a town of the Chiaha, a town of the Yuchi, and last of 
aU we read ''35. South of Tampa, near Charlotte's Bay, Cfioctaws,*' 
Later still, in a census of the Florida Indians taken in 1847, there 
were 120 warriors reported, among whom were 70 Seminole, 30 
Mikasuki, 12 Creeks, 4 Yuchi, and 4 Choctaw.' The only Mississippi 
Choctaw actually known to have been brought into Florida were 
taken there along with some Delaware Indians as scouts for the 
American Army, and at a much later date than the letter of Captain 
Bell. Moreover, from both Bell's account and the census of 1847 
the Choctaw enumerated would appear to have formed a considerable 
band, and it may well be asked why it is, if the scouts were brought 
in in such quantities, we do not hear of a Delaware band as well? 
These references therefore introduce the question of a possible con- 
nection between the Calusa and Choctaw. 

All that is now known of the Calusa language is a considerable 
number of place names, for a few of which translations are given, 
and a single expression, also translated. Prac^tically all of these come 
from the Memoir of Hernando de Escalanto Fontaneda, a Spaniard 
held captive among the Calusa Indians for 17 years, somewhere 
between 1550 and 1570.' Attempts to find equivalents in known 
Indian tongues have been made by Buckingham Smith (1854) and 
A. S. Gatschet (1884).* Although better equipped for this task, the 
latter was handicapped, as always, by a lack of critical acumen in 
the treatment of etymologies, and unfortunately he chose for com- 
parison Spanish, Timucua, and Creek, the two last because they 
were the Indian languages of the region with which he was most 
familiar. Smith, on the other hand, without a tithe of Gatschet *s 
philological ability, was favored by fortune in happening to depend 
for his interpretations on several Choctaw Indians, including the 
famous chief, Peter Pichlynn. Smith seems not to have had any 
true appreciation of the differences between Indian languages and 
to have assumed that the authority of an Indian of almost any 
southeastern tribe was equally good. By mere luck, however, he 

1 Monw, Rep. to 8ec. of War., pp. 306, 308, 311 ; also see pp. 406-407. 
I Schoolcraftr Ind. Tribes, i, p. 522. 

• Col. Doc. Ined., v, pp. 532-546: Smith, Letter of Heniando <Ie Soto and Memoir of Hernando de Esca- 
Uinte Fontaneda. The translation hi French, Hist. Colls. La., 1875, pp. 235-265, is badly disarranged. 
« Smith, op. cit; Qatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 14. 


chose a representative of that tribe with which we have since dis- 
covered grounds for believing the Calusa stood in a particularly close 
relation. But even so, he was unable to obtain interpretations for 
most of Fontaneda's Calusa names, and most of the remaining ety- 
mologies suggested to him must be rejected as improbable. Yet it 
is interesting to note that the impression made upon his informants 
by these names was similar to that certain to be impressed upon 
anyone familiar with the Muskhogean tongues. He says: '*My 
monitors say that all these words are eminently Chahta in their 
sounds, but that sometimes they are too imperfectly preserved to 
be understood, or that their sense can be detected only in part." 
Of the translations obtained by Smith of names not furnished with 
interpretations by Fontaneda only that of Calaobe (from k&li hofobi, 
"deep spring'') and perhaps that of Soco (from su'ko, '* muscadine") 
seem to have some probability in their favor. Translations are, 
however, furnished for a few by Fontaneda himself, and while the 
literal correctness of these must not be assumed, they present a 
somewhat more promising field of investigation. These words are 
Guaragunve, a town on the Florida keys, the name of which is said 
to mean in Spanish Pueblo de HantOy i. e., **the town of weeping;" 
Cuchiyaga, a second town on these islands, the name signifying 
"the place where there has been suffering;" Calos or Calusa, "in 
the language of which the word signifies a fierce people, as they are 
called for being brave and skilled in war;" the Lake of Mayaimi, 
so called "because it is very large;" Zertepe, "chief and great lord" 
(though possibly this is a specific title); Guasaca-esgui, a name of 
the Suwanee, "the river of canes;" 5to or Non, "town beloved;" 
Cafiogacola, or Cailegacola, " a crafty people, skillful with the bow;" 
se-le-te-ga, "run to the lookout, see if there be any people coming! " 
The first of the above is almost the only one in which an r appears — 
though Carlos is used for Calos occasionally — and it is possible that 
this town may be one which Fontaneda informs us to have 
been occupied by Cuban Arawaks. In English the name would 
be pronounced nearly as Waragunwe, and if we assume the r 
has been substituted for an original Z, we might find a cognate 
for the first part of it in Choctaw wilanlif to weep, while 
the second part might be compared with Choctaw k(ywi or Jc&^, 
woods, a desert, but I do not feel sure that this order is per- 
missible, and little confidence can be placed in the rendering. 
For Cuchiyaga Smith's informants suggested hi-chi (cJia) ya-ya, 
"going out to wail," though he remarks that the interpreta- 
tions of the names of this town and the preceding may have 
become transposed. Calos was explained to Smith as an abbrevia- 
tion of the Oioctaw words korla and Iti^sa, "strong (and) black," 


but the form without a terminal a seems to be nearer the original, 
and I would suggest kdUoy strong, powerful, or violent, followed by 
an article pronoun such as dsJij the aforesaid, or osh. In case the 
final a were original the second word in the compound might be 
a^sJia, to sit, to be. Mayaimi recalls Choctaw mmha, wide, and 
mihy it is so, it is Uke that, although mih is usually initial in position. 
I can do nothing with Zertepo, but, as suggested, this may not be 
a generic word. Guasaca-esgui should probably be pronoun(*ed 
Wasaka-esgi, and both parts bear a strong resemblance to the Choc- 
taw uski or oski, cane, though of course, in any case, only one would 
represent that word ; the Choctaw word for river is Jidcha. In expla- 
nation of 5to, Gatschet cites Creek aiwlcitcha, ''lover," anuJcid^hUs, 
"I love," the Choctaw equivalent of which is anushJcunnaj no or nu 
being assumed as the radix, but anoa, '* famous," ''noted," "illus- 
trious," may also be mentioned in this connection. Perhaps the 
most suggestive of all of these words is Caftogacola, because the 
ending looks suspiciously like Choctaw okluj people, which we often 
find written by early travelers ogala or okaia. The first part might 
be explained by Alabama kdflgo, not good, bad, or as a shortened 
form of Choctaw i^kana keyu, unfriendly. Finally, se-le-te-ga may 
contain chdi, you fly, you go rapidly, followed by -<, used in con- 
necting several verbs, and possibly liaidka, to appear, to peiep, 
though I am not certain that this particular combination is admissible. 

Romans is the only writer to attempt an interpretation of names 
along the southeastern Florida coast. He gives the name of Indian 
River as Aisa hatcha and interprets this as meaning "Deer River." * 
The word hatcha, however, was probably given by himself or else 
obtained from the Seminole Indians and there is no proof that it 
belonged to the ancient language of Ais, while the first was probably 
translated arbitrarily in terms of the Choctaw language with w^hich 
Romans was to some extent familiar. 

Upon the whole more resemblances between these words and 
Choctaw seem to occur than would be expected if the languages 
had nothing in common, and those which we find in Guasaca-esgui 
and CafLogacola are almost too striking to be merely accidental. 
In connection with the first of these reference should be made to 
the name of a province mentioned only once by Fontaneda and 
seemingly located near Tampa Bay. This is Osiquevede, in which 
it is possible we again have oski. The latter part of the word might 
be interpreted by means of Choctaw Ji^i/w, to whirl or veer about. 

Putting all of the above evidence together, we may fairly conclude 
that a connection with Choctaw, or at all events some Muskhogean 
dialect, is indicated, but we must equally admit that it is not proved. 

1 Romans, Concise Nat. Hist, of £. and W. Fla., p. 273. 


In the interior of the country, about Lake Okeechobee, were many 
towns said to be allied with the Calusa chief, and from the names of 
these towns given us by Fontaneda they would appear to have been 
allied in language also.^ 

On the east coast of Florida were a number of small tribes settled 
in the various inlets. From south to north the most important were 
the Tekesta, Jeaga, and Ais. The name Tekesta resembles those of 
the Calusa towns in appearance, and so do the names of several 
smaller places in the same locality, one town, Janar, even having a 
designation absolutely identical with that of a Calusa settlement.' 

We know little more of the Jeaga' and Ais. They had many 
cultural features in common with the Calusa — including a uniform 
hostility to Christian missions — and their languages were at least 
markedly different from Timucua. In 1605 the governor of Florida, 
in commenting on the visit of some Ais Indians to St. Augustine, 
says that the language spoken in that province was "very different 
from this" (i. e., Timucua). He conversed with them by means of 
Juan de Jxmco, an Indian of the Timucua mission of Nombre de Dios, 
who spoke to the interpreter of the Surruque, a tribe living about 
Cape Canaveral. We might assume from this that the Surruque 
spoke the same language as the people of Ais, but many of them 
were familiar with Ais on account of the proximity of the two peoples, 
and I am inclined to regard the Siuruque as the southernmost band 
of Timuqua upon the Atlantic coast. 

The linguistic position of the Tamahita Indians is uncertain, but 
there is some reason to think that their name will prove to be another 
synonym for Yuchi. This possibility will be discussed at length 
when we come to consider the history of that tribe. 


Little as we know about these people, it is a curious fact that their 
territory was one of the first in North America on which European 
settlements were attempted, and those were of historical importance 
and even celebrity. They were made, moreover, by three different 
nations, the Spaniards, French, and English. 

The first visitors were the Spaniards, who made a landing here in 
1621, only eight years after Ponce de Leon's assumed' discovery of 
Florida. Accounts of this voyage, more or less complete, have 

1 Fontaneda in Col. Doc. Inecl., v., p. 539; see pp. 331-333. 

> See p. 333. 

*The Spanish orthogmphy of this word is retained; it wtki pronounced something like Ueaga. 


been given by Peter Marytr/ Gomara,' Oviedo,' and Herrera,* and 
in more recent times by Navarrete,* Henry Hanisso/ John Gilmary 
Shea/ and Wobdbury Ix)wery.' That of Shea is based largely on 
original manuscripts, and, as it contains all of the essential facts, I 
will quote it in full. 

In 1520 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditore of the Island of St. Domingo, 
though possessed of weaHh, honors, and domestic felicity, aspired to the glory of 
discovering some new land, and making it the seat of a prosperous colony. Having 
secured the necessary license, he despatched a caravel under the command of Fran- 
cisco Gordillo, with directions to sail northiA'ard through the Bahamas, and thence 
strike the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his exploration, and near the 
Island of Lucayoneque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another caravel. His pilot, 
Alonzo Fernandez Sotil, proceeded toward it in a boat, and soon recognized it as a 
caravel conmianded by a kinsman of his, Pedro de Quexos, fitted out in part, though 
not avowedly, by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, an auditor associated with Ayllon in the 
judiciary. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among the Bahamas 
for Caribs — the object of the expedition being to capture Indians in order to sell them 
as slaves. On ascertaining the object of Gordillo^s voyage, Quexos proposed that 
they should continue the exploration together. After a sail of eight or nine days, in 
which they ran little more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of the 
continent at the mouth of a considerable river, to which they gave the name of St. 
John the Baptist, from the fact that they touched the coast on the day set apart to 
honor the Precursor of Christ. The year was 1521, and the point reached was, accord- 
ing to the estimate of the explorers, in latitude 33® 30'. 

Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on the shore; and 
while the ships endeavored to ent«r the river, these men were surrounded by Indians, 
whose good- will they gained by presents. 

Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in the name of 
Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the King, as Quexos did also in 
the name of his employers on Sunday, June 30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks 
of trees to mark the Spanish occupancy. 

Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations with the 
Indians of any new land he might discover, Gordillo joined with Quexos in seizing 
some seventy of the natives, with whom they sailed away, without any attempt to 
make an exploration of the coast. 

On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his captain's 
act; and the matter was brought before a commission, presided over by Diego Colum- 
bus, for the consideration of some important affairs. The Indians were declared free, 
and it was ordered that they should be restored to their native land at the earliest 
]:x)ssible moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Ma- 

Another account of this expedition is given by Peter Martyr,' 

from whom Gomara and nearly all subsequent writers copied it. 

» Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, n, pp. 255-271. 
s Qomara, Hist, de las Indias, p. 32 
» Oviedo* Hist. Gen., m, pp. 624-<'33. 
« Herrera^Hist. Oen.,i, pp. 259-2HI. 

• NaTarrete,Col.ym, pp. «9-74. 

* Harrisse, Disc, of N. Amer. , pp. 198-213 

» In Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. Amer., ii, pp. 238-24 1. 
■ Lowery, Span. Settl., 1513-1561, pp. 15^-157, 160-168. 


While it is not fortified with official documents like that of Shea it 
comes from a contemporary and one intimately acquainted with all 
of the principals and therefore deserves to be placed beside the other 
as an original source of information. 

Some Spaniards, anxious as hunters pursuing wild beasts through the mountains 
and swamps to capture the Indians of that archipelago [the Bahamas], embarked on 
two ships built at the cost of seven of them . They sailed from Puerto de Plata situated 
on the north coast of Hispaniola, and laid their course towards the Lucayas. Three 
years have passed since then, and it is only now, in obedience to CamilloGallino, who 
wishes me to acquaint Your Excellency with some still unknown particulars concerning 
these discoveries, that I speak of this expedition. These Spaniards visited all the 
Lucayas but without finding the plunder, for their neighbors had already explored 
the archipelago and systematically depopulated it. Not wishing to expose them- 
selves to ridicule by returning to Hispaniola empty-handed, they continued their 
course towards the north . Many people said they lied when they declared they had 
purposely chosen that direction. 

They were driven by a sudden tempest which lasted two days, to within sight of a 
lofty promontory which we will later describe. When they landed on this coast, the 
natives, amazed at the unexpected sight, r^arded it as a miracle, for they had never 
seen ships. At first they rushed in crowds to the beach, eager to see; but when the 
Spaniards took to their shallops, the natives fied with the swiftness of the wind, leaving 
the coast deserted. Our compatriots pursued them and some of the more agile and 
swift-footed young men got ahead and captured a man and a woman, whose flight had 
been less rapid. They took them on board their ships and after giving them clothing, 
released them. Touched by this generosity, serried masses of natives again appeared 
on the beach. 

When their sovereign heard of this generosity, and beheld for the first time these 
imknown and precious garments — for they only wear the skins of lions and other wild 
beasts — ^he sent fifty of his servants to the Spaniards, carrying such provisions as they 
eat. When the Spaniards landed, he received them respectfully and cordially, and 
when they exhibited a wish to visit the neighborhood, he provided them with guide 
and an escort. Wherever they showed themselves the natives, full of admiration, 
advanced to meet them with presents, as though they were divinities to be worshipped. 
What impressed them most was the sight of the beards and the woolen and silk clothing. 

But what then! The Spaniards ended by violating this hospitality. For when 
they had finished their explorations, they enticed numerous natives by lies and tricks 
to visit their ships, and when the vessels were quickly crowded vrith men and women 
they raised anchor, set sail, and carried these despairing unfortunates into slavery. 
By such means they sowed hatred and warfare throughout that peaceful and friendly 
region, separating children from their parents and wives from their husbands. Nor 
is this all. Only one of the two ships returned, and of the other there has been no 
news. As the vessel was old, it is probable that she went down with all on board, 
innocent and guilty. This spoliation occasioned the Royal coimcil at Hispaniola 
much vexation, but it remained unpunished. It was first thought to send the 
prisoners back, but nothing was done, because the plan would have been difficult to 
realise, and besides one of the ships was lost. 

These details were furnished me by a virtuous priest, learned in law, called the bache- 
lor Alvares de Castro. His learning and his virtues caused him to be named Dean of 
the Cathedral of Concepcion, in Hispaniola, and simultaneously vicar and inquisitor. 

148061 **— ^2 3 


Thus his testimony may be confidently accepted. ... It is from (Jastro's report and 
after several enquiries into this seizure that we have learned that the women brought from 
that r^on wear lions' skins and the men wear skins of all other wild beasts. He says 
these people are white and larger than the generality of men. When they were landed 
some of them searched among the rubbish heaps along the town ditches for decaying 
bodies of dogs and asses with which to satisfy their hunger. Most of them died of 
misery, while those who survived were divided among the colonists of Hispaniola, 
who disposed of them as they pleased, either in their houses, the gold-mines, or their 

Farther on Peter Martyr gives Ayllon, "one of those at whose 
expense the two ships had been equipped, " and his Indian servant, 
Francisco of Chicora, as additional iiiiormantSy and states that he 
had sometimes invited them to his table. 

In 1523 Ayllon obtained a royal c6dula securing to him exclusive 
right of settlement within the limits of a strip of coast on either side 
of the place where his subordinate had come to land. In 1525, being 
unable to visit the new land himself, in order to secure his rights he 
sent two caravels to explore his territory \mder Pedro de Quexos. 
' * They r^ained the good will of the natives/ ' says Shea, * * and explored 
the coast for 250 leagues, setting up stone crosses with the name of 
Charles V and the date of the act of taking possession. They 
retimied to Santo Domingo in July, 1525, bringing one or two Indians 
from each province, who might be trained to act as interpreters. *' ^ 
After considerable delay Ayllon himself sailed for his new government 
early in Jime, 1526, with three large vessels, 600 persons of both 
sexes, including priests and physicians, and 100 horses. They 
reached the North American coast at the mouth of a river calcu- 
lated by them to be in north latitude 33° 40', and they called it the 
Jordan — from the name of one of Ayllon's captains, it is said. Here, 
however, Ayllon lost one of his vessels, and his interpreters, including 
Francisco of Chicora, deserted him. Dissatisfied with the region in 
which he had landed and obtaining news of one better from a party 
he had sent along the shore, Ayllon determined to remove, and he 
seems to have followed the coast. The explorers are said to have 
continued for 40 or 45 leagues until they came to a river called 
Gualdape, where they began a settlement, which was called San 
Miguel de Gualdape. The land hereabout was flat and full of marshes. 
The river was large and well stocked with fish, but the entrance was 
shallow and passable only at high tide. The colony did not prosper, 
the weather became severe, many sickened and died, and on October 
18, 1526, Ayllon died also. Trouble soon broke out among the sur- 
viving colonists and Anally, in the middle of a s(»vcrc winter, those 
that were loft sailed ])ack to Ilispaniola." 

"Shea, op. cit., p. 'J40. Mbid., \k2M 


Such are the principal facts concerning the first Spanish explora- 
tions and attempts at colonization upon the coast of the Carolinas. 
Before giving the information obtained through them regarding the 
aborigines of the coimtry and their customs it will be necessary to 
determine as nearly as possible the location of the three rivers men- 
tioned in the relations, the River of St. John the Baptist, the River 
Jordan, and the River Gualdape, an undertaking which has been 
attempted already in the most painstaking manner, by the historians 
Harrisse, Shea, and Lowery.* 

So far as the River Jordan is concerned, there is scarcely the 
shadow of a doubt that it was the Santee. The identification is 
indicated by evidence drawn from a great many early writers, and 
practically demonstrated by the statements of two or three of the 
more careful navigators. Ecija, for instance, places its mouth in 
N. lat. 33® 11', which is almost exactly correct.' A very careful 
pilot's description appended to the account of his second voyage 
puts it only a little higher.^ Furthermore, tribes that can be iden- 
tified readily as the Sewee and Santee are mentioned by him and 
they are on this river in the positions they later occupied. He 
states also, on the authority of the Indians, that a trail led from the 
mouth of it to a town near the moimtains called Xoada, which is 
readily recognizable as the Siouan Cheraw tribe.' Now, as Mr. 
Mooney has shown,' and as all evidence indicates, the Cheraw were 
at this time at the head of Broad River. The Pedee or the Capo 
Fear would have carried travelers to the Cheraw miles out of their 
way. Finally it must be remembered that the name Jordan was 
applied to a certain river during the entire Spanish period in the 
Southeast. It had a definite meaning, and when the English settled 
the coimtry Spanish cartographers were at no loss to identify their 
Jordan under its new English name, so that Navarrete says that 
"on some ancient maps there is a river at thirty-three degrees North, 
which they name Jordan or Sant6e. '' * One of the reasons for imcer- 
tainty regarding it is the fact that the ancient Cape San Roman, 
from which the Jordan is frequently located, is not the present Cape 
Romain, but apparently Cape Fear, and is thus imiversally repre- 
sented as north of the Jordan instead of south of it. The argiunent 
could be elaborated at length, but it is unnecessary. The biu-den of 
proof is rather on him who would deny the identification. 

With regard to the other two rivers we have no such certain evi- 
dence, and their exact positions will probably always remain in doubt. 

» Op. tit. 3 Bull. 22, Bur. Amer. Kthn., p. 57. 

« Lowery, MSB., Lib. Cons. * Navarrcto, Col., m, p. 70. 


The c^dula issued to Ayllon places tlie newly discovered land in 
which was the River of St. John the Baptist in N. lat. 35^-37^,* but 
for anything hke an exact statement we must depend entirely on the 
testimony of the pilot Quexos, who estimated that it lay considerably 
farther south, in N. lat. 33° 30'.* It would therefore be somewhere 
in the inmiediate neighborhood of the Jordan, possibly that very 
stream. However, immediately after the statement of Navarrete 
quoted above, he adds, " to the northeast of that which they name 
San tee, at a distance of 48 miles, there is another river, which they 
call Chico.'*^ This would at once suggest an identification of that 
stream with the Pedee, or with Winyah Bay, though of course where 
they enter the ocean the Santee and Pedee are much nearer together 
than 48 miles. I am, however, inclined to suspect that " the river 
Chico" represented simply some cartographer's guess as to the loca- 
tion of Chicora, and was not, as Navarrete seems to assume farther 
on, itself the original of the term Chicora. 

The general position is, however, indicated by another line of 
evidence. It will be remembered that among the Indians carried 
off by Gordillo and Quexos from the River of St. John tlie Baptist 
in 1621 was one who received the name Francisco of Chicora, who 
related such wonderful tales of the new country that many Sptmiards, 
including the historian Oviedo, believed that no confidence could 
be reposed in him.* His remarkable story of tailed men, however, 
Mr. Mooney and the writer have been able to estabhsh as an element 
in the mythology of the southern Indians, and enough of the "prov- 
inces" which he mentioned are identifiable to show that the names 
are not the pure fabrication which Oviedo supposed. 

So far as I am aware there are but three original sources for the 
complete list of provinces — two in the Documentos Ineditos ' and 
the third in Oviedo." An equally ancient authority for part of them, 
however, is Peter Martyr.' I give these in the following compara- 
tive table, and in addition the Hsts from Navarrete,^ and Barcia,' 
who had access to the original do(;uments. 

'Navarrete, Col., iii, p. 153; Doc. Inod., xxii, p. 79. 
•Shea in Winsor, Narr. siud Cril. Ilisl., ii, p.,23U. 
•Navarrete, Col., in, p. TO. 
< Oviedo, Hist. (Jen., p. «28. 

• Vols. XIV, p. ftKi, and xxu, p. S2. 

• Hist, (ien., in, 628. 

T reter Martyr, Do Orbc Novo, ii, pp. 2,V>2r)l. 
» Navarrete, Col., m, p. 154. 
» Barcia, La Florida, pp. 4-5. 

s wanton] 



Ntxi Hoc. IiMMl. XIV. 









Doc Ined. 

Duachc . - . 







Aram be 
















[Sooapasqul. .. 

I * 











Peter Martyr. 

DuhAre or Du- 





Tivecoca\ o 

Guacaya.... . 












Pallor. . . . 

Iniaiguanin. . 




Suache Duaarhe. 

Chlcora : Chlcora. 

Xapira • Xapira. 


V Tatancal 








Arambe.. % 






Yamiacaron. . . 







., .Vnoxa I y Noxa. 



The variants of these names enable us, by comparing them with 
one another, to determine the originals with considerable certainty 
in most cases, though some still remain in question. As recon- 
structed, the list would be something like this: Duhare or Duache, 
Chicora, Xapira or Xapida, Yta or Hitha, Tancal or Tancac, Anica, 
Tiye or Tihe, Cocayo, Quohathe, Guacaya, Xoxi, Sona, Pasqui, 
Arambe, Xamunambe, Huaque, Tanzaca, Yenyohol, Pahoc or 
Paor, Yamiscaron, Orixa, Insiguanin or Inziguanin, Anoxa. 

Yamiscaron without doubt refers to the Yamasee Indians, the 
ending probably being a Siouan suflTix, and the whole possibly the 
original of the name Yamacraw appHed at a much later date to a 
body of Indians at the mouth of the Savannah. There can be 
little question also that Orixa is the later Spanish Orista, and English 
Edisto, Cocayo the Coosa Indians of the upper courses of the rivers 
of lower South CaroUna, or perhaps the town of *'Co9apoy"* 

> See p. 58. 


and Xapini, or rather Xapida, Sampit. Pasqui is evidently 
the Pasque of Ecija, which seems to have been inland near the 
Waxaw Indians. The remaining names can not be identified 
with such probability, but plausible suggestions may be made 
regarding some of them. Thus Yta is perhaps the later Etiwaw 
or Itwan, Sona may be Stono, which sometimes appears in the form 
''Stonah/' and Guacaya is perhaps Waccamaw, gua in Spanish 
being frequently employed for the English syllable vxi. If Pahoc 
is the correct form of the name of province 19 it may contain an 
explanation of the "Backbooks'' mentioned by Lawson,^ supposing 
the form of the latter which Rivers gives, '*Back Hooks," is the 
correct one.* 

Two facts regarding this list have particular importance for us in 
this investigation, first, the appearance of the phonetic r (in Duliare, 
Chicora, Xapira, Arambe, Yamiscaron, Orixa), and, second, that all 
of the provinces identified, all in fact for which an identification is 
even suggested, are in the Cusabo country or the regions m close 
contact with it. The first of these points indicates that Francisco 
came from one of the eastern Siouan tribes, while the second would 
show that he had considerable knowledge of the tribes south of them, 
and thus points to some Siouan area not far removed. Since this 
was also on the coast, the mouths of the Santee and Pedee are the 
nearest points satisfying the requirements. It is true that there is 
no Z in Catawba, while two words ending in I — Tancal and Yenyohol — 
occur in the list; but these may have been taken over intact from 
Cusabo, or they may have been incorrectly copied, since Oviedo has 
Tancac for the first of them. Winyah Bay or the Pedee River would 
be indicated more definitely if Daxe, a town which the Indians told 
Ecija was four days journey north, or rather northeast, of the Santee, 
were identical with the Duache of the Ayllon colonists. But, how- 
ever interesting it might be to establish the location of the river of 
John the Baptist with precision, it makes no .practical difference 
in the present investigation whether it was the Santee or one of those 
streams flowing into Winyah Bay. That it was one of them can 
hardly be doubted. 

The third river to be identified, Gualdape, is the most difficult of 
aU. This is due in the first place to an uncertainty as to which way 
the settlers moved when they left the River Jordan. Oviedo, who 
is our only authority on this point, says: ^^Despues que estovieron 
all! algunos dias, descontentos de la tierra 6 ydas las lenguas 6 guias 
que llevaron, acordaron de yrse d poblar la costa adelante hd^ia la 
costa oc9idental, 6 fueron k un grand rio (quarenta 6 quaronta 6 
^inco leguas de alU, pocas m&s 6 menos) (jue se dice Gualdape; ^ alii 

> Lawson, Hist. CaroHna, p. 45. * Rivers, Hist. 8. Cor., p. 36. 


assentaron sii campo 6 real ea la costa d61. '' (''After they had been 
there for some days, being dissatisfied with the country and the 
interpreters or guides having left them, they decided to go and settle 
on the coast beyond, in the direction of the west coast; and they went 
to a large river, 40 or 45 leagues from that place, more or less, called 
Oualdape; and there they established their camp or settlement on the 
coast. ")^ Navarrete interprets this to mean that they traveled 
north,' and he has been followed by both Harrisse* and Shea.* The 
last is confirmed in his opinion by the narrative of Ecija, which 
states that ''Guandape" was near where the English had estab- 
lished their settlement;' consequently he carries AyDon from the 
River Jordan all the way to Jamestown, in Virginia. It seems to 
the writer, however, that the "English settlement'' to which Ecija 
refers and which he places on an island must have been the Roanoke 
colony, although in Ecija's time it had been abandoned 20 years. But 
in either case the distance from the mouth of the Pedee or Santee 
was too great to be described as •' 40 or 45 leagues. '' 

On the other hand, there are good reasons for l)eHeving that Ayllon 
did not move north after abandoning the River Jordan, but southwest. 
It is unfortunate that Oviedo's words are not clearer, but it seems to 
the writer that the most natural interpretation of them is that the 
settlers followed the coast westward, which would actually be in this 
case toward the southwest. Lowery also comes to this conclusion, 
but since he starts them from a different point — the mouth of the 
Cape Fear River — he brings them no farther than the Pedee, our 
starting point.' To what Oviedo tells us of this movement Nava- 
rrete adds the information, that the women and the sick were trans- 
ported thither in ]>oats while the remainder of the company made 
their way by land.^ Lowery accepts this statement without ques- 
tion,* but Navarrete is not an absolutely reliable authority. His 
information on this point can only have been drawn from unpub- 
lished manuscripts, and unless wo have some means of substantiating 
it, it seems unsafe to assume a march of so many leagues when no 
reason is presented why the Spaniards should not have taken to their 
vessels. My belief is that they did so. But how much of the coast 
is embraced in these 40 or 45 leagues it is impossible to say, for 
often the ''leagues'' of these old relations are equivalent only to the 
same number of miles. Thus Gualdapo might be anywhere from 40 
to 135 miles away, somewhere between Charleston Harbor and the 
mouth of Savannah River. 

Charleston Harbor itself seems to be excluded by the descnption 
of the bar at the mouth of the river of Gualdape which the vessels 

» Ovledo, Hist. Gen., m, p. 628. • Ibid., p. 2R;'). 

« Navarrete. Col., m, p. 723. • Ix)wery. Spoil. Settl., i, pp. H.S-l(W. 

• Harriase, Wac. of N. Amer., p. 213. » Na\'arrete, Col., in. p. 72. 

« Shm in Winsor. Narr. and Crit. Hist. .\mtT., n, p. 240. • Lowery, op. cit. 


could cross only at high tide — '*la tierra toda mu}^ liana 6 de muchas 
^ifinegas, pero el rio muy poderoso 6 de niuchos 6 buenos pescados ; 6 
k la entrada d61 era baxo, si con la cres^iente no entraban los navios. '^ 
C* The land very flat and with many swamps, but the river very pow- 
erful and with many good fish, and at its entrance was a bar, so that 
the vessels could enter only at flood tide.")* K Navarrete is right in 
stating that the able-bodied men reached Gualdape by land I think 
we must make a very conservative interpretation of the 40 or 45 
leagues and assume miles rather than leagues. This would not 
bring us farther than the neighborhood of Charleston Harbor. If, 
however, we take the distance given by Oviedo at its face value it 
carries us to the mouth of the Savannah. As a matter of fact we 
can not know absolutely where this river lay. It might have been the 
Stono, the North or South Edisto, the Coosawhatchie, the Broad, or 
some less conspicuous stream. All of these have offshore bars, and 
the channels into most are so narrow that they might not have been 
discovered by the explorers, who therefore supposed that the Gual- 
dape River could be entered only at high tide. But taking Oviedo 's 
two statements, regarding the distance covered and the size of the 
river, which was apparently of fresh water, I am inclined to believe 
the Savannah to have been the river in question, because there are 
two independent facts which tend to bear out this theory. In the 
first place the companions of De Soto when at Cofitachequi dis- 
covered glass beads, rosaries, and Biscayan axes, '*from which they 
recognized that they were in the government or territory where the 
lawyer Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon came to his ruin.'^ So Ranjel.* 
Biedma says in substance the same,' but what the Fidalgo of Elvas 
tells us is more to the point: **In the town were found a dirk and 
beads that had belonged to Christians, who, the Indians said, had 
many years before been in the port, distant two day's journey. ''* 

Now Cofitachequi has usually been placed upon the Savannah 
River, and 'Hhe port*' might naturally refer to that at its mouth. 
At all events two days' journey woidd not take the traveler very 
far to the north or south of that river, nor is it likely that these 
European articles had gotten many miles from the place where they 
had been obtained. They might indeed have been secured from 
the navigators who conducted the first or the second expedition or 
from Ayflon when he was at *'the River Jordan/' but on the first 
voyage the dealings with the natives were very brief, and no rela- 
tions with them seem to have been entered into whUe Ayllon and 
his companions were at the Jordan on their last voyage. It is also 
rather unlikely that so many Spanish articles should have readied 
the Savannah from the mouth of the Pedee. In fact this is ])re- 

1 Oviedo, Hist. Oen., m, p. 628. * Ibid. . p. 14. 

« Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 100. * Ibid., i, p. 67. 


eluded if the statement of the Indians quoted by Elvas is to be 
relied upon. The second expedition was a mere reconnoissance and 
the explorers do not seem to have stopped long in any one place. 
The most natural conclusion is that Cofitachequi was not far from 
the point where Ayllon had made his final and disastrous attempt 
at colonization, and, as I Iiave said, Cofitachequi is not usually 
placed by modern students eastward of the Savannah. Secondly, 
the name Gualdape, containing as it does the phonetic 2, would 
seem not to have been in Siouan territory, but instead suggests a 
name or set of names very common in Spanish accounts of the 
Geoi^a coast. Thus Jekyl Island was known as Gualdaquini, and 
St. Catherines Island was called Quale, a name adopted by the 
Spaniards to designate the entire province. True, Oviedo seems 
to place Gualdape in N. lat. 33° or even higher,* but this was 
evidently an inference from the latitude given for the first landfall 
at the River Jordan and his supposition that the coast ran east and 
west. All things considered, it would seem most likely that the at- 
tempted settlement of San Miguel de Gualdape was at or near the 
mouth of Savannah River. 

To sum up, then, if my identification of these places is absolutely, 
or only approximately, correct the River of St. John the Baptist and 
the River Jordan would be near the mouths of the Pedee and Santee, 
and any ethnological information reported by the Spaniards from 
this neighborhood would concern principally the eastern Siouan 
tribes, while Gualdape would be near the mouth of the Savannah, 
and any ethnological information from that neighborhood would 
apply either to the Guale Indians or to the Cusabo. 

Regarding the Indians of Chicora and Duhare a very interesting 
and important account is preserved by Peter Martyr, who obtained 
a large part of it directly from Francisco of Chicora himself and the 
rest from Ayllon and his companions. This account has received 
less credence than it deserved because the original has seldom been 
consulted, but instead Gomara's narrative, an abridged and to some 
extent distorted copy of that of Peter Martyr, and still worse repro- 
ductions by later writers.* Thus in the French translation of Gomara 
we read that the priests of Chicora abstained from eating human 
flesh C* lis ne mangent point de la chair humaine comme les autres "),' 
while the original simply says **they do not eat flesh (no comen 
came)."* The translation also informs us that the Cliicoranos 
made cheese from the milk of their women (** lis font du fromage 
du laict de leurs femmes"), while the original states that they made 

1 Oviedo, Hist. Gen., m. p. S28. * HLst. Gen.. Paris, 1606, p. 53. 

t Goznara, Hist, de las Indias, chap, xuii, pp. 32-33. * Gomara, op. cit., p. 32. 


it from the milk of doas.* But even in his original narrative 
Gomara has "improved upon'* Peter Martyr, since he tells us that 
deer were kept in inclosures and sent out with shepherds, while 
Peter Martyr merely states that the young were kept in the houses 
and their mothers allowed to go out to pasture, coming back at. 
night to their fawns (see below). Out of a not altogether impossible 
fact we thus have a quite improbable story and utterly impossible 
accessories developed. Although, as I have endeavored to show, these 
people were probably Siouan, they were so near the Cusabo that 
influences could readily pass from one to the other, and for that 
reason and because the material has hitherto escaped ethnological 
investigators I will append it. 

Leaving the coast of Chicorana on one hand, the Spaniards landed in another country 
called ** Duharhe."' Ayllon says the natives are white men,' and his testimony is 
confirmed by Francisco Chicorana. Their hair is brown and hangs to their heels. 
They are governed by a king of gigantic size, called Datha, whose wife is as lai^ as 
himself. They have five children. In place of horses the king is carried on the 
shoulders of strong young men. who run with him to the different places he wishes 
to visit. At this point I must confess that the different accounts cause me to hesitate. 
The Dean and Ayllon do not agree; for what one asserts concerning these young men 
acting as horses, the other denies. The Dean said : " I have never spoken to anybody 
who has seen these horses." to wliich Ayllon answered, **I have heard it told by- 
many people," while Francisco Chicorana, although he was present, was unable to 
settle this dispute. Could I act as arbitrator I would say that, according to the inves- 
tigations I have made, these people were too barbarous and uncivilized to have horses.* 
Another country near Duhare is called Xapida. Pearls are found there, and also a 
kind of stone resembling pearls which is much prized by the Indians. 

In all these regions they visited the Spaniards noticed herds of deer similar to our 
herds of cattle. These deer bring forth and nourish their young in the houses of the 
natives. During the daytime they wander freely through the woods in search of 
their food, and in the evening they come back to their little ones, who have been 
cared for, allowing themselves to be shut up in the courtyards and even to be milked, 
when they have suckled their fawns. The only milk the natives know is that of the 
does, from which they make cheese. They also keep a great variety of chickens, 
ducks, geese, and other similar fowls.^ They eat maize bread, similar to that of the 
islanders, but they do not know the yuc(^ root, from which cassabi, tho food of the 
nobles, is made. The maize grains are very like our Genoese millet, and in size are 
as large as our peas. The natives cultivate another cereal called xathi. This is 
believed to be millet but it is not certain, for very few Castilians know millet, as it is' 
nowhere grown in Castile. This rountry produces various kinds of potatoes, but 
of small varieties. . . . 

The Spaniards speak of still other regions— Ilitha, Xamunambe, and Tilie — all of 
which are believed to be governed by tho same king. In the la^t named tho inhabit- 

1 Oomara, op. cit., p. 33; Fr. trans., p. 53. 

>The reader will observe in this narrative that the many wonderful things widely reported of Chi- 
oora really apply to Dahare. 

* Evidently Indians of lighter color. 

* Peter Martyr makes the simple difficult. The custom was universal among southern t rii)e.s of carrying 
chiefs and leading personages alxHit in litters i)orne on the shoulders of several mm. 

& Of course these statements arc erroneoiLs, i>ut there may huve Iteen individual cases of domestication 
which furnished some foundation for .^uch reports. 


ant8 wear a distinctive priestly (^ostunio, aud they are regarded as priests and vener- 
ated as such by their neighbors. They cut their hair, leaving only two locks growing 
on their temples, which are bound under the chin. When the natives make war 
against their neighbors) according to the regrettable custom of mankind, these priests 
are invited by both sides to be present, not as actors, but as witnesses of the conflict. 
When the battle is about to open, they circulate among the warriors who are seated or 
lying on the ground, and sprinkle them with the' juice of certain herbs they have 
chewed with their teeth; just as our priests at the beginning of the Mass sprinkle the 
worshippers with a branch dipped in holy water. When this ceremony is finished, the 
opposiDg sides fall upon one another. While the battle rages, the priests are left in 
chaige of the camp, and when it is finished they look after the wounded, making no 
distinction between friends and enemies, and busy themselves in burying the dead.' 
The inhabitants of this country do not eat human fiesh; the prisoners of war are 
enslaved by the victors. 

The Spaniards have visited several regions of that vast coimtry; they are called 
Arambe, Guacaia, Quohathe, Tanzacca, and Pahor. The color of the inhabitants is 
dark brown. None of them have any system of writing, but they preserve traditions 
of great antiquity in rhymes and chants. Dancing and physical exercises are held in 
honor, and they are passionately fond of ball games, in which they exhibit the greatest 
skill. The women know how to spin and sew. Although they are partially clothed 
with skins of wild beasts, they use cotton such as the Milanese call bombasio,^ and 
they make nets of the fiber of certain tough grasses, just as hemp and flax are used for 
the same pidrposes in Europe. 

There is another country called Inzignanin, whose inhabitants declare that, accord- 
ing to the tradition of their ancestors, there once arrived amongst them men with tails 
a meter long and as thick as a man's arm. This tail was not movable like those of the 
quadrupeds, but formed one mass as we see is the case with fish and crocodiles, and 
was as hard as a bone. When these men wished to sit down, they had consequently 
to have a seat with an open bottom ; and if there was none, they had to dig a hole more 
than a cubit deep to hold their tails and allow them to rest. Their fingers were as 
long as they were broad, and their skin was rough, almost scaly. They ate nothing 
but raw fish, and when the fish gave out they all perished, leaving no descendants.' 
These fables and other similar nonsense have been handed down to the natives by 
their parents. Let us now notice their rites and ceremonies. 

The natives have no temples, but use the dwellings of their sovereigns as such. As 
a proof of this we have said that a gigantic sovereign called Datha ruled in the prov- 
ince of Duhare, whose palace was built of stone, while all the other houses were 
built of lumber covered with thatch or grasses. In the courtyard of this palace, the 
Spaniards found two idols as large as a three-year-old child, one male and one female. 
These idols are both called Inamahari, and had their residence in the palace. Twice 
each year they are exhibited, the first time at the sowing season, when they are 
invoked to obtain successful result for their labors. We will later speak of the har- 
vest. Thanksgivings are offered to them if the crops are good ; in the contrary case 
they are implored to show themselves more favorable the following year. 

The idols are carried in procession amidst pomp, accompanied by the entire people. 
It will not be useless to describe this ceremony. On the eve of the festival the king 
has his bed made in the room where the idols stand, and sleeps in their presence. At 
daybreak the people assemble, and the king himself carries these idols, hugging them 

1 There Is some confUsion here. Kvidently the reference L<; to a class of doctors or shamans who performed 
such offices, not to an entire tribe. 

s Probably this is a reference to the use of mulberry bark common among all southern tribes. 

* This is a native myth which Mr. Mooney has collected ftom the Cherokee, and I from the Alabama. 
Possibly it is a myth regarding the alligator from ixK>ple who had only heard of that reptile. 


to his breast, to the top of his palace, where he exhibits them to the people. He and 
they are saluted with respect and fear by the people, who fall upon their knees or 
throw themselves on the ground with loud shouts. The king then descends and 
hangs the idols, draped in artistically worked cotton stuffs, upon the breasts of two 
venerable men of authority. They are, moreover, adorned with feather mantles of 
various colors, and are thus carried escorted with hymns and songs into the country', 
while the girls and young men dance and leap. Anyone who stopped in his house 
or absented himself during the procession would be suspected of heresy; and not only 
the absent, but likewise any who took part in the ceremony carelassly and without 
observing the ritual. The men escort the idols during the day, while during the 
night the wcHnen watch over them, lavishing upon them demonstrations of joy and 
respect. The next day they were carried back to the palace with the same ceremonies 
with which they were taken out. If the sacrifice is accomplished with devotion and 
in conformity with the ritual, the Indians believe they will obtain rich crops, bodily 
health, peace, or if they are about to fight, victory, from these idols. Thick cakes, 
similar to those the ancients made from flour, are offered to them. The natives are 
convinced that their prayers for harvests will be heard, especially if the cakes are 
mixed with tears.* 

Another feast is celebrated every year when a roughly carved wooden statue is car- 
ried into the country and fixed upon a high pole planted in the ground. This first 
pole i3 surrounded by similar ones, upon which people hang gifts for the gods, each 
one according to his means. At nightfall the principal citizens divide these offerings 
among themselves, just as the priests do with the crakes and other offerings given them 
by the women. Whoever offers the divinity the most valuable presents is the most 
honored. Witnesses are present when the gifts are offered, who announce after the 
ceremony what every one has given, just as notaries might do in Europe. Each one is 
thus stimulated by a spirit of rivalry to outdo his neighbor. From sunrise till evening 
the people dance round this statue, clapping their hands, and when nightfall has 
barely set in, the image and the pole on which it was fixed are carried away and 
thrown into the sea, if the country is on the coast, or into the river, if it is along a river's 
bank. Nothing more is seen of it, and each year a new statue is made. 

The natives celebrate a third festival, during which, after exhuming a long-buried 
skeleton, they erect a black tent out in the country, leaving one end open so that the 
sky is visible; upon a blanket placed in the center of the tent they then spread out 
the bones. Only women surround the tent, all of them weeping, and each of them 
offers such gifts as she can afford . The following day the bones are carried to the tomb 
and are henceforth considered sacred. As soon as they are buried, or everything is 
ready for their burial, the chief priest addresses the surrounding people from the 
summit of a mound, upon which he fulfills the functions of orator. Ordinarily he 
pronounces a eulogy on the deceased, or on the immortality of the soul, or the future 
life. He says that souls originally came from the icy regions of the north, where per- 
petual snow prevails. They therefore expiate their sins under the master of that 
region who is called Mateczungua, hut they return to the southern regions, where 
another great sovereign, Quexuga, governs. Quexuga is lame and is of a sweet and 
generous disposition. He surrounds the newly arrived souls with numberless atten- 
tions, and with him they enjoy a thousand delights; young girls sing and dance, 
parents are reunited to children, and ever>ahing one formerly loved is enjoyed. The 
old grow young and everybody is of the same age. occupied only in giving himself up 
to joy and pleasure.^ 

> This ceremony seems to correspond in intention to the Creek busk, but the form of it is quite dilTerent. 
s Compare with this the Chickasaw belief in a western liuarter peopled by malevolent beings through 
which the soul passes to the world of the sky deity above. 


Such are the verbal traditioaa haaded down to them from their ancestors. They are 
regarded as sacred and considered authentic. Whoever dared to believe differently 
would be ostracised. These natives also believe that we live under the vault of 
heaven; they do not suspect the existence of the antipodes. They think the sea hafi 
its gods, and believe quite as many foolish things about them as Greece, the friend of 
lies, talked about Nereids and other marine gods — Glaucus, Phorcus, and the rest 
of them. 

When the priest has finshed his speech he inhales the smoke of certain herbs, 
puffing it in and out, pretending to thus purge and absolve the people from their 
sins. After this ceremony the natives return home, convinced that the inventions 
of this impostor not only soothe the spirits, but contribute to the health of their bodies. 

Another fraud of the priests is as follows: When the chief is at death's door and 
about to give up his soul they send away all witnesses, and then surrounding his bed 
they perform some secret jugglery which makes him appear to vomit sparks and 
ashes. It looks like sparks jumping from a bright fu'e, or those sulphured papers, 
which people throw into the air to amuse themselves. These sparks, rushing through 
the air and quickly disappearing, look like those shooting stars which people call 
leaping wild goats. The moment the dying man expires a cloud of those sparks 
shoots up 3 cubits high with a noise and quickly vanishes. They hail this flame as 
the dead man's soul, bidding it a last farewell and accompanying its flight with their 
wailings, tears, and funereal cries, absolutely convinced that it has taken its flight 
to heaven. I^Amenting and weeping they escort the body to the tomb. 

Widows are forbidden to marry again if the husband has died a natural death;' 
but if he has been executed they may remarry. The natives like their women to be 
chaste. They detest immodesty and are careful to put aside suspicious women. 
The lords have the right to have two women, but the common people have only one. 
The men engage in mechanical occupations, especiaUy carpenter work and tanning 
skins of wild beasts, while the women busy themselves with distaff, spindle, and 

Their year is divided into 12 moons. Justice is administered by magistrates, 
criminals and the guilty being severely punished, especially thieves. Their kings 
are of gigantic size, as we have already mentioned. All the provinces we have named 
pay them tributes and these tributes are paid in kind ; for they are free from the pest 
of money, and trade is carried on by exchanging goods. They love games, especially 
tennis;' they also like metal circles turned vdth movable rings, which they spin on 
a table, and they shoot arrows at a mark. They use torches and oil made from dif- 
ferent fruits for illumination at night. They likewise have olive-trees.' They 
invite one another to dinner. Their longe\'ity is great and their old age is robust. 

They easily cure fevers with the juice of plants, as they also do their w^ounds, unless 
the latter are mortal. They employ simples, of which they are acquainted with a 
great many. When any of them suffers from a bilious stomach he drinks a draught 
composed of a common plant called Guahi,^ or eats the herb itself; after which he 
immediately vomits his bile and feels better. This is the only medicament they 
use, and they never consult doctors except experienced old women, or priests ac- 
quainted with the secret \Trtue8 of herbs. They have none of our delicacies, and as 
they have neither the perfumes of Araby nor fumigations nor foreign spices at their 
disposition, they content themselves with what their countr>' produces and live 
happily in better health to a more robust old age. Various dishes and different foods 
are not required to satisfy their appetites, for they are contented with little. 

i Probably with a time limitation like the Miiskhogean.s. 
> This, of course, refers to the great southern ball game. 

* Oil was extracted from acorns and several kinds of nuts. One of these is evidently intended. 

* Perhaps the I lei vwnitoria from which the "black drink " was brewed. 


It is quite laughable to hear how the people salute the lords and how the king 
responds, especially to his nobles. As a sign of respect the one who salutes puts 
his hands to his nostrils and gives a bellow like a bull, after which he extends his 
hands toward the forehead and in front of the face. The king does not bother to 
return the salutes of his people, and responds to the nobles by half bending his head 
toward the left shoulder without saying anything. 

I now come to a fact which will app^r incredible to your excellency. You 
already know that the ruler of this region is a tyrant of gigantic size. How does It 
happen that only he and his wife have attained this extraordinary size? No one of 
their subjects has explained this to me, but I have questioned the above-mentioned 
licenciate Ayllon, a serious and responsible man, who had his information from those 
who had shared with him the cost of the expedition. I likewise questioned the 
servant Francisco, to whom the neighbors had spoken. Neither nature nor birth 
has given these princes the advantage of size as an hereditary gift; they have acquired 
it by artifice. While they are still in their cradles and in charge of their nurses, 
experts in the matter are called, who by the application of certain herbs, soften their 
young bones. During a period of several days they rub the limbs of the child with 
these herbs, until the bones become as soft as wax. They then rapidly bend them 
in such wise that the infant is almost killed. Afterwards they feed the nurse on 
foods of a special \'irtue. The child is wrapped in warm covers, the nurse gives it 
her breast and revives it with her milk, thus gifted with strengthening properties. 
After some days of rest the lamentable task of stretching the bones is begun anew. 
Such is the explanation given by the servant, Francisco (^hicorana. 

The Dean of La Concepcion, whom I have mentioned, received from the Indians 
stolen on the vessel that was saved explanations differing from those furnished to 
Ayllon and his associates. These explanations dealt with medicaments and other 
means used for increasing the size. There was no torturing of the bones, but a very 
stimulating diet composed of crushed herbs was used. This diet was given princi- 
pally at the age of puberty, when it is nature's tendency to develop, and sustenance 
is converted into flesh and bones. Certainly it is an extraordinary fact, but we must 
remember what is told about these herbs, and if their hidden virtues could be learned 
I would willingly believe in their efficacy. We understand that only the kings are 
allowed to use them, for if anyone else dared to taste them, or to obtain the recipe of 
this diet, he would be guilty of treason, for he would appear to equal the king. It is 
considered, after a fashion, that the king should not be the size of everybody else, 
for he should look down upon and dominate those who approach him. Such is the 
story told to me, and I repeat it for what it is worth. Your excellency may believe 
it or not. 

I have already sufficiently described the ceremonies and cuHtoms of these natives. 
Let us now turn our attention to the study of nature. Hread and meat have been 
considered ; let us devote our attention to trees. 

There are in this country virgin forests of oak, pine, cypress, nut and almond trees, 
amongst the branches of which riot wild vines, whose white and black grapes are 
not used for wine-making, for the people manufacture their drinks from other fruits. 
There are likewise fig-trees and other kinds of spice-plants. The trees are improved 
by grafting, just as with us: though without cultivation they would continue in a 
wild state. The natives cultivate gardens in which grows an abundance of vegeta- 
bles, and they take an interest in growing their orchards. They even have trees in 
their gardens. One of these trees is called the eorito, of which the fruit resembles a 
small melon in size and flavor. Another called ^uacumine b<*ars fruit a little larger 
than a quince of a delicate and remarkable o<lor, and which in very \vhole.*<onie. They 
plant and cultivate many other trees and i)lant.s, of which I shall not npeak further, 
lest by telling everything at one breath 1 become monotonous.' 

» Peter Martyr. Pe Orbe Novo, n, pp. 259- 2e». 


In this narrative there appears to bo very little not based on fact. 
The sharp-tailed people are, as noted, still believed in by the southern 
Indians, from which we may infer that the story regarding them was 
known throughout the South. As to the receipts for making giants 
they are such as any Indian might believe efficacious and where great 
stature happened to follow assume that his treatment had been the 
efficient cause, and when it did not that the fault did not lie with 
the medicines. The notion that doer were herded and milked might 
very well have originated in the fact that the Spaniards encountered 
pet animals in certain of the villages they visited. The ceremonials 
described are the reverse of improbable. The reverence for a male 
and a female deity connected with sowing and harvesting would 
seem to be the result of a natural association of sexual processes with 
germination in the vegetable world; and the ceremonies over the 
bones of the dead recall what Lawson tells us of the separation of the 
flesh from the bones among the Santee and interment in mounds. It 
is a ciuious and interesting fact that, although the name Chicora 
appears most prominently in subsequent histories and charts, so as to 
give its name to a large part of the Carohnas, Peter Martyr, the 
original authority for most that has been said about that country, 
assigns it a very subordinate position. As already noted, the greater 
part of what he has to tell applies to Duharo, the second province 
visited by the Spaniards, and ho seems to say that aU of the provinces 
which he mentions* were subject to the king of Duharo and paid 
him tribute. At least ho says as much for Hitha, Xamunambe, 
and Tihe. Of course no reUanco can be placed upon tales of sub- 
jection and the exaction of tribute, but at least Duharo was plainly a 
very important country at that time, distinctly overshadowing Chi- 
cora. What is said about the people of Tihe being, as it were, a race 
of priests is interesting, and may mean that they were of a differ- 
ent stock. It is probable that Inzignanin (or rather Inziguanin), 
the inhabitants of which told about the race of sharp-tails, was a 
province farther south than the others, perhaps in the Cusabo or 
Quale country, but so far it has been impossible to identify it. 
Chicora and Duhare were evidently upon the coast, but how far. apart 
we do not know. Unfortunately Peter Martyr does not tell us whether 
the Spaniards turned north or south from Chicora in going to the 
latter province. We may feel pretty certain that both were in 
Siouan territory, but more than that we can not say with any degree 
of assurance. 

For information regarding the people of Gualdapo wo must consult 
Oviedo. While, as wo have said, the quotations made from Peter 
Martyr evidently apply to some of the eastoni Siouan tribos, we now 

1 See p. 43. 


como to Indians almost certainly of Muskhogean stock. The foDow- 

ing is Oviedo's description : 

The country of Gualdape, as well as from the river of Santa Elena toward the west, 
is all level. The Spaniards who came with the licentiate Ayllon did not see the vil- 
lages; they only met with a few isolated houses or cabins forming little hamlets, at 
great distances one from the other. On some of the small islands on the coast there are 
certain mosques or temples of those idolatrous people and many remains [bones] of 
their dead, those of the elders apart from those of the young people or children. They 
look like the ossuaries or burying places of the common people; the bodies of their 
principal people Sure in temples by themselves or in little chapels in another community 
and also on little islands. And those houses or temples have walls of stone and mortar 
(which mortar they make of oyster shells) and they are about one estado and a half in 
height,* the rest of the biulding above this wall being made of wood (pine). There 
are many pines there. There are several principal ^ houses all along the coast and 
each one of them must be considered by those people to be a village, for they are very 
big and they are constructed of very tall and beautiful pines, leaving the crown of 
leaves at the top. After having set up one row of trees to form one wall, they set up 
the opposite side, leaving a space between the two sides of from 15 to 30 feet, the 
length of the walls l)eing 300 or more feet. As they intertwine the branches at the 
top and so in this manner there is no need for a tiled roof or other covering, they 
cover it all with matting interwoven between the logs where there may be hollows 
or open places. Furthermore they can cross those beams with other [pines] placed 
lengthwise on the inside, thus increasing the thickness of their walls. In this way the 
wall is thick and strong, because the beams are very close together. In each one of 
those houses there is easily room enough for 200 men and in Indian fashion they can 
live in them, placing the opening for the door where it is most convenient.' 

Lower down Oviedo mentions '^ blackberries, which, being dried, 
the Indians keep to eat in the winter/** This is practically aU the 
ethnological information which the historians of the AyDon expedi- 
tions furnish. It is interesting to find the mat communal house, 
which does not appear to have been used by the Creeks, in existence 
so far south, but Oviedo is probably in error in representing the walls 
as constructed of hving trees. The ossuaries described show that 
the custom of erecting them, so common along the lower Mississippi, 
extended eastward as far as the Atlantic. 

Our next information regarding the Ousabo and their neighbors 
comes from the chroniclers of the French Huguenot expeditions to 
Carolina and Horida. The first of these loft France February 18, 
1562, under Jean Ribault, and after a voyage of two months made 
land at about 30° N. lat., in what is now the State of Florida. The 
explorers then turned nortli and after having some intercourse with 
the Indians at the mouth of the present St. Johns River, which they 
named the River May from the month in wliich it had been discovered, 
resumed their voyage northward along the coast. They observed 
the mouths of eight rivers, which they named in succession the Seine, 
Somme, Ijoire, Charente, (jaronne, (Jironde, Belle, and Grande, and 

> An rstado is 1.S5 yards. » Oviedo, HLst. Ccn., m, pp. 63(V-«31. 

« In this case " principal " means gr«?ftt or large. * Ibid., p. 631. 




finally they entered the mouth of a broad river which *'by reason of 
its beauty and grandeur" they called Port Royal. This was the 
inlet in South Carolina which still bears the name of Port Royal 
Sound, and here, before he returned to France, Ribault left a colony 
of 28 men, constructing for them a smaU fort near the modem Port 
Royal, South Carolina. Ribault himself then continued northeast 
along the coast for a short distance, but becoming alarmed at the 
numerous bars and shallows which he encountered and believing 
he had accomplished sufficient for one voyage, he returned to France. 
Meanwhile the settlers whom he had left finished their fort and then 
set out to explore the country. Very fortunately they placed them- 
selves on the best of terms with their Indian neighbors, from whom 
they obtained provisions sufficient for their sustenance, giving the 
Indians in exchange articles of iron and other sorts of merchandise. 
The building in which most of their provisions were kept was, how- 
ever, destroyed by fire, troubles broke out among them, and finally 
the survivors built a small vessel and left the country. On the 
voyage they ran short of provisions and some of them starved to 
death, but the survivors were at length rescued by an English vessel, 
and part of them ultimately reached France. 

From the story of these survivors recorded by Laudonnidre * and 
the data on Le Moyne's map * we are enabled to get an inter- 
esting glimpse of the number, names, and disposition of the tribes 
of this section in the year 1562, as also some important information 
regarding their ceremonies. From these sources it appears that on 
the west side of Broad River, opposite Port Royal Island, were 
four small tribes. The first encountered in going up is caDed by 
the French Audusta' or Adusta*, the second Touppa* or Toupa.* 
Beyond this Le Moyne places Mayon,* omitting Hoya,* the fourth, 
from his map entirely. From the order in which Laudonnidre 
enumerates the tribes, however, it would seem probable that Hoya 
lay between Touppa and Mayon; at any rate it was in the immediate 
neighborhood. Farther toward the north, apparently on the chan- 
nel between Port Royal Island and the mainland, was Stalame.^ 
These five, according to the chief, Audusta, were in alliance, or 
rather on terms of friendship, with each other.' Farther along in 
the narrative we learn of a chief called Maccou living on the channels 
southwest of Port Royal Sound." It should be noted that, foDowing 
the feudal custom then prevalent in Europe, the chiefs in this narra- 
tive are given the names of their tribes. Yet more toward the 
south, beyond Maccou, hved two chiefs, said to be brothers. The 

» Hist. Not. de la Floride, pp. 15-59. 

* Narr. of Le Moyne, map. 

* Laudonnidre, op. cit., p. 42. 

148061°— 22 1 

« Le Moyne, op. cit. 

• Laudonnlftre, op. oit., p. 41. 

• n)id., p. 47. 


nearer was named Ouad6, the more distant Couexis (Covexis).^ 
According to the narrative of Laudonnidre they found Ouad6 on the 
river they had named "Belle/' and, since messengers sent by Ouad6 
to Ck)uexis for a quantity of provisions, returned with it very early 
the next day, it is evident that Couexis was only a short distance 
beyond.' From what has already been said and from other parts 
of Laudonnidre's narrative it is evident that all these tribes except 
the two last mentioned were close friends, and we may suspect that 
they were related. Ouad6 and Couexis, though not hostile to the 
others, seem to have stood apart from them, but there is no internal 
evidence that the languages of any of them differed in the slightest 
degree." Of the first group there seems little doubt that Audusta or 
Adusta was the tribe afterwards known as Edisto, although they 
were some distance from the river which now bears their name, the 
shores of which were apparently occupied by them at a later period. 
The name Hoya does not occur in Carolina documents, but it is 
given by Ibarra, Vandera, and the missionary Juan Rogel in the 
forms Oya, Hoya, or Ahoya.* Vandera mentions another place 
near Ahoya called Ahoyabe, "a Uttle town subject to Ahoya."* 
Maccou is the tribe which appears in these Spanish accounts as 
Escamacu or Uscamacu, " an island surrounded by rivers." • Touppa 
and Mayon can not be found in Spanish narratives, nor are we able 
to identify them with any names in the documents of South Caro- 
lina. Even in Laudonnifire's history they seem to occupy a sub- 
ordinate position, and it is probable that in Pardo's time they had 
become united with the Orista, Escamacu, or Hoya. Very Ukely 
one of them is the iVhoyabe above noted. The failure of the Span- 
iards to mention Stalame may have a different meaning. This 
tribe lay somewhat apart from the others; away from the trail 
foDowed by Pardo in his various expeditions into the interior. Since 
we find in later times that the Audusta or Orista had affixed their 
name to Edisto River farther east it is possible that the Stalame had 
then moved still farther east, and I venture a guess, followuig a con- 
jecture of Mooiiey, that they are the Stouo of later colonial history. 
Of the two tribes lying southward a complete continuity of infor- 
mation shows that Ouad6 was the Guale of the Spaniards and the 
Wallie of the EugUsIi, and therefon^ that their homo was near and 
gave its name to St. Catherines Island on the (icorgia coast. Couexis 
would then apply to one of the Guale tribes or towiis unless wo are 
to discern in it an ancient form of the name Coosa. 

» Laudcamifere, Hist. Not. de la Floridc, p. 47. 
» Ibid., pp. 48, 61-52. 
> See p. 18. 

* Serrano y Sanx, Doc. Hist., p. 1>*; liuidiai, La Florida, ii, pp. MH, 481. 
6 Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, p. 481. 

• Ibid., pp.^, 481. Also spelled Escamaqu, Eescamaqu, Escamaquu, Escaiiiatu,C.amacu,and Camaqu 

(see p. 21). 




This identification of Ouad6 is important because it enables us to 
fix with something approaching certainty the location of the rivers 
and islands named by Ribault. Researches among documents from 
Spanish sources have enabled the writer to determine with even 
greater accuracy the equivalent names appUed by the Spaniards, 
and as this information will be of some value both to future ethnolo- 
gists and future historians, as well as of immediate utility ixk the 
present bulletin, it is incorporated in the subjoined table. The 
names in this table rmi from south to north, beginning with the coast 
north of St. Augustine, Fla. The French *' rivers" are practically 
identical with the bays, sounds, and entrances of Spanish, English, 
and American writers, although, indeed, one or more rivers falls into 
each of these. 

Geographical Names from St. Augustine to Cape Fear 


Rivi^e de Hay. 

R. de Sarauahl (or Soranay), 
called R. Halixnacani and (mis- 
takenly?) R. Somme in the 
Gourgues narrative. 

Ue de May. 

Riviere Seine. 

Ue de la Seine. 

Riviere Somme (called Aine by 

Le Moyne). 
Ue de la Somme. 

Rivifere Loire. 
He de la Loire. 
Riviere Charente. 
Ue de la Charente. 
Riviere Garonne. 
He de la Garonne. 
Riviere Gironde. 
lie de la Gironde. 
Riviere Belle. 

He de la Riviere Belle. 

RiWere Grande. 

He de la Riviere Grande. 


Isla de Santa Gnu. 
Rio de Sas Mateo. 
Isla de San Juan. 
Bahia de Santi. Maria (or B. dc 


Ccast land north of St. Augustine. 
River St. Johns. 
Talbot Island. 
Nassau Sound. 

Amelia Island. 
St. Marys River. 

Ciunberland Island. 
St. Andrews Sound. 

Isla de Santa Maria. 

Bahia de San Pedro (or Tacata- 

Isla de San Pedro (or Tacatacuru). 
Bahia de Ballenas ("Bay of 

Isla de Gualequini (or Obalda- Jekyllsland. 

Bahia de Gualequini. 
Isla do Asao (or Talaxe). 
Bahia de Asao (or Talaxe). 

Bahia de Espogue. 

Isla de Sapala. 

Bahia de Sapala. 

Isla de Santa Catarina (or Giiale). 

Bahia de Santa Catarina (or Cofo- 

Isla de Asopo. 
Bahia de Asopo. 

Rivij^re Dulce. 


Rio Dulce. 

Bahia de loa Baxos ("Bay of 


(See He de la Riviere Grande Isla delosOsos(" Island of bears"), 

Riviere de Port Royal. Bahia de Santa Elena. 

He de Port RoyaL Isla de Santa Elena. 

Riviere de BeUe Voir (7). Bahia de Crista. 

He de Belle Voir (T). 

Bahia de Ostano. 

Bahia de Cayagiia. 

Riviere Jordan. Rio Jordan. 

Rio de San Lorenro (also Rio de 

Chico, perhaps also Rio de San 
Juan Bautista).> 

Cap Roman. C^abo Romano. 

St. Simon Sound. 
St. Simon Island. 
Altamaha Sound. 
Wolf Island. 
Doboy Sound. 
Sapelo Island. 
Sapelo River. 
St. Catherines Island. 
St. Catherines Sound. 

Ossalww Island. 
OK.sabaw Sound. 
Great Wassaw Island (or llilton 

Head Island). 
Wassaw Sound. 
Savannah River. 
Tyboe Roads. 

Hilton Head Island. 

Port Royal Sound. 

St. Helena Island. 

St. Helena Sound. 

Edisto Island. 

North Edisto River. 

Charleston Harbor. 

Santee River. 

Winyaw Bay (and Pedee River). 

Cape Fear. 

' See pp. S-Vaii. 


The French names of the coast islands are for the most part 
inferred from a statement by Ribanlt to the effect that the island 
(or the land assumed by him to be an island) was given the same 
name as the river immediately south of it.* Not having access to 
his chart, I have been unable to check up the identification of these 
islands. In his narrative, or the translations of it available, the 
Garonne is omitted from the list of rivers,* but I am inclmed to 
beUeve this is accidental. Le Moyne makes another innovation by 
substituting the name Aine [Aisne] for Somme.' The writer would 
have attributed this to a mere blunder were it not that in the narra- 
tive of the Gourgues expedition the name Somme is apphed to a 
stream between the ''Seine'' (St. Marys) and the ''May" (St. Johns), 
probably the Sarauahi of other French writers, the present Nassau.' 
Therefore it is possible that soiiie change in nomenclature was made 
by certain of the French explorers. 

Just north of the River Grande Ribault and his companions encoun- 
tered bad weather which made it necessary for them to put out to sea. 
When they came shoreward again the vessel in which Laudonnifere sailed 
discovered another river, which they named Belle k Veoir, or Belle 
Voir. Le Moyne gives this as a river encountered south of Port 
Royal, but his text is based on Laudonnidre and on a misunder- 
standing of that, so that it may be discarded as authority. For 
instance, where Laudonnifere says that from the River Grande they 
explored northward toward the River Jordan, Le Mo3me has it that 
they reached that river, and he places it between the Grande and 
" BeUe Voir.'' * On his map, however, the Belle Voir does not appear, 
the Grande being next to Port Royal, and the Jordan is correctly 
located north of the latter place. The fact of the matter appears to be 
this. After leaving Ossabaw Sound and having been forced to sea by 
stormy weather, Ribault's vessel passed northward of Broad River, 
discovered one of the rivers flowing into St. Helena Sound and 
named it Belle Voir. But in the meantime one of liis other ships had 
gotten into Broad River, and when it rejoined the rest informed 
Ribault of the great advantages of that inlet, with the result that they 
tiUTied back and made their settlement there. Therefore in Ribault's 
narrative the River Belle Voir is placed north of Port Royal. Later, 
when the colonists sent men to Ouad6 asking for food, they came 
upon a river of fresh water 10 leagues from their fort. This is the 

1 French, Hist. CoUs. La., 1875, 2d ser., n, p. 183. 

s Le ICosrne, Narr., descr. of illus., p. 2. 

» Laudonni^e, Hist. Not. de la Floride, p. 211; French, Hist. Colls, l.a., 181,9, 2d scr., i, pp. 350-351; 
Ibid., 1875, ad ser., n, p. 279. The Gourgues narratives give the native name of t his stream as Haiimacani, 
after a Timucua chief whose town was near the mouth of the St. Johns on the north si<le, while St. George 
Inlet, or a stream flowing into it, is called Sarabay, the Sarrauahi of earUer French ^Titers. As indicated 
above, I believe the last-mentioned name was originally applied to Nassau Inlet. 

* Narr. of Le Moyne, desc. of illus., p. 2. 


River Dulce of Le Moyne — on his map erroneously inserted between 
the Rivers Grande and Belle — and in all probability is identical 
with Savannah River. 

The only remaining tribal name mentioned by LaudonniSre is 
Chiquola/ but the circumstances imder which it was obtained render 
its ethnographical value very slight. Being familiar with some of 
the narratives of the Ayllon expedition in which Chicora is given con- 
siderable prominence, Laudonniftre inquired of the Indians whom 
he met regarding it. He was entirely imacquainted with their 
language but imderstood that they were trying to tell him that Chi- 
quola was the greatest lord of all that coimtry, that he surpassed 
themselves in height by a foot and a half, and that he lived to the 
north in a large palisaded town. Later he tells us that the fact of 
the existence of such a chief and his great power were confirmed by 
those who were left to form a settlement. If there is any truth in 
this story and the Indians were not simply teUing what they thought 
the explorers would like to hear, the great town was probably that of 
the Kasihta.^ 

In 1564 a Spanish vessel was sent from Habana to find the French 
and root them out, and the narrative of this expedition states 
that there were said to be 17 towns aroimd the Bay of Santa Elena. A 
town called Usta is mentioned, evidently identical with Audusta, and 
another town, not elsewhere recorded, called Yanahume.* In the 
former was a Frenchman who had remained in the country rather 
than take chances in the small vessel in which his companions had 
ventured forth. 

The same year Laudonnidre again sailed for America, but this time 
the Frenchmen decided to settle upon St. Johns River, Florida, and 
they did not return to Port Royal. The year following their new 
settlement was destroyed by the Spaniards imder Men^ndez, and 
French attempts to colonize the Carolinas and Florida came to an end. 

In a letter written shortly after his conquest, Menfindez states that 
he had heard that the elder brother of Ribault with the survivors 
from the French garrison *'had gone 25 leagues away, toward the 
north, to a very good port called Guale, because the Indians of that 
place were his friends, and that there were within 3 or 4 leagues 
40 vUlages of Indians belonging to two brothers, one of whom was 
named Cansin and the other Guale. ^'^ In Cansin and Quale we of 
course recognize, in spite of changes and corruptions in orthography, 
Couexis and Ouad6. In the spring of 1566 Men^ndez sailed north- 
ward himself and reached Guale, where he was informed by a French 
refugee that Guale and Orista were at war with each other and that 

1 Laudonni^, Hist. Mot. de la Floride, pp. 29-^1. a I.owery, MSB. in Lib. Codk. 

•See p. 210. * Ruldiaz, La Florida, n, p. 145. 


the ))oople of Gualo had captured two men belougiiig to those of 
Orista. Men^ndez prevailed upon the Guale chief to make peace 
with his northern neighbor, who is said to have been the more power- 
ful of the two — the advantage which had been gained over him having 
been due to the French refugees at Ouale. Then, taking the two 
Orista captives with him, and leaving two Spaniards as hostages, 
Men^ndez kept on toward the north and finally entered Broad 
River. There he foimd that the town of Orista, which is of course 
identical with the French Audusta, had been burned and the inhabit- 
ants were starting to rebuild it. The Indians met him at first in no 
friendly spirit, but through the mediation of his two captives he soon 
placed himself upon good terms with them, and they sent to all the 
surrounding villages to siunmon the chiefs and people to come to see 
him. "They lighted great fires, brought many shellfish, and a great 
multitude of Indians came that night, and three chiefs who were 
subject to Orista; they counselled him that he should go to another 
village a league from Orista, where many other chiefs would come to 
see him.*' The next day Orista himself and two more chiefs came, 
along with other Indians. "Many Indians came laden with com, 
cooked and roasted fish, oysters, and many acorns,'' and the Spanish 
leader on his side brought out biscuits, wine, and honey. After the 
feast " they placed the Adelantado in the seat of the chief, and Orista 
approached him with various ceremonies, and took his hands; after- 
wards the other chiefs and Indians did the same thing — the mother 
and relatives of the two slaves whom they had brought from Guale 
wept for joy. Afterwards they began to sing and dance, the chiefs 
and some of the principal Indians remaining with the Adelantado; 
and the celebration and rejoicing lasted until midnight, when they 
retired. '* Later the Spaniards returned to the village of Orista 
itself, where they were again hospitably entertained. " In the morn- 
ing the chief took the Adelantado to a very large house, and placed 
him in his seat, going over with him the same ceremony that had 
been performed in the first village." The Spaniards were presented 
with well-tanned deerskins and some pearls, although these were of 
little value, because they had been burned. At Men^ndez's request 
the chief showed him a site suitable for a fort, which was begun forth- 
with and received the name of San Felipe. On his way back Meu6n- 
dez was able to make such au impression on the Indians of Guale, 
who believed that the cross he had set up in their to^Mi had ])een 
instrumental in breaking a long drought, that they desired to have 
Christians left with them and inside of the islands along the Georgia 
coast many Indians came down to the shore to bog for crosses. 
Barcia states that a bolt of lightning having fallen on a tree near the 
cross which had been set up at Guale " the Indians, men and women, 
all ran to the place and picked up the splinters in order to keep 


them ill their houses as relics."' The isiaud of Guale, 2is already 
stated, was St. Catherines Island. It is described in the narrative 
which we have just quoted as ''about 4 or 5 leagues in diameter.'' 
In August Men^ndez again visited Fort San Felipe and Guale, but his 
stay was short. Finding the garrison at the former place in serious 
straits for food, he directed Juan Pardo to take 150 soldiers inland 
and quarter them at intervals upon the natives. While there are 
several accounts of this and subsequent expeditions undertaken by 
Pardo into the interior, the only one that concerns us here is a Rela- 
tion by Juan de la Vandera, in command of the post at San Felipe, 
which sets forth ''the places and what sort of land is to be found at 
each place among the provinces of Florida, through which Captain 
Juan Pardo, at the command of Pero Men^ndez de Avilfis, entered 
to discover a road to New Spain, from the point of Santa Elena of the 
said provinces, during the years 1566 and 1567."* The first part of 
this is of considerable importance for our study of the Cusabo tribe. 
It runs as follows : 

He started from Santa Elena with his company in obedience to orders received 
and on that day they went to sleep at a place called Uscamacu, which is an island 
surrounded by rivers. Its soil is sandy and makes very good clay for pottery, tiles, 
and other necessary things of the kind; there is good ground here for planting maize 
and grapevines, of which there is an abundance. 

From Uscamacu he went straight to another place called Ahoya, where they stopped 
and spent the night. This Aho3ra is an island; some parts of it are surroimded by 
rivers, others look like mainland. It is good or at least reasonably good soil where 
maize grows and also big vine stocks with runners. 

From Aho3ra he went to Ahoyabe, a small village, subject to Aho3ra and in about 
the same kind of country. 

From Ahoyabe he went to another place, which is called Cozao, which belongs to a 
rather great cacique and has a lot of good land like the others, and many strips of 
stony ground, and where maize, wheat, oats, grapevines, all kinds of fruit and vege- 
tables, can be grown, because it has rivers and brooks of sweet water and reason- 
ably good soil for all. 

From Cozao he went to another small place which belongs to a chieftain (cacique) 
of the same Cozao; the land of this place is good, but there is little of it. 

From here he went to Enfrenado,^ which is a miserable place, although it has many 
comers of rich soil like the others. 

From Enfrenado he went to Guiomaez from where to the cape of Santa Elena there 
are forty leagues. The road by which he went is somewhat difficult, but the land or 
soil is good and everything that is grown in Cozao can be cultivated here and even more 
and better; there are great swamps, which are deep, caused by the great flatness of 
the country.* 

Uscamacu, where Pardo spent the first night, is certainly identical 
with the Maccou of the French, and would thus be somewhere to 
the southwest of Broad River. Pardo and his company were prob- 
ably set across to the neighborhood of this place in boats from Fort 

> Rarda, La Florida, pp. KM-UO. 

s Raidlax, La Florida, n, pp. 451-486. 

* This word would mean "bridled '' In 8panl<)h. It may bo a native term but does not look like one. 

* Translation by Mrs. F. Bandelier. 


Sail Felipe, unless the site ordinarily assigned to the fort is errone- 
ous.^ From Uscamacu they marched northwest along Broad River 
and then up the Coosawhatchie. The first stopping place after 
leaving Uscamacu was Ahoya, the Hoya of the French, one of those 
tribes or villages allied with Audusta. Ahoyabe would probably 
be an out settlement from Ahoya and hence belong to the same 
group. In the name of the next place, Cozao, we have the second 
historical mention ^ of the Coosa tribe of South Carolina, which occu- 
pied the upper reaches of the Coosawhatchie, Combahee, Ashepoo, 
Edisto, and Ashley Rivers, the first notice having been in the list 
of provinces given by Francisco of Chicora. The greater power 
ascribed to this chief agrees with our later information regarding 
the prominence of his people. From the narrative it is evident 
that the next place where the Spaniards stopped was also a Coosa 
village. The last two places may have been Coosa towns also, but 
there is no means of knowing. It has been suggested that Guiomaez 
was perhaps the later Wimbee, but, if so, the tribe must have moved 
nearer the coast before the period of EngUsh colonization, when 
they were between Combahee and Broad Rivers. The next place, 
Canos, 10 leagues from Guiomaez, was identical vrith the Cofitachequi 
of De Soto and probably with the later Easihta town among the 

Barcia mentions as one result of the Florida settlements the dis- 
covery of an herb of wonderful medicinal quahties, which was in all 
probability the nut grass (Oyperus rotundus). He says: 

The Spaniards discovered in this land some long roots, marked like strings of beads, 
so that each portion cut off remains roimded; outside they are black and within 
white and dry, hard like bones; the bark is so hard that one can scarcely remove it. 
The taste is aromatic, so that it appears to be a specific; the galanga is like it. The 
plant which produces it throws out short shoots, and spreads its branches along the 
ground; its leaves are very ]>road, and very green; it is warm (or heated) at the limit 
of the second degree, dries at the beginning of the first; it grows in moist situations: 
The Indians use the plant, crushed between two stones, to rub over their entire Ixxiies, 
when they bathe themselves, because they say that it tightens and strengthens the 
flesh, with the good odor, which it has, and that they feel much improved on account 
of it. They also use it in the form of a powder, for pains in the stomach. 

The Spaniards learned of this from the Indians, and they used it for the same pur- 
poees, and afterwards they discovered that it was an admiraljle Hpecific for colic (or 
pain in the side), and urinary trouble, since it causes the stones to he driven out, 
even though they are very large. Other virtues were discovered, ita estimation 
growing so much among the soldiers, that they all carried rosaries of these Ixjads, 
which they called '^of Santa Elena" on account of the great abundance of these 
which there are in the marshy places at the Cape of Santa Elena and pro\ance of Orista 
and the neighlwring parts.* 

» Lowory, Span. Settl., n, pp. 43&-440. 

'U Couezis be excepted. 

>Sco pp. 21G-218. 

«Barcia, La Florida, p. 133. See I>owery, Span. Settl., ii, p. 381. 


In 1569 the Jesuit missionary Juan Rogel arrived at Santa Elena, 
and at the same time Antonio Sedeflo and Father Baez proceeded 
to Guale. In a letter written by Rogel to Men^ndez, December 9, 
1570, he relates the fortunes, or rather misfortunes, of his work 
among the people of the province of Orista. 

In the beginniag of my relations with those Indians Pie sayls], they grew very 
much in my eyes, for seeing them in their customs and order of life far superior 
to those of Carlos, I lauded God, seeing each Indian married to only one woman, 
take care of and cultivate his land, maintain his house and educate his children 
with great care, seeing that they were not contaminated by the most abominable 
of sins, not incestuous, not cruel, nor thieves, seeing them speak the truth with 
each other, and enjoy much peace and righteousness. Thus it seemed to me we 
were quite sure of them and that probably I would take a longer time in learning 
their language in order to explain to them the mysteries of our Holy Faith than 
they would need to accept them and become Christians. Therefore I myself and 
three more of the fathers of our company studied with great diligence and haste to 
learn it and within six months I spoke to them and preached in their tongue. 

But after two and a half months the time for gathering acorns ar- 
rived, and all left him and ''scattered through those forests, each one 
to his own place, and came together only at certain feasts, which 
they held every two months, and this was not always in one place, 
but at one time here and at another in another place, etc." In fact 
they lived scattered in this manner for nine months out of the year. 

And there are two reasons for this [he says] : First because they have been accus- 
tomed to live in this manner for many thousands of years, and to try to get them away 
from it looks to them equal to death; the second, that even if they wished to live thus 
the land itself does not allow it — ^for being so very poor and miserable and its strength 
very soon sapped out — and therefore they themselves state that this is the reason why 
they are living so disseminated and changing their abode so often. 

Rogel endeavored to continue his wprk, attending the infrequent 
gatherings mentioned above whenever he was able. At one time he 
spoke to the greater part of ''the vassals of Orista" who had come 
together at the Rio Dulce, presumably the Savannah, and in the 
spring he proposed that they plant enough ground so that they could 
remain in one place, where he could approach them more easily. 
This was done, but all except two families soon left, and later Vandera, 
commander of the fort of San Felipe, was compelled to exact several 
canoe loads of com from the Indians and to quarter some of his 
troops among them. This, as Rogel anticipated and as the event 
proved, incensed the Indians so much that further missionary efforts 
on his part were out of the question, and on July 13, 1570, he left 
them to return to San Felipe, which he soon afterwards abandoned 
for Habana. One main cause of Rogel's failure to impress these 
people was evidently a misapprehension on his part, for he says that 
when he began to preach against the devil they were highly offended, 
declaring that he was good, and afterwards they all left him. Pre- 


suiuably tlioy uiidorstood that an attack had boeu made on one of 
their own deities, and very likely Rogel was perfectly willing on his 
side to identify the prince of evil with any or all of them. Among 
the chiefs upon whom Vandera levied the above-mentioned tribute of 
com Rogel mentions Escamacu, Orista, and Hoya, the first of whom 
is of course the Uscamacu of Vandera and Pardo.* 

In 1576 the Indian policy which had caused Rogel's withdrawal 
brought on a rebellion. Most narratives attribute this to an attempt 
to levy a contribution of provisions on Indians near Fort San Felipe, 
but from one very trustworthy document it appears that it was at 
least brought to a head by the arbitrary conduct of a Capt. Solis, left 
temporarily in charge of the above-mentioned post by Hernando de 
Miranda. This man killed two Indians, seemingly without suffi- 
cient cause, one a chief named Hemalo, who had been in Madrid. In 
July of that year, the garrison of Fort San Felipe being short of pro- 
visions, and the Indians having refused to give them any, the Alffirez 
Moyano was sent at the head of 22 men to take some by force. The 
Indians, however, persuaded Moyano to have his men extinguish the 
matches with which their guns were fired, on the ground that their 
women and children were afraid they were going to be killed, and as 
soon as they had done so the Indians fell upon them and killed all 
except a soldier named Andres Calder6n. This took place July 22. 
Testimony taken in St. Augustine in 1600 gives the name of the tribe 
concerned as Camacu (i. o., Escamacu)' but contemporary letters, 
which are probably correct, call it *'Oristau'' or '*Oristan.'* Calde- 
r6n reached the fort in three days and gave the alarm. Meanwhile 
''the Provinces of Guale, Uscamacu, and Oristau'* had risen in 
revolt. News reached Hernando de Miranda and he returned at 
once to Santa Elena. Capt. Sohs was then dispatched against the 
Indians, but he was ambushed and kiUod along with eight soldiers. 
The Indians to the number, according to one Spanish narrative, of 
2,000 then besieged the fort, and they killed several Spaniards besides, 
including an interpreter named Aguilar. One account says that 
32 men were slain, but it does not appear whether this included 
Moyano^s force or not. Among those lost were the factor, auditor 
(contador), and treasurer. Finally the Spaniards wore withdrawn 
to St. Augustine and the Indians entered the fort and burned it. It 
was restored shortly under the name of Fort San Marcos, and in 1579 
Governor Pedro Men6ndez Marques visited the place to pay the 
troops and incidentally to take revenge on the neighboring hostiles. 
He attacked a fortified town named Co^apoy, 20 leagues fl-om Fort 
San Marcos, strongly placed in a swamp and occupied by Indians 
said never to have been willing to make peace with the Spaniards. 
The town was severely handled, a number of Indians, including a 

^ Ruldiax, La Florida, n, pp. 301-306. * Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 147. 


sistor of the chief, his mother, a son, .aud the sou's wife, were 
captured, aud 40 Indians were burned in their houses. Men6ndez 
liberated most of his male captives and exchanged the women for 
some Frenchmen, who were largely blamed for the uprising, and 
most of whom were subsequently executed. 

In 1580 a new uprising occurred, again attributed to the French. 
In fact, shortly before, a French vessel was captured near the 
mouth of the St. Johns and two others belonging to the same fleet were 
known to have entered the bay of Gualequini and to have opened com- 
munication with the natives. Indian witnesses also testified that they 
had been promised assistance from a new French armada shortly to 
appear. Fort San Marcos was evidently abandoned, or captured by 
the Indians, at this time and was not reestablished until late in 1582 
or early in 1583. A letter dated July 19, 1582, says that the Indians 
of the Province of Santa Elena had rebelled and ** there was no rem- 
edy for it.*^ In 1583, however, Grovemor Men^ndez writes that all 
of the Indians — both inland and on the coast — had come to see him 
and to yield obedience and that the chief of Santa Elena ^'has done 
a great deal, as he was the first to embrace the faith.'' Fort San 
Marcos may have received still another name, for a document of the 
period refers to it as *'Fort Catuco. '* In 1586 Gutierrez de Miranda, 
who was prominent in a war against the Potano Indians of Florida, 
was in command of the Santa Elena fort. Late in 1587, however, or 
very early in 1588, it was finaUy abandoned and the garrison with- 

In a letter written to the king, February 23, 1598, Gonpalo Mendez 
de Can^o, Governor of Florida, states that the chief of Eaawa had 
accompanied the chief of Escamacu to war against the Indians of 
Guale and they had taken seven scalps.' In another, written the 
day following, he mentions, among the chiefs who had come to St. 
Augustine '*to give their submission" to him, 'Hhe cliief of Aluste" 
and *'the chief of Aobi."* I have not found a later mention of 
Aobi, but the name ^Vluste occurs several times in Spanish docu- 
ments, spelled Alieste, Alueste, and Aluete. That it was to the 
north is shown by a statement to the effect that in the massacre of 
monks, which had taken place the preceding year, all of those between 
iVluste and Asao had been killed.* More specific information is 
contained in the relation of a visit which Governor Pedro de Ibarra 
made to the Indians along the Georgia coast in November and Decem- 
ber, 1604. The northernmost point reached by him was Guale (St. 
Catherines Island), where, besides calling together the Guale chiefs, 

I The information contained in this paragraph, except as otherwise noted, is principally from the Tvowery, 
lirooks, and Wright manuscripts in the library of Congress. 
* Lowery and Brooks, MSS., Lib. Cong. 
> Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 135. 
« Ibid., p. 180. 


'* ho commanded that within two days should assemble all the micos 
of Oya and Alueste and other chiefs from the country around." * 
In Oya we recognize the Cusabo town already mentioned, and we 
learn just below that Alueste was in the same province; for, when 
Ibarra inquired of the assembled chiefs if any of them had any 
complaints to make, 'Hhe chief of Aluete said that the chief of 
TaJapo and the chief of Ufalague and the chief of Orista, his nephew 
and heirs, were his vassals and had risen and gone to Uve with the 
mico of Asao."* 

When Ibarra returned to Asao he interviewed these chiefs, and 
he states that they admitted the truth of what Alueste had said, 
adding that they had done so '^ because he was a bad Indian and 
had a bad heart, and he gave them many bad words, and for that 
reason they had withdrawn and were obeying the chief of Orista, 
who was the heir of the said Alueste, and was a good Indian and 
treated them well, and gave them good words." The governor, 
however, exacted a promise from them that they would '^retiu'n to 
their obedience," to which they agreed.* It is sufficiently evident 
from this that all of the tribes mentioned were Cusabo, whether 
Alueste and Orista are or are not variants of the later Edisto. Re- 
sponsibility for the miu*der of the missionaries in 1597 was laid by 
one of the captiu*ed Indians on the Indians of Cosahue (Cosapue), 
the Salchiches (an unidentified tribe living inland), the Indians of 
Tulufina (a Guale town), and those of Santa Elena. The chiefs of 
Ufalague and Sufalete are said to have killed Fray Pedro de Corpa, 
and the Ufalague and Alueste assisted in disposing of Fray Bias, but, 
on the other hand, the chief of Talapo saved the life of Fray Davila, 
the only missionary to escape. At a later date, by a comfortable 
volte-face not unusual with Indians, those of Cosapue and Ufalague, 
together with those of Talapo, helped pimish the murderers.* 

From about the time of this massacre we begin to find the name 
E^camacu used for the Indians of Santa Elena in preference to 
Orista. In the report of his expedition of 1605, Ecija speaks of the 
chief of E^camacu as '^the principal of that land" (i. o., the land of 
Santa Elena), and he places *^the bar of Orista" 6 leagues north of 
that of Santa Elena, where is the River Edisto. Nevertheless the 
name had become fixed upon it at a much earlier period for in a 
letter of Bartdlome de Arguelles, of date 1586, the bay of Orista is 
said to be beyond that of Santa Elena to the north, 5 leagues.* It 
is evident, therefore, that whatever temporary changes had taken 
place in the residence of portions of the Edisto tribe, changes such 
as are indicated in Ibarra's letter, a part of them, probably the main 

1 Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 186. > Ibid., p. 191. 

*Ibid., pp. 18&-189. * Lowery and Brooks, MSS., Lib. Cong. 


body, had become settled upon the stream which still bears their 
name by the date last given. 

The first clear notice of the Stono seems to be in the narrative of 
Elcija's second voyage, 1609. When he was in the port of Cayagua 
(Charleston Harbor) on his return he encountered a canoe, in which 
were the chiefs of Cayagua, E^amacu, and "Ostano." In the pilot's 
description at the end of this narrative we read, "From the bar of 
Orista to that of Ostano are 4 leagues." The opening was narrow 
and the distance to the bar of Cayagua 8 leagues.^ From the figures 
it seems clear that this was not the present Stono Inlet, but North 
Edisto River. The possibiUty that this tribe was the Stalame of 
Laudonnidre and that it moved eastward in later times has already 
been indicated. 

A letter written Jime 17, 1617, by the Florida friars, complaining 
of conditions, mentions Santa Elena among those provinces where 
there were then no missions.* In another from the governor of 
Florida, dated November 15, 1633, we learn that the chief of Satua- 
che, ''more than 70 leagues" from St. Augustine, had brought to the 
capital three Englishmen who had been shipwrecked on his coast. 
This place lay from 6 to 10 leagues north of Santa Elena and seems 
from the context to have been newly xnissionized.' The position 
given would place it near the mouth of Edisto River. From a letter 
written in 1647 it appears that the Indians of ''Satoache" had 
entirely abandoned their town,* yet they are mentioned, under the 
name Chatuache, in a hst of missions dated 1655, in which San 
Felipe also appears." However, the fort seems never to have been 
rebuilt, and the missions were nothing more than outstations served 
at long intervals. 

In 1670, when the English colony of South Carolina was estab- 
lished, there was no Spanish post east of the Savannah and no mission 
station nearer than St. Catherines Island, although traces of former 
Spanish occupancy were evident at Port Royal (Santa Elena). The 
Edisto were still on Edisto River and the Stono near the place occu- 
pied by them at the beginning of the century. The term ^'Indians 
of St. Helens" probably includes the E^camacu and related tribes. 
The Coosa were on the upper courses of the Cusabo rivers, where 
they seem to have lived throughout the Spanish period. The Kiawa 
of Ashley River are of course the *'Cayagua" of the Spaniards, and 
are in precisely the same location; the neighboring Wando on Cooper 
River and Etiwaw or Itwan on Wando River — particularly about 
Daniels Island^ — are perhaps referred to in one or two Spanish docu- 

1 Lowery and Brooks, MSB., Lib. Cong. • P. 322; Serrano y Sans, Doc. Hist., p. 182. 

* Lowwy, 1CB8., Lib. Cong. ^ Car. Hist. Soo. CoUs., v, p. 886. 


ments, but this is doubtful. As already suggested, the Wimboe, 
between Broad and Combahee Rivers, may be the Guiomaez or 
Guiomae of Pardo. The Combahee and Ashepoo on the rivers 
bearing those names, and the Witcheau or Wichcauh, mentioned in a 
sale of land, are entirely new to us. 

Again we are dependent for specific information r^arding these 
peoples on the narratives of voyages. The first which yields any- 
thing of value is *'A True Relation of a Voyage upon discovery of 
part of the Coast of Florida, from Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. 
North Lat. in the ship AdventurCf WiUiam HiUon Conmiander," etc.* 
The Adventure sailed from Spikes Bay, Barbados, August 10, 1663, 
and on September 3 entered St. Helena Sound. 

On Satwrday the fifth of September [runs the narrative], two Indians came on 
Board us, and said they were of St. Ellens; being very bold and familiar; speaking 
many Spanish words, as CappiUm, CommaradOj and Adeus. They know the use of 
Gims and are as little startled at the fireing of a Piece of Ordnance, as he that hath 
been used to them many years: They told us the nearest Spaniards were at St, Augus- 
tinSy and several of them had been there, which as they said was but ten days' journey 
and that the Spaniards used to come to them at Saint Ellens sometimes in Conoas 
within Land, at other times in Small Vessels by Sea, which the Indians describe to 
have but two Masts. 

At the invitation of the Indians the longboat with 12 hands was 
sent to St. Helena but the actions of the Indians appeared to its 
occupants so threatening that they returned without remaining 

That which we noted there [the narrative says] was a fair house builded in the shape 
of a dovehouse, round, two hundred foot at least, compleatly covered with Palmeta- 
leaves, the wal-plate being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, within lodging rooms and 
forms; two pillars at the entrance of a high Seat above all the rest; Also another house 
like a Sentinel-house, floored ten foot high with planks, fastened with Spikes and 
Nayls, standing upon Substantial Posts, with several other small houses round about. 
Also we saw many planks, to the quantity of three thousand foot or thereabouts, with 
other Timber squared, and a Cross before the great house. Likewise we saw the 
Ruines of an old Fort, compassing more than half an acre of land within the Trenches, 
^^ch we supposed to be Charls^s Fort, built, and so called by the French in 1562, Ac. 

In the meantime the vessel was visited by the chief of Edisto 
from the other side of the sound, who invited Hilton to come to his 
town and told him of some English castaways upon that coast, some 
of whom were in his custody and some at St. Helena. He informed 
them that three had been killed by the Stono. Those English who 
were with the Edisto were released, and the explorers then started 
to make their way to St. Helena through the inside channels in order 
to recover the rest. On the way "came many canoes about us with 
com, pompions, and venison, deerskins, and a sort of sweet wood.*' 
Ultimately after exchanging letters with a Spanish captain who had 

IS. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 18-36. 


been sent to St. Helena from St. Augustine to recover the English 
castaways, Hilton gave up his attempt, and having explored the 
entrance to Port Royal and ranged the coast to the northward 
almost to Cape Hatteras he got back to Barbados on January 6, 
1664. In their general description of the land between Port Royal 
and Edisto River the explorers say: 

The Indians plant in the worst Land because they cannot cut down the Timber in the 
best, and yet have plenty of Com, Pompions, Water-Mellons, Musk-mellons: although 
the Land be over grown with weeds through their lasinesse, yet they have two or three 
crops of Com a year, as the Indians themselves inform us. The Country abounds with 
Grapes, large Figs, and Peaches; the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails, 
Curlues, Plovers, Teile, Herons; and a^ the Indians say, in Winter with Swans, Geese, 
Cranes, Duck and Mallard, and innumerable of other water- Fowls, whose names we 
know not, which lie in the Rivers, Marshes, and on the Sands: Oysters in abundance, 
with great store of Muscles: a sort of fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fish called Horse-feet; 
The Rivers stored plentifully with Fish that we saw play and leap. There are great 
Marshes, but most as far as we saw little worth, except for a Root that grows in them 
the Indians make good Bread of . . . The Natives are very healthful: we saw many 
very Aged amongst them.* 

The next voyage that concerns us is entitled: ''The Port Roy all 
Discovery. Being the Relation of a voyage on the Coast of the 
Province of Carolina formerly called Florida in the Continent of the 
Northeme America from Charles River neere Cape Feare in the County 
of Clarendon and the Lat: of 34: deg: to Port Royall in the North 
Lat: of 32 d. begun 14th June 1666. Performed by Robert Sand- 
ford Esqr Secretary and Cheife Register for the Right Hon***® the 
Lords Proprietors of their County of Clarendon in the Province 

On the date mentioned Sandford sailed with a vessel of *' scarce 17 
tons" and a shallop "of some 3 tons. " On the night of the 19th the 
larger vessel became separated from the shallop, and on the 22d the 
former sighted and entered what is now called North Edisto River. 
Sandford explored this for some distance and found many Indian 
cornfields and houses scattered among them, besides numerous 
heaps of oyster shells. From the Indians ho learned that the chief 
town of the Edisto tribe was some distance inland, on what is now 
Edisto Island, at a place which Langdon Cheves, the editor of 
"The Shaftsbury Papers/' suggests was "probably near cross roads, 
by Eding's ^Spanish mount' place." Having gone beyond the 
nearest landing place for this village he stopped there on his return 
to accommodate the Indians who were desirous to trade with him. 

When we were here [he says] a Cap* of the Nation named Shadoo (one of them w«*» 
Hilton had carryed to Barbados) was very earnest with some of our Company to goe 
with him and lye a night att their Towne w*"^ hee told us was but a smale distance 
thence I being equally desirous to knowe the forme manner and populousncsse of the 
place as alfloe what state the Casique held (fame in all theire things preferring this place 

JS. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 24. 'Ibid,, pp. 57-82. 


to all the rest of the Coast, and foure of my Company (vizt.) Lt.: Harvey, Lt: Woory, 
M' Thomajs Giles and m*" Henry Woodward forwardly off ring themselves to the service 
haveing alsoe some Indians aboard mee who constantly resided there night & day I 
permitted them to goe with Shadoo they retomed to mee the next morning w^'* great 
Comendacons of their entertainment but especially of the goodness of the land they 
marcht through and the delightf ull situation of the Towne. Telling mee withall that 
the Cassique himselfe appeared not (pretending some indisposition, but that his state 
was supplyed by a Female who received them with gladness and Courtesy placeing 
my Lt: Harvey on the seat by her their relation gave myselfe a Curiosity (they alsoe 
assureing mee that it was not above foure Miles off) to goe and see that Towne and 
takeing with mee Capt. George Cary and a file of men I marched thitherward followed 
by a long traine of Indians of whome some or other always presented yimselfe to carry 
mee on his shoulders over any the branches of Creekes or plashy comers of Marshes in 
our Way. This waike though it tend to the Southward of the West and consequently 
leads neere alongst the Sea Coast Yett it opened to our Viewe soe excellent a Country 
both for Wood land and Meadowes as gave singular satisfaction to all my Company. 
We crossed one Meadowe of not lesse than a thousand Acres all firme good land and as 
rich a Soyle as any clothed w^^ a ffine grasse not passing knee deepe, but very thick 
sett & fully adorned with yeallow flowers. A pasture not inferiour to any I have 
seene in England the wood land were all of the same sort both for timber and mould 
with the best of those wee had ranged otherwhere and w^N)ut alteration or abatement 
from their goodncs all the way of our March. Being entered the Towne wee were con- 
ducted into a large house of a Circular forme (their generall house of State) right 
against the entrance way a high seate of sufficient breadth for half a dozen persons on 
which sate the Cassique himselfe (vouchsafeing mee that favour) w^^ his wife on his 
right hand (shee who had received those whome I had sent the evening before) hee was 
an old man of a large stature and bone. Round the house from each side the throne 
quite to the Entrance were lower benches filled with the whole rabble of men Women 
and children in the center of this house is kept a constant fire mounted on a great heape 
of Ashes and surrounded with little lowe foormes Capt: Cary and my selfe were placed 
on the higher seate on each side of the Cassique and presented with skinns accompanied 
with their Ceremonyes of Welcome and freindshipp (by streaking our shoulders with 
their palmes and sucking in theire breath the whilst) The Towne ia scituate on the side 
or rather in the skirts of a faire forrest in w*^** at severall distances are diverse feilds of 
Maiz with many little houses straglingly amongst them for the habitations of the par- 
ticular families. On the East side and part of the South It hath a large prospect over 
meadows very spatious and delightful!, before the Doore of their Statehouse is a spa- 
tious walke rowed w*^ trees on both sides tall & full branched, not much unlike to 
Elms w*'** serves for the Exercise and recreation of the men who by Couples runn after 
a marble bowle troled out alternately by themselves with six foote staves in their 
hands w**' they tosse after the Iwwle in their race and according to the laying of their 
staves wine or loose the beeds they contend for an Exercise approveable enough in the 
winter but some what too \dolent (mee thought) for that season and noone time of the 
day from this walke is another lesse aside from the round house for the children to sport 
in. After a fewe houres stay I retomed to my Vessell w*** a greate troope of Indians att 
my heeles. The old Cassique himselfe in the number, who lay aboard mee that night 
without the society of any of his people, some scores of w*** lay in boothes of their own 
immediate ereccon on the beach. 

After this Sandford passed around through Dawho River and out 
by the South Edisto. Soon after he fell in with the shallop from 
which he had been separated and then made south to the entrance 
of Port R(Jyal, where he anchored in front of the principal Indian 


I had not ridd long [he says] ere the Cassique himselfe came aboard mee w^^ a Canoa 
full of Indians presenting mee with skinns and bidding mee welcome after their manner, 
I went a shoare with him to see their Towne w^^ stood in sight of our Vessell, Found as to 
the forme of building in every respect like that of Eddistowe with a plaine place before 
the great round house for their bowling recreation att th'end of w^^'^ stood a faire wooden 
Crosse of the Spaniards ereccon. But I could not observe that the Indians performed any 
adoracon before itt. All round the Towne for a great space are severall f eilds of Maiz of a 
very large growth The soyle nothing inferior to the beet wee had seene att Ekldistowe ap- 
parently more loose and light and the trees in the woods much larger and rangd att a 
greater distance all the ground under them burthened exceedingly and amongst it a 
great variety of choice pasturage I sawe here besides the great number of peaches w^^ 
the more Northerly places doe alsoe abound in some store of figge trees very large and 
faire both fruite and plants and diverse grape vines w<^ though growing without Cul- 
ture in the very throng of weedes and bushes were yett filled with bunches of grapes 
to admiracon. . . . The Towne is scited on an Island made by a branch w^^ cometh 
out of Brayne Sound and falleth into Port Royall about a mile above where wee landed 
a cituacon not extraordinary here. 

Here the shallop rejoined him after sailing through from St. Helena 
Sound by the inside channel. Wommony, son of the chief of Port 
Royal, and one of those whom Hilton had carried to Barbados, acted 
as its guide. Before his departure from this place Sandford left a 
surgeon named Henry Woodward to learn the language and in 
exchange took an Indian of the town with him. He says: 

I called the Caasique & another old man (His second in Authority) and their wives 
And in sight and heareing of the whole Towne, delivered Woodward into their charge 
telling them that when I retomed I would require him att their hands, They received 
him with such high Testimonys of Joy and thankfullnes as hughely confirmed to mee 
their great desire of our friendshipp & society, The Cassique placed Woodward by him 
uppon the Throne and after lead him forth and shewed him a large feild of Maiz w^'^ 
hee told him should bee his, then hee brought him the Sister of the Indian that I had 
with mee telling him that shee should tend him & dresse his victualls and be careful of 
him that soe her Brother might be the better used amongst us: 

An Indian of Edisto also desired to accompany him, and thinking that soe hee should 
be the more acceptable hee caused himselfe to be shoaren on the Crowne after ye 
manner of the Port Royall Indians, a fashion w^'^ I guesse they have taken from the 
Spanish Fryers. Thereby to ingratiate themselves w^ that Nation and indeed all 
along I observed a kinde of Emulacon amongst the three principall Indians of this 
Country (viz*) Those of Keywaha Edistowe and Port Royall concerning us and our 
Freindshipp, Each contending to assure it to themselves and jealous of the other 
though all be allyed and this Notw^^standing that they knewe wee were in actuall 
warre with the Natives att Clarendon and had killled and sent away many of them, 
ffor they frequently discoursed with us concerning the warre, told us that the Natives 
were noughts they land Sandy and barren, their Country sickly, but if wee would 
come amongst them Wee should finde the Contrary to all their Evills, and never any 
occasion of dischargeing our Gunns but in merryment and for pastime. 

Sandford now returned toward the north and, having failed to 
make Kiawa (Charleston Harbor), landed at Charles Town on the 
Cape Fear River, July 12, 1666. 

The expedition that was to result in the permanent settlement of the 
colony of South Carolina made a landfall at Sewee (now Bull's) Bay 

148061'— 22 5 


on the 15th or 16th of March, 1670, and anchored at the south end of 
Oni-see-cau (now BulPs) Island. The longboat was sent ashore. 

Vpon its approach to ye Land few were ye natiuee who vpon ye Strand made firee 
& came towards vs whooping in theire own tone & manner making signes also where 
we should best Land & when we came a shoare they stroked vs on ye shoulders with 
their hands saying Bony Conraro Angles, knowing us to he English by our CoUours (as 
wee supposed) we then gave them Brass rings & tobacco at which they seemed well 
pleased, & into ye boats after halfe an howre spent with ye Indians we betooke our 
selues, they liked our Ck)mpany soe well that they would haue come a board with us. 
we found a pretty handsome channell about 3 fathoms & a halfe from ye place we 
Landed to ye Shippe, through which the next day we brought ye shipp to Anchor 
feareing a contrary winde & to gett in for some fresh watter. A day or two after ye 
Grouemo' whom we tooke in at Bermuda with seuerall others went a shoare to view ye 
Land here. Some 3 Leagues distant from the shipp, carrying along with us one of ye 
Eldest Indians who accosted us ye other day, <& as we drew to ye shore A good number 
of Indians appeared clad with deare skins hauing with them their boA^'s & Arrows, but 
our Indian calling out Appada they withdrew & lodged theire bows & returning ran 
up to ye middle in mire & watter to carry us a shoare where when we came they gaue 
us ye stroaking Complim' of ye country and brought deare skins some raw some drest 
to trade with us for which we gaue them kniues beads & tobacco and glad they were 
of ye Market, by & by came theire women clad in their Mosse roabs bringing their 
potts to boyle a kinde of thickening which they pound & make food of, & as they 
order it being dryed makes a pretty sort of bread, they brought also plenty of Ilickery 
nutts, a wall nut in shape, & taste onely differing in ye thicknees of the shell & small- 
ness of ye kemell. the Oouemo' & seu'all others walking a little distance from ye 
water side came to ye Hutt Pallace of his Ma^^ of ye place, who meeteing vs tooke ye 
Gouemo' on his shoulders & carryed him into ye house in token of his chearfuU Enter- 
tainement. here we had nutts & root cakes such as thoir women useily make as before 
& watter to drink for they use no other lickquor as I can Leame in this Countrey, 
while we were here his Ma*'*' three daughters entred the Pallace ail in new roal)s of 
new moflse which they are neuer beholding to ye Taylor to trim up, with plenty of 
beads of diuers Collours about their necks: I could not imagine that ye sauages would 
so well deport themselues who coming in according to their age & all to sallute the 
strangers, stroaking of them, these Indians understanding our business to 8"^ Hellena 
told us that ye Westoes a rangeing sort of people reputed to be the Man eaters had 
ruinated y^ place killed seu'all of those Indians destroyed & burnt their Habitations 
& that they had come as far as Kayawah doeing the like there, ye Caseeeka of which 
place was within one sleep of us (which is 24 howrs for they reckon after that rate) 
with most of his people whome in tw^o days after came aboard of us.* 

These people were probably of Siouan stock, but they bordered 
directly upon the Cusabo tribes and this account of them will give 
us a shght opportunity to compare the two peoples. Tliis and the 
short notice that appeai-s in Lawson embrace practically all of the 
information we have regarding the Sewee Indians, if such indeed 
thev were. 

Taking the chief of Kaynwali, "a ucrv Ingenious Indian & a great 
Linguist in this Maine," with th(»m th(» prospcctivi* settlers now 
sailed to Port Itoyal, wIkmc tlicy ancliorod, but it was two days 
before they could speak with an Indian, when what had been told 

> S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls, v, pp. 16&-166. 


them at Sewee regarding the irruption of the Westo was con- 
firmed. Weighing anchor from Port Royal River they then 

ran in between S^ Hellena & Oombohe where we lay at Anchor all ye time we staide 
neare ye Place where ye distressed Indian soioumed, who were glad & crying Kiddy 
doddy Comorado Angles Westoe Skorrye (which is as much as to say) English uery 
good friends Westoes aire nought, they hoped by our Arriuall to be protected from ye 
Westoes, often making signes they would ingage them with their bowes & arrows, & 
wee should with our gims they often brought vs veneson & some deare skins w^^ wee 
l>ought of them for beads, many of us went ashore at S^ Hellena & brought back 
word that ye Land was good Land supply ed with many Peach trees, & a Competence 
of timber a few figg trees & some Cedar here & theire & that there was a mile & a half 
of Cleare Land fitt & ready to Plante. Oysters in great plenty all ye Islands being 
rounded w^'* bankes of ye kinde, in shape longer & scarcely see any one rouAd, yet 
good fish though not altogether of soe pleasant taste as yo* wall fleet oysters, here is 
also wilde turke which ye Indian brought but is not soe pleasant to eate of as ye tame 
but uery fleshy & farr bigger. 

A sloop which had been sent to Eaawa to examine that place now 
returned with a favorable report and the colonists sailed thither 
and made the first permanent settlement in South Carolina.^ At 
this time we learn that that section of tlie province watered by the 
Stono River was fuU of Indian settloments.* 

In May of the same year a sloop called The Three Brothers an- 
chored off Edisto Island — "Odistash'* as they caU it — and two 
chiefs, named Sheedou and Alush, who had been taken to Bar- 
bados by Hilton, came out to them and directed them to Kiawa.' 

In a letter written to Lord Ashley from this colony by William 
Owen on September 15, 1670, he says, referring to the coast Indians: 

We haue them in a pound, for to ye Southward they will not goe fearing the Yamases 
Spanish Comeraro as ye Indians termes it., ye Westoes are behind them a mortall 
enemie of theires whom they say are ye man eaters of them they are more afraid then 
ye little children are of ye Bull beggers in England, to ye Northward they will 
not goe for their they cry y* is Hiddeskeh, y' is to say sickly, soe y* they reckon them- 
selves safe when they haue vs among»t them, from them there rann be noe danger 
ap'hended, they haue exprest vs vnexpected kindness for when ye ship went to and 
dureing her stay att Virginia provision was att the 8<*arcest with uh yet they daylie 
supplied vs y* we were better stored att her return than, when she went haueing 25 
days provision in stoe beside 3 tunn of come more w*'' they promised to procuer when 
we pleased to com for it att Seweh.* 

In a letter written to Lord AslUey on Au<i;ust 30, 1671, Maurice 
Mathews says: 

The Indians all About vs are our friends; all y^ we haue knowledge of by theyre 
Appearance and traid with vs are as followeth: 

St Helena ye Southermost; Ishpow, Wimbee, Edista, Stono, Keyawah, where we 
now line, Kussoo to ye westward of vs, Sampa, wando Ituan, Gt Pa;* Sewee, Santee, 

» 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 16«-1«W. 

> rarroU, Hist. Colls. 8. Car., ii, p. l7-». 

» Ibid., p. 170, 

«Ibid.. pp. 200-201. 

» In a note the editor of the Shaftesbury I'apcrs gives an alternative ren<lering S* Pa, nnd ((uorios whoi Ijor 
ihlH iribe is the Sampa or Samplt repeate<l. There does not seem to be suflicient data for determining this 


Wanniah, Elasie, Isaw, Cotachicach, some of these haue 4 or 5 Cassikaes more, or 
Leee Truly to define the power of these Caasukaes I must say thus; it is noe more 
(scarce as much) as we owne to ye Topakin in England, or A grauer person then our 
selues; I finde noe tributaries among them, butt intermariages & pouerty causeth 
them to visitt one Another ; neuer quarrelling who is ye better man ; they are generally 
poore & Spanish; Affraid of ye very foot step of a Westoe; A sort of people y^ liue vp 
to the westward [which these say eat people and are great warriors].^ 

Elsewhere in the same letter Mathews mentions an expedition 
inland in which ^' About 30 miles or more vpwards wee came Among 
the Cussoo Indians our friends; with whome I had been twice before.'' 
This was on Ashley River. 

In September, 1671, a war broke out with the Coosa Indians. 
The occasion of this is given in the Coimcil Journal imder date of 
September 27 as follows: 

At a meeting of the Goverrour and Councill September 27th sitting and present 
(the same [as given above]). The Govemour and Councill taking into their serious 
consideration the languishing condition that this Collony is brought into by reason 
of the great quantity of come from time to time taken out of the plantations by the 
Kussoe and other Southward Indians and for as much as the said Indians will not 
comply with any faire entreaties to live peaceably and quietly but instead thereof 
upon every light occasion have and doe threaten the lives of all or any of our people 
whom they will sufore (?) to them and doe dayly persist and increase in their insolen* 
eyes soe as to disturb and invade some of our plantation in the night time but that 
the evill of their intentions have hitherto been prevented by diligent watchings. 
And for as much as the said Indians have given out that they intend for and with the 
Spaniards to cutt off the English people in this place &c Ordered orde3aied by the 
said Govemuor &c OoimciU (nemine contra dicente) that an open Warr shall be 
forthwith prosecuted against the said Kussoe Indians and their co-adjutors & for the 
better effecting thereof that Commissions be granted to Capt. John Godfrey and Capt. 
Thomas Gray to prosecute the same effectually. And that Mr. Stephen Bull doe 
take into his custody two Kussoe Indians now in Towne and them to keepe with 
the beet security he may till he receive firther orders from this Board.' 

As, in a letter written to Lord Ashley by Joseph West on Sep- 
tember 3 preceding, the murder of an Indian by an Irish colonist is 
referred to," probably the provocation was not all on one side. This 
war seems to have been pushed with exceeding vigor, since in the 
Council Journal for October 2 we read: 

Upon consideration had of the disposing of the Indian prisoners now brought in 
for their better security and maintenance. It is resolved and ordered by the Grand 
Councill that every Company which went out upon that expedition shall secure and 
maintaine the Indians they have taken till they can transport the said Indians, but 
if the remaining Kussoe Indians doe in the meanetime come in and make peace and 
desire the Indians now prisoners then the said Indians shall be sett at Liberty having 
first paid such a ransom as shall be thought reasonable by the Grand Council to be 
shared equally among the Company of men that tooke the Indians aforesaid.^ 

» 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 334. The editor of the Shaftesbury Papers gives two other lists of these 
Cosabo tribes. The first is dated in 1695-6 and mentions "the natives of Sainte Holcnii, Causa, Wimbehe, 
Combehe, Edistoe, Stonoe, Kiaway, Itwan, Seewee, Santee, Cussoes. " Causa does not appear again; Causa 
and Cussoe may refer to two sections of the Coosa. The second list is dated in 1707 and refers to "those 
called Cusabes, vis: Santees, Ittavans, Sea wees, Stoanoes, Kiawaws, Kussoes, St. Helena &c. and Bohi- 

s 8. Oar. Hist. Soc. OoUs., ▼, pp. 341-342. 

* Ibid., p. 838. 

« JJbkL, V, pp. 8M-8ifi. 8ae also RWers, Hist. 6. Car., pp. 105-106. 


The transporting of the Indians meant transport to the West 
Indies as slaves, that being one of the amiable ways of civilizing 
redskins to which our ancestors were addicted. The fate of these un- 
fortunate Coosa is uncertain, but evidently the war came to an end 
after the aforesaid expedition. From a note based on information 
obtained from Governor West we learn that the — 

CoBBoee [were] to pay a dear skin monthly as an acknowledgm^ or else to loose our 

This must have been one of the agreements when peace was made. 
In 1674, in some instructions to Henry Woodward, the Earl of 
Shaftesbury says: "You are to treate with the Indians of Edisto 
for the Island and buy it of them and make a Friendship with 

Whether the order was carried out at that time does not appear. 
Meantime the Coosa Indians were again restless. The Council 
Journals for August 3, 1674, contain the following: • 

And forasmuch a£ it is credibly informed that the Knssoe Indians have secretly 
murdered 3 Englishmen and as these Indians have noe certaine abode Resolved that 
Oapt. Mau: Mathews, M' W"* Owen, cap^ Rich^ Gonant & M' Ra: Marshall doe inquire 
where the s*' Indians may be taken then to raise a party of men as they shall think 
conven^ under command of the s^ cap^ Gonant or any other parties imder other com- 
manders to use all meanes to come up with the t^ Indians wheresoever to take or de- 
stroy all or any of them, the whole matter being left to their advisem^.' 

Still earUer the colonists had begun to experience difficulties with the 
Stono, as this entry imder date of July 25 attests : 

For as <fcc it is credibly informed that the Indian Stonoe Casseca hath endeavored 
to confederate certaine other Indians to murder some of the English nation & to rise 
in Rebellion ag^ this Settem^ Resolved that capt. Mau: Mathews doe require & com- 
mand nine men of the Inhabi^* of this Settlem^ to attend him in this exped** to take 
the s' Indian and him cause to be brought to Charlestowne to answer to these things 
but if any opposition happen the t^ capt. Mathews is to use his discret*^ in the managm^ 
thereof for the security of himself & the s^ party of men whether by killing & destrojring 
the s'' Indian & his confederates or otherwise.' 

According to the Council Journals of January 15, 1675, "some 
neighbor Indians" had expressed a desire to be settled into a town 
near Charleston/ 

To carry out the terms of the constitution drawn up for Carolina 
by John Locke a number of ''baronies" were created in South Caro- 
Una, many of them by purchase of land from the Indian proprietors. 
Thus the land constituting Ashley barony on Ashley River was 
obtained from the Coosa Indians who surrendered it in the following 

To all menner of Peoide, do., know ye that wee, the Gassiquee naturell Bom Hears 
& Sole owners & proprietors of great & lesser Cussoe, lying on the river of Kyewah, the 

1 S. Our. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 388. i n>id., p. 451. 

* nM., p. 446. « n>id. , p. 475. 


River of Slonoe, <& the frenhetj of the River of Edii^tah, doe for uh ourselven, our sub- 
jects <& va88al8, grant, <&c., whole part & parcell called great & lesser OtiRsoe unto the 
Right Hon"* Anthony Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Baron Ashly of Wimbome St. Gyles', 
Lord Cooper of Pawlet, Ac, 10 March, 1675. Marks of The Great Cassiq, Ac, an In- 
dian Captain, a hill Captain, &c.^ 

To this are appended the signatures of several witnesses. What 
appears to have been a still more sweeping cession was made to 
Maurice Mathews in 1682 by the ** chief of Stonah, chief tainess of 
Edisloh, chief of Asshepoo, chieftainess of St. Hellena, chief of Com- 
bahe, chief of Cussah, chief of Wichcauh, chief of Wimbee.'*' In 
1693 there was a short war with the Stono, a tribe which had already 
showed itself hostile on more than one occasion.^ The same year 
we read that the Chihaw King complained of the cruel treatment 
he had received from John Palmer, who had barbarously beaten and 
cut him with his broadsword. These '* Chihaw'* were perhaps in 
South Carolina and not representatives of that much better known 
band among the Creeks.* A body of Cusabo were in Col. John Barn- 
well's army raised to attack the Tuscarora in 1711-12.^ In I7I2 was 
passed an act for ''settling the Island called Palawana, upon the 
Cusaboe Indians now living in Granville County and upon their Pos- 
terity forever.'' From the terms of this a,ct it appears that "most of 
the Plantations of the said (^saboes'' were already situated upon 
that island which is described as *'near the Island of St, Helena/* 
but that it had fallen into private hands. 

The act reads as follows : 

Whereaw the Cusaboe Indiana of Granville County, are the native and ancient 
inhabitants of the Sea Coa.HtH of this Province, and kindly entertained the first Efnglish 
who arrived in the same, and are useful to the Government for Watching and Discov- 
ering Enemies, and finding Shipwrecked People; And whereas the Island called 
Palawana near the Island of St. Helena^ upon which most of the Plantations of the said 
Casahoes now are, was formerly by Inadvertancy granted by the Right Honorable the 
Lords Proprietors of this Province, to Matthew Smallrvood^ and by him sold and trans- 
ferred to James Cockram, whose Property and Possession it is at present; Be it En- 
acted by the most noble Prince Henry Duke of Beauford, Palatine, and the Rest of 
the Right Honorable the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of Carolina, together 
with the Advice and Consent of the Members of the General Assembly now met at 
Charles-Town for the South West Part of this Pro\ance, That from and after the Rati- 
fication of this Act, the Island of Palaivana, lying nigh the Island of St. Helena^ in 
Granville County, containing between Four and Five Hundred Acres of Land, be it 
more or less, now in the Possession of James Cockram as aforesaid, shall be and is 
hereby declared to be invested in the aforesaid Cusaboe Indians, and in tlieir Heirs 

» 8. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, pp. 16&-467. 

• Rivers, Hist. S, Car., p. 38, 1S56; Public Records of S. ('., 3«i, p. 12o. 

'Logan, a Hist, of the Upper Country of S. c\. pp. 191-192; Carroll, Hist. Colls. S. Car., i, p. 74. 
By later writers this disturbance was in some way asNociatod with the Wcsto war and the Stono and 
Westo were coupled t<^ether on this aoco'int an<i h<*oause of a suiwrftcial resemblance between their 

• Carroll, op. dt., p. 116. 

«• 8. Car. Hist, and Gen. Mag., 9, pp. 30-31, I90s. 

• Laws of the Province of South Carolina, by Nichohis Trott ( 17«W). No. XV<, p. 277. quoted by Thomas 
in IHth .\nn. Rept. Rur. .\mcr. Kthn., pt. 2. i». «« 


In 1715 tho* Yamiujco war broke out and it is coiumoiily supposiul 
to have nearly exterminated the ancient tribes of South Carolina, one 
early authority stating that *'some of the Corsaboys'' along with the 
Congarees, San tees, Seawees, Pedees, and Waxaws were "utterly 
extirpated/'* but I quote this statement merely to refute it. As 
a matter of fact, remnants of nearly all the ancient tribes persisted for 
a considerable j>eriod afterwards. In 1716 there w^as a short war 
between the colonists and the Santee and Congaree Indians. The 
Etiwaw took part in this contest on the side of the whites. Over 
half of the offending tribes were taken prisoners and sent as slaves to 
the West Indies.' In the same year we find a note to the effect that 
the colony had been presented with six dressed deerskins by the 
*'Coosoe'' Indians and twelve dressed and eight raw deerskins by the 
*'Itawans."' In 1717 there is a note of a present made by the 
*'Kiawah" Indians.^ In a letter written by Barnwell, April, 1720, 
there is mention of the "Coosaboys.'' * In 1727 we learn that *'the 
King of the Kywaws" desired recompense for some service, and, ap- 
parently the same year, he was given a grant of land south of the 
**Combee'' River.* About 1743 Adair mentions '*Coosah'' as a 
dialect spoken in the Catawba nation, but it is not probable 
that all of the Coosa removed there. ^ Some time after the founding 
of Georgia an old man among the Creek Indians stated that the first 
whites were met with at the mouth of the Coosawhatchie," and it ap- 
pears that this report was current among the Creeks, although some- 
times the name of Savannah River is substituted. The tradition is, 
of course, correct, and it would seem probable that it was due not 
merely to hearsay information but to the actual presence among the 
Creeks of families or bands of Indians of Cusabo origin. Apart from 
those who joined the Catawba, Creeks, and other tribes, the last glimpse 
we have of the coast Indians shows the remnant of the Kiawa and 
Cusabo in the neighborhood of Beaufort. We do not know whether 
the Etiwaw and Wando were in<5luded among the Kiawa, but it is 
probable that a part at least of all of these tribes remained near their 
ancestral seats and were gradually merged in the surrounding popu- 

The following remarks of Adair may weU be inserted as the vale- 
dictory of these people, although it applies also to the small Siouan 
tribes northward of them and to some others: 

' Rivers, Hist. S. Car., pp 93-94. «• Pul.. Rec. of S. C, MS. vm, p. 4. 

* Pub. Rec. of S. C, MS. • Journal of the CouncU, 8. C. docs., x, p. 24. 

* Proc. of Board dealing with Indian trade, MS., p. 62. ^ Adair» Hist. Am. Inds., p. 22o. 

* Ibid., p. ia«. » Carroll, Ilist. Colls. 8. Car., i, xxxvu. 


In most of our American colonies, there yet remain a few of the natives, who for- 
merly inhabited those extensive countries; and as they were friendly to us, and serv- 
iceable to our interests, the wisdom and virtue of our legislature secured them from 
being injured by the neighboring nations. The French strictly pursued the same 
method, deeming such to be more useful than any others on alarming occasions. We 
called them **Parched-com-Indians," because they chiefly use it for bread, are civ- 
ilized, and live mostly by planting. As they had no connection with the Indian 
nations [i. e., the Catawba, Cherokee, Muskogee, Chickasaw, and Choctaw], and 
were desirous of living peaceable under the British protection, none could have any 
just plea to kill or inslave them.''* 

Ethnological Information Regarding the Curabo 

Ethnological information regarding the Cusabo is scanty and 
unsatisfactory, the interest of the colonists having been quickly 
attracted to those great tribes lying inland which they called ''na- 
tions." Such material as is to be had must be interpreted in the 
light of the fuller information to be gathered from larger southern 
tribes like the Creeks, Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw. Never- 
theless it is of interest to know that certain features of the lives of 
these peoples were or were not shared by the ones better known. 

The material gathered by the Spaniards as a result of the Ayllon 
expedition has been given in connection with the accoimt of that 
venture, and will not be considered again. The region to which it 
applies is too uncertain to consider it definitely under this head. 
From the time of the French settlement in 1562, however, we 
have a sufficiently clear localization, from the French, Spanish, and 
English narratives successively. The greater part of our informa- 
tion comes, however, from the French and English, the Spaniards 
not having been interested in the people among whom they came or 
not having published those papers which contained accounts of them. 

The foUowing general description of the appearance of the natives, 
and their mental and moral characteristics, is from Alexander Hewat. 
It does not apply to the Cusabo alone, but Hewat was probably better 
acquainted with them than with any other Indians. 

In stature they are of a middle size, neither so tall nor yet so low as some Em*opeans. 
To appearance they are strong and well made; yet they are totally unqualified for 
that heavy burden or tedious labour which the vigorous and firm nerves of Europeans 
enable them to undergo. None of them are deformed, deformities of nature being 
confined to the ages of art and refinement. Their colour is brown, and their skin 
shines, being varnished with bears fat and paint. To appearance the men have no 
beards, nor hair on their head, except a round tuft on iia crown; but this defect is 
not natural, as many people are given to believe, but the effect of art, it being custom- 
ary among them to tear out such hair by the root. They go naked, except those 
parts which natural decency teaches the most barbarous nations to cover. The huts 
in which they live are foul, mean and offensive; and their manner of life is poor, 

* Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 343. 


nasty, and disgustful. In the hunting season they are eager and indefatigable in 
pursuit of their prey; when that is over, they indulge themselves in a kind of brutal 
slumber, indolence, and ease. In their distant excursions they can endure himger 
long, and carry little with them for their subsistence; but in days of plenty they are 
voracious as vultures. While dining in company with their chieftains we were 
astonished at the vast quantity of meat they devoured. Agriculture they leave to 
women, and consider it as an employment unworthy of a man: indeed they seem 
amazingly dead to tender passions, and treat their women like slaves, or beings of 
inferior rank. Scolding, insults, quarrels, and complaints are seldom heard among 
them; on solemn occasions they .are thoughtful, serious, and grave; yet I have seen 
them free, open, and merry at feasts and entertainments. In their common deport- 
ment towards each other they are respectful, peaceable, and inoffensive. Sudden 
anger is looked upon as ignominious and imbecoming, and, except in liquor, they 
seldom differ with their neighbour, or even do him any harm or injury. As for riches 
they have none, nor covet any; and while they have plenty of provisions, they allow 
none to suffer through want; if they are successful in hunting, all their unfortunate or 
distressed friends share with them the common blessings of life.^ 

This description has importance, not as a moral evaluation of these 
people but as a set of impressions to be interpreted with due regard 
to the standards and ideals in the mind of the observer himself. 
Another writer says that bear grease was used on the hair to make it 
grow and at the same time kill the vermin.* Another says of their 
head hair that it was **tied in various ways, sometimes oyPd and 
painted, stuck through with Feathers for Ornament or Gallantry," 
and he adds that they painted their faces *' with different Figures of a 
red or Sanguine Colour.''' Their clothing consisted of bear or deer 
skins dressed, it is said, ^'rather softer, though not so durable as ours 
in England."* They were sometimes ornamented with black and 
red checks.* Locke notes that they *'dye their deer skins of excel- 
lent colours. "• Pearls were obtained from the rivers, and they 
knew how to pierce them, but the process spoiled their value for 
European trade. They made little baskets of painted reeds, ^ and the 
French found the house of Ouad6, which was, it is true, in the Guale 
country, "hung with feathers (plumasserie) of different colors, to 
the height of a pike." "Moreover upon the place where the king 
slept were white coverings woven in panels with clever artifice and 
edged about with a scarlet fringe."* These must have been either 
cane mats or else textiles made of mulberry bark or some similar 
material, like those fabricated throughout the south. The "panels" 
were probably the typical diagonal designs still to be seen on southern 
baskets. The French add that Ouad6 presented them with six 
pieces of his hangings made like little coverings." 

« Hewat in Carroll, Hist. Colls. S. Car., i, pp. 65-«6. • 8. Car. Hist. Soc. C^Us., v, p. 462. 

« Carroll, op. cit., n, pp. 723. ' Carroll, op. cit., ii, pp. 80-81. 

' Ibid., p. 73. ■ Laudonni^re, Hist. Not. dc la Floride, p. 48. 

«Ibld.,p. 80. » Ibid., p. 49. 

»Ibid.,pp. 80^L 


What Oviodo records about tlio larj^c* coinmunal house said to have 
been found on this coast by the Spaniards early in the sixteenth cen- 
tury has been given ah-eady.^ That they could build houses of con- 
siderable size >\nthout much labor is clearly shown by the experience 
of the French at Port Royal. One of their buildings described as ** the 
large house*' having been destroyed, the Indians of Maccou and 
Audusta built another in less than 1 2 hours ** scarcely smaller than the 
one which had been burned.** ' As we have seen, Hewat speaks of 
their houses as ^^foul, mean, and offensive,'*' but the structures seen 
by Hilton and Sandford certainly did not deserve the censure of 
meanness. Some of those noted by the former captain ^ having 
been seen at St. Helena were evidently put up by Spaniards, but he 
mentions one which was probably of native construction. At least 
some of the features connected with it were native. This was '*a 
fair house builded in the shape of a Dove-house, round, two hundred 
foot at least, compleatly covered with Paimf'to-leaves, the wal-plate 
being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, & within lodging rooms and 
forms; two pillars at the entrance of a high Seat above all the rest. *' * 
This '^high seat" was perhaps a chiefs seat such as were seen else- 
where on the Cusabo coast. When Capt. Sandford visited the chief 
Edisto town in 1666 he was "conducted into a large house of a Circu- 
lar forme (their genorall house of State)." Over against the en- 
trance was '*a high seate of sufficient breadth for half a dozen per- 
sons,** for the chief, his wife, eminent persons, and distinguished 
visitors. Lower benches for the common people extended from the 
ends of this on each side all the way to the door, and about the fire, 
which was in the center of the building, were 'little lowe foormes. *' 
The towTi house of St. Helena is said to have been of the same pattern, 
and was probably identical with that described by Hilton, as quoted 

In hunting, their principal weapons were bows and arrows, the 
latter made of reeds pointed with sharp ston(»s or fishbones. The 
Cusabo country abounded with game, its rivers and inlets with fish; 
shellfish were also abundant along the coast. The deer was, as usual, 
the chief game animal, th(» bear being hunted more for its fat than for 
its flesh. According to Samuel Wilson, whose account was })ublished 
in 1682, deer were so plentiful ''that an Indian hunter hath killed 
Nine fat Deere in a day all shot by himself, and all the considiTable 
Planters have an Indian Hunter which they hire for less than Twenty 
shillings a year, and one hunter will very w(»ll find a Family of Thirty 
people, with as much venison and foul as they can well (»at. " " What 

> See p. 4H. « Sec p. <>2. 

> Laudonnl^rc, Hist. Not. df la Floride, p. 5<). » iSoe p. r.4. 

« Sot» p. 72. • Canoil, op. oit ., ii, p. 2S. 

SWANT<^»N 1 



the tjxplorers in Hilton 8 pjirly liavo to say rogarding nalivc apicul- 
ture has been g^iven but may be requoted: 

The Indians plant in the worst I -And because they cannot cut down the Timl^er in 
the \ieetj and yet have plenty of (^om, Pompions. Water-Mellonfl, Mu8k-meIlons: 
although the land l>e overgrown with weeds through their lanneese, yet they have 
two or three crops of Com a year, as the Indians themselves inform us. ' 

Their treatment of com was probably identical with that among 
the other southern tribes. Mention is made by one writer of the 
**cold meal*' made by parching ripe com and pounding it into a 
powder and of the convenience of this in traveling.' Sandford 
found extensive cornfields surrounding both Edisto and St. Helena, 
but in Laudonnifire^s time, at any rate, the Gualo country seems 
to have been superior agriculturally. Couexis, a Guale chief, 
is reported as having '^such a quantity of millet (mil), flour, and 
beans that through his assistance alone they [the French] might have 
provision for a very long time.*' ' If the "mil*' and **farine** are 
supposed to refer to two different cereals one may have been wild 
rice or something of the sort. Probably, however, both refer to 
com — one to the unground, the other to the ground or pounded com. 
Acorns and nuts were used, especially when other provisions had given 
out. From the hickory nut, and probably from acorns also, they 
expressed an oil of which it is said the English colonists also availed 

It is interesting to observe that in the time of Hilton and Sandford 
the Cusabo already had peaches and figs, and we must therefore 
assign to these a Spanish origin. Laudonnidre also mentions the 
use of roots as food,* and the explorers under Hilton speak of a root 
which grew in the marshes and of which the Indians made good 
bread.* This was perhaps the *^marsh potato," but more likely the 
kunti of the Creeks, a kind of smilax, for we know that bread was 
made from this throughout the south. 

The Cusabo used dugout canoes extensively and were expert 
canoe men and good swimmers.^ Regarding their methods of 
catching fish no word has been preserved. From the rapidity with 
which they supplied the Frenchmen with cords for rigging it may be 
inferred that fishing lines and nets were much in use.* 

Regarding their government arid social organization next to 
nothing is known. Hewat says: 

Although the Indians lived mucli dispersed, yet they united under one chief, and 
formed towns, all the lands around which they claimed as their proi)erty . The Iwund- 

> See p. 63. 

TarroU, op. cit., p. fts. 

' lAtidonni^re, op. cit., p. 47. 

♦Carroll, op. cit., p. 64. 

* Laiidonni^rp. op. dt., p. 46. 

• Sec I). 63. 

' Laiidonni^re, oi>. cit.. p. 27. 
» Il)i<l., p. ,Vj. 



[bull. 73 

arics of their hunting grounds being carefully fixed, each tribe was tenacious of its 
possessions, and fired with resentment at the least encroachment on them. Every 
individual looked on himself as a proprietor of all the lands claimed by the whole 
tribe, and bound in honor to defend them.^ 

And farther on: 

With respect to internal government, these savages have also several customs and 
regulations to which the individuals of the same tribe conform. Personal wisdom 
and courage are the chief sources of distinction among them, and individuals obtain 
rank and influence in proportion as they excel in these qualifications. Natural 
reason suggests, that the man of the greatest abilities ought to be the leader of all 
possessed of inferior endowments; in him they place the greatest confidence, and fol- 
low him to war without envy or mimnur. As this warrior arrives at honour and dis- 
tinction by the general consent, so, when chosen, he must be very circumspect in 
his conduct, and gentle in the exercise of his power. By the first unlucky or unpopu- 
lar step he forfeits the goodwill and confidence of his countrymen, upon which all 
his power is founded. Besides the head warrior, they have judges and conjurers, 
whom they call Beloved Men, who have great weight among them; none of whom 
have indeed any coercive authority, yet all are tolerably well obeyed. In this com- 
monwealth every man's voice is heard, and at their public demonstrations the best 
speakers generally prevail. When they consult together about important affairs, 
such as war or peace, they are serious and grave, and examine all the advantages and 
disadvantages of their situation with great coolness and deliberation, and nothing is 
determined but by the general consent.' 

From the narratives of Hilton and Sandford we know that they 
had town houses, corresponding evidently to the tcokofas of the 
Creeks, and that there was an open space next to them in which the 
chunky game was played,' but they do not appear to have had the 
outdoor council ground or ** square." 

The manner in which strangers of distinction were received is well 
illustrated by the entertainment accorded Capt. Sandford at Edisto.* 
When the chiefs encountered strangers at a distance from their towns 
they had arbors constructed in the manner of the Florida Indians 
in which the conference could take place and in which the conferees 
could be screened from the sun.* When Captain Albert, the French 
officer in charge of Charlesfort, visited the chief Stalame the latter 
presented him on his arrival with a bow and arrows, *' which is a sign 
and confirmation of alliance among them." He also presented him 
with deerskins.* 

Regarding their customs in general and that relating to war in 
particular Hewat says : 

Although in some particular customs the separate tribes of Indians differ from 
each other, yet in their general principles and mode of government they are 
very similar. All have general rules with respect to other independent tribes around 
them, which they carefully observe. The great concerns relating to war or peace 
are canvassed in assemblies of deputies from all the different towns. When injuries 
are committed, and Indians of one tribe hapi>en to be killed by those of another, then 

> Carroll, Hist. ColLs. S. Car., i, pp. (V4-65. 
s Ibid., pp. OtH39. 

> See pp. 62-C5. 

4 See p. M. 

'•> Laudonni^re, op. cit., p. 25. 

•Ibid., p. 43. 


9uch a meeting is commonly called. If no person appears on the side of the aggres- 
sors, the injured nation deputes one of their warriors to go to them, and, in [the] name 
of the whole tribe, to demand satisfactions. If this is refused, and they think them- 
selves able to undertake a war against the aggressors, then a number of warriors, 
commonly the relations of the deceased, take the field for revenge, and look upon it 
as a point of honor never to leave it till they have killed the same number of the 
enemy that had been slain of their kinsmen. Having accomplished this, they return 
home with their scalps, and by some token let their enemy know that they are satis- 
fied. But when the nation to whom the aggressors belong happen to be disposed to 
peace, they search for the murderer, and they are, by the general judgment of the 
nation, capitally punished, to prevent involving others in their quarrel, which act of 
justice is performed often by the aggressor^s nearest relations. The criminal never 
knows of his condemnation until the moment the sentence is put into execution, 
which often happens while he is dancing the war dance in the midst of his neighbors, 
and bragging of the same exploit for which he is condemned to die. . . . 

The American savages almost universally claim the right of private revenge. It is 
considered by them as a point of honor to avenge the injuries done to friends, par- 
ticularly the death of a relation. Scalp for scalp, blood for blood, and death for 
death, can only satisfy the siu*viving friends of the injured party. . . . But should the 
wife and aged men of weight and influence among the Indians interpose, on account 
of the aggressor, perhaps satisfaction may be made by way of compensation. In this 
case some present made to the party aggrieved serves to gratify their passion of revenge, 
by the loss the aggressor sustains, and the acquisition of property the injured receives. 
Should the injured friends refuse this kind of satisfaction, which they are entirely 
at liberty to do, then the murderer, however high his rank may be, must be delivered 
up to torture and death, to prevent the quarrel spreading wider through the nation . . . 
When war is the result of their councils, and the great leader takes the field, any 
one may refuse to follow him, or may desert him without incurring any punishment; 
but by such ignominious conduct he loses his reputation, and forfeits the hopes of 
distinction and preferment. To honor and glory from warlike exploits the views of 
every man are directed, and therefore they are extremely cautious and watchful against 
doing any action for which they may incur public censure and disgrace.' 

Regarding marriage, another writer says: 

Polygamy is permitted among them, yet few have more than one wife at a time, 
possibly on account of the expense of supporting them, for he is accounted a good 
gunsman that provides well for one; besides the Indians are not of an amorous com- 
plexion. It is common with them, however, to repudiate their wives, if disobliged by 
them or tired of them; the rejected woman, if with child, generally revenges herself 
for the affront by taking herbs to procure an abortion — an operation that destroys 
many of them, and greatly contributes to depopulate them.' 

The Spanish missionary Rogel remarks on the monogamous condi- 
tion of the Cusabo of his time as presenting a pleasing contrast to 
the state of the Calusa of southern Florida, from whom he had just 

Regarding adultery, Hewat says : 

In case of adultery among Indians, the injured husband ronsidoFH hinisolf as under 
an obligation to revenge the crime, and he attempts to cut off the ears of the adulterer, 

> Carroll, op. cit., i, pp. fi6-6«, 69. 

> Ibid., pp. 517--618. Locke notes, however, that they were "kind iu their women."— (S. Car. Hist. Soc. 
CoUs., ▼, p. 462.) 
•See p. 57. 



[BULL. 73 

provided he be able to effect it; if not, he may embrace the first opjwrtunity that 
offers of killing him without any danger to his tribe. Then the debt is paid, and the 
courage of the husband proved.* 

No mention being made of pmiishment inflicted on the wife, it may 
be concluded that the custom of punishing only the male offender 
existed as it did among the Siouan tribes to the north.* 

The comparative absence of theft among our southeastern Indians 
is attested in this section also by the circumstance that when two 
Indians whom Ribault had retained on board his vessel by force 
escaped they left behind all of the presents the Frenchmen had made 
them, although some of these were articles of high value in their eyes.' 

A relation published in 1682 says of their religious beliefs: 

Their religion chiefly consists in the adoration of the sun and moon . At the appear- 
ance of the new moon I have observed them with open extended arms, then folded, 
with inclined bodies, to make their adorations with much ardency and passion.^ 

The personal observation is of some value, but little or none can 
be attached to the first statement, which seems to be made by 
explorers in all parts of the world for want of any definite information. 
Laudonnidre notes of the two Cusabo Indians kept overnight on 
Ribault 's vessel that they ''made us to understand that before eating 
they were accustomed to wash their faces and wait until the sun was 
set,"* from which it may be inferred that they were fasting. The 
fullest account of the religious beliefs of these people is the following 
from Hewat: 

The Indians, like all ignorant and rude nations, are very 8ui)erstitious. They believe 
that superior beings interfere in, and direct, human affairs, and invoke all spirits, 
both good and evil, in hazardous undertakings. Each tribe have their conjurers and 
magicians, on whose prophetic declarations they place much confidence, in all matters 
relating to health, hunting, and war. They are fond of pr\ang into future events, 
and therefore pay particular regard to signs, omenH, and dreams. They look upon 
fire as cacred, and pay the author of it a kind of worship. At the time of harvest and 
at full moon they observe several feasts and ceremonies, which it would seem were 
derived from some religious origin. As their success, both in warlike enterprises and 
in procuring subsistence depends greatly on fortune, they have a number of ceremo- 
nious observances before they enter on them . They offer in sacrifice a part of the first 
deer or bear they kill, and from this they flatter themselves with the hopes of future 
success. When taken sick they are particularly prone to superstition, and their 
physicians administer their simple and secret cures with a variety of strange ceremo- 
nies and magic arta, which fill the patients with (!ourage and confidence, and are 
sometimes attended with happy effects.* 

Among t^e Carolum notes in the Shaftesbury Papers is this by 
Locke: ''Kill servants to wait on them in the other world." ^ This 
would be hiteresting if we could feel sure that it ap|)liod to the Indians 

>('afTon,()p. cit.,!,]). OS. 

* Laws(»i, Hist. Carolina, p. 30K 
sLuudonni^rr .op. cit., p. 31. 
<(\irroll,op. cit., n, pp. 8[)-8i. 

» Kamlonnifen*. oi>. cit., p. iS. 
« (':irrt»ll, ()p. cit., I, pp. f)<»-70. 
^ S. Car. Hi^t. Soc. Colls., v, p. 102. 


of Carolina, and had not boon picked up by Locke in the course of his 
general reading. 

In the matter of medicine another writer savs: 


In Medicine, or the Nature of Simples, some have an ex({uisite knowledge; and in 
the cure of Scorbutick. Venereal, and Malignant Distempers are admirable: In all 
External Diseases they suck the part affected with many Incantations, Philtres and 
Charms: In Amorous Intrigues they are excellent either to procure I^ove or Hatred; 
They are not very forward in Discovery of their secrets, which by long Experience 
are religiously transmitted and conveyed in a continued Line from one Generation 
to another, for which those skilled in this Faculty are held in great Veneration and 

Rogel refers to the Cusabo feasts, but only in a general way.* 
It appears, however, that they had a festival of the first fruits like 
other southern tribes. The only description of one of their ceremo- 
nies, of any length, is given by Laudonnifire. He calls this ceremony 
"the feast of Toya," and says that they kept it "as strictly as we do 
Sunday."' It is probable that this corresponded to the Creek busk, 
although agreeing with it in few formal particulars. Laudonnidre's 
account runs as follows: 

Since the time was near for celebrating their feasts of Toya, ceremonies strange to 
recount, he [Audusta] sent ambassadors to the French to beg them on his part to be 
present, which they agreed to very willingly, on account of the desire they had of 
knowing what these were. They embarked then and proceeded toward the dwelling 
of the king, who was already come out on the road before them in order to receive 
them kindly, to caress them and conduct them into his house, where he exerted him- 
adf to treat them in the best manner of which he was capable. 

However, the Indians prepared to celebrate the feast the next day, when the 
king led them in order to see the place where the feast was to take place, and 
there they saw many women about who were laboring with all their might to make 
the place pure and clean. This place was a great compass of well leveled land of a 
round shape. The next day then, very early in the morning, all those who were 
chosen to celebrate the feast, being ornamented with paints and feathers of many 
different colors, betook their way, on leaving the house of the king, toward the place 
of Toya. Having arrived there they ranged themselves in order and followed three 
Indians, who in paintings and manner of dress were different from the others. Each 
one of them carried a little drum (tabourasse) on his fist, vith which they began to 
go into the middle of the round space, dancing and singing mournfully, being fol- 
lowed by the others, who responded to them. After they had sung, danced, and 
wheeled around three times they b^an running like unbridled horses through the 
midst of the thickest forests. And the Indian women continued all the rest of the 
day in tears so sad and lamentable that nothing more was possible, and in such fury 
they clutched the arms of the young girls which they cut cruelly with well sharjwned 
mussel shells, so deep that the blood ran down from them, which they sprinklod in 
the air crying "he Toya "about three times. The king .Vudusta had withdrawn all 
of our Frenchmen into his house during the ceremony, and was as grieved as possible 
when he saw them laugh. He had done that all the more because the Indians are 
very angry when one watches them during their ceremonies. However, one of our 
Frenchmen managed so well that by stealth he got outolAu(lu.^ta' 

1 Carroll, op. cit., ii, pp. s«)-si. ' Laiidonni6rc, op. cit., p. 29. 

« See p. 57. 


ily went to hide himself behind a thick bush, where at his pleasure he could easily 
reconnoiter the ceremonies of the feast. The three who began the feast are called 
joanas,^ and are like priests or sacrificers according to the Indian law, to whom they 
give faith and credence in part because as a class ' they are devoted to the sacrifices 
and in part also because everything lost is recovered by their means. And not only 
are they revered on account of these things but also because by I do not know what 
science and knowledge that they have of herbs they cure sicknesses. Those who 
had thus gone away among the woods returned two days later. Then, having arrived, 
they began to dance with a courageous gayety in the very middle of the open space, 
and to cheer their good Indian fathers, who on account of advanced age, or else their 
natiuul indisposition, had not been called to the feast. All these dances having 
been brought to an end they began to eat with an avidity so great that they seemed 
rather to devour the food than to eat it. For neither on the feast day nor on the two 
following days had they drunk or eaten. Our Frenchmen were not forgotten in this 
good cheer, for the Indians went to invite them all, showing themselves very happy 
at their presence. Having remained some time with the Indians a Frenchman gained 
a young boy by presents and inquired of him what the Indians had done during 
their absence in the woods, who gave him to understand by signs that the joanas had 
made invocations to Toya, and that by magic characters they had made him come so 
that they could speak to him and ask him many strange things, which for fear of 
the joanas he did not dare to make known. They have besides many other ceremo- 
nies which I will not recount here for fear of wearying the readers over matters of 
such small consequence.' 

Which shows that matters of small consequence to one generation 
may become of great interest to later ones. Although the feast is 
represented as of three days' duration it is evident that this is only 
one case of the common substitution by early writers of the European 
sacred number 3 for the Indian sacred number 4. In this particular, 
therefore, and in the careful clearing of the dance ground before the 
ceremony, this feast recalls the Creek busk. The rest of it seems 
to be entirely different, though the idea of retiring into the deep 
forest to commune with deity is shared by all primitive peoples. 

For any suggestions regarding the mortuary customs of the Cusabo 
we must go back to the first attempt at settlement by the Span- 
iards and Oviedo's comments upon the country of Gualdape already 


The coast of what is now the State of Georgia, from Savannah 
River as far as St. Andrews Sound, was anciently occupied by a tribe 
or related tribes which, whatever doubts may remain regarding the 
people just considered, undoubtedly belonged to the Muskhogean 
stock.^ This region was known to the Spaniards as ** the province of 
Guale (pronounced Wallie),'* but most of the Indians living there 
finally became merged with a tribe known as the Yamaseo, and it 

» HakJuyt bas "lawas": see French, Hist. Colls. La., 1869, p. 204. « See p. 4S. 

* Or perhaps " by birth." * See pp. 14-10. 

s Laudonni^, op. dt., pp. 43-46. 


will be well to consider the tvo together. From a letter of one of the 
Timucua missionaries we learn that the Quale province was called 
Ybaha by the Timucua Indians,^ and this is evidently the Tupaha of 
which De Soto was in search when he left the Apalachee. ''Of the 
Indians taken in Napetuca, " says Elvas, "the treasurer, Juan Gaytan, 
brought a youth with him, who stated that he did not belong to that 
country, but to one afar* in the direction of the sxm's rising, from 
which he had been a long time absent visiting other lands; that its 
name was Yupaha, and was governed by a woman, the town she 
lived in being of astonishing size, and many neighboring lords her 
tributaries, some of whom gave her clothing, others gold in quan- 
tity. " ' As the description of the town and its queen corresponds 
somewhat with Cofitachequi, perhaps Ybaha or Yubaha was a general 
name for the Muskhogean peoples rather than a specific designation of 

The towns of Guale lay almost entirely between St. Catherines 
and St. Andrews Sounds. An early Spanish iliii nini^j refers to " the 
22 chiefs of Guale." Men6ndez says there were "40 villages of 
Indians" within 3 or 4 leagues. Between St. Catherines Soimd and 
the Savannah, where the province of Crista or E^scamacu, the later 
Cusabo, began, there appear to have been few permanent settle- 
ments. South of St. Andrews Sound began the Timucua province. 
When Governor Pedro de Ibarra visited the tribes of this coast 
he made three stops at or near the islands of St. Simons, SapeUo, 
and St. Cathermos, respectively, and at each place the chiefs assem- 
bled to hold councils with him. It may reasonably be assmned that 
the chiefs mentioned at each of these councils were those living nearer 
that particular point than either of the others. In this way we 
are able to make a rough division of the towns into three groups — 
northern, central, and southern. Other towns are sometimes referred 
to with reference to these, so that we may add them to one or 
the other. 

Thus the foDowing towns appear as belonging to the northern 
group, synonymous terms being placed in parentheses: Asopo 
(Ahopo); Chatufo, Couoxis (Cansin); Culapala (Culopaba); Guale 
(Goalc, Galo); Otapalas; Otaxo (Otax, Otafe) ; Posache; Tolomato 
(Tonomato); Uchilape; Uculogue (Oculeygue, Oculeya); UnaUapa 
(Unalcapa); Yfusiniquo; Yea (Yua). 

Asopo, Cuiupala, Guale, Otapalas, Otaxe, Uculegue, Unallapa, and 
Yoa are given by Ibarra. Guale was the name of St. Catherines 
Island, but the town was "on an arm of a river which goes out of 
another which is on the north bank of the aforesaid port in Santa 

1 Lowery, M88. * Boarae, Narr. of De Soto, i, pp. 50^1. 

148061'*— 22 6 


Elena in 32° N. lat/'* Chatufo is mentioned in the narrative of a 
visit to the Florida missions by the Bishop of Cuba. Couexis is given in 
the French narratives; Men^ndez changing it to Cansin.* Posache is 
located "in the island of Guale. '' Tolomato is described in one 
place as *^2 leagues from Guale/' and in another as on the mainland 
near the bar of Capala (Sapello), and it is said to have been a place 
from which one could go to the Tama Indians on the Altamaha 
River. Uchilape is located **near Tolomato." Yfusinique was the 
name of the town to which the chief Juanillo of Tolomato retired 
after the massacre of the friars and where the other Indians be- 
sieged him. Yoa is said to have been 2 leagues by a river behind 
an arm of the sea back of the bars of ^apala and Cofonufo (Sapello 
and St. Catherines Sounds). Large vessels could come within 1 
league of it and small vessels could reach the town.' In the account 
of the massacre of the missionaries in 1597 Asopo (or Assopo) is de- 
scribed as **in the island of Quale.*'* 

Aluste (Aliei^, Alueste, Aluete), Ova, Crista, Talapo (Talapuz or 
Ytalapo), Ufalague (also spelled Ufalegue), Aobi, and Sufalate must 
be classed as belonging properly to the Cusabo, the first five on the 
basis of the information quoted above from Ibarra, and the last from 
its association with Ufalague. Aobi may be intended, as already sug- 
gested, for Ahoyabi.* Although mentioned in connection with the 
northern group of towns, they left the Cusabo country and settled 
in the southern group, where Talapo and Ufalague are frequently 
referred to. 

The central to>\Tis were Aleguifa; Chucalagaite (Chucaletgate, Chu- 
calate, Chucalae) ; E^spogache (Aspoache) ; Espogue (Hespogue. Ospo- 
gue, Eispo, Ospo, Eispoque); Fosquiche (Fasque); Sapala (^apala^ 
Capala); Si>tequa; Tapala; Tuluiina (Tolufina, Tolofina): Tupiqui 
(Topiqui, Tuxiqui, Tupica); Utine (Atinehe). 

Chiefs called Fuel, Tafei^auca, Tumaque, and Tunague are also 
mentioned, the last two distinct persons in spite of the close resem- 
blance between their names. AH of these towns and chiefs, except 
Elspogache, Tulufina, ^Vleguifa. and Chucalagaite, are given by 
Ibarra. Fasquiche and Espogacho were evidently not far from 
Elspogue. The last mentioneil was on the mainland not more than 
6 leagues fn>m Talaxe.* Fasquiche is given in the aiiount of a 
visit to the Florida missions bv the Bishop of Cuba. Tuliitina appears 
to have been a place or tribe of inifH^rtance intimately connected 
with the interior Indians: the other two are placeii * near Tuhifina." 

> This i5 About A thinl of * dei^ree too far iK>rth. From this statomirm it api^^ur^ that the tovrn of i 
wiison i>SttlMw Islaikl. and thi$««n^e«rs with tlie jMSition given it on l.e Moyties map. on dii island bel 
th» mouths of the rivers Onunde and Belle. 

« If w follow Iwe Mojrne we must pbce this on St. Catherine* Isl.-uv.l .Sw pn^^iin^t note. ^ 

*TtM aatertel in this ^vngnpt is dnwnfnHD the Lowery M SS . except that recvdini; Coiiexis» far 
which s«e p. 50. 

•Seep. S6. 

'Seep. XL 

• See p. 341 


An inland people known as Salchiches were represented at the 
council which Ibarra held in this country. They appear to have 
been Muskhogeans and seem to have had numerous relatives in the 
province of Guale. In one place mention is made of ^'a chief of the 
Salchiches in Tulufina/^ In another we are told that the Timucua 
chief of San Pedro laid the blame for the uprising of 1597 on the 
people of Tulufina and the Salchiches. An Indian prisoner stated 
that ''the Indians of Cosahue (Cusabo) and the Salchiches, and those 
of Tulufina and of Santa Elena had said that they would kill them 
(the friars) and that each chief should kill his own friar." Else- 
where the chief of Chucalagaite and the chief of the Salchiches are 
mentioned, together with the statement that they were not Chris- 
tians. It is said that the heir of Tolomato joined with ''the other 
Salchiches" to kill Fray de Corpa. In another place Tulufina and 
the Salchiches are both referred to as if they were provinces of Tama. 
The Tama were, as we have seen, an inland people who probably 
spoke Hitchiti.* 

The southern group of towns consisted of Aluque (Alaje); Asao 
(Assaho) ; Cascangue (Oscangue, Lascangue) ; Falquiche (Falque) ; Fu- 
loplata (possibly a man's name); Hinafasque; Hocaesle; Talaxe 
(Talax, Talaje); Tufulo; Tuque (or Suque); Yfulo (Fulo, Yfielo, 

All of these names except Tuque are from Ibarra's letter. Cas- 
cangue presents a puzzling problem, for it is referred to several times 
as a Guale province, but identified by the Franciscan missionaries with 
the province of Icafi, which was certainly Timucua. Until further 
light is thrown upon the matter I prefer to consider the two as dis- 
tinct. The name has a Muskhogean rather than a Timucua aspect. 
Tuque is given in an account of a visit which the Bishop of Cuba 
made to Florida in 1606 to confirm the Indians. 

In addition to the towns which can be classified in this manner, 
albeit a rough one, several towns and town chiefs are mentioned 
which are known to belong to the Guale province, but can not be 
located more accurately. They are the foUowing: 

Ahongate, an Indian of Tupiqui. Ahongate ''count! " might b(^ an appropriate 
Creek personal name. 


Aytochuco, Yto9U9o. 


]x>noche (or Donochc), an Indian of Ospo. Lonoche, "Liltle Lone," is ptill used 
aa a Creek name. 

Olatachahane (perhaps a chief's name). 

Olatapotoque, Olata Potoque (given as a town, but perhaps a chief's name). It 
was near Aytochuco. 

Oiataylitaba (or two towns, Olata and Litabi). 

1 See p. 12. 



The chief of each Guale town bore the title of mico, a circumstance 
which, as has been shown, has important bearings in classifying the 
people in the Muskhogean linguistic group. It appears also that 
there was a head mico or '^mico mayor*' for the whole Guale prov- 
ince. In 1596 a chief whom the Spaniards called Don Juan laid 
claim to the title of head mico of Guale. There is some confusion 
regarding him, for the text seems to identify him with a Timucua 
chief. However, this claim elicited from the Spanish Crown a 
request for an explanation of the term, to which Governor Mendez 
de Canpo replied : 

In regard to your majesty's instructions to report about the pretension of the cacique 
Don Juan to become head mico, and to explain what that title or dignity is, he informs 
me himself that the title of head mico means a kind of king of the land, recognized 
and respected as such by all the caciques in their towns, and whenever he visits 
one of them, they all turn out to receive him and feast him, and every year they pay 
him a certain tribute of pearls and other articles made of shells according to the land. 

Guale was thus a kind of confederacy with a head chief, more 
closely centralized in that particular than the Creek confederacy. 
It does not appear froiA the Spanish records whether the position 
of head mico was hereditary or elective, but the latter is indicated. 
When the Spaniards first came to Guale the head mico seems to have 
lived in Tolomato, and mention is made of one Don Juanillo, ** whose 
turn itwas to be head mico of that province.''* The friars are said to 
have brought on the massacre of 1597 by depriving him of this office, 
but they appear to have conferred it upon one of the same town.' 
There were, however, three or four chiefs of particular estimation, 
which are spoken of sometimes as lords of different parts of the 
country, and when the Spaniards organized a native army to punis]j 
those who had killed the friars, it was placed in charge of the chief 
of Asao, who was head of the southern group of towns. In the nar- 
rative which tells of a visit made to the missions in 1606 by the 
Bishop of Cuba, Don Diego, chief of Talaxe and Asao, is represented 
as overlord or ^*head mico" of the entire province. 

Gualdape may perhaps be a form of Guale and the information 
obtained regarding the people there by the Ayllon colonists appli- 
cable rather to the Guale Indians than the Cusabo.^ In the narra- 
tives of the French Huguenot colony of 1562, as we have seen, 
Guale appears as Ouad6 and a neighboring town or tribe is mentioned 
called Couexis.^ All that the French have to tell us about these 

1 One Spanish document registers the primacy of Tolomato in these words: " I.a lengua do Guale do que 
68 mico y cabe^a Tolomato. " 
sSeep. 41. 
> See p. 50. 


two I have given and I have recorded Men6ndez's visit to Guale and 
the settlement of Jesuit missionaries there and at St. Helena. In 
his letter to Men6ndeZ; quoted above, Rogel says: 

Brother Domingo Augustin was in Guale more than a year, and he learned that 
language so well that he even wrote a grammar, and he died; and Father Sedefio was 
there 14 months, and the father vice provincial 6, Brother Francisco 10, and Fathw 
Alamo 4; and all of them have not accomplished anything.^ 

Had the grammar of Augustin been preserved we would not to-day 
consider the labors of these early missionaries by any means fruit- 
less; and it may yet come to light. 

In 1573 a Spanish officer named Aguilar and fourteen or fifteen 
soldiers were killed in the province of Guale. In 1578 Captain 
Otalona and other officials were killed in the Guale town of Ospogue or 

After this field had been abandoned by the Society of Jesus it was 
entered by the Franciscans. According to Barcia, missions were 
opened in Guale by them in 1594, but unpublished documents seem 
to set a still earlier date. One of these would place the beginning 
of the work as far back as 1587. In 1597 there were five missionaries 
in this province and the work seemed to be of the utmost promise, 
when a rebellion broke out against the innovators, the mission sta- 
tions were burned, and all but one of the friars killed. The follow- 
ing account contained in Barcia's Florida is from clerical sources: 

The friars of San Francisco busied themselves for two years in preaching to the 
Indians of Florida, separated into various provinces. In the town of Tolemaro or 
Tolemato lived the friar Pedro de Corpa, a notable preacher, and deputy of that doc- 
trina, against whom rose the elder son and heir of the chief of the island of Guale, who 
was exceedingly vexed at the reproaches which Father Corpa made to him, because 
although a Christian, he lived worse than a Gentile, and he fled from the town because 
he was not able to endure them. He returned to it within a few days, at the end of 
September [1597], bringing many Indian warriors, with l>ows and arrows, their heads 
ornamented with great plumes, and entering in the night, in profoimd silence, they 
went to the house where the father lived ; they broke down the feeble doors, found 
him on his knees, and killed him with an axe. This unheard-of atrocity was pro- 
claimed in the town; and although some showed signs of regret, most, who were as 
little disturbed, apparently, as the son of the chief, joined him, and he said to them 
the day following: '^Although the friar is dead he would not have l)een if he had not 
prevented us from living as before we were Christians: let us return to our ancient 
customs, and let us prepare to defend ourselves against the punishment which the 
governor of Florida will attempt to inflict upon us, and if this happens it will ]>e as 
rigorous for this friar alone as if we had finished all; because he will pursue us in the 
same manner on account of the friar whom we have killed as for all." 

Those who followed him in the newly executed deed approved ; and they said that 
it could not be doubted that he would want to take vengeance for one as he would take 
it for all. Then the barbarian continued: *' Since the punishment on account of one 
ifl not going to be greater than for all, let us restore the liberty of which these friars 

1 Ruldlaz, La Florida, n, p. 307; Barcb, La Florida, pp. 13^139. 
* Lowery, MSS. 


have robbed us, with promises of benefits which we have not seen, in hope of which 
they wish that those of us who call ourselves Christians experience at once the losses 
and discomforts: they take from us women, leaving us only one and that in perpetuity, 
prohibiting us from changing her; they obstruct our dances, banquets, feasts, cele- 
brations, fires, and wars, so that by failing to use them we lose the ancient valor and 
dexterity inherited from our ancestors; they persecute our old people calling them 
witches; even our labor disturbs them, since they want to command us to avoid it on 
some days, and be prepared to execute all that they say, although they are not satis- 
fied; they always reprimand us, injure us, oppress us, preach to us, call us bad Chris- 
tians, and deprive us of all happiness, which our ancestors enjoyed, with the hope 
that they will give us heaven. These are deceptions in order to subject us, in holding 
UB disposed after their manner; already what can we expect, except to he slaves? If 
now we kill all of them, we will remove such a heav>' yoke immediately, and our 
valor will make the governor treat us well, if it happens that he does not come out 
T)adly." The multitude was convinced by his speech; and as a sign of their victory, 
they cut off Father Corpa's head, and they put it in the port ' on a lance, as a trophy of 
their victory, and the Ixxly they threw into a forest, where it was never found. 

They passed to the town of Topiqui, where lived Fr. Blks Rodriguez (Torquemada 
gives him the appelation of de Montes), they went in suddenly, telling him they came 
to kill him. Fr. Bl^ asked them to let him say mass first, and they suspended their 
ferocity for that brief time; but as soon as he had finished saying it, they gave him so 
many blows, that they finished him, and they threw his body outside, so that the 
birds and beasts might eat it, but none came to it except a dog, which ventured to 
touch it, and fell dead. An old Christian Indian took it up and gave it burial in the 

From there they went to the town of Assopo, in the island of Guale, where were 
Fr. Miguel de Aufion, and Fr. Antonio Badajoz; they knew beforehand of their 
coming, and seeing that Bight was impossible, Fr. Miguel began to say mass, and 
administered the sacrament to Fr. Antonio, and both began to pray. Four hours 
afterward the Indians entered, killed friar Antonio instantly with a club (mcLcana); 
and afterward gave friar Miguel two blows with it. and, leaving the bodies in the same 
place, some Christain Indians buried them at the foot of a very high cross, which the 
same friar Miguel had set up in the country. 

The Indians, continuing their cruelty, set out with great speed for the toMrn of 
Asao where lived friar P'rancisco de V^elascola. native of Castro- Urdiales, a very poor 
and himible monk, but with such forcefulness that he caused the Indians great fear: 
he was at that time in the city of St. Agustine. (ireat was the disappointment of the 
Indians, because it appeared to th(^m that they had done notliinji: if they left the friar 
Francisco alive. They learned in the town the day when he would return to it. went 
to the place where he was to disembark, and some awaited him hidden in a clump 
of rushes, near the bank. Friar Francisco arrived in a canoe, and, dissimulating, 
they surrounded him and took him by the shoulders, giving him many blows, with 
clubs (inacanaa) and axes, until his soul was restored to God. 

They passed to the town of Ospo. where lived friar Franciso Davila,- who as soon as 
he heard the noise at the doors was able under cover of night to go out into the country; 
the Indiana followed him, and although he had hidden himself in some rushes, by 
the light of the moon they j)ierced his shoulders with three arrows; and wishing to 
continue until they had finished him, an Indian intcrjiosed. in order to possess him- 
self of his poor clothing, which he had to do in order that they might leave him, who 
took him bare and well bound, and he was carried to a town of infidel Indians to serve 
as a slave. These cruelties did not fail to receive the punishment of Go<l; for many 
of those who were concerned in these martyrdoms hung themselves with their bow- 

1 This word, poerto, may be a misprint of puerta, gate. 

> This name is given farther on as de Avila or Avila. See p. 87. 


stringB, and others died Mrretchedly ; and upon that province God sent a gr<'at famine 
of which many perished, as will be related. 

The good success of these Indians caused others to unite with them, and they 
undertook to attack the island of San Pedro with more than 40 canoes, in order to put 
an end to the monks who were there, and destroy the chief, who was their enemy. 
They embarked, provided with bows, arrows, and clubs; and, considering the victory 
theirs, they discovered, near the island, a brigantine, which was in the harbor where 
they were to disembark, and they assumed that it had many people and began to 
debate about returning. The brigantine had arrived within sight of the island 30 
days before with succor of bread and other things, which the monks needed; but 
they had not been able to reach the port, although those who came in it tried it many 
times, nor to pass beyond, on account of a bar (cafio) which formed itself from the 
mainland (?) a thing which had never happened before in that sea. It carried only 
one soldier, and the other people were sailors, and even leas than the number needed 
for navigation. 

Finding the Indian rebels in this confusion the chief of the island went out to defend 
himself jrith a great number of canoes.^ He attacked them with great resolution; 
and although they tried to defend themselves, their attempt was in vain, they fled, 
and those who were unable to jumped ashore; and the chief, collecting some of his 
enemies' canoes, returned triumphantly to his island, and the friars gave him many 
presents, with which he remained as satisfied as with his victory. 

Of the others who had sprung to land none escaped, because they had no canoes 
in which they might return; some hung themselves with their bowstrings, and otbeis 
died of hunger in the woods. 

Nor were those exempt who escaped, because the governor of Florida, learning of 
the atrocities of the Indians, went forth to punish the evildoers; but he was only able 
to bum the cornfields, because the aggressors retired to the marshes, and the high- 
lands prevented him from punishing them, except with the famine which followed 
immediately the burning of the harvests, of which many Indians died. . . . 

The Indians kept the friar Francisco de Avila in strict confinement, ill-treating 
him much; afterwards they left him more liberty in order to bring water and wood, 
and watch the fields. They turned him over to the boys so that they might shoot 
arrows at him; and although the wounds were small, they drained him of blood, 
because he was not able to stop the blood; this apostolic man suffering these outrages 
with great patience and serenity. . . . 

Wearied of the sufferings of Father Avila the Indians determined to burn him 
alive. They tied him to a post, and put much wood under him. When about to 
bum him, there came to the chief one of the principal Indian women, whose son the 
Spaniards held captive in the city of St. Agustine without her having been able to 
find any way to rescue him although she had tried it. This moved her to beg the 
chief earnestly that he should give friar Francisco to her to exchange him for her son. 
Other Indians, who desired to see him free, begged the same thing; and although it 
cost them much urging to appease the hatred of the chief for the father, he granted 
what the Indian woman asked, gix'ing him to her so badly treated, that he arrived 
at St. Agustine in such a condition that they did not recognize him: he had endured 
such great and such continuous labors. He accomplished the exchange, and the 
people of the city expressed a great deal of sympathy for friar Francisco. 

God wished to give a greater punishment to the Indians of Horida, who killed the 
missionaries so unjustly; and, refusing water to the earth, upon the burning of the 
crops, there began such a great famine in Florida that the conspirators died mis- 
erably themselves, confessing the cause of their misfortune to have been the barbarity, 
which they exercised against the Franciscan monks. ^ 

* It appears from unpublished Spanish documents that he sent two canoes against two which the enemy 
bad disDAtctaed in advance, 
t Bania, La Flortda, pp. 170-172. 


Davila was liberated in 1599, and Barcia speaks as if the famine 
occurred the year following. 

A letter containing an account of this uprising and accompanied 

by testimony taken from several witnesses is preserved among the 

Spanish archives and a copy of this is in the Lowery collection. While 

less dramatic, naturally, than the narrative given, it differs in no 

essential particulars. The governor's punitive expedition was in 

1597 or very early in 1598. He burned the principal Guale towns, 

including their granaries, and quickly reduced the greater part of 

the people to submission. In a letter of date 1600 he says: 

No harm, not even death, that I have inflicted upon them has had as much weight 
in bringing them to obedience as the act of depriving them of their means of sub- 

In the same letter he has some additional information regarding 
the causes of the war which do not appear in the communications of 
the missionaries. He states that it was Don Juanillo's turn to be 
head mico of Guale, but — 

owing to his being a quarrelsome and warlike young man, he was deprived of that 
dignity by the Rev. Friars Pedro de Corpa and Bias Rodriguez, who conferred it upon 
Don Francisco, a man of age and of good and humble habits. And this caused the 
massacre of the friars, among whom were the two mentioned. Although in the depo- 
sitions that I took from several Indians in regard to that massacre they all aflirmed 
that to have been the direct cause for the commission of that crime, yet I never allowed 
it to be written, as I could not consent to have anything derogatory to the priests 
made public, and besides I look upon the Indians as being very little truthful and 
to cover their treachery would invent many liee. 

Yet it is strange that Don Juanillo and Don Francisco were both 
leaders of the hostile Indians, and were irreconcilable to the last.^ 

The chief of Espogache was among the first to surrender and he was 
quickly followed by others. In a letter written April 24, 1601, Gov. 
de Can^o states that the chief of Asao and 40 Indians had just 
come to tender their submission and that all had given in except 
the chief of Tolomato, his nephew, and two other chiefs.^ Later the 
same year the governor induced the cliief of Asao to head an expedi- 
tion against this refractory element, he being one of tlie chiefs of most 
consideration in the province. This mico solicited assistance from 
the chiefs of Tulufina, Guale, Espogache, Yoa, Ufalague, Talapo, 
data Potoque, Yto^u^o, the chiefs of the Sah'hiches, tlie Tama, and 
the Cusabo. Don Juanillo and his partisans had established tliem- 
selves in a stockaded town called Yfusiniquo and met the first attack 
of their more numerous foas so valiantly that many of them were 
killed. The allie<l chiefs then decided that a general assault would be 
necessary, and this was successful. Don Juanillo and Don Fran- 
cisco were killed and their scalps taken and with them fell great 

> The above material is from the Brooks and Lowery VLSS. in the Library of Congress. 

> Serrano y Sans, Doc. Hist., p. 16L 


numbers of their warriors, including 24 principal men. The remain- 
der were taken back to Tamufa, from which the expedition had 

In a report on his missionary work dated September 15, 1602^ 
Fray Baltazar Lopez, who was stationed at San Pedro, says that 
there were then no missionaries in the province of Guale, but more 
than 1,200 Christian Indians.* 

In 1604, as we have seen, in November, Gov. Pedro de Ibarra 
visited San Simon, Sapelo, and Guale. One of his objects was to 
listen to complaints and compose differences, but he represented 
as almost equally important his desire to see the province Chris- 
tianized. By that time a church had been built at Asao, on or near 
San Simon, and another in Guale, while a third was to be constructed 
at E^pogache near Sapelo. Ibarra was accompanied on this expe- 
dition by Fray Pedro Ruiz, then in charge of the doctrina at San 
Pedro, who said mass in each place.' When the Bishop of Cuba 
visited Florida in 1606 Ruiz was in immediate charge of the doctrina 
of Guale, and Fray Diego Delgado was located at the doctrina of 
Talaxe, close to Asao, from which he occasionally visited Espogache. 
The province of Guale was soon thoroughly nussionized and work 
there continued until the practical destruction of the province in the 
latter part of the century. In a letter of 1608 we find a note to the 
effect that five Guale chiefs had rebelled, but nothing more is said 
about the disturbance, which must have been of small consequence. 
Another letter, dated April 16, 1645, states that the Indians of Guale 
were then in insurrection, but could be readily reduced.' The list 
of Florida missions, made in 1655, mentions four or five belonging to 
the province of Guale, San Buenaventura de Boadalquivi [Guadal- 
quini] on Jekyl Island, Santo Domingo de Talaje on or near the 
present St. Simons, San Josef de Zapala on or near Sapelo, Santa 
Catarina de Guale on St. Catherines Island, and perhaps Santiago de 
Ocone, which is said to have been on an island 30 leagues from St. 
Augustine, and therefore perhaps near Jekyl Island.* It is evident 
that the attacks of the northern Indians, which were soon to put 
an end to the missions entirely, had begun at this, date, because we 
find Santiago, mico of Tolomato, and his people located 3 leagues 
from St. Augustine, between two creeks, evidently those called San 
Diego Tolomato, or North River, and Guana. This was the mis- 
sion station of Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de Tolomato, which 
appears again in the Hst of 1680. In 1661, as we learn by letters 
from Gov. D. Aloa«^o de Aranguiz y Cotes to tlie king, Guale was 
invaded by Indians, ''said to be Chichumecos, " but probably, as 
we shall see, Yuchi. From the letter of a soldier setting forth his 

1 Lowery and BrooJcB, MSB., Lib. Cong. > Serrano y Sani, Doc. Hist. , pp. 104-193. 

* Lowery, MSB. * See p. 322; and Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Uist., p. 132. 


pa^t services it appears that these strangers sacked the churches aiid 
convents and killed many Christian Indians, but were driven off by 
a force sent from St. Augustine.* 

When South Carolina was settled, in the year 1670, the English 
found the post and missions about Port Royal abandoned, but those 
in Guale still flourishing. In a letter to Lord Ashley, dated the 
same year, WiUiam Owen says: 

There are only foure [Spanish mifisionaries] betweene ub and St. Augustines. Our 
next neighbour is he of Wallie wch ye Spaniard calls St Katarina who hath about 300? 
Indians att his devoir. With him joyne ye rest of ye Brotherhood and cann muster 
upp from 700 hundred Indians besides those of ye main they vpon any vrgent occa- 
sions shall call to their assistance, they by these Indians make warr with any oth^ 
people yt disoblige them and yet seem not to be concerned in ye matter.' 

In addition to Nuestra Sefiora de Guadalupe de Tolomato, four 
Guale missions appear in the mission list of 1680, viz, San Buenaven- 
tura de Ovadalquini, Santo Domingo de Assaho, San Joseph de 
Capala, and Santa CathaUna de Guale. They were placed in one 
province with two Timucua missions, the whole being called the 
Provincia de Guale y Mocama.* Mocama means "on the sea'* in 
Timucua, the Timucua towns in this province being on and near the 

Through a letter written to the court of Spain May 14, 1680, we 
learn that the ^'Chichumecos, Uchizes, and Chiluques (i. e., the 
Yuchi, Creeks, and Cherokee) had made friends with the English 
and had jointly attacked two of the Guale missions.. The writer 
says that (apparently in the year preceding) : 

They entered all together, first that on the island of Guadalquini, belonging to said 
province [of Guale]. There they caused several deaths, but when the natives ap>- 
peared led by my lieutenant, U^ defend themselves, they retired and within a few 
days they entered the island of Santa (^atalina. capital and frr)ntier post, against' 
these enemies. They were over three hundred men strong, and killed the guard of 
six men, with the excepti6n of one man who escaped and gave the alarm, thus enab- 
ling the inhabitants of that village to gather for their defense. They consisted of 
about 40 natives and five Spaniards of this garrison, who occupied the convent of the 
friar of that doctrina, where a few days previously captain P>ancisco Fuentes. my 
lieutenant of that province had arrived! lie planne<l their defense so well and with 
such great courage that he kept it up from dawn until 4 p. m. with sixteen Indians 
who had joined him with their firearms (on this occasion 1 considered it impc^rtant 
that the Indians should carry fireanns). As 8<K)n as I was advined of what had occur- 
red I sent assistance, the first three daj-s ahead. Then 1 sent a liody of about thirty 
men and a boat with thirteen people, including the sailors, hut when they arrived 
the enemy had retreated. 1 am assured that among them [the enemies] there came 
several Englishmen who instructed them, all armed with long shotguns, which caused 
much horror to those natives, who abandoned the island of Santa ('atalina. 1 am 
told that they might return to live there if the garrison be doubled. As I have heard 
tliat they had eight men there from this garrison, 1 have resolved to send as many as 

1 Lowery, MSB. ' S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., v, p. 198. 


twenty, because it is very important to support the province of Guale for the sake of 
this garrison, as well for its safety and conservation as for its subsistence and protec- 
tion against invasion as it is the provider of this garrison on account of its abundance 
and richness compared with this place which is so poor. I am always afraid that they 
might penetrate by the sandbar of Zapata [Zapala].* 

That the friars were not in all cases protectors of the Indians 
appears from a letter written to Governor Cabrera by ' ' the casique 
of the province of Guale/* dated May 5, 1681, complaining of their 
arbitrary and overbearing attitude. Caorera was, however, no 
lover of friars. Meantime the pressure of the northern Indians 
continued. Cabrera, in a letter dated December 8, 1680, speaks of 
what appears to have been a second invasion of Guale by the Eng- 
lish and '^Chuchumecos,'* and in one of June 14, 1681, he states 
that some Guale Indians had taken to the woods, while others, had 
assembled in the Florida towns farther south, the town of Carlos, 
"40 leagues from St. Augustine,'' being particularly mentioned. 
Several invasions appear to have taken place at about this time and 
a letter, written March 20, 1683, states that Guale had been totally 
ruined by them.^ 

In 1682 the South Carolina Documents refer to ''the nations of 
Spanish Indians, which they call Sapalla, Soho [Asaho], and Sapic- 
bay,'' and from the identity of the first two it is probable that all 
were Guale tribes.' 

We now come to the final abandonment of Guale, both by Span- 
iards and Indians; and here our authorities do not agree. Barcia, 
presumably relying upon documents to which no one else has had 
access, states that the governor of Florida wished to remove the 
Indians forcibly to islands nearer St. Augustine, whereupon they 
rebelled and took to the woods or passed over to the English. Cer- 
tain manuscript authorities, however, represent the removal as 
having been at the request of the Indians themselves, and the raid 
upon St. Catherines mentioned above doubtless had something to 
do with it. Barcia's account nms thus: 

[Don Juan Marquez] had orcaairmed a rebellion of the Indians of the towns of San 
Felipe, San Simon, Santa Oatalina, Sapala, Tupichihasao, Obaldaquini, and others, 
because he wanted to move them to the islands of Santa Maria, San Juan, and Santa 
Oruz, and in order to escape this transplantation many fled to the forests, and others 
passed to the province of S. Jorge, or Carolina, a colony made shortly before by the 
English in the country of the Spaniards, up<m which Virginia joins, and bordering upon 
Apalachicolo, Caveta, and Casica ... * 

The name Tupichihasao seems to combine the names of the towns 
Topiqui and Asao (or Hasao), which were probably run together in 
copying. The latter was on or near St. Simons Island and may be 

» Serrano y 8anx, Doc. Hist., pp. 216-219. » MS., Pub. Rec. of S. C, ii. 8. 

t Lowery, M8S., Lib. Cong. * Barcia, La Florida, p. 287. 



iiioroly the Indian namo of the St. Simons mission. The San Felipe 
mission must have been a comparatiyely new one; it evidently had 
nothing to do with the former Fort Felipe at St. Helena, which had 
been long abandoned. 

An entirely different view of this Indian movement is given in a 
letter from the Eong of Spain, dated September 9, 1688, from which 
it appears that the chiefs and natives of Quale had asked to be 
settled where they could enjoy more quiet and had chosen the 
islands of San Pedro, Santa Maria, and San Juan. It was, however, 
decided to assign them the last two of these, and instead of San 
Pedro a third nearer St. Augustine, called Santa Cruz.* 

An interesting glimpse of these missions is furnished us by the 
Quaker Dickenson m 1699, when he and his companions who had 
been shipwrecked on the southeast coast of Florida passed nortb 
from St. Augustme on their way to Carolina. He says: 

TaMng our departure from Augustine [Sept. 29] we had about 2 or 3 leagues to an 
iDdian town called St. a Cruce, where, being landed, we were directed to the Indian 
warehouse [town house]. It was built round, having 16 squares,' and on each square a 
cabin ' built and painted, which would hold two people, the house being about 60 feet 
diameter; and in the middle of the top was a square opening about 15 feet. This house 
was very clean; and fires being ready made nigh our cabin, the Spanish captain made 
choice of cabins for him and his soldiers and appointed us our cabins. In this town 
they have a friar and a large house to worship in, with three bells; and the Indians 
go as constantly to their devotions at all times and seasons, as any of the Spaniards. 
Night being come and the time of their devotion over, the friar came in, and many of 
the Indians, both men and women, and they had a dance according to their way and 
custom. We had plenty of Casseena drink, and such victuals as the Indians had pro- 
vided for us, some bringing com boiled, others pease; some one thing, some another; 
of all which we made a good supper, and slept till morning. 

This morning early [Sept. 30] we left this town, having about 2 leagues to go with the 
canoes, and then we were to travel by land; but a cart was provided to carry our provi- 
sions and necessaries, in which those that could not travel were carried. We had about 
5 leagues to a sentinel's house, where we lay all night, and next morning travelled 
along the sea shore about 4 leagues to an inlet. Here we waited for canoes to come for 
us, to carry us about 2 miles to an Indian to\vn called St. Wan's [San Juan's], being on 
an island. We went through a skirt of wood into the plantations, for a mile. In the 
middle of this island is the town, St. Wan's, a laige town and many people; they have 
a friar and worship house. The people are very industrious, having plenty of hogs, 
fowls, and large crops of com, as we could tell by their com houses. The Indians 
brought us victuals as at the last town, and we lay in their warehouse, which was 
laiger than at the other town. 

This morning [Oct. 2] the Indians brought us victuals for breakfast, and the friar 
gave my wife some loaves of bread made of Indian com which was somewhat ex- 
traordinary; also a parcel of fowls. 

About 10 o^clock in the forenoon we left St. Wan's walking about a iJaile to the 
sound; here were canoes and Indians ready to transport us to the next town. We did 

> Brooka, MSS. MJss Brooks has given the name of this king as Philip IV, but he was long dead and 
Charles II was on the throne. For the location of these islands see p. 51 and plate 1 . 
* This term seems to be applied to the spaces between the vertical wall timbers. 
I Old name for a bed raiwd on posts close to the wall of an Indian house. 


believe we might have come all the way along the sound, but the Spaniards were not 
willing to discover the place to us. 

An hour before sun set we got to the town caird St. Mary's. This was a frontier and 
garrison town; the inhabitants are Indians with some Spanish soldiers. We were or)n- 
ducted to the ware house, as the custom is, every town having one: we understood 
these houses were either for their times of mirth and dancing, or to lodge and entertain 
strangers. The house was about 31 feet diameter, > built round, with 32 squares; in 
each square a cabin about 8 feet long, of good height, painted and well matted. The 
centre of the building is a quadrangle of 20 feet, being open at the top, against which 
the house is built. In this quadrangle is the place they dance, having a great fire in 
the middle. In one of the squares is the gate way or passage. The women natives of 
these towns clothe themselves with the moes of trees, making gowns and petticoats 
thereof, which at a distance, or in the night, looks very neat. The Indian boys we 
saw were kept to school in the church, the friar being their schoolmaster. This was the 
laigest town of all, and about a mile from it was another called St. Philip's. At St. 
Mary's we were to stay till the 5th or 6th inst. Here we were to receive our 60 roves 
of com and 10 of pease. While we staid we had one half of our com beaten into meal 
by the Indians, the other we kept whole, not knowing what weather we should have. 
. . . We got of the Indians plenty of garlick and long pepper, to season oiur com and 
pease, both of which are griping and windy, and we made wooden trays and spoons to 
eat with. We got rushes and made a sort of plaited rope thereof ; the use we intended 
it for, was to be serviceable to help us in building huts or tents with, at such times aa 
we should meet with hard weather ; . . 

We departed this place [Oct. 6] and put into the town of St. Philip's, where the 
Sponiflh Captain invited us on shore to drink Casseena, which we did: the Spaniards, 
having jeft something behind, we staid here about an hour, and then set forward. 

About 2 or 3 leagues from hence we came in sight of an Indian town called Sap- 

''Sappataw" is probably a misprint for Sappalaw, i. e., Sapelo. 
Some, and probably aJl, of these missions were on the sites of former 
missions occupied by Timucua, but most of the latter Indians must 
have died out or been removed. At least, Dickenson says in two places 
that the Indians living there were ''related" to the Yamasee then in 

If Barcia may be trusted, a considerable number of Quale Indians 
fled to South Carolina at the time when the remainder of the tribe 
was removed to Florida. In 1702 a second outbreak occurred, re- 
sulting, apparently, in the reunion of all of the Quale natives on 
Savannah River, in the edge of the English colony and under the 
lead of the Ycmiasee. These two rebellions are indicated in the legend 
on an early Spanish map which states that the Spaniards occupied 
San Felipe, Quale, and Sapelo until 1686, when they \^dthdrow to 
St. Simons, and that in 1702 St. Simons was also abandoned. It 
is clear, however, from Dickenson's narrative that the Qeorgia coast 
had been practicaUy given up in his time, so that the ''withdrawar* 

s This flgore Is too small, perhaps doe to a misprint; 32 squares 8 feet long would mean a circumference of 
256 feet and a diameter of 70-80 feet. The figure 3 in 31 is probably a misprint for 8 as suggested by BushneU 
(tee below). 

> Dickenson, Narrative, pp. 90-94. See I). I. Buslmeil, Jr., in Bull. 09, Bur. Amer. Kthn., pp. Si-85, 
who gives diagrammatic plans of the town houses. 

* Dickenson, Narrative, pp. 94, 96. 


from St. Simons meant in reality the removal of the remaining 

Guale Indians from Florida. Probably most of those who fled to the 

English at the earlier date were from the northern part of the Georgia 

coast, while those who went to Florida were principally from St. 

Simons and other southern missions. Even in 1702 a few probably 

remained under the Spanish government until thoir kinsmen shifted 

thoir allegiance once more in 1715. Tlie only specific reference to 

this second outbreak that has come to my attention is contained in 

a letter written from London, about 1715, by Juan de Ayala, who 


In the year 1702 the native Indiana of all the provinces of San Agustin, who since 
its discovery had been converted to the Catholic faith, and maintained as subjects of 
his Majesty, revolted, and. forsaking that religion, sought the protection of the Eng- 
lish of Carolina, with whom they have remained ever since, continually harassing the 
Catholic Indians.' 

This revolt was due, in part, to compulsion exercised by the English 
and their allies, in part it was an unavoidable ' ^ taking to the woods,'* 
through the failure of the Spaniards to protect their proteges, and 
in part it came from the prestige which success brought the vic- 
torious English. The underlying cause was the unwillingness on the 
part of the Spaniards to allow their Indians the use of firearms and a 
niggardly home poUcy, which left Florida insufficiently defended. It 
is doubtful how far the Timucua tribes engaged in this secession. 
At any rate they did not go in such numbers as to attract the atten- 
tion of the EngUsh. The Apalachee and the people of Guale re- 
mained distinct. The fortunes of those Guale Indians who remained 
in Florida from the time of the rebellion until they were rejoined by 
their kinsmen who had gone to Carolina will be considered when 
we come to speak of the Timucua, probably constituting the largest 
portion of the Indians who were true to Spain. 

From this time on the name Guale practically disappears, and the 
people who formerly bore it are almost invariably known as Yamasee. 
It has been thought by recent investigators that the people of Guale 
and the Yamasee were identical, but facts contained in the Spanish 
archives show that this is incorrect. They make it plain that the 
Yamasee were an independent tribe from very early times, belonging, 
as Barcia states, to the province of Guale, or perhaps ratlior to its 
outskirts, but not originally a dominant tribe of the province. It 
was only in later years that by taking the lead among the liostile 
Indians their name came to supersede that of Guale and of every 
band of Guale Indians. They are not mentioned frequently until 
late, and it is only by piecing together bits of information from 
various quarters that we can get any idea of their history. 

' nrooks, MSS. 


For OUT first notice we must go back to the very b^iiming of 
Spanish exploration on the Atlantic coast of North America, to the 
list of "provinces" for which Francisco of Chicora was responsible. 
In this list, as previously noted,* we find one province called " Yami- 
scaron," which there is every reason to believe refers to the tribe we 
have under discussion. The peculiar ending suggests a form which 
appears again in Yamacraw and which it is difficult to account for 
in a tribe supposed to be Muskhogean and without a true phonetic 
r in the language. I can explain it only by supposing that it was 
originally taken from the speech of the Siouan neighbors of these 
people to the northeast.' 

April 4, 1540, De Soto's army came to a province called by Biedma 
"the Province of Altapaha." Elvas gives it as " the town of Alt a- 
maca,'' but Ranjel has the correct form Altamaha. The last men- 
tioned speaks as if the Spaniards did not pass through the main 
town, but they received messengers from the chief, who furnished 
them with food and had them transported across a river. This 
was probably the river which Biedma says encouraged them be- 
cause it flowed east instead of south. Ranjel seems to imply 
that Altamaha, like a neighboring chief called ^amumo, was the 
subject of '*a great chief whose name was Ocute" (the Hitchiti).' 
The significance in this encounter is due to the fact that Altamaha 
afterwards appears as the head town of the Lower Yamasee. From 
Ranjel's statement it would seem that the Yamasee were at this 
time connected with the Hitchiti, whereas the language of the Guale 
people proper was somewhat different. 

The next reference comes in a letter dated November 15, 1633, 
and is as follows: '*The Amacanos Indians have approached the 
Province of Apalache and desire missionaries." * August 22, 1639, 
Grov. Damian de la Vega Castro y Pardo writes that he has made 
peace between the Apalachee on one side and the "Chacatos [Chatot], 
Apalachocolos [Lower Creeks], and Amacanos.'^ * These last refer- 
ences indicate that while the Yamasee may have been theoretically 
in the Province of Guale, they rather belonged to its hinterland and, 
as presently appears, were not missionized or affected much by 
European influences. In 1670 William Owon speaks of them as 
allies of the Spaniards living south of the Cusabo.' They come to 
light next in Spanish documents, this time unequivocally, in a letter 
of Gov. Don Pablo de Hita Salazar, dated March 8, 1680. He says: 

It has come to the notice of his honor that some Yamasee Indians, infidels (unos 
yndios Yamasis 3mfieleB), who are in the town which was that of San Antonio de 
Anacape, have asked for a minister to teach them our holy Catholic faiths 

1 See p. 37. ^ Ibid.; also Serrano y Sanz, Doc. HJst., pp. 

> But see p. 106. 19S-199. 

) Boome, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 56: n, pp. 10, • See p. 67. 
8»-00. 7 Lowery, ICS8. 

«Lowery. M8S. 


This mission was 20 leagues from St. Augustine, evidently that 
called Antonico in the Fresh Water district, and the governor 
entrusted these Yamasee at first to the care of Fray Bartholome 
de Quifiiones, Padre aiid Doctrinero del Pueblo de Maiaca, 
which was 16 leagues beyond. These Yamasee explain why the 
station of San Antonio is called a ''new conversion'* in the mis- 
sion list of 1 680, although it existed at a very much earlier period 
as a Timucua mission.^ The application of the term ''infidels'' to 
them is significant; had they been from the coast district of Guale 
they would in all probability have been Christianized by this time. 
The name Nombre de Dios de Amacarisse, which also occurs in the 
mission list of 1680, indicates still another body of Yamasee in that 
old station.^ Fairbanks calls it Macarisqui and speaks of it as the 
principal town.' Barcia ' spells it Mascarasi and says it was within 
600 yards (vajras) of St. Augustine, which would agree with the known 
situation of Nombre de Dios. The next we hear of them the Yamasee 
have taken the lead among those Indians which sought refuge near 
the EngUsh colony of Carolina and they became so prominent that 
the English do not appear to have been aware that any other In- 
dians accx)mpanied them. 

In a letter to the Spanish monarch, dated London, October 20, 
1734, Fray Joseph Ramos Escudero seems to attribute their primacy 
to encouragement given the Yamasee by the English and the sup- 
plies of clothing and arms with which they provided them.* 

In the copy of this letter made by Miss Brooks the name of the 
tribe is consistently spelled Llamapas, but there can be no question 
regarding its identity. The original Y has been transposed into a 
double I and the old style 88 into p. Escudero explains their removal 
from the Spanish colony by saying that these Yamasee ' 'had a grudge 
against a certain governor of Florida on account of having ill treated 
their chief by words and deeds, because the latter, owing to the 
sickness of his superior, had failed one year to send to the city of 
St. Augustine, Florida, a certain number of men for the cultivation 
of the lands as he was obliged to do." 

Another account of the rebellion is given by Barcia. Referring to 

the colony of South Carolina, he says: 

Some Indians fled to this province because the Kn^lisli who occupied it had per- 
suaded them to give them obedience, insteail of to tlie king; especially the chief of the 
lamacoSy a nation which lived in the province of Guale, bec«nniug olTondeil at the 
governor, without being placatotl by the strong persuasions and repeate<l kindnesses 
which the Franciscan missionaries showe<l to him in the year HJS-l, for despising all 

» Lowery, MSB. 

* O. R. Fairbanks, Hist, of St. Augastine, p. li"!. The name of this town helps explain the latar 
"Yamacraw." (Seep. 108.) 
s Barcia, La Florida, p. 240. 
« Brooks, MSS. 


he withdrew to his country and afterwards gave obedience to the English settled in 
>»Santa Elena and San Joi^e, other Indians following him; and not satisfied with this 
lapse of faith, he returned the following year to the province of Timuqua or Timagoa 
to make war, plundered the Doctrina of Santa Catalina, carried off the furnishings 
of the church and convent of San Frandsco, burned the town, inflicted grievous 
death on many Indians, and carried back other prisoners to Santa Elena, where he 
made slaves of them, which invasion was so unexpected that it could not be foreseen 
nor prevented ... * 

Early South Carolina documents speak of 10 Yamasee towns 
there, 5 upper towns headed by Pocotaligo, and 5 lower towns 
headed by Altamahaw or Aratomahaw.' The new settlers were 
given a strip of land back of Port Royal on the northeast side of 
the Savannah River, which, long after they had vacated it, was 
still known as 'Uhe Indian land.'' The foDowing names of chiefs or 
"kings'' are given in the South Carolina documents and these evi- 
dently refer to their towns: The Pocotalligo king, the Altamahaw 
king, the Yewhaw king, the Huspaw king, the Chasee king, the 
Pocolabo king, the Dcombe king, and the Dawfuskee king,' though 
the identity of tliis last is a little uncertain. The "Peterba king" 
mentioned among those killed in the Tuscarora war in 1712 was also 
probably a Yamasee, though he may have been an Apalachee. There 
were 87 Yamasee among Col. Barnwell's Indian allies in the Tusca- 
rora expedition.* 

In 1715 the Yamasee war broke out,' the most disastrous of all 
those which the two Carolina settlements had to face. The 
documents of South Carolina show clearly that the immediate cause 
of this uprising was the misconduct of some English traders, but it 
is evident that the enslavement of Indians, carried on by Carolina 
traders in an ever more open and unscrupulous manner, was bound 
to produce such an explosion sooner or later. The best contemporaiy 
narratives of this revolt are to be found in " An Account of Mission- 
aries Sent to South Carolina, the Places to Which They Were Ap- 
pointed, Their Labours and Success, etc.," and in "An Account of 
the Breaking Out of the Yamassee War, in South Carolina, extracted 
from the Boston News, of the 13th of June, 1715," both contained in 
Carroll's Historical Collections of South Carolina.* The following 
is from the first of these documents : 

In the year 1715, the Indians adjoining to this colony, all round from the borders of 
Fort St. Augistino to Cape Fear, had formed a conspiracy to extirpate the white people. 
This war broke out the week before Easter [actually on April 15]. The parish of St. 
Helen's had some apprehensions of a rising among the adjoining Indians, called the 
Yammoeees. On Wednesday before Easter, Captain Nairn, agent among the Indians, 

1 Btfda, La Ftorida, p. 287. 

< Proc. Board dealing with Indian Trade, MS., pp. 46 and 47. 

• Ibid., pp. 55, 68, 81, 102; Council Records, MS., vi, p. 159; VD, p. 186; X, p. 177. 

« S. Car. Hist, and Oen. Mag., 9, pp. 30-31. 

•VoLn. pp. 588-576. 

148061**— 22 7 


went, with some others, to them [and it appears by direct conmiission of Governor 
Craven who had rumors of trouble], desiring to know the reason of their uneasiness, 
that if any injury had been done them, they might have satisfaction made them. The 
Indians pretended to be w^l content, and not to have any designs against the English. 
Mr. Nairn therefore and the other traders continued in the Pocotaligat-Town, one of 
the chief of the Yammosee nations. At night they went to sleep in the round-house, 
with the King and chief War-Captains, in seeming perfect friendship; but next morn- 
ing, at break of day, they were all killed with a volley of shot, excepting one man 
and a boy, who providentially escaped (the man much wounded) to Port-Royal, and 
gave notice of the rising of the Indians to the inhabitants of St. Helen's. Upon this 
short warning, a ship happening to be in the river, a great niunber of the inhabitants, 
about 300 souls, made their escape on board her to Charles-Town, and among the rest, 
Mr. Guy, the society's missionary; having abandoned all their effects to the savages: 
some few families fell into their hands, who were barbarously tortured and murdered. 

The Indians had divided themselves into two parties; one fell upon Port-Royal, 
the other upon St. Bartholomew's parish; about 100 Christians fell into their hands, 
the rest fled, among which [was] the Reverend Bir. Osbom, the society's missionary 
there. The women and children, with some of the best of their effects, were conveyed 
to Charles-Town; most of the houses and heavy goods in the parish were burnt or 
spoil 'd. The Yammosees gave the first stroke in this war, but were presently joined 
by the Appellachee Indians.* On the north side of the province, the English had at 
first, some hopes in the faithfulness of the Calabaws [Catawbas] and Creek Indians, but 
they soon after declared for the Yammosees. 

Upon news of this rising, the governor (the Honourable Charles Craven, £!sq.), 
with all expedition, reused the forces in Colleton county, and with what assostance 
more could be got presently, put himself at their head, and marched directly to the 
Indians, and the week af Jer Easter came up with them and attacked them at the head 
of the river Cambahee; and after a sharp engagement put them to flight, and stopped 
ail ^ther incursions on that side. ^ 

The narrative in the Boston News is as follows: 

On Tuesday last arrived here His Majesty's ship Success^ Captain Meade, Com- 
mander, about 12 days' passage from South Carolina, by whom his excellency, our 
Governor, had a letter from the Honourable Gov. Craven, of South Carolina, acquaint- 
ing him that all their Indians, made up of many various Nations, consisting of between 
1000 to 1200 men, (lately paid obedience to that Government) had shaken o£f their 
fidelity, treacherously murdering many of His Majesty's subjects. 

Gov. Craven hearing of this rupture, immediately despatched Captain Nairn and 
Bir. John Cockran, gentlemen well acquainted with the Indians, to know the cause 
of their discontent, who accordingly on the 15th of April, met the principal part of 
them at the Yamassee Town, about 130 miles from Charlestown, and after several 
debates, pro and con, the Indians seemed very ready to come to a good agreement and 
reconciliation, and having prepared a good supper for our Messengers, all went quietly 
to rest; but early next morning their lodging was beset with a great number of Indians, 
who barbarously murdered Captain Nairn and Messieurs John Wright, and Thomas 
Ruffly, Mr. Cockran and his wife they kept prisoners, whom they afterwards slew. 
One Seaman Burroughs, a strong robust man, seeing the Indians' cruel barbarity on 
the other gentlemen, made his way good through the middle of the enemy, they 
pursfuing and firing many shot at him. One took him through the cheek (which is 
since cured) and coming to a river, he swam through, and alarmed the plantations; 
so that by his escape, and a merchantman that lay in Port Royal River, that fired 
some great guns on the Enemy, several Hundreds of English lives were save<l. 

> That part of the Apalachee settled near Augusta by Govemor Moore In 1703. See p. 124. 

> Carroll, op. cit., pp. 548-640. 


At the same time that Govemour Craven despatched Captain Nairn and Mr. Cockran 
to make enquiry of the rupture between us and the Indians, he got himself a party 
of horse, and being accompanied with several gentlemen volimteers, intended for 
the Yamassee Town, in order to have an impartial account of their complaints and 
grievances, to redress the same, and to rectify any misunderstanding or disorders 
that might have happened. And on his journey meeting with certain information 
of the above Murder, and the Rebellion of the Enemy, he got as many men ready as 
could be got, to the Number of about two hundred and forty, designing to march 
to the Enemies' Head Quarters, and engage them. 

At the same time the Govemour despatched a Courier to Colonel Mackay, with 
orders forthwith to raise what forces he could, to go by water and meet him at Yamas- 
see Town. The Govemour marched within sixteen miles of said town, and en- 
camped at night in a large Savanna or Plain, by a Wood -side, and was early next 
morning by break of day saluted with a volley of shot from about five hundred of 
the enemy; that lay ambuscaded in the Woods, who notwithstanding of the surprise, 
soon put his men in order, and engaged them so gallantly three quarters of an hour, 
that he soon routed the enemy; killed and wounded several of them; among whom 
some of their chief Commanders fell, with the loss on our side of several men wounded, 
and only John Snow, sentinel, killed . The Govemour seeing the great numbers of the 
enemy, and wanting pilots to guide him over the river, and then having vast woods 
and swamps to pass through, thought best to return back. 

Captain Mackay, in pursuit of his orders, gathered what force he could, and em- 
barked by water, and landing marched to the Indian Yamassee town; and though 
he was disappointed in meeting the Govemour there, yet he surprised and attacked 
the enemy, and routed them out of their town, where he got vast quantities of provi- 
sion that they stored up, and what plunder they had taken from the English. Colonel 
Mackay kept possession of the Town; and soon after hearing that the enemy had got 
into another fort, where were upwards of 200 Men, he detached out of his Camp about 
140 Men, to attack it and engaged them. At which time a young Strippling, named 
Palmer, with about sixteen Men, who had been out upon a Scout, came to Colonel 
Mackay's assistance, who, at once, with his men, scaled their walls, and attacked 
them in their trenches, killed several, but meeting with so warm a reception from the 
enemy that he was necessitated to make his retreat; yet on a second re-entr>' with 
men, he so manfully engaged the enemy as to make them fly their fort. Colonel 
Mackay being without, engaged them on their flight, where he slew many of them. 
He has since had many skirmishes with them. 

The Govemour has placed garrisons in all convenient places that may be, in order 
to defend the country from depredations and incursions of the enemy, till better can 
be made. We had about a himdred traders among the Indians, whereof we appre- 
hend they have murdered and destroyed about ninety Men, and about forty more 
Men we have lost in several skirmishes. ^ 

Meanwhile the Indians to the north of the colony had not been 
idle, and the missionary account already quoted has the following 
regarding their activities: 

In the mean time, on the northern side, the savages made an inroad as far as the 
plantation of Mr. John Heme, distant 30 miles from Goosecreek; and treacherously 
killed that gentleman, after he had (upon their pretending peace) presented them 
with provisions. Upon news of this disaster, a worthy gentleman. Captain Thomas 
Barker, was sent thither with 90 men on horseback ; but by the treachery of an Indian 
whom he trusted, fell into an ambuscade, in some thick woods, which they must 
necessarily pass. The Indians fired upon them from behind trees and bushes. The 

* Carroll, op. cit., pp. 670-572. 


English dismounted, and attacked the savages, and repulsed them; but having lost 
their brave commanding officer, Mr. Barker, and being themselves in some disorder, 
made their retreat. 

Upon this advantage, the Indians came farther on toward Goosecreek, at news of 
which, the whole parish of Gocsecreek became deserted, except two fortified planta- 
tions: and the Reverend Dr. Le Jeau, the society's missionary there, fled to Charles- 

These northern Indians, being a body of near 400 men, after attacking a small fort in 
vain, made proposals of peace, which the garrison unwarily hearkening to, admitted 
several of them into the fort, which they surprised and cut to pieces the garrison, 
consisting of 70 white people and 40 blacks; a very few escaped. After this they 
advanced farther, but on the 13th of June, Mr. Chicken, the Captain of the Goosecreek 
Company, met and attacked them, and after a long action, defeated them, and secured 
the province on that side from farther ravages.^ 

The northern hostiles probably consisted principally of the Indians 
of the small Siouan tribes, the Cheraw in particular having been long 
at odds with the settlers. 

In a letter to the Spanish king, already quoted, the monk Escudero 
says regarding this war: 

About seventeen or eighteen years ago the said Indians Llamapas [ Yamassas], while 
being settled at their towns, living quietly and feared by all around these provinces, 
four English Captains with a body of soldiers descended upon the towns of the said 
Llamapas, and wanted to count the number of Indians that each town contained. 
Which upon being noticed by the said Indians they judged that the object of the 
English was to make slaves of them and one night they revolted against the English, 
and after having killed them all, captains and soldiers, they went to other English 
settlements and killed everyone of them, sparing only the women that could be of 
service to them and the negroes to sell to the Spaniards. Their fury and cruelty waa 
such that they did not even spare the children.* 

Escudero then passes over the specific events of the war and refers 
to the removal of the Yamasee to Florida and the reception given 
them. He is not accurate in all of his statements by any means, 
but it is interesting to note that a census of all of the Indian tribes, 
including among them the Yamasee, was actuall}^ made a few months 
before the outbreak. It is to be feared, from the general conduct 
of the settlers of our Southern States toward the Indians during that 
period, that their inference from this was only too well justified. 

This grand conspiracy of Indian tribes has never been given 
enough attention by our historians. It was a movement of the same 
order as the conspiracies of Opechancanough in Virginia, King 
PhiUp in New England, the Natchez in Louisiana, and, although 
on a smaller scale, of Pontiac and Tecumseh, individualism's tribute 
to cooperation in time of adversity, inspired by a broader insight 
into the movement of events for the time being, and failing because 
the unifying tendency is too lat«, the individualistic instinct too 
normal and too deep-seated. From what we h^arn of this particular 
uprising, from both French and English sources, we know that it 

1 CmtoU, op. dt., pp. 549-5i50. < Brooks. MSS. 


•• • 

was the result of a conspiracy shared "by., the Creeks, the Choctaw, 
the Catawba and other Siouan tribes, and probably by the Cherokee. 
Apparently the only exceptions were the Chickasaw, and a few small 
bands of Indians within the colony of South Carolma itself. Fortu- 
nately the greater tribes were at a distance and rested satisfie4 when 
they had killed the traders among them and plundered their s/ores. 
Fortunately too, the governor of South Carolina and his subordiiiatosji 
acted with promptness and complete success. The Yamasee were 
handled so severely that they left the country and settled for the most 
part in Florida, whither their women and children had preceded them. 
The Indians attacking from the north, probably small tribes only, were 
driven back. This removed the first line of Indian attack on the 
colony in short order, and either the more remote hostiles must be 
prepared to bear the brunt of the fighting if the original project was 
to be carried out or they must get out of danger. It was one thing 
to take the part of passive conspirators behind the backs of the Yama- 
see, but quite another to be the principal performers, especially after 
the impressive and rapid manner in which their allies had been routed. 
As a result the more distant tribes immediately quieted down. The 
Catawba ever after remained staunch friends of the colonists, and the 
Cherokee resumed peaceful relations with them. To secure them- 
selves against possible reprisals many of the other tribes moved 
farther from the borders of CaroUna, the Apalachee, Ooonee, Apalach- 
ioola, and part of the Yuchi and Savannah faUing back to the Ocmul- 
goe and thence to the Chattahoochee, while the great body of Lower 
Creeks, who were then living on the Oomulgee and its branches, also 
fell back to the Chattahoochee, some of them, apparently, removing 
as far as the Tallapoosa. Aside from its immediate effects on the 
colony of South Carolina the Yamasee war is thus of great importance 
in tracing the history of the Indian tribes of the Southeast, marking 
as it does a great step in their progressive decline and fall. 

From what Escudero says it may be inferred that another cause of 
the lukewarmness of the Creeks was jealousy of the Yamasee, and, 
as we shall see when we come to consider the part played in this dis- 
turbance by the Apalachee, there was an English as well as a Spanish 
faction in the Creek Nation. The former apparently obtained control 
shortly after the beginning of the war. 

The part played by the Spaniards in all this was perhaps nothing 

more than that of passive sympathizers. They may or may not have 

been aware that a massacre was coming when they received the 

women and children of the Yamasee^ for it was a natural measure of 

precaution preceding the change of allegiance. Some light is thrown 

on the events of the time by Juan de Ayala's letter to the Spanish 

ambassador. He says: 

The Governor and Captain General of these provinces [of Florida] at that time 
reported to H. M. that on the 27th of May of last year [1715?], there had appeared 



• • • • 

before him, four Indian CaciqveeC of the revolted towns [i. e., thoee which had pre- 
viously revolted from the d^i^irtl'B], soliciting pardon and permission to return under 
the dominion of n««\t*, Und't6 become his subjects, representing one hundred and 
sixty of their ^frnfr^Hj:' And that the Governor had granted them pardon in the 
name of H.M. , deglghating to them the territory they should occupy in order that they 
mights-resume the cultivation of their lands in peace and quietneos, as they had lived 
bf fof^'/ *■ * 

*;.'•• Of their reception in Florida after they had been driven from 
' * Carolina, Escudero says: 

They came to the provinces of Florida occupied by us, asking to be admitted into the 
service of our King, which was granted them by that Governor, amidst great rejoic- 
ing by the people of that city [St. Augustine]. They founded their towns at a dis- 
tance of ten and twelve leagues from the said city and were maintained by Y. E. that 
first year with an abundance of everything, and afterwards by allowing them what- 
ever they asked for to the present day [1734].^ 

Escudero thus sketches the history of these returned Yamasee 
during the first few years : 

Of these Indians, seven or eight of their cacic^ues, not having sufhcient confidence 
in the Spaniards, remained in the depopulated province of Apalache, about a hundred 
and fifty leagues from St. Augustine, but having heard of the good reception and kind 
treatment that their companions had received from the Spaniards, asked the governor 
to send to their towns a few missionary fathers, as they desired to become Christians 
and subjects of our king. 

Missionaries were asked from Spain, and about thirteen years ago, twelve of them 
were sent to that province of Florida. Upon their arrival in St. Augustine, I was 
selected, together with ten other clergymen, for that mission. I remained among 
them, in those deserts, during three years, at which time they had all become Chris- 

Just then the Vehipes' [Creek] Indians, instigated by the English, came down 
upon us, but after the loss of some men, I succeeded with my Indians in withdrawing 
from those woods and falling back upon St. Augustine, where we joined the other 
Indians of the same nation, so that united we could resist the attacks of the enemy. 
We formed our towns in that pro\ince of Florida, but about seven or eight years a^ 
the enemy again hunted us up and killed many Indians.' 

A few Yamasee may have gone to live with their northern allies, 
since Adair mentions their language as one of those spoken in the 
Catawba confederacy in 1743.* Just after the Yamasee war we also 
hear of Yamasee on '^Sapola River," '^ but we do not Icnow whether 
this settlement was one of long standing or whether it was a position 
occupied by some of these people during their retreat to Florida. At 
any rate, all of those who contmucd in the Spanish interest were 
soon united near St. Augustine. Immediately after their removal 
the English colonists learned that the Huspaw king, a Yamasee 
chief, had been made general in chief by the Spaniards over 500 

1 Brooks, MBS. 

* Probably misread from Ochlsses. 

> Brooks, MSS. The attack referred to in the last sentence must have been that by Palmer, detailed 
tAithor on. 

* Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 225. 

* Pub. Rec. 8. C, MS., vi, p. n9. 


Indians who were to be sent against Carolina.' In 1719 a captive 
taken by the English testified that there were .60 Yamasee near St. 
Augustine.* In 1722 it is said that they wore expelled from St. 
Augustine because they would not work in the way the Spaniards 

From Tobias Fitch's journal we learn that the head chief of the 
Lower Creeks, whom he calls ''Old Brinins/^ "Old Brunins/' or 
"Old Brmins/' sent an expedition against the Yamasee in Florida 
in 1725. While Fitch was still with him two runners came back 
and gave the following account of this expedition : 

The Pilot that we had, Carried us to a Fort in a Town Where we thought the Yamases 
were, and we fired at the Said Fort, Which alarmed tdn Men that was Placed To 
Discover us which we past when they were asleep. Our iireing awaked them and 
they Ran round us and gave Notice to the Yamasees Who was Removed from this 
town Nigher the Sea and had there Build a new fort which we found and Attacked 
but with litle Success through it happen'd the Huspaw Kings Family was not all got 
in the fort and we took three of them and fired Several Shott at the Huspaw king and 
are in hopes have killed him. There Came out a party of the Yamases who fought 
us and we took the Capt. We waited three days about there Fort, Expecting to get 
ane oppertunity to take Some More but to no purpose. We then Came away and the 
Yamases pursued us. We fought them and gained the Batle. We drove the Yamases 
onto a pond and was Just Runing in after them where we Should a had a great advan- 
tage of them but we discovered -about fourty Spanyards armed on horse Back Who 
made Toward us wt a White Cloth before them and as they advanced toward us They 
made Signes that we Should fforbear fireing. Some of our head men gave Out orders 
not to fire, But Steyamasiechie or Grogel Eys Told them it was spoilt and to fire away. 
According we did, and the Spanyards fied. After that the Yamases pursued us [and] 
gave us ane other Batle in which they did us the most Damnadge. We have killed 
Eight of the Yamases, on of which is the huspaw kings head Warriour and have 
Brought off all their Scalps. We have likewise Taken nine of them a Live, Together 
with Several Guns, Some Cloth, and Some plunder Out of there Churches, Which 
you will See When the WarrioiuB Come in.* 

Fitch adds that the Creeks lost on their side five men killed and 
six wounded.* In the ''Introduction to the Report on General Ogle- 
thorpe's Expedition to St. Augustine," we read that in 1727 — 

A Party of Yamasee Indians, headed by Spaniards from St. Augustine, having 
murdered our OiU-ScoutSf made an incursion into our Settlements, within Ten Miles 
of PonpoTiy where they cut of! one Mr. MicheaUf with another White-man on the same 
plantation^ and carried off a Third Prisoner, with all the Slaves, Horses^ &c. But 
being briskly pursued by the Neighbours, who had Notice of it, they were overtaken, 
routed, and obliged to quit their Booty. 

The Government [the narrative goes on to say], judged it Necessary to chastise (at 
least) those Indians, commissioned Col. Palmer for that Purpose instantly; who with 
about One Hundred Whites, and the like Number of our Indians, landed at St. Juan's, 
and having left a sufficient Number to take care of the Craft, marched undiscovered to 
the Yamasee Town, within a Mile of St. Augu^tiru. He attack'd it at once, killed 
several of those Indians, took several Prisoners, and drove the Rest into the very Gates 

> Pub. Rec. 8. C, MS., vn, p. 186. 

« Ibid., vm, p. 7. 

* Ifereness, Travels in the American Colonies, pp. 204-205. 

« Ibid., p. 206. 


of St. Aiigustine Castle; where they were sheltered. And having Destroyed their Toum, 
he returned. 

In the beginning of 1728, a Party of thoee Yamasees having landed at Daffutikee 
surprised one pf our Scovl-BoalB, and killed every Man but Capt. Chlhert^ who com- 
manded her. One of the Indians^ seizing him as his Property, saved his Life. In 
their Retiun back to St. Axigustine a debate arose that it was necessary to kill him, for 
that the Governor would not have them to bring any one Alive. But Capt. Gilbert^ plead- 
ing with the Indian that claimed him was protected by him; and upon coming to St. 
AugvMine was after some Time released by the Governor.^ 

In a letter dated Habana, August 27, 1728, Gov. Dionisio de la 
Vega gives an account of the decline of the Florida missions from the 
time of the first English invasions. He states that before the English 
raid imder Palmer there were four Indian settlements near St. 
Augustine, named Nombre de Dios, Tolemato, Palica [probably 
Patica], and Carapuyas, but the occupants of these spoke several 
different languages and it is impossible to say which were occupied by 
Yamasee. Tolemato was, of course, named from the old Quale town, 
but in the changes that had taken place there is no certainty that any 
of the original population remained. The Patica are referred to by 
Bartram as a former Carolina tribe, but again no certain connection 
can be established between the name and the later popiilation. Nom- 
bre de Dios, or Chiquito as it is also called, was originally a Timucua 
settlement and may have remained such in part ; but as we have seen,' 
it had now received a new name from the Yamasee who constituted 
at least the larger part of the population. De la Vega says of the 
above mentioned attack: 

A body of two hundred English having penetrated into that town on the aforesaid 
day, the 20th of March, (1728), together with as many Indians, they plundered and 
pillaged it and set the whole town on fire. They robbed the church and the convent 
and profaned the images, killing six and wounding eight Indians, a lieutenant and a 
soldier of infantry. They also took several prisoners with them and withdrew with- 
out further action. In view of this the governor had the church blown up by means 
of powder, withdrawing the Indians who had remained there to the shelter of this 
city [St. Augustine], leaving only the town of Pocotabaco under the protection of 
the guns of this Fort. 

It would appear, then, that after this raid the four towns were 
reduced to one close to St. Augustine, and the fact that its name 
preserves that of the leading upper Yamasee town shows the primacy 
of that tribe among the remnants gathered thoro. This name should 
be Pocotalaco; the I has been miscopied h. Ilowovor, the town 
certainly embraced several villages, as appears from a number of docu- 
ments. One speaks of a Yamasee village called Tachumite exist- 
ing about 1734,' and another gives an enumeration, not only of the vil- 
lages but the names and ages of the warriors as well. This latter, a 
copy of which is in the Ayer collection, is entitled: "List of Indians 
capable of bearing arms divided according to their toA\Tis who are 

> Carroll, S. Car. Hist. Soc. Colls., u, pp. 355-^56. De la Vega seems to date this attack a year lat«r 
(see below) . 
s See p. 96. 
* MS. in Ayer Collection, Newberry Library. 


at the service of the Presidio of San Agustin c 
as follows: 


El Cacique Cloapo. ... 60 

£1 Codque Antonio. . . 20 

Juan Sanchez 30 

Francisco 60 

Pedro Hum 60 

Ygnacio 60 

Aseocio Ar&pa 20 

ChiBlflda :.... 30 

FraociBco el Laigo. ... 30 

PedroTusiue- ... 30 

AalnnioRimeDdn ... 30 

Bernardo de la Cni7.. 20 

FranciMoSuqueuo... 30 

Manuel 20 

Antonio Yinqiiichat«.. 25 

Juan Chislada 15 

Juan Solana 20 

FrancisTO Arlana 19 

Juan Ygnado 35 

Juanillo 12 

Sanchei 12 

Antonio Yuta 25 

Antonio Benavidee 14 


El Cacique Yuta 40 

El Cacique Juan San- 
chez 30 

YCallasquita 30 

Marcoe Rendon. 30 

JuanGr^orio 25 

Ij>ren 71) Santiago 25 

Baltasar 20 

Di£^ de Aauela 65 

Anlonio riara. 16 


I Fe. 

Joseph Bu culiado. . 


JuuuPasqua. .... 

El Cacique Manuel 

El Cacique Domingo 


Juan Joseph 




Agustin Nicolas 30 

Miguel 14 

B&fael 14 

Joseph Antonio 30 

Dioniaio 20 

Bentuia 15 

El Cacique Bernardo. . 


Luis Gabriel 45 

Lorenzo 20 

Felipe 30 

Antonio Cagelate 25 


Diego et Meetiio... 

El Cacique Fuentes. . . 60 

Juan Sanchez 30 

Tomils 25 

El Cacique CoaU 46 


Jimn Sanchez 


JuSn Joseph 

Lorenzn Nieto 




Antonio Puchero. . 

EI Cacique I>orenzo. . . 
El Cacique Juan 



Juan Bautista 


Juan Savina 



PALICA — continued 

JuanPufe 14 

Tonws 40 

Juan H 

Pedro de la Cruz 33 

El Cacique Marcos 60 

Juan Melchor 11 

Juan el Apalachino SO 

Francisco del Maral... SO 

El Cacique Juan 80 

FranciBro, 70 

Pedro del Sastre 80 

Antonio el MiB«in,. 35 

FranfiBco I uis 36 

Joseph AtBse 20 

Joseph 20 

Juan del Costa 25 

Juan Joseph 14 

SanchuK 12 

Joseph Satagane 30 

Joseph el Apalachino. . 19 

Antonio Cachimbo 19 

Agustin 26 

Arguelles 60 

Juan Casapueva SO 


"EI Cacique Aluca- 

teea" 80 

Riso 60 

frisistomo 80 

Juan I3au1i»>ta SO 

Oaspar 26 

Santiago Baquero 40 

JuanAloDBo 20 

Bartolu 40 

Miguel MoioK. 60 

ManuelMototo... 60 

Miguel 12 

Benito 12 

Antonio 12 

Juan Chirico 50 

Santiago 30 

Sohina - 20 

Miguel 25 

Total number, 123," 

> US. In Ajn Colltctloa, Keitbeny Librar;. 

■ Abo known u Nombnide Dios. 

•Tbia (hoold b« 113 \C then H do error In the 1 

106 BUREAU OF AMfiRlCAir ETHNOLOGY [bull. 78 

So that the eight towns contain in all a hundred and twenty-two men^ capable of 
bearing arms, having in all of women and children two hundred and ninety-five, 
which added to the hundred and twenty-two make four hundred and seventeen, the 
remains of about thirty thousand which were formerly at the service of Spain within 
the jurisdiction of Florida. 

• This was written November 27, 1736, at Habana. The "Pueblo 
de Timucua" probably contained the remnants of the Timucua 
people, the rest the descendants of the Yamasee proper and the old 
people of Guale. Apalachee do not appear to have settled near St. 
Augustine in any number, although two individuals in the above 
list bear the name of that tribe. 

In a letter written at St. Augustine, August 30, 1738, and preserved 
among the Spanish Archives of the Indies,' is an interesting relation of 
the adventures of *' the Indian Juan Ignacio de los Reyes, of the Yguaja 
Nation, one of the villages which compose the town of Pocotalaca, in 
the neighborhood of this place." This man, under orders from the 
governor of Florida, Don Manuel de Montiano, visited the English 
posts on Cumberland Island and in St. Andrews and St. Simons Sounds 
during the months of July and August, 1738, and brought back val- 
uable information regarding their condition and regarding the English 
projects with reference to St. Augustine. 

Some Yamasee evidently accompanied the Apalachee to Pensacola 
and Mobile. Under date of 1714 Barcia notes that the chief of the 
Yamasee and some of his people, along with the chief of the Apalachee, 
visited the conmiandant of Pensacola, and we find the legend " Yam- 
ase Land,'' on the northeast shore of Pensacola Bay, in Jefferys' 
map of Florida which stands opposite the title page of John Bartram's 
Description of East Florida.' From the parish registers of Mobile we 
learn of the baptism in 1728 of a ^'Hiamase'* Indian, Francois, and a 
map of 1744 shows, at the mouth of Deer River, near Mobile, a settle- 
ment of **Yamane," the name evidently intended for this tribe.* 

Under date of July, 1754, the Colonial Records of Georgia speak of 
the Yamasee as still allied with the Spaniards,* and about the year 
1761 we hear of ''a few Yamasees, about 20 men, near St. Augus- 
tine.'' • 

Meantime, however, they were being harrassed continually by the 
Creek Indians in alliance with the English, and presently some 
Creeks began to move into the peninsula and make permanent homes 
there. Bartram, who visited Florida in 1777-78, speaks of the 
Yamasee Nation as entirely destroyed as a distinct body, and he 

^■^^^— I ■ ■ - ■.■.■. ■■■■■ _■ — , — -i— 1 

> This should be 123 if there is no error in the lists on which it is based. 

s Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 260-264. 

a John Bartram, quoted by Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 65. 

i Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 113. 

• Col. Rec. Oa.,vn, p. 441. 

• Description of South Carolina, p. 63. 

8 wanton] 



thus describes the site on St. Johns River of what he terms *'the 

last decisive battle " : 

In the morning I found I had taken up my lodging on the border of an ancient 
burying ground, containing sepulchres or timiuli of the Yamasees, who were here 
slain by the Creeks in the last decisive battle, the Creeks having driven them into 
the point, between the doubling of the river, where few of them escaped the fury of 
the conquerors. These graves occupied the whole grove, consisting of two or three 
acres of ground. There were nearly thirty of these cemeteries of the dead, nearly of 
an equal size and form, being oblong, twenty feet in length, ten or twelve feet in 
width, and three or four feet high, now overgrown with orange trees, live oaks, laurel 
magnolias, red bays, and other trees and shrubs, composing dark and solemn shades.^ 

He saw Yamasee slaves living among the Seminole;' but from 
other data it is evident that free bands, in whole or in part Yamasee, 
still existed. One of these will be mentioned later. Several writers 
on the Seminole state that the Oklawaha band was said to be de- 
scended from this tribe,' and it appears probable since that band 
occupied the region in which most maps of the period immediately 
preceding place the Yamasee. According to the same writers 
their complexion was somewhat darker than that of the other Semi- 
nole. The noted leader Jumper is said by some to have been of 
Yamasee descent,^ but Cohen sets him down as a refugee from the 
Creeks.* In the long war with the Americans which followed, what- 
ever remained of the tribe became fused with one of the larger 
bodies, very likely with the Mikasuki, whose language is supposed 
to have been nearest to their own. We do not know whether those 
Yamasee who went to Pensacola and Mobile with the Apalachee re- 
mained with them or returned to east Florida, but the former sup- 
position is the more likely. 

Another part of the Yamasee evidently settled among the Creeks, 
though for our knowledge of this fact we are almost entirely depend- 
ent upon maps. The late Mr. H. S. Halbert was the first to call my 
attention to the evidence pointing to such a conclusion. On the 
Covens and Mortier map compiled shortly after the Yamasee war 
the name appears in the form ^^Asassi" among the Upper Creeks. 
An anonymous French writer, of the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury or earlier, adds to his enumeration of the Creek villages this 

There are besides, ten leagues from this last village fa Sawokli town], two villages 
of the Samas^ nation where there may be a hundred men, but this nation is attached 
to the Spaniards of St. Augustine. ' 

On the Mitchell map of 1755 we find ''Massi/' probably intended 
for the same tribe, placed on the southeast bank of the Tallapoosa 
River between Tukabahchee and Holiwahali.^ The name appears also 

I Bartmm, Travels, p. 137. 

* Ibid., pp. 189-184, 390. 

s See Coben, Noticea of Florida, p. 33. 

« Williuns, Terr, of Florida, p. 272, 1837. 

* Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 237. 

• MS., Ayer Lib. 
' See plate 6. 


on several later maps, such as those of Evans, 1771, and D'Anville, 
1790, but it was probably copied into them from Mitchell. Without 
giving any authority Gatschet quotes a statement to the effect 
''that the Yemasi band of Creeks refused to fight in the British- 
American war of 1813/'* 

There is reason to think that this band subsequently moved down 
among the Lower Creeks and thence into Florida. Into his report of 
1822 Morse copies a list of ''Seminole" bands from the manuscript 
journal of a certain Captain Young, and among these we find the 
"Emusas/' consisting of only 20 men and located 8 miles above 
the Florida boundary.* Their name is probably preserved in that 
of Omusee Creek, in Henry and Houston Counties, Alabama. What 
is evidently the same band appears again in a list of Seminole towns 
made in 1823, where it has tlie more correct form "Yumersee.*' 
They had then moved into Florida and were located at the "head 
of the Sumulga Hatchee River, 20 miles north of St. Mark's." The 
chief man was "Alac Hajo,'' whose name is Creek, properly Ahalak 
hadjo, '* Potato hadjo."' It may be surmised that these people 
were subsequently absorbed into the Mikasuki band of Seminole. 

Connected intimately with the Yamasee were a small tribe found 
on the site of what is now Savannah by Governor Oglethorpe in 
1733, when he founded the colony of Georgia. They are called 
Yamacraw by the historians of the period, and their town was on a 
bluff, which still bears their name, in what is now the western suburb 
of the city. This name is a puzzle, since no r occurs in the Musklio- 
gean tongues. It suggests Yamiscaron, the form in which the 
tribal name of the Yamasee first appears in history through Fran- 
cisco of Chicora, but as I have shown elsewhere there is every reason 
to believe that the ending -ron is Siouan.* Its first definite appearance 
is in the later (1680) name of the Florida mission Nombre de Dios 
de Amacarisse, also given as Macarisqui or Macarizqui. We may 
safely assume that the leaders of the later Georgia Yamacraw came 
from this place, but the name itself remains as much of a mystery 
as before. They seem to be mentioned in the Public Records of 
South Carolina a few years before^ the Yamasee war as the "^imecario," 
or "Amercaraio/' ^' above Wostoo [i. e., Savannah] River/'* From 
the conference which Oglethorpe hold with these people and the 
Creeks and the speechas delivered at that conference we obtain 
some further information regarding the history of the town. It 
was settled in 1730 bv a body of Indians from amonj]: the Lower 
Creeks, numbering 17 or IS families and 30 or 40 men, under the 

» Gatschet, Creek MUl. Leg., i, p. f>5. * Sec p. 37 et scq. 

* l^lorse, Kept, on Indian AlTair-, p. 304; sec p. 4«»9. ■• Pub. Roc. S. C, n, pp. 8-9, MS. 

* Amer. State Papers, Ind. AiTairs, n, p. 439; ^ee p. 411. 


leadership of a chief named Tomochichi. These are said to liave 
been banished from their own country for some crimes and misde- 
meanors. Tomochichi himself had '* tarried for a season with the 
Palla-Chucolas" before settling there, and it must be remembered 
that before the Yamasee war the Apalachicola tribe had been located 
upon Savannah River some 50 miles higher up. It is therefore 
likely that he belonged to some refugee Yamasee among the Apala- 
chicola, and his occasion for settling in this place may have been as 
much because it was the land of his ancestors as because he had been 
"outlawed/' Indeed he says as much in his speech to Oglethorpe. 
In 1732 the Yamacraw asked permission of the government of 
South Carolina to remain in their new settlement and it was accorded 
them. When Oglethorpe arrived they are said to have been the only 
tribe for 50 miles around. They received the settlers in a friendly man- 
ner and acted as intermediaries between them and the Creeks. From 
the negotiations then imdertaken it would seem that both the Yama- 
craw and the Yamasee were reckoned as former members of the Creek 
confederacy. At least the confederacy arrogated to itself at that 
time the right to dispose of their lands, all of which, except the site 
of Yamacraw, a strip of land between Pipemakers Bluff and Pally- 
Chuckola Creek, and the three islands, Ossabaw, Sapello, and St. 
Catherines, were ceded to Oglethorpe. Tomochichi, his wife, nephew, 
and a few of his warriors went to England in 1734, where they 
received much attention. A painting.of Tomochiclii and his nephew, 
Tonahowi, was made by Verelst, and from this engravings were 
afterwards made by Faber and Kleinschmidt.* Tomochichi died 
October 5, 1739,' and the Yamacraw population declined rather 
than increased. After a time they moved to another situation later 
known as New Yamacraw,^ but ultimately those that were left 
probably retired among their kindred in the Creek Nation, and we 
may conjecture that they united with the Creek band of Yamasee 
mentioned above. 

The Yamasee made a considerable impression on Creek imagina- 
tion and are still remembered by a few of the older Creek Indians. 
According t© one of my informants, a Hitchiti, they lived north of 
the Creeks, which was in any sense true of them only when they 
were located in South Carolina. It was from this tribe, according 
to the same informant, that many of the Creek charms kno^\^l as 

sabia came. 


The third Muskliogean group to be considered is knowTi to history 
under the name Apalachee, a word which in Ilitchiti, a related 
dialect, seems to signify '^on the other side." The Apalachee proper 

* See Jones, Bist. Sketch of Tomochi-chi:; Tailfer, A true and bist. narr. of the colony of Georgia. 
> Jones, Ibid., p. 121. 
'Tailfer, op. cit., p. 74. 


occupied, when first discovered, a portion of what is now western 
Florida, between Ocilla River on the east and the Ocklocknee and 
its branches on the west. They probably extended into what is now 
the State of Georgia for a short distance, but their center was in 
the region indicated, northward of Apalachee Bay. Tallahassee, 
the present State capital of Florida, is nearly in the center of their 
ancient domain. 

A fair idea of the number and names of their towns may be obtained 
from the lists of missions made in the years 1655* and 1680.^ The 
first of these contains the following Apalachee missions, together 
with their distances in leagues from St. Augustine: 

San Lorenzo de Apalache 75 

San Francisco de Apalache 77 

La Concepcl6n de Apalache 77 

San Josef de Apalache 84 

San Juan de Apalache 86 

San Pedro y San Pablo de Kpal 

[Kpal evidently for Apal] 87 

San Cosme y San Damidn 90 

San Luis de Apalache 88 

San Martfn de Apalache 87 

Fortunately the second list gives native names also. In this the 
missions are classified by provinces, but no distances appear. The 
following are enumerated in the ''Provincia de Apalache,'^ the order 
having been altered to agree as far as possible with that in the first 
mission list: 

San Loreuyo de Ybithachucu. 

Nuestra Sefiora de La Purissiina Con9ep9i6n de Ajubali. 

San Francisco de Oconi. 

San Joseph de Ocuia. 

San Joan de Ospalaga. 

San Pedro y San Pablo de Patali. 

San Antonio de Bacuqua. 

San Cosme y San Damian de Yecambi. 

San Carlos de los Chacatos, conversion nueva. 

San Luis de Talimali. 

Nuestra Sefiora de la Candelaha de la Tama, conversion nueva. 

San Pedro de los Chines, conversion nueva. 

San Martin de Tomoli. 

Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcantara de Ychutafun. 

There is little doubt that the missions of this second list correspond- 
ing with those of the former are pure Apalachee — i. e., the first six, the 
eighth, the tenth, and the thirteepth. The omission of the name Apa- 
lachee after San Cosme and San Damian in the first is probably due to 
lack of space in the original text. After the preceding name it is abbre- 
viated. San Antonio de Bacuqua was also in all probability Apalachee, 
a town missionized later than the others. San Carlos de los Chacatos 
was of com^e the mission among the neighboring Chatot Indians, and 

» Serrano y Sanx, Doc. Hist., pp. 132-13:*; also Lowery, MSS., Lib. Cong. Reproduced on p. 323. 
* Lowery, MSS. Reproduced on p. 323. 


Nuestra Sefiora de la Candelaria de la Tama that among the Tama 
or TamaU. The Chines appear to have been another foreign tribe, 
though, like the rest, of Muskhogean origin. There are few references 
to them. The last mission on the list, Santa Cruz y San Pedro de 
Alcantara de Ychutafun, seems from other evidence to have been 
located in a true Apalachee town established in later times on the 
banks of the Apalachicola River and thus to the westward of the 
original Apalachee coimtry. Since tafa was a name for '^town" 
peculiar to the Apalachee dialect, of which tafun would be the objec- 
tive form, and ichu, itcUj or itco a common Muskhogean word for 
'*deer, " it is probable that the native name signifies ''Deer town." 
The settlement may have been made at this place because deer were 
plentiful there. 

In addition to the above we have notice in two or three places of 
a mission called Santa Maria. The Van Loon map of 1705 has a 
legend stating that this mission had been destroyed by the Alabama 
in the year in which the map was published. About the same time 
(1702) we hear of a town called Santa Fe.* In 1677 there existed a 
mission called San Damian de Cupayca. The town is mentioned in 
a letter of 1639.^ San Marcos belongs to a later period. 

We have, besides, the native names of some towns not identified 
with the mission stations. They are Iniahica, Calahuchi, Uzela, 
Ochete, Aute, Yapalaga, Bacica, Talpatqui, Capola, and Ilcombe. 
The first four appear only in the De Soto narratives. Iniahica is 
spelled Iviahica by Kanjel, Iniahico by Biedma, and is given as 
Anhayca Apalache by Elvas.' It can not be identified in later 
documents and the name may be in Timucua. Calahuchi is mentioned 
by Ranjel* and Uzela by Elvas.* Ochete is located by Elvas 8 
leagues south of Iniahica.^ Aute was a town visited by Narvaez, eight 
or nine days journey south, or probably rather southwest, of the main 
Apalachee towns.* Oarcilasso gives this appellation to the town of 
Ochete, but the distance of the latter from the main Apalachee 
towns does not at all agree with that given for the Aute of Narvaez. 
Yapalaga is entered on most of the more detailed maps of the eight- 
eenth century. Bacica, as well as Bacuqua, already given in the 
mission lists, seems to have been somewhat removed from the other 
Apalachee towns, yet probably belonged; to them. Its name is per- 
petuated in Wacissa Kiver and toWn. Talpatqui appears in the 
Apalachee letter of 1688.^ Possibljf it was identical with TalimaU 
and therefore with San Luis. Capoj^ tand Ilcombe appear as Apa- 
lachee towns on the Popple map^of.1733 (pi. 4). As the first of 

iSe«p. lao. » Ibid, T, p. 47. 

s Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 200, 208. * Bandolier, Journey of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 29. 

t Boome, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 47; n, pp. 7, 79. ' Buckingham Smith, Two Docs. 

« n>ld., n, p. 70. 


these resemblas Sapello and the second is given in South CaroUna 
documents as the name of a Yamasee chief, *Hhe Ilcombe king/' * it is 
probable that they had moved from the Guale coast in later times. 
The Apalachee town of Oconi, although missionized as early as 1655, 
may also have been an adopted town, part of the Oconee tribe to be 
mentioned later. A town called Machaba, which is located on many 
maps not far from the Apalachee settlements, was really Timucua. 
Although perhaps not as prominent toward the close of Apalachee 
history as- San Luis de Talimali Ibitachuco, the San Lorenzo de 
Ybithachucu of the missionaries, has the longest traceable history. 
It appears as far back as the De Soto narratives in the forms Ivit- 
achuco, Uitachuco, and Vitachuco, although Garcilasso, our authority 
for the last form, bestows it upon a Timucua chief instead of an 
Apalachee town.* In a letter of 1677 it appears as Huistachuco,' in 
the mission list above given Ybithachuco, and in the Apalachee letter 
written to Charles II in 1688 Ybitachuco.* Finally, Colonel Moore, 
who destroyed it, writes the name Ibitachka.* Ajubali is noted more 
often imder the forms Ayaville or Ayubale. 

Very little has been preserved regarding the ethnology of the 
Apalachee. Their culture was midway between that of the Florida 
tribes and their own Muskhogean relatives to the north. Writing 
in 1673 one of the governors of Florida says of their dress: 

The men wear only bark and skin clothing and the women small cloaks (goaipilee), 
which they make of the roots of trees. 

These last must have been similar to, if not identical with, the 
mulberry bark garments. From what the De Soto chroniclers say 
of the change in domestic architecture which they encountered in 
south-central Georgia it is evident that the Apalachee were asso- 
ciated in this feature rather with the southern than with the north- 
em tribes. 

Fontaneda makes a few brief remarks regarding the customs of the 
Apalachee,' but it is secondhand information obtained through the 
south Florida Indians and of little value. 

The first historical reference to the Apalachee is in Cabeza de 
Vaca*s narrative of the Narvaez expedition. On their way north 
through the central part of the Florida Peninsula in the spring of 
1528 the explorers met some Indians who led them to their vUlage, 
and ** there," says Cabeza de Vaca, ''we found many boxes for mer- 
chandize from Castilla. In every one of them was a corpse covered 
with painted deer liides. The commissary thought this to be some 

» See p. 97. 

> Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 47; u, pp. 7, 79; Shipp's Garcilasso, p. 283. 

* Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Ulst., p. 2(17. 
4 Buckingham Smith, Two Docs. 

» See p. 121. 

• Buckingham Smith, Letter of De Soto and Mem. of Fontaneda, pp. 27-28. 


idolatrous practice, so he burnt the boxes with the corpses. We 
also found pieces of linen and cloth, and feather headdresses that 
seemed to be from New Spain, and samples of gold/' 
The narrative continues as follows: 

We inquired of the Indians (by signs) whence they had obtained these things and 
they gave us to understand that very far from there, was a province called Apalachen, 
in which there was much gold. They also signified to us that in that province we 
would find everything we held in esteem. They said that in Apalachen there was 

The form ''Apalachen" here giyen seems to contain the Muskho- 
gean objective ending -n, which by a stranger would often be taken 
over as a necessary part of the word. The people among whom the 
Spaniards then were, were Timucua, therefore the mistake was 
perhaps on the part of the Indians, but more likely it is the form as 
heard by the Spaniards afterwards from the Apalachee themselves. 
The Spaniards continued their journey in search of this province and 
"came in sight of Apalachen without having been noticed by the 
Indians of the land'' on the day after St. John's Day.* 

Cabeza continues thus: 

Once in sight of Apalachen, the governor commanded me to enter the village with 
nine horsemen and fifty foot. So the inspector and I undertook this. Upon penetrat- 
ing into the village we found only women and boys. The men were not there at the 
time, but soon, while we were walking about they came and began to fight, shooting 
arrows at us. They killed the inspector's horse, but finally fled and left us. We 
found there plenty of ripe maize ready to be gathered and much dry com already 
housed. We also found many deer skins and among them mantles made of thread 
and of poor quality, with which the women cover parts of their bodies. They had 
many vessels [mortars] for grinding [or rather pounding] maize. The village con- 
tained forty small and low houses, reared in sheltered places, out of fear of the great 
storms that continuously occur in the country. The buildings are of straw, and they 
are surrounded by dense timber, tall trees and numerous water-pools, where there 
were so many fallen trees and of such size as to greatly obstruct and impede circulation.' 

Below he adds: 

In the province of Apalachen the lagunes are much laiger than those we found pre- 
viously. There is much maize in this province and the houses are scattered all over 
the country as much as those of the Gelves.^ 

FoUowing is the account of the rest of their dealings with the 

Two hours after we airived at Apalachen the Indians that had fled came back peace- 
ably, begging us to give back to them their women and children, which we did. The 
governor, however, kept with him one of their caciques, at which they became so 
angry as to attack us the following day. They did it so swiftly and with so much 
audacity as to set fire to the lodges we occupied, but when we sallied forth they fled to 

1 Bandelier, Journey of Cabesa de Vaca, pp. 12-13. * Ibid., pp. 25-36. 

> Ibid., p. 21. Ibid., p. 27. 

148061 *'--22 8 


the lagunes nearby, on account of which and of the big corn patches we could not do 
them any harm beyond killing one Indian. The day after Indians from a village on 
the other side came and attacked us in the same manner, escaping in the same way, 
with the loss of a single man. 

We remained at this village for 25 days, making three exciursions during the time. 
We found the country very thinly inhabited and difficult to march through, owing 
to bad places, timber, and lagunes. We inquired of the cacique whom we had 
retained and of the other Indians with us (who were neighbors and enemies of them) 
about the condition and settlements of the land, the quality of its people, about sup- 
plies, and everything else. They answered, each one for himself, that Apalachcn 
was the largest town of all ; that further in less people were met with who were very 
much poorer than those here, and that the country was thinly settled, the inhabitants 
greatly scattered, and also that further inland big lakes, dense forests, great deserts, 
and wastes were met with. 

Then we asked about the land to the south, its villages and resources. They said 
that in that direction and nine days' march toward the sea was a \'illage called Aute, 
where the Indians had plenty of com and also beans and melons, and that, being so 
near the sea, they obtained fish and that those were their friends. Seeing how poor 
the country was, taking into account the unfavorable reports about its population and 
everything else, and that the Indians made constant war upon us, wounding men and 
horses whenever they went for water (which they could do from the lagimes where 
we could not reach them) by shooting arrows at us; that they had killed a chief of Tuz- 
cuco called Don Pedro, whom the commissary had taken along with him, we agreed to 
depart and go in search of the sea, and of the village of Aute, which they had mentioned . 
And so we left, arriving there five days after. The first day we traveled across lagunes 
and trails without seeing a single Indian. 

On the second day, however, we reached a lake very difficult to cross, the water 
reaching to the chest, and there were a great many fallen trees. Once in the middle of 
it, a number of Indians assailed us from behind trees that concealed them from our 
sight, while others were on fallen trees, and they began to shower arrows upon us, so 
tJiat many men and horses were wounded, and before we could get out of the lagune 
our guide was captured by them. After we had got out, they pressed us very hard, 
intending to cut us off, and it was useless to turn upon them, for they would hide in the 
lake and from there wound both men and horses. 

So the Governor ordered the horsemen to dismount and attack them on foot. The 
purser dismounted also, and our people attacked them. Again they fled to a lagune, 
and we succeeded in holding the trail . In this light some of our people were wounded 
in spite of their good armor. There were men that day who swore they had sec|n two 
oak trees, each as thick as the calf of a leg, shot through and through by arrows, which 
is not surprising if we consider the force and dexterity ^^ith which they shoot. I 
myself saw an arrow that had penetrated the base of a poplar tree for half a foot in 
length. All the many Indians from Florida we saw were archers, and, being very tall 
and naked, at a distance they appeared giants. 

Those people are wonderfully built, very gaunt and of great strength and agility. 
Their bows are as thick as an arm, from eleven to twelve spans long, shooting an 
arrow at 2(X) paces ^^dth unerring aim. From that crossing we went to another similar 
one, a league away, but while it was half a league in length it was also much more 
difficult. There we crossed without opposition, for the Indians, ha\'ing spent all 
their arrows at the first place, had nothing where\^ath they would dare attack us. 
The next day, while crossing a similar place, 1 saw the tracks of people who went 
ahead of us, and I notified the (iovemor, who was in the rear, so that, although the 
Indians turned upon us, as we were on our guard, they could do us no harm. Once on 
C|)en ground they pursued us still. We attacked them t^dce, killing two, while they 
wounded me and two or three other ( hristians, and entered the forest again, where we 
could no longer injure them.. 


In this maimer we marched for eight days, without meeting any more natives, 
until one league from the site to which I said we were going. There, as we were 
marching along, Indians crept up unseen and fell upon our rear. A boy belonging to a 
nobleman, called Avellaneda, who was in the rear guard, gave the alarm. Avellaneda 
turned back to assist, and the Indians hit him with an arrow on the edge of the cuirass, 
piercing his neck nearly through, so that he died on the spot, and we carried him 
to Ante. It took us nine days from Apalachen to the place where we stopped. And 
then we found that all the people had left and the lodges were biumt. But there was 
plenty of maize, squash, and beans, all nearly ripe and ready for harvest. We rested 
there for two days. 

After this the governor entreated me to go in search of the sea, as the Indians said 
it was BO near by, and we had, on this march, already suspected its proximity from a 
great river to which we had given the name of the Rio de la Magdalena. I left on the 
following day in search of it, accompanied by the commissary, the captain Castillo, 
Andr6s Dorantes, 7 horsemen, and 50 foot. We marched until simset, reaching 
an inlet or arm of the sea, where we foimd plenty of oysters on which the people feasted, 
and we gave many thanks to God for bringing us there. 

The next day I sent 20 men to reconnoiter the coast and explore it, who returned on 
tibe day following at nightfall, saying that these inlets and bays were very large and 
went so fan inland as greatly to impede our investigations, and that the poast was still 
at a great distance. Hearing this and considering how ill-prepared we were for the 
task, I returned to where the governor was. We found him sick, together with many 
others. The night before Indians had made an attack, putting them in great stress, 
owing to their enfeebled condition. The Indians had also killed one of their horses. ' 

The next day they left Aute and, with great exertion, reached 
the spot where Cabeza de Vaca had come out on the Gulf. It was 
determined to build boats and leave the country, but meanwhile, in 
order to provide themselves with sufficient provisions, they made 
four raids upon Aute *'and they brought as many as 400 fanegas of 
maize, although not without armed opposition from the Indians/' ' 
Our author adds that "during that time some of the party went to 
the coves and inlets for sea food, and the Indians surprised them 
twice, killing ten of our men in plain view of the camp without our 
being able to prevent it. We found them shot through and through 
with arrows, for, although several wore good armor, it was not suffi- 
cient to protect them, since, as I said before, they shot their arrows 
with such force and precision.'' ^ Near the end of September, 1528, 
they embarked in five barges and left the country, coasting along 
toward the west, and having nothing further to do with Apalachee 
or its inhabitants. The narrative given by Oviedo* is practically 
the same; that in the "Relacion" published in the Documentos Inedi- 
tos* is even briefer. 

The next we learn of the Province of Apalachee is from the chroni- 
clers of the great expedition of De Soto. Ranjel, who is generally 
the n^ost reliable, gives the following account: 

On Wednesday, the first of October, [1539] the Governor Hernando de Soto, started 
from Agile and came with his soldiers to the river or swainp of Ivitachuco, and they 

* BsDdelier. op. oit;« pp. 28-34. - .. s Bundelier, op. cit., p. 39. 

'Ibid., p. 38. A lanega is about equal to u « Oviedo, Hist. Oen.. in. pp. 578-582. 
busbei. ^ Doc. loed., xiv, pp. 26^279. 


made a bridge; and in the high swamp grass on the other side there was an ambuscade 
of Indians, and they shot three Christians with arrows. They finished crossing this 
swamp on the Friday following at noon and a horse was drowned there. At nightfall 
they reached Ivitachuco and found the village in flames, for the Indians had set fire 
to it. Sunday, October 5, they came to Calahuchi, and two Indians and one Indian 
woman were taken and a large amount of dried venison. There the guide whom 
they had ran away. The next day they went on, taking for a guide an old Indian who 
led them at random, and an Indian woman took them to Iviahica, and they found 
all the people gone. And the next day two captains went on further and found all 
the people gone. 

Johan de Afiasco started out from that village and eight leagues from it he found 
the port where Pamphilo de Narvaez had set sail in the vessels which he made. 
He recognized it by the headpieces of the horses and the place where the foige was 
set up and the mangers and the mortars that they used to grind corn and by the crosBes 
cut in the trees. 

They spent the winter there, and remained until the 4th of Biarch, 1540, in which 
time many notable things befell them with the Indians, who are the bravest of men 
and whose great courage and boldness the discerning reader may imagine from what 
follows. For example, two Indians once rushed out against eight men on horseback; 
twice they set the village on fire; and with ambuscades they repeatedly killed many 
Christians, and although the Spaniards pursued them and burned them they were 
never willing to make peace. If their hands and noses were cut off they made no 
more account of it than if each one of them had been a Mucins Scaevola of Rome. 
Not one of them, for fear of death, denied that he belonged to Apalache; and when 
they were taken and were asked from whence they were they replied proudly: "From 
whence am I? I am an Indian of Apalache." And they gave one to understand 
that they would be insulted if they were thought to be of any other tribe than the 

Farther on we read: 

The Province of Apalache is very fertile and abundantly provided with supplies 
with much com, kidney beans, pumpkins, various fruits, much venison, many varie- 
ties of birds and excellent fishing near the sea; and it is a pleasant country, though 
there are swamps, but these have a hard sandy bottom.^ 

The account in Elvas is as follows: 

The next day, the first of October, the Grovemor took Ms departure in the morning, 
and ordered a bridge to be made over a river, which he had to cross. The depth 
there, for a stone's throw, was over the head, and afterward the water came to the 
waist, for the distancre of a crossbow-shot, where was a growth of tall and dense forest, 
into which the Indians came, to ascertain if they could assail the men at work and 
prevent a passage; but they were dispersed by the arrival of crossbow-men, and some 
timbers being thrown in, the men gained the opposite side and secured the way. 
On the fourth day of the week, Wednesday of St. Francis, the Governor crossed over 
and reached Uitachuco, a town subject to Apalache, where he slept. He found it 
burning, the Indians having set it on fire. 

Thenceforward the country was well inhabited, producing much com, the way 
leading by many habitations like villages. Sunday, the twenty-fifth of October, 
he arrived at the town of Uzela, and on Monday at Anhayca Apalache, where the 
lord of all that country and Province resided. The Camp-master, whose duty it is to 
divide and lodge the men, (juartered them about the town, at the distance of half a 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, u, pp. 78-^. > Ibid., p. 82. 


league to a league apart. There were other towns which had much maize, pumpkins, 
beans, and dried plums of the country, whence were brought together at Anhayea 
Apalache what appeared to be sufficient provision for the winter.' These ameixas 
[penimmons] are better than those of Spain, and come from trees that grow in the 
fields without being planted. 

Below we read : 

The Governor ordered planks and spikes to be taken to the coast for building a 
piragua, into w}iich thirty men entered well armed from the bay, going to and coming 
from sea, waiting the arrival of the brigantines, and sometimes fighting with the natives, 
who went up and down the estuary in canoes. On Saturday, the twenty-ninth of No- 
vember, in a high wind, an Indian passed through the sentries undiscovered, and set 
fire to the town, two portions of which, in consequence, were instantly consumed. 

On Sunday, the twenty-eighth of December, Juan de Afiasco arrived; and the 
Grovemor directed Francisco Maldonado, Captain of Infantry, to run the coast to the 
westward with fifty men, and look for an entrance; proposing to go himself in that 
direction by land on discoveries. The same day, eight men rode two leagues about 
the town in pursuit of Indians, who had become so bold that they would venture up 
within crossbow-shot of the camp to kill our people. Two were discovered engaged 
in picking beans, and might have escaped, but a woman being present, the wife of 
one of them, they stood to fight. Before they could be killed, three horses were 
wounded, one of which died in a few days.^ 

The balance of the narrative is practically, the same as that of 
The following is from Biedma: 

Across this stream [on the confines of Apalache] we made a bridge, by lashing many 
pines together, upon which we went over with much danger, as there were Indians on 
the opposite side who disputed our passage; when they found, however, that we had 
landed, they went to the nearest town, called Ivitachuco, and there remained until 
we came in sight, when as we appeared they set all the place on fire and took to flight. 

There are many towns in this Province of Apalache, and it is a land abundant in 
substance. They call all that other country we were travelling through, the Province 
of Yustaga. 

We went to another town, called Iniahico.^ 

In Oarcilasso's Florida we have some additional information re- 
garding the Apalachee Indians: 

Alonso de Carmona, in his Peregrinaciony remarks in particular upon the fierceness 
of the Indians of the Province of Apalache, of whom he writes as follows, his words 
being exactly quoted: Those Indians of Apalache are very tall, very valiant and full 
of spirit; since, just as they showed themselves and fought with those who were with 
Pamphilo de Narvaez, and drove them out of the country in spite of themselves, they 
kept flying in our faces every day and we had daily brushes with them; and as they 
fidled to make any headway with us, because our Governor was ver\' brave, energetic, 
and experienced in Indian warfare, they concluded to withdraw to the woods in small 
bands, and as the Spaniards were going out for wood and were cutting it in the forest 
the Indians would come up at the sound of the axe and would kill the Spaniards and 

> A mistake has probably been made here in the division of sentences, which must have read: "The 
Camp-master, whose duty it is to divide and lodge the men, quartered them about the town. At the 
distance of half a league to a league apart there were other towns which had much maize," etc. 

* Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, pp. 46-40. 

' Ibid., n, pp. 6-7. 


loose the chains of the Indians whom they brought to carry back the cut wood and 
take the Spaniards' scaljM, which was what they most prized, to Iianc^ upon the arm of 
their bows with which they fouglit; and at the sound of the voices and of arms we 
would immediately repair thither, and we found the consequences of a lack of precau- 
tion. In that way they killed for us more tlian twenty soldiers, and this happened 
frequently. And I remember that one day seven horsemen went out from the camp to 
forage for food and to kill a little dog to eat; which we were used to do in that land, and 
a day that we got something we thought ourselves lucky; and not even pheasants ever 
tasted better to us. And going in search of these things they fell in wjth five Indians 
who were waiting for them with bows and arrows, and they drew a line on the ground 
and told them not to cross that or they would all die. And the Spaniards who would 
not take any fooling, attacked them, and the Indians shot off their bows and killed 
two horses and wounded two others, and also a Spaniard severely; and the Spaniards 
killed one of the Indians and the rest took to their heels and got away, for they are 
truly very nimble and are not impeded by the adornments of clothes, but rather are 
much helped by going bare.* 

After leaving Iviahica, De Soto came to the River Guacuca and 
later reached a province called Capachequi. It is uncertain what 
relation this and the subsequent i)laces into which he came bore 
to the Apalachee. Probably most of them belonged to the people 
we now know as Hitchiti. 

Pareja, the well-kno^ii missionary to the Timucua Indians, and 
another friar, Alonso de Pofiaranda, state in letters, written in 1607, 
that the Apalachee had a^ked for missionaries that same year through 
the friars in Potano. Their statement that the Apalachee towns 
numbered 107 is, of course, a gross exaggeration.- We read that in 
1609 more than 28 Timucua and Apalachee chiefs were begging for 
baptism.' In 1622 an Englishman named Brigstock claims to have 
visited the " Apalachites'.' and to have discovered near them a colony 
of English refugees. He published his narrative in 1644. It has 
received some credence from as noted a student as D. G. Brinton, but 
may now be dismissed as essentially a fabrication.^ The need of mis- 
sionaries to begin converting the Apalachee is frequently dwelt upon in 
documents written between 1607 and 1633, but it was not imtil the 
latter date that work was actually begun. A letter dated November 
15, 1633, states that two monks had gone to the Province of Apa- 
lachee on October 16. It adds that these people had desired conver- 
sion for more than 20 years, that their country was 12 leagues in 
extent and contained 15,000 to 16,000 Indians, which last statement 
is of course another gross exaggeration, though indeed more moderate 
than one of 30,000 made in 1618 and another of 34,000 made in 1635.' 
This last placed the number of Christian converts in the province at 
5,000, probably more than the total Apalachee population. By a 
letter of September 12, 1638, we learn that conversions of Apalachee 

» Trans, by noume, op. cit. , ii, pp. 151-1.>2. • John Davles, Hist. Carrlbboe Islands, pp. 228-249. 

*Lowery, MSS. 

BWAKTosl jsahly history of the creek induns 119 

were greatly on the increase/ and Gov. Damian de Vega Castro y 
Pardo writes, August 22, 1639, that there had been more than a 
thousand conversions there, although there were still only two friars. 
He also states that he had made peace between the Apalachee and 
three tribes called Chacatos, Apalochocolos, and Amacanos, evi- 
dently the Chatot, Lower Creeks, and Yamasee.* Barcia informs us 
that the Apalachee made war upon the Spaniards in 1638, but were 
driven back into their own country, which was in turn invaded.' The 
documents of the time make no mention of this struggle and I think 
Barcia is in error, or more likely the notice is out of place. In 1647* a 
war did break out, however, attributed to the fact that the Spaniards 
were not giving the Indians as much as formerly, and also to the 
influence of some Chisca (Yuchi) Indians. At that time there, were 
eight friars in the province and seven churches and convents. • Eight 
of the chiefs, of whom there were said to be more than 40> had ac- 
cepted the now faith. In the revolt three missionaries were killed 
and all of the churches and convents, with the sacred objects which 
they contained, were destroyed, and among the slain were the lieuten- 
ant of the province and his family. Capt. Don Martin de Cufera was 
sent against the rebels with a troop of soldiers, but his party was 
surrounded by a multitude of Indians and after a battle which lasted 
all day he was forced to return to St. Augustine for reinforcements. 
And then a strange thing happened, well illustrating the fickleness 
of the Indian nature. Francisco Menendez Marques, acting on 
advices privately received from the enemy^s country, went there in 
person secretly and put down the rebelUon with comparative ^ase, 
assisted almost entirely, it woxild seem, by friendly Apalachee. 
Twelve of the ringleaders were killed, and 26 others condemned to labor 
on the fortifications of St. Augustine. The rest were pardoned^ :but 
with the understanding that they sh6uld send additional men to work 
on the fortifications of the capital. After this most of the Apalachee 
sought baptism.* The obligation to labor in St. Augustine is a con- 
stant source of complaint from this time on — sometimes by the 
Indians themselves; sometimes by the friars on their behalf. In 
1656 there was an uprising among the Timucua Indians, which 
spread to the Apalachee, but it seems to have died out there without 
necessitating drastic measures, although we learn that a captain 
and 12 soldiers were placed in San Luis.* In a letter written just 
after this war we are told that there were then sLx monks in the 
province,* and by the mission list of two years earlier we find that 

> Lowery, MSS. 

'Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 198; also Ix)wcry, MSS. 

>Barcia, La Florida, p. 203. 

•Lowery, MSS.: also wo Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 204-205. 


they had nine xnissions to serve. In the memorial of a missionary 
named Fray Alonso de Moral, dated November 5, 1676, it is said that 
there had been 16,000 Apalachee Indians in 1638, and that at the 
date of writing they were reduced to 5,000,* but it may be con- 
sidered doubtfxil whether they ever numbered more than the 
latter figure. In 1677 a body of Apalachee undertook a successful 
expedition against some Chisca (Yuchi) Indians living to the west- 
ward who had committed depredations upon their settlements. 
The full account of it is given elsewhere.* In 1681 Gov. Cabrera 
notes that he had stopped the ball game among the Apalachee 
Indians as a heathenish practice inimical to their well being. Jan- 
uary 21, 1688, is noteworthy as the date on which a letter in the 
Spanish and Apalachee languages was written for transmission to 
King Charles II. This has fortunately been preserved, and it con- 
tains practically all of the Apalachee language known to be in exist- 
ence.* The chiefs of the Apalachee express their pleasure at having 
missionaries among them and at being reUeved from the former 
burdensome labors they were compelled to undergo in St. Augustine. 
That this reUef was only temporary, however, is shown by an appeal, 
dated Vitachuoo, February 28, 1701, made by "Nanhxila Chuba, 
Don Patricio, chief of the [Apalachee] Indians" to Gov. Qiroga y 
Losada, in the name of all of the Apalachee chiefs, begging to be 
relieved from work on the fortifications of St. Augustine.* From 
an entry in Barcia's history it would seem that final relief was not 
granted before 1703,* and as the Apalachee Nation was nearly de- 
stroyed at about the same period, few were benefited by it. The 
attacks of northern Indians, instigated by English in Carolina, 
were increasing in frequency and violence. March 20, 1702, Gov. 
Zufiiga writes that infidel Indians had attacked the town of 
Santa Fe in the Apalachee province and, though driven off, had 
burned the church.* 

The first encounter on a large scale between the English and their 
allies on the one hand and the Apalachee and Spaniards took place 
in the following manner, as related by an EngLsh chronicler: 

In 1702, before Queen Anne's Declaration of War waa known in these Parts, the 
Spaniards formed another Design to fall upon our Settlements by I^nd, at the Head 
of Nine Hundred Apalachee Indians from thence. The Creek Indians, in Friendship 
with this Province, coming at a Knowledge of it, and sensible of the Dangers approach- 
ing, acquainted our Traders, then in the Nation with it, when this Army was actually 
on their March coming down that way. The Traders having thereupon encouraged 
the Creeks to get together an Army of Five Hundred Men, headed the same, and went 
out to meet the other. Both Armies met in an Evening on the Side of Flint-River, a 

1 Lowery, M8S. « Brooks, MS8., Lib. Cong. 

* See pp. 299-304. » Barcia, La Florida, p. 323. 

•See p. 12. 


Branch of the Chatahooche [Chattahoochee]. In the Morning, just before Break of Day 
(when Indians are accustomed to make their Attacks) the Creeks stirring up their 
Fires drew back at a Little Distance leaving their Blankets by the Fires in the very 
same Order as they had slept. Immediately after the Spaniards and Apalatchees (as 
was expected) coming on to attack them, fired and run in upon the Blankets. There- 
upon Uie Creeks rushing forth fell on them, killed and took the greatest Part, and 
entirely routed them. To this Stratagem was owing the Defeat of the then intended 

Shortly after this affair, in the winter of 1703-4, occurred the great 
Apalachee disaster, the invasion of Apalachia by Col. Moore 
with a body of 50 volunteers from South Carolina and 1,000 Creek 
auxiliaries, and the almost complete breaking up of the Apalachee 
Nation. The best account of this is printed in the second volume 
of Carroll's Historical Collections of South Carolina* under the fol- 
lowing heading: ''An Account of What the Army Did, under the 
Command of Col. Moore, in His Expedition Last Winter, against 
the Spaniards and Spanish Indians in a Letter from the Said Col. 
Moore to the Governor of Carolina. Printed in the Boston News, 
May 1, 1704.'* It runs as follows: 

To the Oovemor of Carolina: 

May it please your honour to accept of this short narrative of what I, with the army 
under my command, have l>een doing since my departiu'e from the Ockomulgee, on 
the 19th « of December [1703]. 

On the 14th of December we came to a town, and strong and almost regular fort, 
about Sun rising called Ayaville, At oiu* first approach the Indians in it fired and 
shot arrows at us briskly; from which we sheltered ourselves under the side of a great 
Mud-walled house, till we could take a view of the fort, and consider of the best way 
of assaulting it: which we concluded to be, by breaking the church door, which 
made a part of the fort, with axes. I no sooner proposed this, but my men readily 
undertook it: ran up to it briskly (the enemy at the same time shooting at them), 
were beaten off without effecting it, and fourteen white men wounded. Two hours 
after that we thought fit to attempt the burning of the chiu-ch, which we did, three 
or four Indians assisting us. The Indians obstinately defending themselves, killed 
us two men, viz. Francis Plowden and Thomas Dale. After we were in their fort, 
a fryar, the only white in it, came forth and begged mercy. In this we took about 
twenty-six men alive, and fifty-eight women and children. The Indians took about 
as many more of each sort. The fryar told us we killed, in the two storms of the fort, 
twenty-five men. 

The next morning the captain of St. Lewis Fort, with twenty-three men and four 
hundred Indians, came to fight us, which we did ; beat him; took him and eight of his 
men prisoners; and, as the Indians, which say it, told us, killed five or six whites. We 
have a particular account from our Indians of one hundred and sixty -eight Indian men 
killed and taken in the fight; but the Apalatchia Indians say they lost two hundred, 
which we have reason to believe to be the least. Capt. John Bellinger, fighting bravely 
at the head of our men was killed at my foot. Capt. Fox dyed of a wound given him at 
the first storming of the fort. Two days after, I sent to the cassique of the Ibitachka, 

1 Asset forth in "Statements Mode in the Introduction to the Report on General Oglethorpe's Kxpedl- 
tion to St. Augustine" (printed in Carroll's Historical Collections of South Carolina, vol. n, p. 361). 
« Pp. 570-576. 
* Tliere is evidently a mistake in this date, which should be the 9th instead of the 19th. 


who, with one hundred and thirty men, was in his strong and well made fort, to come 
and make his peace with me, the which he did, and compounded for it ^Hth his 
church 's plate, and ten horses laden with provisions. After this, I marched through 
five towns, which had all strong forts, and defences against small arms. They all 
submitted and surrendered their forts to me without condition. I have now in my 
company all the whole people of three towns, and the greatest part of four more. We 
have totally destroyed all the people of four towns; so that we have left the Apalatchia 
but that one town which compound eil with one part of St. Lewis; and the people of one 
town, which run away altogether: their town, church and fort, we burnt. The people 
of St. I^ewis come to me every night. I expect and have advice that the town which 
compounded with me are coming after me. The waiting for these people make ray 
marches slow; for I am willing to bring away with me, free, as many of the Indians as I 
can, this being the address of the commons to your honour to order it so. This will 
make my men's part of plunder (which other^nse might have been lOOiC to a man) but 
small. But I hope with your honour's assistance to find a way to gratifie them for 
their loss of blood. I never see or hear of a stouter or braver thing done, than the 
storming of the fort. It hath regained the reputation we seemed to have lost under 
the conduct of Robert Macken, the Indians now having a mighty value for the whites. 
Apalatchia is now reduced to so feeble and low a condition, that it can neither support 
St. Augustine with provisions, nor distrust, endamage or frighten us: our Indians living 
between the Apalatchia and the French. In short, we have made Carolina as safe as 
the conquest of Apalatchia can make it. 

If I had not so many men wounded in our first attempt, I had assaulted St. Lewis 
fort, in which is about 28 or 30 men, and 20 of these came thither from Pensacola to 
buy provisions the first night after I took the first fort. 

On Sabbath, the 23d instant, I came out of Apalatchia settle, and am now about 30 
miles on my way home; but do not expect to reach it before the middle of March, 
notwithstanding my horses will not be able to carry me to the Cheeraquo's Mountain. 
I have had a tedious duty, and uneasy journey; and though I have no reason to fear 
any harm from the enemy, through the difference between the whites, and between 
Indians and Indians, bad way and false alarms, 1 do labour under hourly uneasiness. 
The number of free Apalatchia Indians that are now under my protection, and bound 
with me to Carolina, are 1300, and 100 slaves. The Indians under my command 
killed and took prisoners on the plantations, whilst we stormed the fort, as many 
Indians as we and they took and kille<l in the fort. 

Dated in the woods 50 miles north and east of Apalatchia. 

An account of this from the Spanish side is contained in a letter 
to the king written by Governor Don Jos6 do Zufiiga, March 30, 1704, 
though there is a discrepancy in the dates, which (iifferences in calen- 
dar do not seem fully to account for. The mention of Guale is evi- 
dently a mistake; probably Ayaville is intended. Ho says: 

After the late siege of St. Augustine the enemy invaded San Jose and San Francisco, 
destroying everything in their path, killing many Indians and carrying \Wth them 
over 500 prisoners. 

They returned afterward, accompanied by the English who laid siege to this fort 
and invaded the pro Nance of Apalachee, destroying all the lands. Tliey then assaulted 
Guale, on the 25th of January of the present year, which was vigoruualy defended by 
the Indians and the clergyman. Fray Angel de Miranda, wlio bravely defended the 
position, fighting from early in the morning until two o'clock in the afternoon, when 
their anmiunition was exhausted. The enemy then advanced through the i)a8sage 
adjoining the church, which they set on fire, gaining possession of the pus.sago. 

On the 26th I sent my lieutenant, Juan Ruiz, with thirty Spanish soldiers mounted 
and four hundred Indians. They attacked the enemy, inflicting a loss upon them of 


seven Englit<hmen and about one hundred Indians killed, besides others that were 
killed by Fray Miranda and his Indians. But our men having run out of ammuni- 
tion they were in their turn finally defeated. My lieutenant was wounded by a shot 
that knocked him down from his horse, and the clergyman, Fray Juan de Parga, 
together with two soldiers, were killed. The rest of the force withdrew, leaving in 
the hands of the enemy, my lieutenant, eight soldiers, and a few Indians as prisoners, 
whom the infidels treated in the most cruel and barbarous manner. After having 
bound the unfortunate Indian prisoners, by the hands and feet to a stake, they set fire 
to them, when they were burned up alive. This horrible sight was witnessed by 
my lieutenant and soldiers, who, naked, were tied up in the stocks. Only Fray Angel 
de Miranda was free 

The aflliction of the clergymen is great, and they have written to me and to their 
prelate urging that they be moved away from the danger that threatens them 

The enemy released the clergyman, the lieutenant, and foiur soldiers, but with the 
understanding that each one was to pay a ransom of four hundred dollars, five cows, 
and five horses. But the captain whom my lieutenant had left in his place, in charge 
of the defence of the strong house at San Luis, sent word to the English governor that 
he would not send him anything. Finally, sir, the governor withdrew with his forces 
without attacking the Strong House, but not before he had succeeded in destroying five 
settlements, carrying with him the Indians of two of them, together with all the cattle, 
horses, and everything else that they could carry. The Indians that abandoned their 
settlements and went away with the enemy numbered about six hundred. 

The enemy carried away the arms, shotguns, pistols, and horses, and with flags of 
peace marched upon the Strong House at old San Luis in order to ill treat the captain 
that was stationed there.* 

The only satisfactory French account is contained in a letter 
written by Bienville to his Government. This also contains the best 
statement relative to the settlement of a part of the Apalachee 
y-efugees near Mobile. I venture to translate it as follows: 

The Apalachee have been entirely destroyed by the English and the savages. 
They made prisoners thirty-two Spaniards, who formed a garrison there, besides 
which they had seventeen burned, including three Franciscan fathers (Peres 
Cordelliers), and have killed and made prisoner six or seven thousand Apalachee, 
the tribe which inhabited this country, and have killed more than six thousand head 
of cattle and other domestic animals such as horses and sheep. The Spaniards have 
burned the little fortress which they had there and have all retired to St. Augustine. 
Of all the Apalachee savages there have escaped only four hundred persons who 
have taken refuge in our river and have asked my permission to sow there and estab- 
lish a village. Another nation, named Chaqueto, which was established near Pansa- 
cola, has also come to settle in our river. They number about two hundred i)er8ons. 
I asked them why they left the Spaniards. They told me that they did not give 
them any guns, but that the French gave them to all of their allies. The English 
have drawn over to themselves all of the savages who were near the castle of St. Augus- 
tine, among whom there were Spanish missionaries. There remain to them [the Span- 
iards] at present only two or three allied villages of the savages. The English intend 
to return to besiege the castle of St. Augustine, according to information which 1 have 
received from the governor of the said castle, and they also threaten to make the 
French withdraw from Mobille. If they come here, which 1 do not believe, they 
will not make us withdraw easily.^ 

> Brooks, H8S., Miss Brooks's translation. 

sLooiilane: Correspondence Oto^rale, MS. vol. in Library I^uisiana IIi»tOTlcal Society, pp. 567-566. 
The "Chaqueto" are the Chatot. 

124 BUREAU 01^ AMERICA^ EtH^OLOGV (bull. 7ft 

Farther on we learn that the Spanish governor had offered the 
chiefs of the Apalachee and Chatot very considerable presents to 
return to Florida, but they refxised/ stating that the French pro- 
tected them better. This was written July 28, 1706, which tends 
to confirm P6nicaut's statement that the removal occurred toward 
the end of 1705.' He adds that Bienville furnished them with com 
with which to plant their first crop. The first mention of Apalachee 
in the register of the old Catholic church in Mobile records the bap- 
tism of a little Apalachee boy on September 6, 1706.' 

P6nicaut has the following to say regarding these Apalachee: 

The Apalachee perform divine service like the Catholics in France. Their grand 
feast is on the day of St. Louis; '^ they come the evening before to ask the officers of 
the fort to come to the fete in their village, and they extend great good cheer on that 
day to all who come there, especially to the French. 

The priests of our fort go there to perform high mass, which they listen to with 
much devotion, singing the psalms in Latin, as is done in France, and, after dinner, 
vespers and the benediction of the Holy Sacrament. Men and women are there 
that day very well dressed. The men have a kind of cloth overcoat and the women 
cloaks, skirts of silk stuff after the French manner, except that they do not have 
head coverings, their heads being imcovered; their hair, long and very black, ia 
braided and hangs in one or two plaits behind after the manner of the Spanish 
women. Those who have too long hair bend it back as far as the middle of the 
back and tie it with a ribbon. 

They have a church, where one of our French priests goes to say mass Sundays 
and feast days; they have a baptismal font, in which to baptize their infants, and a 
cemetery side of the church, in which there is a cross, where they are buried . 

Toward evening, on St. Louis's day, after the service is finished, men, women, 
and children dress in masks; they dance the rest of the day with the French 
who are there, and the other savages who come that day to their village; 'they have 
quantities of food cooked with which to regale them. They love the French very 
much, and it must be confessed that they have nothing of the savage except their 
language, which is a mixture of the language of the Spaniards and of the Alibamons.' 

Meantime the Apalachee carried away by Moore had been settled 
near New Windsor, South Carolina, below what is now Augusta, 
Georgia, where they remained xmtil 1715, the year of the Yamasee 
uprising. When that outbreak occurred, the Apalachee, as might 
have been anticipated, joined the hostiles, and from then on they 
disappear from English colonial history. 

However, the greater part of these revolted Apalachee evidently 
settled first near the Lower Creeks, a faction of whom opposed the 
English. In the following letter to the crown from Gov. Juan de 
Ayala of Florida we get a view of the struggle between these two 
factions, and the apparent victory of that in the English interest, 

> Looislanec Correspondence Gto^rale, MS. vol. in Library Louisiana Historical Society, pp. 621-622. 
s Umtgry, Dte., v, pp. 400-461 . 
•Hamiltoo, Cokmial Mobile, 1910, p. 109. 

* It will be remembered that St. Louis was one of the leading Apalachee towns and one of those which 
ped destructioo. 

* Pteicaut,in Margry, v, pp. 486-487. 


and in that fact we have an evident reason for the return of the 
Apalachee to Florida which soon took place. He says: 

I beg to report to Y. M. that on the 10th of July of the present year [1717] there came 
to pledge obedience to Y. M., Oedngulo, son and heir of the Emperor of Caveta, accom- 
panied by Talialicha,^ the great general and captain of war, and the cacique Adrian 
[the Apalachee chief], who ia a Christian, together with fifty-eeven Indians their 
subjects. They asked me for arms and anmiunition for themselves and their people 
as there were many who were in need of them. 

Their entrance having been made with great public ostentation, I ordered a salute to 
be fired by the guns of the royal fort. They reached the government houses amidst 
great rejoicings and their usual dance and song, "La Paloma," escorted by a body of 
infantry which I had sent out to meet them. Myself, together with all the ministers 
and the officers of this garrison, received them at the door of my residence. All of 
which will more extensively appear in the written testimony which I herewith 

They were splendidly treated and feasted during the time they remained here, not 
only on accoimt of Y. M., but also on my own and that of the city, I giving over my 
own residence to the caciques, in order to please them and to induce them to return 
satisfied. These attentions proved to be of great importance, as I will mention further. 
They left here on the 26th of the same month of July,' and I sent with them, to go as far 
tm their provinces, a retired officer, lieutenant of cavalry, named Diego Pena, with 
twelve soldiers, in order that they might procure, either by purchase or exchange, 
iome horses for the company of this garrison, for which purpose they carried with 
them sufficient silver and goods and a very gorgeous and costly dress for the Emperor 
as a present, together with a cane and a fine hat with plumes. When they arrived at 
a place called Caveta, situated 160 leagues from this city, which is the residence of the 
Emperor, they found there twelve Englishmen and a negro from Carolina, of those who 
had been previousl y engaged in destroying the country, who were on horseback . They 
were there with presents for the Emperor in order to draw him to their side and turn 
him from this government and from the obedience pledged to Y. M. But when his 
son, the cacique, who had left here so much gratified, saw that his father, the Emperor, 
was consenting to the presence of the Englishmen there, he attempted to take up arms 
against his ibtiier. At the same time the dissatisfied Indians, those in Ulyot of the 
English, were getting ready to fire on our aforesaid soldiers, which they would have 
done had not the said Osingulo and the great general of war, Talichaliche, together 
with the Christian cacique Adrian and the subjects of his towns, who were many, 
taken the part of the Spaniards and accompanied them back to this city, with the 
exception of the said Osingulo, who started hence for Pensacola in quest of arms and 
ammunition and men in order to drive the English away and punish those dissatisfied 
Indians who obeyed his Either.' 

To all intents and purposes, then, the English faction, which included 
the head chief of Coweta, remained masters of the situation. Shortly 
afterwards we hear of bands of Apalachee asking permission to estab- 
lish themselves near the Spanish settlements. 

In 1717 a Spanish oflGlcer reports Apalachee dispersed in west 
Florida, near their former coimtry.* A part of them removed, how- 
ever, to Pensacola, probably to be near their congeners at Mobile. 

> BpeDed TaUchaWche below. 

* Baida (La Florida, p. 829) says the 26th of August. 

* Brooks, MSB., Hiss Brooks's translation with some emendations; also see Barcia, La Florida, p. 329. 

* Semno j Bans, Doc. Hist., p. 228. 


Their chief, or their principal chief, was a certain Juan Marcos, and 
Barcia says that in 1718 — 

He began to form a town of Apalachee Indians, the people of his own nation, in the 
place which they call the Rio de loe Chiscas, 5 leagues from Santa Maria de Gal ve[Pensa- 
cola], which was named Nuestra Sefiora de la Soledad, and San Luis; for its peopling he 
sent the Apalache Indians who were in Santa Maria de Galve with the same rations that 
they had in the presidio; there came together in it more than a hundred persons; 
the number was increased every day; with many of the Apalache subject to Movila, 
who abandoned their lands and came to the new town, causing the poet great expense, 
because, as they did not have crops, it was necessary to give them daily rations of 
maize until the following year when ;ldiey' ^ouid gather fruits: Juan Marcos assured his 
governor that others would come #ho ^ere waiting to harvest their crops to return to the 
authority of the king, from which the French had drawn them. . . , Friar Joseph del 
Castillo, one of the chaplains of the post, counseled Don Juan Pedro that he should 
ask the Provincial of Santa Elena for two curates who understood the language of 
Apalache well in order to teach the Indians in the new town of la Soledad.^ 

Farther on we find the following among the items for the same year: 

July 13 two Topocapa Indians came to Santa Maria de Galve, who had fled from 
Movila on account of the bad treatment of the French. Don Juan Pedro sent them to 
the new town of the Indians of their nation, which had been formed near the port of 
San Apalache, because they were of a nation subject to the king, who had 
in their towns curates of the order of St. Francis of the province of Santa Elena, 
and all those who came in this manner*he sent to the people of their own nation, enter- 
tained in accordance with their quality, from which they experienced great satisfac- 

It would seem from this that Topocapa was an Apalachee toiyn or 
else a tribe supposed to be connected.^th the Apalachee^ The new 
settlement near the port of San Marcos de Apalache seems to have 
been foxmded after La Soledad, partly in order to cover a new Span- 
ish post. It was close to Apalachee Bay and therefore oh the skirts 
of tiie old Apalachee comitry. Further information regarding the 
settlement of this place is given in the following words: 

April 10 [1719] there arrived at Santa Maria de Galve the chief, Juan Marcos, gov- 
ernor of the new town of la Soledad, who returned from the city of St. Augustine, stating 
that he had come from founding another town of Apalaches, near the port of San 
Marcos. Don Juan Pedro gave him a garment and |he gave] another to the captain 
of the Yamaces, who arrived at the same time with some of his nation; the Indians left 
very well satisfied, and on the 17th the chief, Juan Marcos, took away to the new town 
many of the Indians of the town of la Soledad. Those who remained there, seeing that 
their governor was going, although he assured them he would soon return, discussed 
the election of a chief, but they did not agree further, and in order to avoid disturb- 
ances came to Don Juan Pedro that he might pacify them, and he commended them 
to their guardian Father that he should persuade them and that they should cease 
these disputes, cautioning them that he would not entrust to them ornaments of the 
church until a curate should be named for that particular town/* 

The new Apalachee settlements in Florida show their iniiuence in 
the baptismal records of the old church at ijjobile, for while there are 

• ; t — . ■ — 

> Barcia, La Florida, pp. 341-342. « Ibid., p. 344. , UbW., pp. 347-34S. 

s wanton] 



manv entries between 1704 and 1717, after that date there is a 
considerable falling oflf.* When Fort Toulouse was founded, about 
1715, the Tawasa Indians, formerly neighbors of the Apalachee, set- 
tled near it among the Alabama. It is probable that some Apala- 
chee accompanied them. At any rate a few known to be of Apala- 
chee descent are still living among the Alabama near Weleetka, 

At a considerably later date we find two Apalachee towns in the 
territory which the tribe formerly occupied. Gov. Dionisio do la 
Vega, to whom wo are indebted for information regarding these, repre- 
sents them as Apalachee which had been left after the destruction 
of the province. Writing August 27, 1728, he says: 

The entire province of Apalache became reduced to two towns. The one called 
Hamaste, distant two leagues from the fort [of San Marcos], had about sixty men, 
forty women, and about the same number of children who were being taiight the 
doctrine. The other one, named San Juan de Guacara, which was its old name, had 
about ten men, six women, and four children, all Christians.^ 

San Juan de Guacara was, however, originally a Timucua town, and 
the above settlement may have been Timucua miscalled "Apalache'' 
by the governor, or they may have been Apalachee settled on the 
site of a former Timucua town. Hamaste was very likely the town 
established by Juan Marcos. De la Vega adds that these towns had 
revolted March 20, 1727, but he had learned that some of the Indians 
had '* returned to their obedience,'' while those stiU hostile had ap- 
parently withdrawn from the neighborhood of the fort.^ Most of 
those Apalachee who remained in Florida evidently gravitated at 
last to the vicinity of Pensacola, where they could also be near 
the Mobile band. We will now revert to these last. 

As already stated, Bienville placed those Apalachee who sought 
his protection near the Mobile Indians, but their settlement was 
broken up by the Alabama and they took refuge near the new Fort 
Louis. Afterward Bienville assigned them lands on the River St. 
Martin, a league from the fort. **This,'' says Hamilton, "would be 
at our Three Mile Creek, probably extending to Chickasabogue, the 
St. Louis." He adds that "The ceDar of the priest's house still 
exists behind a sawmill near Magazine Point."* Some time before 
1733 they made another change, perhaps because so many had gone 
to Pensacola. Says Hamilton: 

We know that at some time they moved over across the bay from the city, where 
the eastern mouth of the Tensaw River still preserves tlieir name. They seem to 
have lived in part on an island there, for in Spanish times it is mentioned as only 
recently abandoned. . . . Their main 8eat was at and above what we now know as 
Blakely. Bayou So!im6 proba})ly commemorates Salome, so often named in the 

> UamiltOD, Colonial Mobile, pp. 109-111. 
'Brooks, M8S. 

' Hamilton, op. cit., p. 109. 
* Ibid., p. 111. 


The last Apalachee baptismal notice in the registers of the parish 
church at Mobile is under date of 1751.* 

In his report of 1758 De Kerlerec says under the heading ''Apata- 
ches," which is of course a misprint for Apalaches: 

This nation of about 30 warriors is situated on the other (i. e., east) side of Mobile 
Bay. They are reduced to this small number on account of the quantity of drink 
which has been sold to them in trade at all times; they are Christians and have a 
curacy established among them administered by a Capuchin, who acquits himself of 
it very poorly. 

This nation has been attached to us for a long time. It is divided into two bands, 
one of which is on Spanish territory, a dependence of Pensacola. The warriors who 
are allied with us (dependent de noiu) are equally of great use in conveying the dis- 
patches of Tombigbee and the Alabamas, especially this latter, where we send soldiers 
as little as possible on account of the too great ease with which they can desert and 
p&BB to the English.' 

In 1763 all Spanish and French possessions east of the Mississippi 
passed under the government of Great Britain. This change was 
not at all to the liking of most of the small tribes settled about 
Mobile Bay, and a letter of M. d'Abbadie, governor of Louisiana, 
dated April 10, 1764, informs us that the Taensas, Apalachee and 
the Pakana tribe of the Creeks had already come over to Red 
River in his province, or were about to do so.* We know that such a 
movement did actually take place. Probably the emigrant Apala- 
chee included both the Mobile and the Pensacola bands. SiUey, 
in his ''Historical sketches of several Indian Tribes in Louisiana, 
south of the Arkansas River, and between the Mississippi and River 
Grand," written in 1806, has the following to say regarding this 

Appalaches, are likewise emigrants from West Florida, from off the river whose 
name they bear; came over to Red River about the same time the Boluxas did, and 
have, ever since, lived on the river, above Bayau Rapide. No nation have been 
more highly esteemed by the French inhabitants; no complaints against them are 
ever heard; there are only fourteen men remaining; have their own language, but 
epeak French and Mobilian.^ 

Prom the papers on public lands among the American State Papers 
we know that they and the Taensa Indians settled together on a 
strip of land on Red River between Bayou d'Arro and Bayou Jean 
de Jean. This land was sold in 1803 to Miller and Fulton, but only 
a portion of it was allowed them by the United States conmiissioners 
in 1812 on the groimd that the sale had not been agreed to by the 
Apalachee.* Nevertheless it is probable that the Apalachee did not 
remain in possession of their lands for a much longer period, though 
they appear to have lived in the same general region and to have 

« Hamilton, op. clt., p. 112. ^ xm. Antlq., xni, 252-25.^, Sept., 1891. 

flnternat. Congress Am., Compte Rendu, xv * Sibley In Ann. of Cong., 9th Cong., 2d sess., 1085. 
., I, p. 86. * Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff., u, pp. 796-797. 


die<l out there or gradually lost their identity. At the present time 
there are said to be two or three persons of Apalachee blood still 
living in Louisiana, ]>ut they have forgotten their language and of 
course all of their aboriginal culture.* 


There has been considerable confusion regarding this tribe, because 
the name was applied by the Spaniards from a very early period to 
the Lower Creeks generaUy, Coweta and Kasihta in one accoimt 
being mentioned as Apalachicola towns.* It is used in its general 
sense in the very earhest place in the Spanish records in which the 
name occurs, a letter dated August 22, 1639, and in the same way 
in letters of 1686 and 1688.' 

On the other hand, in the letter of 1686 the name '^Apalachicoli*' 
is distinctly appUed also to a particular town,^ and inasmuch as it is 
clearly the name of a tribe and town in later times it is probable 
that its original application was to such a tribe among or near the 
Lower Creeks. From this the Spaniards evidently extended it over 
the whole of the latter. That the town was considered important is 
shown by the Creek name which it bears, Talwa liko, **Big Town," 
and from Bartram's statement that it was the leading White or 
Peace town.* In one Spanish dociunent we read that Oconee was 
'*\mder Apalachicolo," and at a council between the Lower Creeks 
and Spaniards at San Marcos about 1738 Quilate, the chief of this 
town, spoke for all.® Replying to a speech of John Stuart, the 
British Indian agent, delivered in the Chiaha Square, September 18, 
1768, a Lower Creek speaker says: ^' There are four head men of us 
have signed our Names in the presence of the whole lower Creeks as 
you will see: Two of us out of the Pallachicolas which is reckoned 
the Head Town of upper & lower Creeks and two out of the Cussi- 
taw Town, which are friend Towns, which two towns stand for in 
behalf of the upper and lower Creeks.'' It is probable that this 
speaker wishes to exaggerate the representative character of the 
chiefs of these two towns, but the important position assigned to 
Apalachicola was not a mere invention on his part. Ten years 
later we find John Stuart writing, without the same bias as that 
which the speaker quoted above may be supposed to have had, 

1 Infonnation from Dr. Milton Dunn, Colfax, La. 

> It appears in two forms, Apalachicoli and Apachicolo, the first of which is evidently in the Hltchiti 
dialect, the second in Muskogee. Apalachicola is a compromise term. 

* Lowery, MSS.; Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 199-201, 21$^221. The latter has made an unfortunate 
bhmder in dating the letter of 168<s as if It were 1606. 

* Serrano 7 Sane, op. cit., pp. 193, 195. 
» Bartram, Travels, p. 387. 

■ Copy of MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Library. 

148061**— 22 ^9 


that this town '^s considered as the Mother & Governing Town of 
the whole Nation." * 

. It is quite probable, as we shall see later, that it was a tribe of con- 
siderable size, often scattered among several settlements. In spite of 
the resemblance which its name bears to that of the Apalachee I am 
inchned to think that there was only a remote relationship between the 
two peoples, although the meanings of the two words may have 
been something ahke. The ending of the name resembles oTcli, the 
Hitchiti word for "people." Judge G. W. Stidham told Dr. 
Gatschet that he had heard the name was derived from the ridge of 
earth around the edge of the square ground made in sweeping it.' 
In recent times Apalachicola has always been classed by the Creeks 
as a Hitchiti-speaking town, while the fragment of Apalachee that 
has come down to us shows that language to have been an independent 

According to Creek legend the Apalachicola were foimd in posses- 
sion of southwestern Georgia when the Muskogee invaded that sec- 
tion.' In 1680 two Franciscans were sent into the Province of 
Apalachicola to begin missionary work, but the Coweta chief would 
not allow them to remain, and the effort was soon abandoned.* 

A great deal of hght hag been thrown upon the ethnographical 
complexion of the region along Apalachicola River by tlie discovery 
by Mr. D. I. BushneD, Jr., of an old manuscript already alluded to 
(p. 13), preserved among the LudweU papei-s in the archives of the Vir- 
ginia Historical Society.* This gives the account of an Indian named 
Lamhatty, who was captured by a band of "Tusckaroras," in reahty 
probably Creeks, and who, after having been taken through various 
Creek towns, was sold to the Shawnee. Later he came northward 
with a hunting party of Shawnee, escaped from them, and reached 
the Virginia settlements. As ijauch of his story as he was able to 
communicate was taken down by Robert Beverly, the liistorian, and 
on the reverse side of the sheet containing it was traced a map of the 
region through which Lamhatty had come, as Lamhatty himself 
understood it. In his narrative this Indian represents himself as 
belonging to the Tawasa, or, as he spells it, ^^Towasa/' people, 
which he says consisted of 10 ''nations.'^ In the year 1706, however, 
the ^'Tusckaroras^' (or Ci-eeks?) made a descent upon them and 
carried off three of the ^'nations.'' In the spring of 1707 they 
carried off four more, and two fled. The narrative savs ^*the other 
two fled," but that would leave one still to be accounted for. It is 
difhcult to know just what Lamhatty means by the 10 ^^ nations." 
On his map there are indeed 10 towns laid down on and near the 

» English Transcriptions, Lib. Cong. < Lowery, MSS. 

s Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 127. » Published in Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, pp. 568-^74. 

> Ibid., p. 250. 


lower Apalachicola, but only one is marked "To^asa/* Neverthe- 
less it appears likely that the 10 towns are the ''nations" to which 
Lamhatty refers, especially as what he says r^arding their fate 
may be made to fit in very well with other information concerning 
them. The names of these 10 towns are given as: To^asa, Po6hka, 
Sow611a, Choct6uh, Ogolatighoos, Tomo6ka, Ephippick, Aulfidly, 
Socs6sky, and Sunep&h. To^asa is of course the well-known Tawasa 
tribe. The five following may probably be identified with the 
Pawokti, vSawokU, Chatot, Yuchi, and a band of Timucua. This last 
and the Potihka are the only ones the identification of which is uncer- 
tain. With the remaining four nothing can be done. Of the first 
six, the Tawasa and Chatot are known to have taken refuge with the 
French and may have been the two that Lamhatty says fled on the 
occasion of the second attack.* The band of Yuchi evidently remained 
in this country much longer and may have been the ''nation'* left 
out of consideration. The three others identified always remained 
separate, and we are reduced to the conclusion that the four unidenti- 
fied towns represented the people afterwards called Apalachicola. 
They were perhaps those carried off on the last raid. 

Be that as it may, the next we hear of the Apalachicola they were 
settled upon Savannah River at a place known for a long time as 
Palachocolas or Parachocolas Fort, on the east or southeast side, 
almost opposite Mount Pleasant, and about 50 miles from the river's 
mouth. In 1716, after the Yamasee war, the Apalachicola, and part 
of the Yuchi and Shawnee, abandoned their settlements on the 
Savannah and moved over to the Chattahoochee. The Apalachicola 
chief at that time was named Cherokee Leechee.' The date is fixed 
by a manuscript map preserved in South Carolina. They settled first 
at the junction of the Fhnt and Chattahoochee Rivers, at a place 
known long afterwards as Apalachicola Fort. Later they abandoned 
this site and went higher up; in fact, they probably moved several 

Some early Spanish documents treat Apalachicola and Cherokee 
Leechee as distinct towns. Thus in the directions given to a Spanish 
emissary about to set out for the Lower Ci'eek towns he is informed 
that he would encounter these towns in the following order: "Ta- 
maxle,- Chalaquihcha, Yufala, Sabacola, Qcone, Apalachicalo, Oc- 
niulque, Osuche, Chiaja, Casista, Caveta. '^ This was evidently 
due to the removal of a large part of the Apalachicola Indians from 
the forks of Chattahoochee River to the position later occupied by 
the entire tribe, while some still remained with their chief in the 
district first settled. 

1 Later informaticm shows, however, that the Chatot must have fled after the first attack, for they 
had gone to Mobile before July 28, 1706 (see pp. 123-124). 
> "Cberokee killer" in Creek. Brinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 141. 


Tobias Fitch, in the journal narrating his proceedings among the 
Creeks in 1725, relates, under date of September 28, that Cherokee 
Leechee had, indeed, intended to move north as well, but had been 
frightened out of his purpose by a Spanish emissary who represented 
that the English were trying to draw away his people in order to send 
them all across the ocean.^ He, too, mentions Apalachicola as a 
distinct town. 

A Spanish document gives the name of the Apalachicola chief in 
1734 as Sanachiche.' Bartram visited them in 1777 and has the 
following account: 

After a little refreshment at this beautiful town [Yuchi] we repacked and set o£f 
again for the Apalachucla town, where we arrived after riding over a level plain, con- 
sisting of ancient Indiam plantations, a beautiful landscape diversified with groves 
and lawns. 

This is esteemed the mother town or capital of the Creek or Muscogulge confederacy; 
sacred to peace; no captives are put to death or human blood spilt here. And when 
a general peace is proposed, deputies from all the towns in the confederacy assemble 
at thv9 capital, in order to deliberate upon a subject of so high importance for the pros- 
perity of the commonwealth. 

And on the contrary the great Coweta town, about twelve miles higher up this 
river, is called the bloody town, where the Micos, chiefs, and warriors a88emble when 
a general war is proposed; and here captives and state malefactors are put to death. 

The time of my continuance here, which was about a week, was employed in excur- 
sions round about this settlement. One day the chief trader of Apalachucla obliged 
me with his company on a walk of about a mile and a half down the river, to view the 
ruins and site of the ancient Apalachucla; it had been situated on a peninsula formed 
by a doubling of the river, and indeed appears to have been a very ^unous capital 
by the artificial mounds or terraces, and a very populous settlement, from its extent 
and expansive old fields, stretching beyond the scope of the sight along the low grounds 
of the river. We viewed the mounds or terraces, on which formerly stood their round 
house or rotunda and square or areopagus, and a little behind these, on a level height 
or natural step, above the low grounds, is a vast artificial terrace or four square mound, 
now seven or eight feet higher than the common surface of the ground; in front of one 
square or side of this mound adjoins a very extensive oblong square yard or artificial 
level plain, sunk a little below liie common surface, and surrounded with a bank or 
narrow terrace, formed with the earth thrown out of this yard at the time of its forma- 
tion; the Creeks or present inhabitants have a tradition that this was the work of the 
ancients, many ages prior to their arrival and possessing this country. 

The old town was evacuated about twenty years ago by the general consent of the 
inhabitants, on account of its imhealthy situation, owing to the frequent inundations 
of the great river over the low grounds; and moreover they grew timorouH and de- 
jected, apprehending themselves to be haunted and possessed with vengeful spirits, 
on account of human blood that had been undeservedly spilt in this old town, having 
been repeatedly warned by apparitions and dreams to leave it. 

At the time of their leaving this old town, like the ruin or dLspersion of the ancient 
Babel, the inhabitants separated from each other, forming several bands under the 
conduct or auspices of the chief of each family or tribe. The greatept number, how- 
ever, chose to sit down and build the present new Apalachucla town, upon a high 

^ Tobias Fitch's Journal, in Mereness, Travels, p. 193. 

* Copy of a MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Library. This name may, however, be intended for that of 
Tomoehlchi, the Yamaoraw ohiel. 


bank of the river above the inundations. The other bands pursued different routes, 
as their inclinations led them, settling villages lower down the river; some continued 
their migration towards the sea coast, seeking their kindred and countrymen amongst 
the Lower Creeks in East Florida, where they settled themselves.^ 

While this account apparently throws a great deal of li^ht upon 
the history of the Apalachicola, it actually introduces many per- 
plexities. At the present time C!oweta is indeed recognized as the 
head war town of the Lower Creeks, but the head peace town among 
them^ so far as anyone can now recall, is and always was Kasihta. 
Still, the name by which this Apalachicola town is now known to the 
Creeks proper is, as stated above, Tilwa l&ko, or Big Town, from 
which a former prominence may be inferred. Moreover, in the 
migration l^end told to Oglethorpe the priority of Apalachicola as a 
peace town seems to be taught, Kasihta having acquired the ''white'' 
character later.' Therefore it is probable that this town did 
anciently have a sort of precedence among the peace towns of the 
Lower Creeks. Again it is perplexing to find that Bartram appears 
to have been entirely unaware of the former residence of the Apalachi- 
cola on Savannah River, though their removal had not taken place 
much over 60 years earher. In the light of other facts brought out 
this seems stUl more confusing. He explains the reference to 
''human blood imdeservedly spilt in this old town" in a footnote, 
which runs as follows: 

About fifty or sixty years ago almost all the white traders then in the nation were 
massacred in this town, whither they had repaired from the di£ferent towns, in hopes 
of an asylum or refuge, in consequence of the alarm, having been timely apprised of 
the hostile intentions of the Indians by their temporary wives. They all met together 
in one house, under the avowed protection of the chiefs of the town, waiting the 
event; but whilst the chiefs were assembled in council, deliberating on ways and 
means to protect them, the Indians in multitudes surrounded the house and set fire 
to it; they all, to the number of eighteen or twenty, perished with the house in the 
flames. The trader showed me the ruins of the house where they were burnt.' 

This wholesale massacre reminds us so strongly of the sweeping 
character of the Yamasee rebellion, which the fact itself can not have 
followed by many years, that one is at first tempted to think reference 
is made to that uprising. But at that time the Apalachicola were 
upon Savannah River, and, since the trader was able to show Bar- 
tram the ruins of the house in which the unfortunate victims were 
burned, it is evident that the massacre could not have taken place 
there. Another suggestion is that only part of the Apalachicola 
were on Savannah River, but of this we have not the slightest 
evidence. It is surprising, to say the least, that Bartram's trading 
acquaintance could not or would not tell him about the comparatively 
recent immigration of this tribe among the Lower Creeks. The 

I Bartram, Tnvaii, pp. 886-^00. * Bartram, Travels, pp. 388-389, note. 

» Oatwli^, Crtek Wg. Leg., i, pp. 344-251. 



[boll. 73 

extensive mounds which Bartram notes must have owed their 
origin for the most part to some other of the Lower Creek tribes. It 
should be observed also that the people whom Bartram calls Lower 
Creeks were really Seminole, and it is to the Seminole that most of 
the scattered bands of Apalachicola went. 

We find through a list of trading assignments made in 1761 that 
the '^Pallachocolas^' were then assigned to Macartan and Campbell.^ 
In 1797 the trader was Benjamin Steadham.^ 

Hawkins, in 1799, has the following to say r^arding Apalachicola: 

Pa-la-chooc-le is on the right bank of Chat-to-ho-che, one and a half miles below 
Au-he-gee creek on a poor, pine barren flat; the land back from it is poor, broken, pine 
land; their fields are on the left side of the river, on poor land. 

This was formerly the first among the Lower Creek towns; a peace town, averse 
to war, and called by the nation, Tal-lo-wau thluc-co (big town). The Indians are 
poor, the town has lost its former consequence, and is not now much in estimation.^ 

This confirms Bartram and Tchikilli regarding the former impor- 
tance of the town, and also shows a rather early fall of the tribe from 
its high estate. 

The census of 1832, taken just before the removal of the Creeks 
west of the Mississippi, gives 77 ''Palochokolo'' Indians, and 162 
"Tolowarthlocko'' Indians, besides 7 slaves.* While there were no 
doubt two settlements of these people at the time, the enumerator 
has made an evident error in giving the Hitchiti name to one and 
the Creek name, Tilwa lako, to the other. 

The remnant are to be found principally in the neighborhood of 
Okmulgee, Okla., a former capital of the Creek Nation in the west. 


The only one of all of the Apalachicola River tribes which main- 
tained an existence apart from the Creek confederacy was the 
Chatot — or Chateaux as it is sometimes called. It is probable that 
this was anciently very important, for La Harpe calls the Apalachicola 
River *Ma rividre du Saint-Esprit, a present des Ch&teaux, ou Ca- 
houitas. " * On the Lamhatty map an eastern affluent of the prin- 
cipal river delineated, perhaps the Flint, is called Chouctoiibab, 
apparently after this tribe.® When we first get a clear view of them 
in the Spanish documents, however, they were living west of 
Apalachicola River, somewhere near the middle course of the 

The first mention appears to be in a letter of August 22, 1639, 
already quoted, in which the governor of Florida states that he has 

1 Oa. Col. Docs., vm, pp. 522-624. 
> Qa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 171. 
* Ibid., m, p. 65. 

* Sen. Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 345-347. 

* La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 2. 

* Ainer. Anthrop., d. s. vol. x, p. 569. 


made peace between the **Chacatos, Apalachocolos, and Amacanos" 
and the Apalachee. He adds : 

It is an extraordinary thing, because the aforesaid Chacatos never had peape with 

In 1674 two missions were established among the Chatot Indians — 
San Carlos de los Chacatos and San Nicolas de Tolentino. The same 
year the friars were threatened by three Chiskas (Yuchi) and appealed 
to the Apalachee commandant, Capt. Juan Hernandez de Florencia, 
who proceeded to the Chatot country with 25 soldiers. In the cer- 
tification which these friars, Fray Miguel de Valverde and Fray 
Rodrigo de la Barreda, give regarding his conduct they state that 
they had converted the Chatot chiefs and more than 300 of the com- 
mon people.' In 1675, as appears from a letter from the Spanish 
governor of Florida to the crown, the Chatot rebelled, incited, as he 
claims, by the Chiska, wounded Fray Rodrigo de la Barreda, and 
drove him to Santa Cruz, the new Apalachee mission station on 
Apalachicola River.' There he was protected by Florencia, who put 
an end to the disturbances,' but soon afterwards the Chatot aban- 
doned their country and withdrew among the Apalachee, where they 
settled in " the land of San Luis. " ' This withdrawal was probably 
due to hostiUties on the part of the Chiska. At the same time the 
two missions appear to have been combined into one called San 
Carlos de los Chacatos given in the mission list of 1680 as a "new 
conversion." * In 1695 the governor of Florida writes that shortly 
before the Lower Creeks, whom he calls ** Apalachecole, " had entered 
San Carlos de los Chacatos ''and carried off forty two Christians, 
despoiling and plundering the church. " * This attack was only a 
foretaste of what was to come, but for specific information regarding 
the subsequent troubles of these people we are obl^ed to turn to 
French and English sources. 

Unf ortimately the similarity between the words Chatot and Chacta, 
or Choctaw, has resulted in some confusion regarding the history 
of this tribe. Thus the following account in La Harpe, which is 
made to apply to the Choctaw, probably refers in reality to another 
English and Creek attack upon the Chatot: 

Jan. 7, 1706, M. Lambert brought a Chacta chief; he brought the news that this 
nation had been attacked by four thousand savages, at the head of whom were many 
English, who had carried away more than three hundred women and children.^ 

The following items should also be added: 

Aug. 25 news was received that two hundred savages allied with the English had 
gone to Pensacola, and that they had burned the houses which were outside of the 

1 Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 196; also Lowery, MSB. * See p. 323. 

* Lowery y MSS. & Serrano y Sana, Doc. Hist., p. 224. 

* Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 208. * La Harpe, Jour. Hist., pp. 94-95. 


fort; that they had killed ten Spaniards and a Frenchman, and made twelve slaves of 
[Indians of] the Apalache and Ohacta Nations.' 
On the 20th [of November] two hundred Chacta arrived with four slaves and 

thirteen scalps of Cahouitas and Hiltatamahans.' 


Bienville's account of tho Chatot migration to the neighborhood of 
Mobile and its causes has already been given.' It seems strange that 
La Harpe nowhere mentions it, but from what Bienville tells us, it is 
apparent that it followed upon the attack of which news had reached 
Mobile January 7, 1706. The Lamhatty narrative merely sa}^ that 
three ''nations" of the Tawasa were destroyed first, and that in a 
second expedition in the spring of 1707 four more were swept away.' 
P^nicaut, usually much inferior to La Harpe in his record of events, 
describes the removal at some length, though he places it in the year 
1708, at least two years too late. He says: 

Some days afterward, the Chactaa, who were a nation repelled from tiie domination 
of the Spaniards, arrived at Mobile with their women and children and begged MM. 
d'Artaguiette and de Bienville to give them a place in which to make their dwelling. 
Lands were assigned them at a place lower down on the right, on the shore of the bay, 
in a great arm about a league in circuit. It is still called to-day T Anse des Chactas.^ 

Hamilton says that this Anse des Gaactas extended '*from our 
Choctaw Point west around Garrow's Bend.^' He adds: 

They occupied the site of the present city of Mobile and were its first inhabitants. 
. . . When Bienville selected this very ground for new Mobile he had to recompense 
these Choctaws with land on Dog River. Maps of 1717 and later show them on the 
south side of that stream, sometimes near the bay, sometimes several miles up. 

He notes that their name seems to survive in the Choctaw Point 
just mentioned and in an adjacent swamp known as Choctaw Swamp. 
Hamilton also cites several entries referring to members of this 
tribe in the baptismal registers between 1708 and 1729, but one or 
two of these may be true Mississippi Choctaw, since Hamilton fails 
to distinguish the two ])eoples.'* 

In speaking of tho tribes about Mobile Bay Du Pratz says: 

Nearest the sea on Mobile River is the little Chatot Nation, consisting of about 
forty cabins; they are friends of the French, to whom they render all the services 
which can be paid for. They are Catholics or repute to be such.® 

He adds that the French post, Fort Louis, was just to the north 
of them. His information would apply to about the year 1738. 
According to the late H. S. Halbert, of the ^Vlabama State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, the Choctaw of Mississippi until lately 
remembered this tribe, and stated that tho Chatot language was dis- 

'La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 103. < Margry, v, p. 479. 

* Amer. Anthrop. n. s. vol. x, p. 568. See p. 138. * Colonial Mobile, pp. 113-114. 
s See p. 123. * Du I'ratz, Uist. de La Louisiane, n, pp. 212-213. 


tinctfrom their own. Du Pratz, however, in speaking of the small 

tribes of Mobile Bay, says: 

The Chickasaws moreover, regard them as their brothers, because they have almost 
the same language, as well as thocte to the east of Mobile who are their neighbors.^ 

This matter has already been considered in full.' 

About the time when the other Mobile tribes left to settle in 
Louisiana the Chatot departed also, as we know by Sibley^s entry 
regarding them, though he is wrong in speaking of them as ** aborigi- 
nes'' of the part of Liouisiana they then inhabited. His statement 
probably means that they had been one of the first tribes to settle 
on Bayou Beauf. The entry is as follows: 

Chactooe live on Bayaa Beauf, about ten miles to the southward of Bayau Raplde, 
on Red River, toward Appalousa; a small, honest people; are aborigines of the country 
where they live; of men about thirty; dimintshing; have their own peculiar tongue; 
speak Mobilian. The lands they claim on Bayau Beauf are inferior to no part of 
Louisiana in depth and richness of soil, growth of timber, pleasantness of surface, and 
goodness of water. ^ 

Their last appearance in history is in the enumeration of Indian 
tribes contained in Jedidiah Morsels Report to the Secretary of War 
regarding the Indians, where they are referred to as the ^'Gaatteau," 
and are located on Sabine River, 50 miles above its mouth.* This 
report was published in 1822, but the information applies to the 
year 1817. What happened to them later we do not know, but it 
is probable that they are represented by or in a Choctaw band in the 
neighborhood of Kinder, Louisiana. 


The first reference to the Tawasa is by Ranjel and the Fidalgo of 
Elvas. Tawasa is mentioned as one of the towns at which the De 
Soto expedition stopped and is placed between Ulibahali (Holiwa- 
hali) and Talisi (Tulsa). It is called by Ranjel Tuasi, by Elvas Toasi.* 
From this location it is evident that the tribe, or part of it, was at 
that time among the Upper Creeks, but from Lamhatty^s narrative 
it appears they had moved southeast before 1706 and settled some- 
where between Apalachicola and Choctawhatchee Rivers. A Spanish 
letter of 1686 refers to the tribe in one place as *^ Tauasa," whose chief 
was *' a very great scoundrel,'' in another as Tabara, the last evidently 
a misprint.' It is impossible to tell from this letter whether the 
tribe was where De Soto found it or not. In 1706 and 1707, as 

> Du Pratz, Hist, de la Louisiane, n, p. 214. 

s See Bull. 43', Bur. Amer. Ettm., pp. 27, 33. 

> Sibley In Annala of Congress, 9th Cong., 2d sess. ( 1806-7), 1087. 
« Morse, Rept. to Sec. of War, p. 373. 

ft Boome, Narr. of De Soto, l, p. 85; n, p. lU. On plates 2 accompanying, Tawasa (1) and Tulsa (1) 
should be transposed. 
* Seiraoo y Sans, Doc Hist., p. 196; also Lowery, MSS. 


we know by the Lamhatty document, they were partly destroyed 
and partly driven away by other Indians. As Lamhatty was him- 
self a Tawasa, and since he represents all of the ten towns to have 
been Tawasa as well, it will be best to give his statement in this 
place in the form in which it was recorded by Robert Beverley: 

The foregoing year y* Tuackaroras made war on y* Towaaafi & destroyed 3 of theyr 
nations (the whole consisting of ten) haveing disposed of theyr prisoners they re- 
turned again & in y* Spring of y^ year 1707 they swept away 4 nations more, the other 
2 fled, not to be heard of.' 

The rest consists of an accomit of the personal fortimes of Lam- 
hatty himself which do not concern ns. If the dates given are 
correct that set by Pfinicaut for the appearance of the Tawasa at 
Mobile, 1705, would seem to be an error. At any rate we know that 
the Tawasa, or a port of them, did seek refuge with the French. 
P^nicaut's accoimt of their coming is as follows: 

In the beginning of this year [1705] a nation of savagos, named the ToOachas, came to 
find M. de Bienville at Mobile in order to ask of him a place in which to establish itself; 
he indicated to them a piece of land a league and a half below the fort, where they 
remained while we were established at Mobile. These savages are good hunters, and 
they bring to us every day all kinds of game. They brought in addition to their mova- 
bles, much com with which to sow the lands which M. de Bienville had given them. 
They had left the Spaniards to come to live on the French soil, because they were 
every day exposed to the incursions of the Alibamons, and they were not supported by 
the Spaniards.' 

In 1710, according to the same authority, the year in which the 
position of the post of Mobile was changed, the Indians were relo- 
cated also, or at least some of them, and he says : 

The Taouachas were also placed on the river [Mobile], adjoining the Apalaches and 
one league above them. They had also left the Spaniards on account of wars with the 
Alibamons; they are not Christians like the Apalaches, the only Christian nation which 
has come from the neighborhood of the Spaniards.^ 

Whether due to persistent tradition regarding the early home of 
this tribe or to the fact that some individuals belonging to it did 
remain in their old country, we find a Tawasa town laid down among 
the Lower Creeks on several maps, as, for instance, the Purcell map 
(pi. 7). 

It is strange that, as in the case of the Chatot, La Harpe is silent 
regarding the time when these people came to Mobile or the circum- 
stances attending their coming, but there are notes in his work which 
attest that they were certainly there. Thus he says that ' ' in the month 
of March [1707] the Parcagoules [Pascagoula] declared war on the 
Touacha Nation. M. de Bienville reconciled them."* The 16th 
of the following November ho notes that '^some Touachas came to 
the fort with four scalps and a young slave of the iVlbika [Abihka] 

1 Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 668. ■ Ibid., p. 486. 

I Ptoicaut in Margryy v, p. 457. * La Harpc, Jour. Hist., p. 101. 


Nation/' * Neither La Harpe nor P^nicaut, however, drops a hint 
about the time or manner of their leaving Mobile. Hamilton has the 
following to say of them in addition to what P^nicaut tells us: 

The only mention of them noticed in the church registers is where, in 1716, Huv^ 
baptized Marguerite, daughter of a savage, slave of Commissary Ducloe, and a free 
Taouache woman. The godmother was Marguerite Le Sueur. What became of them 
we do not certainly know, but it would seem probable that as early as 1713 they had 
made some change of residence. The creek Toucha, emptying into Bayou Sara some 
distance east of Cleveland's Station on the M. & B. R. R., or, according to some, into 
Mobile River at Twelve Mile Island, would seem even yet to perpetuate this location, 
which corresponds nearly with Delisle's map, and one of 1744. As Touacha, it occurs 
a number of times in Spanish documents.^ 

Hamilton's belief that the tribe had made some change of residence 
as early as 1713 is evidently founded on P^nicaut's statement that 
the Taensa were brought to Mobile that year and given *' the planta- 
tion [habitation] where the Chaouachas [Tawasa] had formerly been 
located, within two leagues of our fort." * However, we know that 
this event must have taken place in the year 1715.* 

The removal of the Tawasa I believe to have been due to the estab- 
lishment of Fort Toulouse, or the Alabama Fort as it is also called, 
at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. P6nicaut sets this 
down among the events of the year 1713,*^ but some of the other hap- 
penings recorded by him for the same year, such as the removal of 
the Taensa noted above and the outbreak of the Yamasee war, 
belong properly to 1715. I can not avoid the conclusion that the 
establishment of this post took place in the year 1715, Bienville 
having taken advantage of the Yamasee uprising to strengthen him- 
self in that quarter. At any rate it must have been between 1713 
and 1715, and it is an important point that just at this time the 
Tawasa disappear. The mention of a Tawasa in the baptismal records 
of 1716 need not trouble us,^ for the woman there referred to, although 
free, had married a slave and probably remained behind when her 
people migrated to their new settlement. Their name occurs again in 
the French census of 1760, when two bodies are given, one settled >\dth 
the Fus-hatchee Indians on the Tallapoosa, 4 leagues from Fort Tou- 
louse, the other forming an independent body 7 leagues from that post.* 
When next we hear of them it is from Hawkins in 1799, and they are 
on Alabama River below the old French post, and are reckoned as 
one of the four towns of the Alabama Indians.^ 

^ La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 103. 

s Hamilton, Col. Mobile, pp. 112-113. 

« Margry, IWc., v, p. 509. 

« La Harpe, op. cit., pp. llS-119. 

* Margry, op. dt., p. 511. 

• Miss. Prov. Arch., i, pp. 94-95. 

' HawUns's description of the Tawasa town as it existed in 1799 is given, along with descriptions of the 
other Alabama towns, on pp. 197-198. 


The fact of this removal from Mobile Bay to the upper Alabama 
is confirmed from the Indian side by Stiggins in giving what he 
supposes to be the history of all of the Alabama Indians. He says: 

The first settlement we find in tracing the Alabamas (a branch of the Creek or 
Ispocoga tribe) is at the confluence of the Alabama River and Tensaw Lake, near the 
town of Stockton, in Baldwin County. Their settlements extended up the lake and 
river as far as Fort Mimbs; their town sites and other settlements they called Towassee, 
and at this time they call that extent of country Towassee Talahassee, which is Towas- 
see Old Town. The white settlers of the place call it the Tensaw settlement. The 
Indians say traditionally that at the time of their lesidence there that they were a 
very rude, barbarous set of people and in a frightful state of ignorance: their missile 
weapons for both war and subsistence were bows and arrows made of cane and pointed 
with flint or bone sharpened to a point. With the same weapons they repelled their 
foe in time of war; in the wintertime they got their subsistence in the forest, and they 
made use of them to kill their fish in the shallow parts of the lakes in the summer 
season. They say very jocosely they consider that at this time were they to meet one 
of their ancestors armed in ancient manner, and dressed in full habiliment with buck- 
skin of his own manufacture that it would inspire them with dread to l)ehold his 
savage appearance. They very often make mention of their forefathers of that age 
calling it the time when their ancestors made an inhuman appearance, by which we 
may judge that the then state of their forefathers has been handed down to them as 
a very rude and frightful state almost beyond conception. They do not pretend to 
any traditional account, when or for what they emigrated to this distance. They 
have a tradition that many of the inhabitants of ancient Towassee for some reason 
unknown to them were carried o£f on shipboard by the French or some other white 
people many years since. It must have been in consequence of said interruption 
when the Towassee settlement was depopulated and carried off on shipboard that 
the remaining part of the tribe removed up the river and made the settlements and 
towns Autauga and Towassee in the bend of the river below the city of Montgomery, 
where they resided to the close of their hostile movements in the year of eighteen 
hundred and thirteen.^ 

From this it appears that Autauga, the Alabama town farthest 
downstream, was settled by the same people.^ From the records 
available we learn nothing regarding the supposed deportation of 
part of the tribe, but it is quite likely that some members embarked 
on sailing vessels, or Stiggins may have confused the Natchez story 
with this. I have alreacly given my own explanation of the Tawasa 
removal to the upper Alabama.'' There is nothing to indicate any 
break in the amicable relations existing between this tribe and the 

We may mfer that their ancient occupancy of this region, as 
evidenced by the De Soto narratives, had something to do in deter- 
mining them to return to it when Fort Toulouse was founded. And 
it is also probable that their language was not very distantly related 
to Alabama. At any rate, from this time on they followed the 
fortunes of the Alabama tribe. Not long after the time to which 

1 stiggins, MS. > See p. 139. 

I Hawkins's description of Autauga in 1799 is on p. 197. 


Hawkinses description applies the Alabama divided, part moving 
into Louisiana to be near the French, part remaining with the Eng- 
lish and subsequently accompanying the rest of the Creeks into 
what is now Oklahoma. Some of the Tawasa evidently went to 
Louisiana, because the name is still remembered by the descendants 
of that portion of the tribe and the father of one of my most intelligent 
informants among them was a Tawasa. The majority, however, 
would seem to have remained with the Creeks, since Tawasa and 
Autauga are the only names of Alabama towns which appear on 
the census roll of 1832.^ 

In Hawkins's time Pawokti was the name of one of the four Alabama 
towns. From the resemblance between the name of the tribe and 
and Pouhka, one of those given on the Lamhatty map,^ and from 
the fact that two other Alabama towns, Tawasa and Autauga, are 
known to have come from the same region, it may be suspected 
that the two were identical and that the Pawokti and Tawasa had 
had similar histories. 

Hawkins's description of the town occupied by this tribe as it 
existed in 1799 is given with his account of the other Alabama 
towns on page 197.' 


The earliest home of the Sawokli of which we have any indication 
was upon or near the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, probably in the 
neighborhood of Choctawhatchee Bay. Thus Barcia refers to ''the 
Provinces of Pancacola, Sabacola, and others, upon the ports and 
bays of the Gulf of Mexico,"* and the position above given agrees 
very well with that assigned to them, imder the name ''Sowoolla," 
upon the Lamhatty map.* 

In a letter written in the year 1680 Gov. Cabrera of Florida says: 

The (^azique Saucola, distant forty leagues from Apalache, came [to the Apalache 
missioiiB] and three monks went [back] with him, but with no results.* 

Fray Francisco Gutierrez de Vera, writing May 19, 1681, from 
this new province, is naturally more optimistic than Cabrera, who 
was by no means favorable to the missionaries. He says: 

Thirty adults have been baptized in two months, including the head chief and 
two sons, and his stepfather, and now, on knowing the prayers, his mother will be 
also, the casique govemador, his wife, and three children, and a grandson who has no 
family, five sons of the principal enixa, two henixaSj and other leading men vdth 
their wives and families.^ 

1 Sen. Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st. sess., pp. 258-259; * Barcia, La Florida, p. 324. 

Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, rv, p. 678. '^ Amer. j^nthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 671. 

* Amer. Antbrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 571 . • Lowery, MSS. 

* Ga. Hist. See. Colls., m, p. 36. 



[bull. 73 

The enixa or Jienixa was of course the heniha or '* second man'* 
of the Creeks. This reference shows that the customs of the Sawokli 
were even then similar to those of the Creeks proper. 

The SawokU mission was evidently stopped shortly afterwards by 
those influences which had brought the Apalachicola mission to a pre- 
mature end, particularly the hostile attitude of the English. 

I have ventured a guess that this was one of the three '* nations'* 
carried off by hostile Indians in 1706.* At any rate, the next we 
hear of them they are living among the Lower Creeks. They are 
mentioned, without being definitely located, in a Spanish letter of 

The De Crenay map of 1733 shows a town called *'Chaouakale'' 
on the west bank of the Chattahoochee, and another, '' Chaogouloux, " 
eastward of the Flint (pi. 5). It seems probable that part of the 
tribe at least settled first near Ocmulgee River, because on the Moll 
map of 1720 they are placed on the west bank of a southern affluent 
of that stream. The name appears in a few later maps — for instance, 
the Homann map of 1759 — but none of these, except the De Crenay 
map above mentioned, shows a Sawokli town on the Chattahoochee 
until 1795, when it appears between the Apalachicola town and the 
mouth of the Flint. This is repeated on some subsequent maps. 
However, there is every reason to believe that they had been on 
Chattahoochee River ever since the Yamasee war. They appear in 
the Spanish enumeration of 1738 and the French estimat<3s of 1750 
and 1760.* In 1761 the Sawokli trading house was owned by Crook 
& Co.* Sawokli occurs also in the lists of Creek towns given by 
Bartram,*^ Swan," and Hawkins.' Some of these contain a big and a 
little Sawokli, and Hawkins gives the following description of the two 
as they existed in his lime: 

Sau-woo-ge-lo is six miles below 0-co-nee, on the right ])ank of the river [the Chatta- 
hoochee], a new settlement in the open pine forest. Below this, for four and a half 
miles, the land is flat on the river, and much of it in the bend is good for com. Here 
We-lau-ne, (yellow water) a fine flowing creek, joins the river; and still lower, Co- wag- 
gee, (partridge),* a creek sixty yards wide at its mouth. Its source is in the ridge 
dividing its waters from Ko-e-ne-cuh, Choc^tan hatche and Telague hache,® they have 
some settlements in this neighborhood, on good land. 

Sau-woog-e-loo-che is two miles above Sau-woo-ge-lo, on the left bank of the river, 
in oaky woods, which extend back one mile to the pine forest; they have about 
twenty families, and plant in the bends of the river; they have a few cattle. '" 

Besides the Big and Little Sawokli which Hawkins describes there 
was at a very early date a northern branch living in the noigliborhood 

» Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 5t\y<. 

« Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 228. 

» MS., Ayer Coll.; Jkliss.Prov. Arch., i, p. 96. 

* Ga. Col. Docs., vin, pp. 522-524. 
(> Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

• Bchooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
' Qa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., m, p. 25. 

»" Partridge" Is probably a mist niaslat ion, the 
name being a contraction of Okawaigl (see below). 

"The words "Choc-tan hatcho jind Telague 
hache" are wanting In the MS. in the Library 
of Congress. 

w CJa. Hist. Soc. Colls., in, pp. tVMiO. 


of the Kasihta and Coweta. In a Spanish document dated 1738 this 
seems to be called ''Tamaxle Nuevo^' and is represented as the 
northernmost of the Lower Creek towns,* but it is usually known by 
a variant of the tribal name now under discussion, although the initial 
consonant is sometimes ch rather than s. One of the two names given 
above as appearing on the De Crenay map evidently refers to this band, 
but which is uncertain. In the Spanish census of 1750 it occurs 
again in the distorted form ^'Couacalfi/' * and in the French census 
of 1760 it is spelled *'Chaouakl6'' and placed between Kasihta and 
Coweta.' Finally, one of my best Indian informants — a man who 
was bom in the country of the Lower Creeks in Alabama — remem- 
bered that there were two distinct towns called Sawokli and Tca- 
wokli, both of which ho believed to belong to the Hitchiti group. 
This latter probably gave its name to a branch of Uphapee Creek 
called Chewockeleehatcheo Creek, which in turn furnished the desig- 
nation for a body of Tulsa who had nothing to do with the Sawokli 
tribe.^ If we may trust the census of 1832, a village inhabited by 
Kasihta bore the same name.* 

The towns of Okawaigi (or Kawaigi) and Okiti-yagani are said to 
have branched oflF from the Sawokh. The former is probably one of 
the Sawokli towns which appear in the French census. The latter is 
evidently the *^ Oeyakbe '' of the same list,* and the '* Weupkees '' of the 
census of 1761,* in which the name has been translated into Muskogee, 
Oiyakpi, "water (or river) fork.'' Manuel Garcia, a Spanish officer 
sent against the adventurer Bowles, mentions it in the grossly dis- 
torted form "Hogue 6hotehanne."' Okawaigi and Okiti-yakani are 
both in Hitchiti, the first signifying ' 'Place to get water,'* and the second 
*' Zigzag stream land." They are in the census list of 1832 along with 
still another Sawokli off branch called Hatchee tcaba [Hatci tcaba] ' 
which is to be distinguished carefully from an Upper Creek town 
of the same name, a branch of Kealedji.' After accompanying the 
other Creeks west the Sawokli soon gave up their independent busk 
ground and united with the Hitchiti. Their descendants are living 
near Okmulgee, the former capital of the Creek Nation in the west. 


Westward of the tribes just considered, and probably immediately 
west of the Sawokli, the Spanish ^'Province of Sabacola, " lived 
anciently the Pensacola. Their name, properly Pa°shi okla, ''Bread 
People," is Choctaw or from a closely related tongue, but we know 

> MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Lib. This docu- ^ Ga. Col. Docs., viii, 522. 
ment incidentally serves as an additional argument < ^'opy of MS. in A yer Coll., Newberry Library, 
for the Hitchiti connection of the Tamali Indians. » Sen. Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 342-344; 

« Mis?. Prov. Arch., i, p. 96. Ala. Hist. Soc. Misc. Colls., 1, p. 396. 

« See p. 245. • See p. 272. 

« See p. 226. 


next to nothing regarding the people themselves. Our earliest 
information of value concerning any of the people of this coast is 
contained in the relation of Cabeza de Vaca, who encountered them 
in 1528 on his way westward from the Apalachee country by sea 
with the remains of the Narvaez expedition. Although none of the 
tribes which the explorers met is mentioned by name there is every 
reason to believe that one of them was the Pensacola. He says: 

That bay from which we started is called the Bay of the Horses. We sailed seven 
days among those inlets, in the water waist deep, without signs of anything like the 
coast. At the end of this time we reached an island near the shore. My barge went 
ahead, and from it we saw five Indian canoes coming. The Indians abandoned 
them and left them in our hands, when they saw that we approached. The other 
barges went on and saw some lodges on the same island, where we found plenty of ruffs 
and their eggs, dried, and that was a very great relief in our needy condition. Hav- 
ing taken them, we went further, and two leagues beyond found a strait between the 
island and the coast, which strait we christened San Miguel, it being the day of that 
saint. Issuing from it we reached the coast, where by means of the five canoes I had 
taken from the Indians we mended somewhat the barges, making washboards and 
adding to them and raising the sides two hands above water. 

Then we set out to sea again, coasting towards the River of Palms. Every day our 
thirst and hunger increased because our supplies were giving out, as well as the water 
supply, for the pouches we had made from the legs of our horses soon became rotten 
and useless. From time to time we would enter some inlet or cove that reached very 
far inland, but we found them all shallow and dangerous, and so we navigated thjrough 
them for thirty days, meeting sometimes Indians who fished and were poor and 
wretched people. 

At the end of these thirty days, and when we were in extreme need of water and 
hugging the coast, we heard one night a canoe approaching. When we saw it we 
stopped and waited, but it would not come to us, and, although we called out, it 
would neither turn back nor wait. It being night, we did not follow the canoe, but 
proceeded. At dawn we saw a small island, where we touched to search for water, 
but in vain, as there was none. While at anchor a great storm overtook us. We 
remained there six days without venturing to leave, and it being five days since we 
had drunk anything our thirst was so great a» to compel us to drink salt water, and 
several of us took such an excess of it that we lost suddenly five men. 

I tell this briefly, not thinking it necessary to relate in particular all the distress and 
hardships we bore. Moreover, if one takes into account the place we were in, and the 
slight chances of relief, he may imagine what we suffered. Seeing that our thirst was 
increasing and the water was killing us, while the storm did not abate, we agreed to 
trust to God, our Lord, and rather risk the perils of the sea than wait there for cer- 
tain death from thirst. So we left in the direction we had seen the canoe going on 
the night we came here. During this day we found ourselves often on the verge of 
drowning and so forlorn that there was none in our company who did not expect to 
die at any moment. 

It was our Lord's pleasure, who many a time shows Ilis favor in the hour of greatest 
distress, that at sunset we turned a point of land and found there shelter and much 
improvement. Many canoes came and the Indians in them spoke to us, but turned 
back without waiting. They were tall and well built, and carried neither bows nor 
arrows. We followed t hem to their lodges, which were nearly along the inlet, and 
landed, and in front of the lodges we saw many jars with water, and great quantities 
of cooked fish. The chief of that land offered all to the governor and led him to 


his abode. The dwellings were of matting and seemed to be pennanent. When we 
entered the home of the chief he gave us plenty of fish, while we gave him of our 
maize, which they ate in our presence, asldng for more. So we gave more to them, 
and the governor presented him with some trinkets. While with the cacique at his 
lodge, half an hour after sunset, the Indians suddenly fell upon us and ux)on our sick 
people on the beach. 

They also attacked the house of the cacique, where the governor was, wounding 
him in the face with a stone. Those who were with him seized the cacique, but 
as his people were so near he escaped, leaving in our hands a robe of marten-ermine 
skin, which, I believe, are the finest in the world and give out an odor like amber 
and musk. A single one can be smelt so far off that it seems as if there were a great 
many. We saw more of that kind, but none like these. 

Those of us who were there, seeing the governor hurt, placed him aboard the barge 
and provided that most of the men should follow him to the boats. Some fifty of us 
remained on land to face the Indians, who attacked thrice that night, and so fiuiously 
as to drive us back every time further than a stone's throw. 

Not one of us escaped unhiurt. I was wounded in the face, and if they had had 
more arrows (for only a few were found) without any doubt they would have done us 
great harm. At the last onset the Captains Dorantes, Pefialosa and Tellez, with 
fifteen men, placed themselves in ambush and attacked them from the rear, causing 
them to flee and leave us. The next morning I destroyed more than thirty of their 
canoes, which served to protect us against a northern wind then blowing, on account 
of which we had to stay there, in the severe cold, not ventiuing out to sea on account 
of the heavy storm. After this we again embarked and navigated for three days, 
having taken along but a small supply of water, the vessels we had for it being few. 
So we found ourselves in the same plight as before. 

Continuing onward, we.entered a firth and there saw a canoe with Indians approach- 
ing. As we hailed them they came, and the governor, whose barge they neared first, 
asked them for water. They offered to get some, provided we gave them something 
in which to carry it, and a Christian Greek, called Doroteo Teodoro (who has already 
been mentioned) , said he would go with them . The governor and others vainly tried to 
dissuade him, but he insisted upon going and wentj taking along a negro, while the 
Indians left two of their number as hostages. At night the Indians returned and 
brought back our vessels, but without water; neither did the Christians return with 
them. Those that had remained as hostages, when their people spoke to them, 
attempted to throw themselves into the water. But our men in the barge held them 
back, and so the other Indians forsook their canoe, leaving us very despondent and 
sad for the loss of those two Christians. 

In the morning many canoes of Indians came, demanding their two companions, 
who had remained in the barge as hostages. The governor answered that he would 
give them up, provided they returned the two Christians. With those people there 
came five or six chiefs, who seemed to us to be of better appearance, greater authority 
and manner of composure than any we had yet seen, although not as tall as those of 
whom we have before spoken. They wore the hair loose and very long, and were 
clothed in robes of marten, of the kind we had obtained previously, some of them 
done up in a very strange fashion, because they showed patterns of fawn-colored furs 
that looked very well. 

They entreated us to go with them, and said that they would give us the Christians, 
water and many other things, and more canoes kept coming towards us, tr>dng to 
block the mouth of that inlet, and for this reason, as well as because the land appeared 
very dangerous to remain in, we took again to sea, where we stayed with them till 

1480W— 22 ^10 


noon. And as they would not return the ChristianB, and for that reason neither 
would we give up the Indians, they began to throw stones at us with slings, and darts, 
threatening to shoot arrows, although we did not see more than three or four bows. 
While thus engaged the wind freshened and they turned about and left us.^ 

This contains many interesting points. The Bay of Horses must 
have been somewhere near the mouth of Apalachicola River; and 
the place where they met the five Indian canoes in what the Span- 
iards knew later as the province of Sabacola, though the Indians 
need not have been of that tribe, as we know from the account of 
Lamhatty that there were several other peoples in the neighborhood. 
The poor fisher folk whom they encountered were of the same prov- 
ince. The inlet in which they found the first Indian settlement 
must have been either East Pass or the entrance to Pensacola Bay, 
and the second entrance where Doroteo Teodoro and the negro went 
after water would be either Pensacola entrance or the opening into 
Mobile Bay. That these points were not west of Mobile Bay at all 
events is shown by one circumstance. In his narrative of the De 
Soto expedition Ranjel says: 

In this village, Piachi, it was learned that they had killed Don Teodoro and a black, 
who came from the ships of Pamphilo de Narvaez.' 

Now, from a study of the narratives, we feel sure that Piachi was 
near the upper course of the Alabama River or between it and the 
Tombigbee. It thus appears that the Greek and the negro were 
carried, or traveled, inland, but it is not likely that they deviated 
much from the direct line inland, not more than the ascent of the 
Alabama or Tombigbee would make necessary. 
• We need not suppose that the place where these Indians were met 
was Pensacola Bay, for there is reason to believe that at least the lower 
portion of Mobile Bay, perhaps the upper portion also, was in times 
shortly before the opening of certain history occupied by tribes 
different from those found in possession by the French. It will be 
remembered that when Iberville settled at Biloxi and began to 
explore the coast eastward he touched at an island which he named 
Massacre Island, "because we found there, at the southwest end, a 
place where more than 60 men or women had been killed. Having 
found the heads and the remainder of the bones with much of their 
household articles, it did not appear that it was more than three or 
four years ago, nothing being yet rotted/'^ The journal of the 
second ship, Le Marin, confirms the statement, and adds: 

The savages who are along this coast are wandorers (vagabonds); when they are 
satiated with meat they come to tlie sea to (»at fisli, wiiore there is an abundan(*e of it.* 

» Bandelier, The Joiimry of Alvar Nuner Cabeza de Vuca, pp. 41-49. 
« Bourne, Narr. of Dc Soto, n, p. 12.3. 
• Iborx-ille In Margry, iv, p. H7. 
« Margry, Ddc., iv, p 232, 


P^nicaut, as usual, * improves upon the truth/' He say^: 

We were very much frightened, on landing there, to find such a prodigious number 
of bones of the dead that they formed a mountain, ao many there were. We learned 
afterward that it was a numerous nation, which being pursued and having retired 
into the country, had almost all died there of sickness, and as it is the custom of 
savages to collect together all the bones of the dead, they had brought them to this 
place. This nation is named Movila, of which there still remain a small number.* 

Pfinicaut's conclusion was probably due to his knowledge that it 
was customary among the Choctaw, and probably some of the neigh- 
boring nations as well, to treat the bones of the dead as he describes, 
but his explanation is not borne out by the descriptions of IberviDe 
and his colleague, who are much more worthy of credence. Of course, 
there is no certainty to what tribe the bones in question belonged, 
but I make the suggestion that they were from some band of the 
ancient coast people of whom I am speaking. It is possible that, 
mstead of being members of the Mobile tribe, the people killed here 
had been the victims of the Mobile. Perhaps these sinister reUcs 
and the mysterious disappearance of the Pensacola may have been 
due to causes set in motion by De Soto, 20 years after the time of 
Cabeza de Vaca, when he overthrew the Mobile Indians. At that 
period it is not improbable that they pushed down toward the coast 
and were instrumental in destroying the aboriginal inhabitants of the 

In November, 1539, while De Soto was in the Province of Apalachee, 
Maldonado was despatched westward in the brigantines. He 
returned reporting that he had discovered an excellent harbor. He 
"brought an Indian from the province adjacent to this coast, which 
was called Achuse, and he brought a good blanket of sable fur. They 
had seen others in Apalache, but none like that." This is from 
RanjeFs account.^ The Fidalgo of Elvas says that this province, 
which he calls "Ochus,'' was "sixty leagues from Apalache" and that 
Maldonado had "found a sheltered port with a good depth of water." ■ 
Biedma states that Maldonado "coasted along the country, and 
entered iall the coves, creeks, and rivers he discovered, imtil he ar- 
rived at a river having a good entrance and harbour, with an Indian 
town on the seaboard. Some inhabitants approaching to traffic, he 
took one of them, and directly turned back with him to join us." 
He adds that he was absent on this voyage two months.* Later the 
bay in which the De Luna colonists established themselves is called the 
"Bay of Ichuse," or " Ychuse," but it is uncertain whether this was 

» Margry, D4c., v, p. 883. « Ibid., i, p. 50. 

« Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, u, p. 81. « Ibid., ii, pp. 8-9. 



[bi:ll. 7.3 

Mobile or Pensacola.* Nevertheless, what Biedma says of the river 
and his later statement, when the army reached what must have been 
the Alabama, or a stream between it and the Tombigbee, that they 
considered it to be *'that which empties into the Bay of Chuse,'' * 
along with the further fact that they there heard of the brigantines,' 
would seem to indicate Mobile. An interesting point in connection 
with this expedition of Maldonado is the mention of the ''good 
blanket of sable fur" superior to anything they had seen in Apalachee, 
because it will be recalled that Cabeza de Vaca noticed in the very 
same region ''a robe of marten-ermine skin'' which he believed to be 
*' the finest in the world/' * The blankets seen by Cabeza de Vaca and 
the companions of De Soto were probably of the same sdrt, and it is 
likely that the Indians of that particular region had peculiar skill in 
making them. The names Achuse, Ochus, Ichuse, Ychuse recall the 
Hitchiti word Otcisif "people of a different speech," and it is not 
improbable that the term occurred Ukewise in Apalachee and was 
appUed to this province because the Pensacola and Mobile languages 
were distinct from those spoken east of them. 

In letters written in 1677 this tribe and the Chatot are mentioned 
as peoples living between the Chiska Indians and the Gulf of Mexico,* 
and from a letter dated May 19, 1686, and sent by Antonio Matheos, 
lieutenant among the Apalachee, to the governor of Florida, it appears 
that the *'Panzacola" were then at war with the Mobile Indians,* a 
circumstance which would tend to bear out my theory above ex- 
pressed. Shortly afterwards, however, when a Spanish post was 
established in their country the tribe itself had disappeared. Barcia 

They say that the province was called Pancacola because anciently a nation of 
Indians inhabited it named Pancocolos, which the neighboring nations destroyed in 
wars, leaving only the name in the province.'' 

Nevertheless, Barcia himself records encounters with Indians in the 
surroimding country by the Spaniards sent to make a reconnoissance 
of the harbor in 1693. His account is as follows : 

On the 11th [of September] starting from the "Punta de Gijon " and navigating in a 
depth of from one to two fathoms, they went along the coast, going northeast with 
easterly wind, and at a distance of about two leagues and a half, it looked as if the 
water had changed its colour. They tasted it and found it sweet, and one-quarter 
of a league further on it was very sweet and they were then sure it was the mouth of a 
river which ran east-southeast, about three-quarters of a league and its width was 
one fourth [of a league], being lost at the distance mentioned. On the north side 
there is a canal, which extends about a pistol shot. They entered the first inlet 

1 See p. 159. 

s Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, u/p. 17. 

» Ibid., p. 21. 

* See p. 145. 

'Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Ili'^t., p. 197; I>owery, M88. 

'Ibid., p. 210. 

'Barcia, La Florida, p. 316. 


for about a quarter of a league and seeing some smoke rise on the south shore, they 
discovered three bulks which looked like tree trunks, but when these began to move 
towards the forest, they recognised them to be Indians. They jumped on land and 
although they tried to catch up with them they could not find them any more, not 
even their traces, for the soil was covered with dry leaves. 

They found the lighted fire, and on it a badly shaped earthen pan, with lungs ^ 
of bison, very tastelessly prepared, stewing in it, and some pieces of meat toasting on 
wooden roasters. On one of them some fish was transfixed, which looked like "Chu- 
choe.*' In baskets made of reed, and which the Indians call *'Uzate" (U^te) there 
was some com, calabash-seeds, bison- wool and hair of other animals, put in deerskin 
bags, a lot of mussels (shell- fish), shells, bones and similar things. They found several 
feather plumes of fine turkeys,' cardinal birds or redbirds, and other birds and many 
small crosses, the sight of which delighted them, although they recognised soon that 
those were spindles on which the Indian women span the wool of the bison. The 
Spaniards put into one of the baskets cakes, into the other knives and scissors, and, 
after erecting a cross, they returned to their boat. They navigated half a league 
when they saw to starboard four or five Indians, who, in order to escape more swiftly 
threw away all they carried. They [the Spaniards] landed and found several skins 
of marten, fox, otter, and bison and a lot of meat pulverised and putrid, in wooden 
troughs.* In one of the baskets which were strewn about, they found some roots 
looking like iris or ginger, very sweet in ta^te, bison-wool done up in balls, spindles 
and beaver-wool or hair in bags, very soft white feathers and pulverised clay or earth 
apparently for painting, combs, not so badly made, leather shoes shaped more like 
boots, claws of birds and other animals, roots of dittany,^ several pieces of brazil, a 
very much worn, large hoe and an iron adze. The Indian huts, which they saw here, 
were made of tree-bark and in the sea were two canoes or boats, one with bows and 
arrows made of very strong wood and points of bone; the other was badly used [in 
bad condition]. These boats showed that those Indians had probably come here 
by water . . . 

. . . Toward the south-southeast went Don Carlos de Siguenza with captain Juan 
Jordan, Antonio Fernandez, carpenter, and an artillery man, and they found a hut, 
built on four posts and covered with palm leaves. Inside they found a deerskin, a 
sash made of bison wool, a piece of blue cloth of Spain, abo\it a yard and a half long 
and thrown over the poles, many mother-of-pearl shells, fish-spines, animal-bones 
and several large locks of [human hair]. A little further on at the foot of a tall pine 
tree they saw in a hamper^ a decayed body, to all appearances that of a woman; but, 
leaving all this as it was, they went to the spot where they had seen the two Indians 
and they found one, who fled, leaving in the place where he had been a gourd filled 
with water and a bit of roasted meat; which provisions, however, made them suppose 
him to be a sentinel, the more so as thev soon found traces of children's and women's 
feet, but could find nobody.* 

There are also three specific references to the Pensacola by French 
wijiters. P^nicaut states that in 1699 the chiefs of **five different 
nations, named the Pascagoulas, the Capinans, the Chicachas, the 
PassacolaS; and the Biloxis, came with ceremony to our fort, singing, 

> Probably the whole lights, or haslet, i, c, lungs, heart, and liver. 
sPiaiiiera.<t de plumas dc paves flnos. 

* Pilones, probably wooden mortars. 

* Which might have been flaxlnella or marjoram. 

> Petaea means really a leather trunk fashioned after the style of a hamper. 

* Btfda, La Florida, pp. 309-310. Translated by Mrs. F. Bandelier. 


to present the calumet to M. d'lberville.'^^ La Harpe in liis Journal 
Hutorique says that on October 1, 1702, at Mobile, '* other savages 
were received who sang the calumet, and promised to live in peace 
with the Chicachas, the Pensacolas, and the Apalaches."^ These 
"other savages'* were probably Alabama Indians. And finally, 
Bienville in an unpublished account of the native tribes of Louisiana 
dating from about 1725 says that the villages of the Pensacola and 
Biloxi lay near each other on Pearl River, the two containing but 40 
warriors.^ In a letter on Indian affairs, dated Pensacola, December 
1, 1764, is an estimate of the Indian population in the Gnlf region, 
and among the entries, we read, '^Beloxies, Chactoes, Capinas, 
Panchaculas [Pensacolas], Washaws, Chawasaws, Pascagulas, 251/'* 
It is therefore probable that a remnant of the tribe continued a preca- 
rious existence, probably in close alliance with some larger one, for a 
long time aftdr it was supposed to be extinct. This would be quite 
in line with what we find in the case of so many other small tribes. 


So far as our information goes, the first white men to have dealings 
with the Indians of Mobile Bay were probably the Spaniards under 
Pinedo. Pinedo was sent out by Garay, governor of Jamaica, in the 
year 1619, to explore toward the north, and he appears to have 
coasted along the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico from the 
peninsula of Florida to Panuco. In the description of this voyage 
in the Letters Patent we read that after having covered the entire 
distance '^ they then tmned back with the said ships, and entered 
a river which was foimd to be very large and very deep, at the 
mouth of which they say they found an extensive town, where they 
remained 40 days and careened their vessels. The natives treated 
our men in a friendly manner, trading with them, and giving what 
they possessed. The Spaniards ascended a distance of 6 leagues 
up the river, and saw on its banks, right and left, 40 villages." * 

The river referred to is usually identified with the Mississippi, but 
I am entirely in accord with Mr. Hamilton in finding in it the River 
Mobile.' When first known to us the banks of the Mississippi near 
the ocean were not permanently occupied by even small tribes, and 
occupancy the year around would have been practically impossible. 
On the other hand, the shores of Mobile River must once have been 
quite thickly settled, for Iberville, on his first visit to the Indian 
tribes there, notes numbers of abandoned Indian settlements all 
along the way. There seems to be practically no other place answer- 

« Margry, I)6c., v, p. 378. * Amcr. lllst. Rev., xx, No. 4, p. 825. 

* La Harpo, Jour. Hist., pp. 73-74. ^ llarrisse. Disc, of N. Amer., p. 168. 

* French t inscription, Lil>. Cong. * Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 10. 


ing to the description here given. The later depopulation can "be 
accounted for by the wars of which Iberville speaks and by the 
pestilences, whidi seem to have moved just a little in advance of 
the front rank of white invasion. 

Narvaez encountered some of the Indians of Mobile Bay,^ but 
it is open to question whether they were the ones in possession in 
Iberville's time. The Province of Achuse or Ochus, discovered by 
MaldonadO; may also have been here, and again it may have been 
about Pensacola.' 

Our next historical encounter with t)ie Mobile tribes was that 
famous and sanguinary meeting between De Soto and the Mobile, 
which has served to immortalize the Indians participating almost as 
much as does the city which bears their name. 

According to Ranjel they first heard of the people of Mobile at 
'*Talisi/' probably the Creek town now known as Talsi, where mes- 
sengers reached them from Tascalu^a, the Mobile chief. His name is 
in the Choctaw language or one almost identical with Choctaw, just 
as we should expect, and means ^' Black warrior." Ranjel calls him 
*' a powerful lord and one much feared in that land." *' And soon, " he 
adds, "one of his sons appeared and the governor ordered his men to 
moimt and the horsemen to charge and the trumpets to be blown 
(more to inspire fear than to make merry at their reception). And 
when those Indians returned the commander sent two Christians 
with them instructed as to what they were to observe and to spy out, 
so that they might take counsel and be forewarned." 

On Tuesday, October 5, 1540, the army left Talisi and, after pass- 
ing through several villages, encamped the following Saturday, 
October 9, within a league of Tascalu^a's village. ' * And the governor 
dispatched a messenger, and he returned with the reply that he 
would be welcome whenever he wished to come." Ranjel's narrative 
goes on as follows: 

Sunday, October 10, the governor entered the village of Tascaluga, which is called 
Athahachi, a recent village. And the chief was on a kind of balcony on a mound at 
one side of the square, his head covered by a kind of coif like the almaizal, so that his 
headdress was like a Moor's, which gave him an aspect of authority; he also wore a 
pelote or mantle of feathers down to his feet, very imposing; he was seated on some high 
cushions, and many of the principal men among his Indians were with him. He was 
as tall as that Tony of the Emperor, our lord's guard, and well proportioned, a fine and 
comely figure of a man. He had a son, a young man as tall as himself, but more slender. 
Before this chief there stood always an Indian of graceful mien holding a parasol on 
a handle something like a round and very large fly fan, with a cross similar to that of 
the Knights of the Order of St. John of Rhodes, in the middle of a black field, and the 
cross was white. And although the governor entered the plaza and alighted from his 
horse and went up to him, he did not rise, but remained passive in perfect composure, 
and as if he had been a king. 

1 See pp. 144-146. > See pp. 147-148. 


The governor remained Heated with him a short time, and after a little he aroee and 
said that they should come to eat, and he took him with him and the Indians came to 
dance ; and they danced very well in the fashion of rustics in Spain, so that it was pleas- 
ant to see them. At night he desired to go, and the commander told him that he must 
sleep there. He understood it and showed that he scoffed at such an intention for him, 
being the lord, to receive so suddenly restraints upon his liberty, and dissembling, he 
immediately despatched his principal men each by himself, and he slept there not- 
withstanding his reluctance. The next day the governor asked him for carriers and a 
hundred Indian women; and the chief gave him four hundred carriers and the rest of 
them and the women he said he would give at Mabila, the province of one of his prin- 
cipal vassals. And the governor acquiesced in having the rest of that unjust request 
of his fulfilled in Mabila; and he ordered him to be given a horse and some buskinB 
and a scarlet cloak for him to ride off happy. 

At last, Tuesday, October 12, they departed from the village of Atahachi, taking 
along the chief, as has been said, and with him many principal men, and always the 
Indian with the sunshade attending his lord, and another with a cushion And that 
night they slept in the open country The next day, Wednesday, they came to 
Piachi, which is a village high above the gorge of a mountain stream; and the chief of 
this place was evil intentioned, and attempted to resist their passage; and as a result, 
they crossed the stream with effort, and two Christians were slain, and also the prin- 
cipal Indians who accompanied the chief. In this village, Piachi, it was learned that 
they had killed Don Teodoro and a black, who came from the ships of Pftmphilo de 

Saturday, October 16, they departed thence into a mountain where they met one 
of the two Christians whom the governor had sent to Mabila, and he said that in 
Mabila there had gathered together much people in arms The next day they came to 
a fenced village, and there came messengers from Mabila bringing to the chief much 
bread made from chestnuts, which are abundant and excellent in that region. 

Monday, October 18, St. Luke's day, the governor came to Mabila, having passed 
that day by several villages, which was the reason that the soldiers stayed behind to 
forage and to scatter themselves, for the region appeared populous And there went 
on with the governor only forty horsemen as an advance guard, and after they had 
tarried a little, that the governor might not show weakness, he entered into the village 
with the chief, and all his guard went in with him. Here the Indians immediately 
began an areyto,^ which is their fashion for a ball with dancing and song. While this 
was going on some soldiers saw them putting bundles of bows and arrows slyly among 
some palm leaves, and other Christians saw that above and below the cabins were 
full of people concealed. The governor was informed of it, and he put his helmet on 
his head and ordered all to go and mount their horses and warn all the soldiers that 
had come up. Hardly had they gone out when the Indians took the entrances of the 
stockade, and there were left with the governor, Luis de Moscoso and Baltasar de 
Gallegos, and Espindola, the captain of the guard, and seven or eight soldiers. And 
the chief went into a cabin and refused to come out of it. Then they began to shoot 
arrows at the governor. Baltasar de Gallegos went in for the chief, he not being willing 
to come out. He disabled the arm of a principal Indian with the slash of a knife. 
Luis de Moscoso waited at the door, so as not to leave him alone, and he was fighting 
like a knight and did all that was possible until ''not being able to endure any more, 
he cried, Sefior Baltasar de Gallegos, come out, or I will leave you, for I cannot wait 
any longer for you." During this, Solis, a resident of Trianaof Seville, had ridden 
up, and Rodrigo Ranjel, who were the first, and for his sins Solis was immediately 
stricken down dead ; but Rodrigo Ranjol got to the gate of the to\\Ti at the time when 

1 See p. 145. * A West Indian word for an Indian dance. (Note by Bourne.) 


the governor went out, and two soldiers of his guard with him, and after him came 
more than seventy Indians who were held back for fear of Rodrigo Ranjers horse, and 
the governor, desiring to charge them, a negro brought up his horse; and he told Rod- 
rigo Ranjel to give aid to the captain of the guard, who was left behind, for he had come 
out quite used up, and a soldier of the guard with him; and he with a horse faced the 
enemy until he got out of danger, and Rodrigo Ranjel returned to the governor and 
had him draw out more than twenty arrows, which he bore fastened to his armour, 
which was a loose coat quilted with coarse cotton. And he ordered Ranjel to watch 
for Solis, to rescue him from the enemy, that they should not carry him inside. And 
the governor went to collect the soldiers. There was great valour and shame that day 
among all those that found themselves in this first attack and beginning of this unhappy 
day; for they fought to admiration and each Christian did his duty as a most valiant 
soldier. Luis de Moscoao and Baltasar de Gallegos came out with the rest of the 
soldiers by another gate. 

As a result the Indians were left with the village and all the property of the Chris- 
tians, and with the horses that were left tied inside, which they killed immediately. 
The governor collected all of the forty horse that were there and advanced to a large 
open place before the principal gate of Mabila. There the Indians rushed out without 
venturing very far from the stockade, and to draw them on the horsemen made a 
feint of taking flight at a gallop, withdrawing far from the walls. And the Indians 
believing it to be real, came away from the village and the stockade in pursuit, greedy 
to make use of their arrows. And when it was time the horsemen wheeled about 
on the enemy, and before they could recover themselves, killed many with their 
lances. Don ("arlos wanted to go with his horse as far as the gate, and they gave the 
horse an arrow shot in the breast. And not being able to turn, he dismounted to 
draw out ihe arrow, and then another came which hit him in the neck above the 
shoulder, at which; seeking confession, he fell dead. The Indians no longer dared 
to withdraw from the stockade. Then the Commander invested them on every side 
until the whole force had come up; and they went up on three sides to set fire to it, 
first cutting the stockade with axes. A nd the fire in its course burned the two hundred 
odd pounds of pearls that they had, and all their clothes and ornaments, and the 
sacramental cups, and the moulds for making the wafers, and the wine for saying 
the mass; and they were left like Arabs, completely stripped, after all their hard 
toil. They had left in a cabin the Christian women, which were some slaves belonging 
to the governor; and some pages, a friar, a priest, a cook, and some soldiers defended 
themselves very well against the Indians, who were not able to force an entrance 
before the Christians came with the fire and rescued them. And all the Spaniards 
fought like men of great courage, and twenty-two died, and one hundred and forty- 
eight others received six hundred and eighty-eight arrow wounds, and seven horses 
were killed and twenty-nine others wounded. Women and even boys of four years* 
of age fought with the Christians; and Indian boys hanged themselves not to fall into 
their hands, and others jumped into the fire of their own accord. See with what 
good will those carriers acted. The arrow shots were tremendous, and sent with 
such a will and force that the lance of one gentleman named Nufio de Tovar, made 
of two pieces of ash and very good, was pierced by an arrow in the middle, as by an 
auger, without being split, and the arrow made a cross \vdth the lance. 

On that day there died Don Carlos, and Francis de Soto, the nephew of the Governor, 
and Johan de Gamez de Jaen, and Men Rodriguez, a fine Portugues gentleman, and 
Espinosa, a fine gentleman, and another named Velez, and one Blasco de Barcarrota, 
and many other honoured soldiers; and the wounded comprised all the men of most 
worth and honoiur in the army. They killed three thousand of the vagabonds without 
counting many others who were wounded and whom they afterwards found dead in 


the cabins and along the roads. Whether the chief ^as dead or alive was never 
known. The son they found thrust through ^ith a lance. 

After the end of the battle as described, they rested there until the 14th of 
November, caring for their wounds and their horses, and they burned over much of 
the country.^ 

Biedma's account of this affair is as follows: 


From this point (Co^a) we went south, drawing towards the coast of New Spain, 
and passed through several towns, before coming to another pro\'ince, called Taszaluza, 
of which an Indian of such size was chief that we all considered him a giant. He 
awaited us quietly at his town, and on our arrival we made much ado for him, with 
joust at reeds, and great running of horses, although he appeared to regard it all as a 
small matter. Afterward we asked him for Indians to carry our burdens; he an- 
swered that he was not accustomed to serving any one, but it was rather for others 
all to serve him. The governor ordered that he should not be allowed to return to 
his house, but be kept where he was. This detention among us he felt — whence 
sprang the ruin that he afterwards wrought us, and it was why he told us that he could 
there give us nothing, and that we must go to another town of his, called Ma\dla, 
where he would bestow on us whatever we might ask. We took up our march in that 
direction, and came to a river, a copious flood, which we considered to be that which 
empties into the Bay of C'huse. Here we got news of the manner in which the boats 
of Narvaez had arrived in want of water, and of a Christian, named Don Teodoro, who 
had stopped among these Indians, with a negro, and we were shown a dagger that he 
had worn. We were here two days, making rafts for crossing the river. In this time 
the Indians killed one of the guard of the governor, who, thereupon, being angry, 
threatened the cacique, and told him that he should burn him if he did not give up 
to him those who had slain the Christian. He replied that he would deliver them to 
us in that town of his, Mavila. The cacique had many in attendance. An Indian, 
was always behind him with a fly brush of plumes, so large as to afford his person 
shelter from the sun. 

At nine o'clock one morning we arrived at Mavila, a small town very strongly 
stockaded, situated on a plain. We found the Indians had demolished some habita- 
tions about it, to present a clear field. A number of the chiefs came out to receive 
us as soon as we were in sight, and they asked the governor, through the interpreter, 
if he would like to stop on that plain or preferred to entc»r the town, and said that in 
the evening they would give us the Indians to carry }>urden8. It appeared to our 
chief better to go thither with them, and he commanded that all should enter the 
town, which we did. 

Having come within the enclosure, we walked about, talking with the Indians, 
supposing them to be friendly, there being not over three or four hundred in sight, 
though full five thousand were in the town, whom we did not see, nor did they show 
themselves at all. Apparently rejoicing, they began their (customary songs and 
dances; and some fifteen or twenty women haWng performed before us a little while, 
for dissimulation, the cacifiue got up and withdrew into one of the houses. The 
governor sent to tell him that he must come out, to which he answered that he would 
not; and the captain of the bodyguard entered the door to bring him forth, but seeing 
many Indians present, fully prepared for battle, he thought it best to withdraw and 
leave him. He reported that the houses were filled with men, ready with bows and 
arrows, bent on some mischief. The gov(?rnor called to an Indian passing by, who 
also refusing to come, a gentleman near took him by the arm to bring him, when, 
receiving a push, such as to make him let go his hold, ho drt^w his sword and dealt 
a stroke in return that cleaved away an arm . 

» Ranjel, Trans, in Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, ii, pp. 120-128. 


With the blow they all began to shoot arrows at us, some from within the houses, 
through the many loopholes they had arranged, and some from without. As we were 
00 wholly unprepared, having considered ourselves on a footing of peace, we were 
obliged, from the great injuries we were sustaining, to flee from the town, leaving 
behind all that the carriers had brought for us, as they had there set down their burdens. 
When the Indians saw that we had gone out, they closed the gates, and beating their 
drudM, they raised flags, with great shouting; then, emptying our knapsacks and 
bundles, showed up above the palisades all we had brought, as much as to say that they 
had those things in possession. Directly as we retired, we bestrode our horses and 
completely encircled the town, that none might thence anywhere escape. The 
governor directed that sixty of us should dismount, and that eighty of the best 
accoutred should form in four parties, to assail the place on as many sides, and the 
first of us getting in should set flre to the houses, that no more harm should come to 
us; so we handed over our horses to other soldiers who were not in armour, that if 
any of the Indians should come running out of the town they might overtake them. 

We entered the town and set it on fire, whereby a number of Indians were burned, 
and all that we had was consumed, so that there remained not a thing. We fought 
that day until nightMl, without a single Indian having surrendered to us, they 
fighting bravely on like lions. We killed them all, either with fire or the sword, or, 
such of them as came out, with the lance, so that when it was nearly dark there re- 
mained only three alive; and these, taking the women that had been brought to 
dance, placed the twenty in front, who, crossing their hands, made signs to us that 
we should come for them. The Christians advancing toward the women, these 
turned aside, and the three men l)ehind them shot their arrows at us, when we killed 
two of them. The last Indian, not to surrender, climbed a tree that was in the fence, 
and taking the cord from his bow, tied it about his neck, and from a limb hanged him- 

This day the Indians slew more than twenty of our men, and those of us who escaped 
only hurt were two hundred and fifty, bearing upon our bodies seven himdred and 
sixty injuries from their shafts. At night we dressed our wounds with the fat of the 
dead Indians, as there was no medicine left, all that belonged to us having been 
burned. We tarried twenty-seven or twenty -eight days to take care of ourselves, and 
God be praised that we were all relieved. The women were divided as servants 
among those who were sufTering most. We learned from the Indians that we were as 
many as forty leagues from the sea. It was much the desire that the governor should 
go to the coast, for we had tidings of the brigan tines; but he dared not venture thither, 
as it was already the middle of November, the season very cold; and he found it neces- 
sary to go in quest of a coimtry where subsistence might be had for the winter; here 
there was none, the region being one of little food.* 

The Elvas narrative parallels that of Ranjel in most particulars 
but adds interesting details. It confirms the Ranjel narrative in 
stating that the first messenger from Tascalupa reached De Soto at 
the Tilsi town. From what he tells us a little farther on it would 
seem that the village called Caxa by Ranjel was the first belonging 
to the Province of Tascalupa, or Tastalupa as Elvas has it. ''The 
following night," he goes on to say, ''he [De Soto] rested in a wood, 
two leagues from the town where the cacique resided, and where he 
was then present. He sent the field marshal, Luis de Moscoso, with 
fifteen cavalry, to inform him of his approach. " 

I Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, pp. lft-21. 


From this point we will follow the narrative consecutively: 

The cacique was at home, in a piazza. Before his dwelling, on a high place, was 
spread a mat for him, upon which two cushions were placed, one above another, to 
which he went and sat down, his men placing themselves around, some way removed, 
Bo that an open circle was formed about him, the Indians of the highest rank being 
nearest to his peison. One of them shaded him from the sun with a circular umbrella, 
spread wide, the size of a target, with a small stem, and having a deerskin extMled 
over cross-sticks, quartered with red and white, which at a distance made it look of 
taffeta, the colours were so very perfect. It formed the standard of the chief, which 
he carried into battle. His appearance was full of dignity: he was tall of person, 
muscular, lean, and symmetrical. He was the suzerain of many territories and of a 
numerous people, being equally feared by his vassals and the neighboring nations. 
The field marshal, after he had spoken to him, advanced with his compajiy, their 
steeds leaping from side to side, and at times towards the chief, when he, with great 
gravity, and seemingly with indifference, now and then would raise his eyes and look 
on as in contempt. 

The governor approached him, but he made no movement to rise; he took him by 
the hand, and they went together to seat themselves on the bench that was in the 

Here follows the speech of the chief, real or imaginary, which we 
will omit. 

The governor satisfied the chief with a few brief words of kindness. On leaving, he 
determined for certain reasons, to take him along. The second day on the road he 
came to a town called Piache; a great river ran near, and the governor asked for canoes. 
The Indians said they had none, but that they could have rafts of cane and dried 
wood, whereon they might readily enough go over, wh^^h they diligently set about 
making, and soon completed. They managed them; and the water being calm, the 
governor and his men easily crossed. . . . 

After crossing the river of Piache, a Christian having gone to look after a woman 
gotten away from him, he had been either captured or killed by the natives, and the 
governor pressed the chief to tell what had been done; threatening, that should the 
man not appear, he would never release him. The cacique sent an Indian thence 
to Manilla, the town of a chief, his vassal, whither they were going, stating that he 
sent to give him notice that he should have provisions in readiness and Indians for 
loads; but which, as afterwards appeared, was a message for him to get together there 
all the warriors in his country. 

The governor marched three days, the last of them continually, through an inhabited 
region, arriving en Monday, the eighteenth day of October, at Manilla. He rode 
forward in the vanguard, with fifteen cavalry and thirty infantry, when a Christian he 
had sent with a message to the cacique, three or four days before, with orders not to 
be gone long, and to discover the temper of the Indians, came out from the town and 
reported that they appeared to him to be making preparations for that while he was 
present many weapons were brought, and many people came into the town, and work 
had gone on rapidly to strengthen the palisade. Luis de Moscoso said that, since the 
Indians were so evil disposed, it would be better to stop in the woods; to which the 
governor answered, that he was impatient of sleeping out, and that he would lodge in 
the town. 

Arriving neetr, the chief came out to receive him, with many Indians singing and 
playing on flutes, and after tendering his services, gave him three cloaks of marten 
skins. The governor entered the town with the caciques, seven or eight men of his 
guard, and three or four cavalry, who had dismounted to accompany them: and they 
seated themselves in a piazza. The cacique of Tastaluca asked the governor to allow 


him to remain there, and not to weary him any more with walking; but, finding that 
was not to be permitted, he changed his plan, and under pretext of speaking with 
some of the chiefs, he got up from where he sate, by the side of the governor, and 
entered a house where were many Indians with their bows and arrows. The governor, 
finding that he did not return, called to him; to which the cacique answered that he 
would not come out, nor would he leave that town; that if the governor wished to 
go uHDeace, he should quit at once, and not persist in carrying him away by force from 
hislRntry and its dependencies. 

The governor, in view of the determination and furious answer of the cacique, 
thought to soothe him with soft words; to which he made no answer, but with great 
haughtiness and contempt withdrew to where Soto could not see nor speak to him. 
The governor, that he migjit send word for the cacique for him to remain in the country 
at his will, and to be pleased to give him a guide, and persons to carry burdens, that 
he might see if he could pacify him with gentle words, called to a chief who was 
paaaing by. The Indian replied loftily that he would not listen to him. Baltasar de 
Gallegoe, who was near, seized him by the cloak of marten skins that he had on, drew it 
off over his head, and left it in his hands; whereupon the Indians all beginning to rise 
he gave him a stroke with a cutlass, that laid open his back, when they, with loud 
yells, came out of their houses, discharging their bows. 

The governor, discovering that if he remained there they could not escape, and if 
he should order his men, who were outside of the town, to come in, the horses might 
be killed by the Indians from the houses and great injury done, he ran out; but 
before he could get away he fell two or three times, and was helped to rise by those 
with him. He and they were all badly wounded: within the town five Christians 
were instantly killed. Coming forth, he called out to all his men to get farther off, 
because there was much harm doing from the palisade. The natives discovering 
that the Christians were retiring, and some, if not the greater number, at more than 
a walk, the Indians followed with great boldness, shooting at them, or striking down, 
such as they could overtake. Those in chains having set down their burdens near 
the fence while the Christians were retiring, the people of Manilla lifted the loads on 
to their backs, and, bringing them into the town, took off their irons, putting bows and 
arms in their hands, with which to fight. Thus did the foe come into possession of 
all the clothing, pearls, and whatsoever else the Christians had beside, which was 
what their Indians carried. Since the natives had been at peace to that place, some 
of us, putting our arms in the luggage, went without any; and two, who were in the 
town, had their swords and halberds taken from them and put to use. 

The governor, presently as he found himself in the field, called for a horse, and, 
with some followers, returned and lanced two or three of the Indians; the rest, going ^ 
back into the town, shot arrows from the palisade. Those who would venture on 
their nimbleness came out a stone's throw from behind it, to fight, retiring from time 
to time, when they were set upon. 

At the time of the affray there was a friar, a clergyman, a servant of the governor, 
and a female slave in the town, who, having no time in which to get away, took to a 
house, and there remained until after the Indians became masters of the place. They 
closed the entrance with a lattice door; and there being a sword among them, which 
the servant had, he put himself behind the door, striking at the Indians that would 
have come in; while, on the other side, stood the friar and the priest, each with a 
dub in hand, to strike down the first that should enter. The IndianSj finding that 
they could not get in by the door, began to unnwf the house; at this moment the 
cavalry were all arrived at Manilla, with the infantry that had been on the march, 
when a difference of opinion arose as to whether the Indians should be attacked, in 
order to enter the town; for the result was held doubtful, but finally it was concluded 
to make the assault. 


So Boon as the advance and the rear of the force were come up the governor com- 
manded that all the best armed should dismount, of which he made four squadrons 
of footmen. The Indians, observing how he was going on arranging his men, urged 
the cacique to leave, telling him, as was afterwards made known by some women 
who were taken in the town, that as he was but one man, and could fight but as one 
only, there being many chiefs present very skilful and experienced in matters of 
war, any one of whom was able to command the rest, and as things in war were S^ub- 
ject to fortune, that it was never certain which side would overcome the otheljpfiey 
wished him to put his person in safety; for if they should conclude their lives there, 
on which they had resolved rather than surrender, he would remain to govern the 
land; but for all that they said, he did not wish to go, until, from being continually 
urged, with fifteen or twenty of his own people he went out of the town, taking with 
him a scarlet cloak and other articles of the Christians' clothing, being whatever he 
could carry and that seemed beet to him. 

The governor, informed that the Indians were leaving the town, commanded the 
cavalry to surround it; and into each squadron of foot he put a soldier, with a brand, 
to set fire to the houses, that the Indians might have no shelter. His men being placed 
in full concert, he ordered an arquebuse to be shot off; at the signal the four squadrons, 
at their proper points, commenced a furious onset, and, both sides severely suffering 
the Christians entered the town. The friar, the priest, and the rest who were with 
them in the house, were all saved, though at the cost of the lives of two brave and 
very able men who went thither to their rescue. The Indians fought with so great 
spirit that they many times drove our people back out of the town. The struggle 
lasted so long that many Christians, w^ary and very thirsty, went to drink at a x>ond 
nejar by, tinged with the blood of the killed, and returned to the combat. The gover- 
nor, witnessing this, with those who followed him in the returning chaige of the foot- 
men, entered the town on horseback, which gave opportunity to fire the dwellings; 
then breaking in upon the Indians and beating them down, they fled out of the place, 
the cavalry and infantry driving them back through the gates, where, losing the hope 
of escape, they fought valiantly; and the Christians getting among them with cut- 
lasses, they found themselves met on all sides by their strokes, when many, Hnnbing 
headlong into the flaming houses, were smothered, and heaped one upon another, 
burned to death. 

They who perished there were in all two thousand five hundred, a few more or less; 
of the Christians there fell eighteen, among whom was Don Carlos, brother-in-law 
of the governor; one Juan de Gamez, a nephew; Men Rodriguez, a Portuguese; and 
Juan Vazquez, of Villanueva de Barcarota, men of condition and courage; the rest 
were infantry. Of the living, one hundred and fifty Christians had received seven 
hundred wounds from the arrows; and God was pleased that they should be healed 
in little time of very dangerous injuries. Twelve horses died, and seventy were 
hurt. The clothing the Christiana carried with them, the ornaments for saying mass, 
and the pearls, were all burned there; they having set the fire themselves, because 
they considered the loss less than the injury they might receive of the Indians from 
within the houses, where they had brought the things together.* 

The chronicler adds that De Soto learned here that Maldonado 
"was waiting for him in the port of Ochuse, six days' travel distant." 
Fearing, however, that the barrenness of his accomplishment up to 
that time would discourage future settlements in his now province, 
he remained in that place twenty-eight days and then moved on 
toward the northwest. He says of this land of Manilla: 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, pp. 87-97. 


The country was a rich soil, and well inhabited; some towns were very lai^e, and 
were picketed about. The people were numerous everywhere; the dwellings stand- 
ing a crossbow-shot or two apart.* 

In 1559 a colony consisting of 1,500 persons left Mexico under 
Don Tristan de Lima and landed in a port on the north coast of 
th^julf of Mexico. If this was in the Bay of Ichiise or Ychuse, as 
sol(5 say, it was probably Mobile Bay, and yet there are difficul- 
ties, for the environs of Mobile Bay api>ear to have been well popu- 
lated in early times, while the explorers found few inhabitants. 
Falling short of provisions, a detachment of four companies of sol- 
diers was sent inland, and 40 leagues from the port they came upon 
a village called Nanipacna, which the few Indians they met gave 
them to understand had been formerly a large place, but it had 
been almost destroyed by people like themselves. The impression 
is given that this event had happened a very short time before, but, 
if there was any truth in the assertion, it could have occiuTed only 
during De Soto's invasion; and this is probably the event to which 
reference was made, because the distance of this place from the port 
is about the same as that given by the De Soto chroniclers as the 
distance of Mabila from the port where Maldonado was expecting 
them.* Another point of resemblance is shown by the name, which 
is pure Choctaw, meaning ''Hill top.^'' 

In Vandera's enumeration of the provinces visited by Juan Pardo 
in 1566 and 1567 "Trascaluza" is mentioned as ''the last of the 
peopled places of Florida '* and seven days' journey from "Cossa.** * 
It was not, however, reached by that explorer. In the letter of May 
19, 1686, so often quoted, there is a reference to the tribe, bay, and 
river of "Mobila'' or "Mouila. '* When it was written the people 
so called were at war with the Pensacola.* A bare notice of the Mobile 
occurs also in a letter of 1688.* 

After this no more is heard of the Mobile tribes until Iberville estab- 
lished a post in Biloxi Bay which was to grow into the great French 
colony of Louisiana. There were then two principal tribes in the 
region, the Mobile and the Tohome or Thomez, the former on Mobile 
River, about 2 leagues below the junction of the Alabama and the 
Tombigbee, while the main settlement of the latter was about Mcin- 
tosh's Bluflf, on the west bank of the latter stream.^ Penicaut dis- 
tinguishes a third tribe, already referred to, which he calls Naniaba and 
also People of the Forks.* This last name was given to them be- 

I Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 98. 

s See Riedma In nourne's Do iSoto, ii. |). 21. 

* Mr. H. S. Halbert believed that Nanipacna was at Gees Bend on the Alabama River and was that town 
afterwards indicated afl an old site of the Mobile Indiaius. {See pi. 5.) 

« Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, p. 486. 
» Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 197. 
•Ibid., p. 219. 
T Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 1U6. 

• Margry, T)4c., v, pp. 425, 427. 


cause they lived at the junction of the Alabama and Tombigbee Riv- 
ers, the former evidently because their settlement was on a bluff or 
hill. It is still retained in the form Nanna Hubba and in the same 
locality.^ Since Iberville does not mention this tribe and speaks of 
encountering the Tohome at the very same place,' it is probable that 
they were sometimes considered a part of the latter. ^ 

The Mobile are, of course, the identical tribe with which De W» 
had such a sanguinary encounter. The meaning of the name, prop- 
erly pronounced Mowil, is uncertain; Mr. Halbert suggests that it is 
from the Choctaw moeli, to skim, and also to paddle. Since De 
Soto's time the tribe had moved much nearer the sea, probably in 
consequence of that encounter and as a result of later wars with 
the Alabama. On the French map of De Crenay there is a place 
marked **Vieux Mobiliens'* on the south side of the Alabama, 
apparently close to Pine Barren Creek, between Wilcox and Dallas 
Counties, Alabama.' This was probably a station occupied by the 
Mobile tribe between the time of De Soto and the period of Iberville. 

Nothing positive is known regarding the history of the Tohome 
before they appear in the French narratives. On the De Crenay 
map above alluded to, however, there is a short affluent of the 
Alabama below where Montgomery now stands called *' Auke Thom6, " 
evidently identical with the creek now known as Catoma, the name of 
which is probably corrupted from Auke Thom^. Auke is evidently 
oTce, the Alabama word for '* water *' or '^stream'', and the Thom6 is the 
spelling for the Tohome tribe used on the same map. The natural 
conclusion is that the creek was named for the tribe and marked a site 
which they had formerly occupied.* Thus they, like the Mobile, 
would appear to have come from the neighborhood of the Alabama 

Iberville says that Tohome means '' LittleChief , " but he is evidently 
mistaken.^ "Little Chief would require an entirely distinct combi- 
nation in Choctaw or any related language; the nearest Choctaw 
word is perhaps tomij tommi, or tombi, which signifies '*to shine," or 
"radiant,'' or "sunshine," but we really know nothing about the 
meaning of the tribal name. 

In April, 1700, Ibei'ville ascended Pascagoula River to \Tsit the 
tribes upon it, and there he learned that the village of the Mobile 
was three days' journey farther on toward the northeast and that 
they numbered 300 men. The Tohome were said to l)e one day's 
journey beyond on the same river of the Mobile and they also were 
said to have 300 men. 

1 Hamilton, Col. Mobilo, p. 107. 
• Biargry, D6c., rv% p. 514. 

s Hamilton, Vol. Mobile, p. 190 and plate 5; see footnote, page 159. 

< Ibid. Mr. Ilalbcrt bas suggested ihat Thoini^ may bo from a Cboetaw word referred to just below and 
may have nothing to do with the tribe, but I believe he is in error. 
» Margry, Ddc. iv, p. 614. 




On leaving Pascagoula, Iberville selected two of his men to go, 
with the chief of that nation and his brother, to the Choctaw, Tohome, 
and Mobile, sending the chief of each nation a present and inviting 
them to come and enter into relations of friendship with him.^ His 
people returned in May, having gone as far as the village of the Tohome, 
biy^ they had turned back there on account of the high waters.^ In 
the winter of 1700-1701 Bienville sent to the Mobile Indians for 
com.' In January, 1702, after Iberville had reached Louisiana on 
his third voyage, he sent Bienville to begin work upon a fort on 
Mobile River, and soon afterwards followed him in person. This 
fort, as Hamilton informs us, was located at what is now known 
as Twenty-seven Mile Bluff.* On March 4 he sent his brother '^to 
visit many abandoned settlements of the savages, in the Islands 
which are in the neighborhood of this pi ace. ' ' He continues as follows : 

My brother returned in the evening. He noted many places formerly occupied by 
the savages, which the war against the Conchaque and Alibamons has forced them 
to abandon. The greater number of these settlements are inundated about half a foot 
when the waters are high. These habitations are in the islands, with which this river 
is full for thirteen leagues. He made a savage show him the place where their gods 
are, of which all the nations in the neighborhood tell so many stories, and where the 
MobiUans come to offer sacrifices. They pretend that one can not touch them without 
dying immediately; that they are descended from heaven. It was necessary to give a 
gun to the savage who showed the place to them. He approached them only stealthily 
and to within ten paces. They found them by searching on a little rise in the canes, 
near an ancient village which was destroyed, in one of these islands. They brought 
them out. They are five figures: of a man, a woman, a child, a bear, and an owl, made 
in plaster so as to look like the savages of this country. For my part I think that it waa 
some Spaniard who, at the time of Soto made in plaster the figures of these savages. 
It appeared that that had been done a long time ago. We have them at the establish- 
ment; the savages, who see them there, are surprised at our hardihood and that we do 
not die. I am bringing them to France although they are not much of a curiosity.^ 

Five days later Iberville left to visit the Tohome, and he gives us 
the following account of his trip: 

The 9th I left in a felucca to go to the Tohom^. I spent the night five leagues 
from there; one finds the end of the islands three leagues above the post. From the 
post I have found almost everywhere, on both sides, abandoned settlements of the 
savages, where it is only necessary to place settlers, who would have only canes or 
reeds, or roots, to cut in order to sow; the river, above the islands, is half a league 
wide and five to six fathoms deep. 

The 10th I spent the night with the Tohom^, whom I found eight leagues distant 
from the post, following the windings of the river. The first settlements, called 
[those of the] Mobiliens, are six leagues from it. These two nations arc established 
along the two banks of the river and in the blands and little rivers, separatiKl by 
families: somet^Ms there are four or five and sometimes as many as twelve cabins 
together. They are very industrious, working the earth very much. The greater 

» Margry, I>^., rv, p. 427. 
• Ibid., p. 429. 
•Ibid., p. 504. 

148061**— 22 ^11 

4 Uamillon, Col. Mobile, p. 52. 

• Iberville, in liargry, iv, pp. 512-613. 


number of their settlements are inundated during the high waterR for from eight to 
ten days. The village of the Tohom^, that is to say of the Little Chief, where there 
are about eight or ten cabins together, is at about the latitude of 31 degrees 22 minuter. 
They have communicating trails from one to another; that place may be six and a 
half leagues to the north a quarter northeast from the post. Following the rising 
grounds one comes easily to these villages; it would be easy to make wagon roads; 
one can go there and return at present on horseback. The ebb and flow come afiar 
as the Tohom6s when the waters are low. According to the number of settlements, 
which I have seen abandoned this river must have been well peopled. These savages 
speak the language of the Bayogoulas, at least there is little difference. There are 
in these two nations 350 men.* 

P6nicaut mentions the arrival of the chiefs of several nations of 
Indians at the Mobile fort in 1702 to sing the calumet, and among 
them those of **the Mobiliens, the Thomez, and the people of the 
Forks [the Naniaba]/'* The following further translation from 
P6nicaut contains some interesting information regarding the tribes 
with which we are dealing: 

At this time five of our Frenchmen asked permission of M. de Bienville to go to 
trade with the Alibamons in order to have fowls or other provisions of which they had 
need. They took the occasion to leave with ten of these Alibamons, who were at 
our fort of Mobile and who wished to return. On the way they stopped five leagues 
from our fort in a village where were three different nations of savages assembled, 
who held their feast there. They are called the Mobiliens, the Tomez and the Kama- 
bas; they do not have a temple, but they have a cabin in which they perform feats 
of jugglery. 

To juggle (jongler)j in their language, is a kind of invocation to their great spirit. 
For my part, and I have seen them many times, I think that it is the devil whom 
they invoke, since they go out of this cabin raving like those possessed, and then 
they work sorceries, like causing to walk the skin of an otter, dead for more than two 
years, and full of straw. They work many other sorceries which would appear incredi- 
ble to the reader. This is why I do not want to stop here. I would not even mention 
it if I, as well as many other Frenchmen who were present there with me, had not 
been witness of it. Those who perform such feats, whether they are magical or other- 
wise, are very much esteemed by the other savages. They have much confidence 
in their prescriptions for diseases. 

They have a feast at the beginning of September, in which they assemble for a 
custom like that of the ancient I^cedemonians, it is that on the day of this feast 
they whip their children until the blood comes. The entire village is then assembled 
in one grand open space. It is necessary that all pass, boys and girls, old and young, 
to the youngest age, and when there are some children sick, the mother is whipped 
for the child. Aftei: that they begin dances, which last all night. The chiefs and the 
old men make an exhortation to those whipped, telling them that it is in order to 
teach them not to fear the injuries which their enemies may be able to inflict upon 
them, and to show themselves good warriors, and not to cry nor weep, even in the 
midst of the fire, supposing that they were thrown there by their enemies.' 

P6nicaut goes on to say that four of the five prospective traders 
were treacherously killed by Alabama Indians when close to their 

> Iberville, in Margry, iv, pp. 51^)14. For the Bayogoulas see Bull. 43, Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pp. 274-279. 

>liargry, v,p.426. 

• Ptelcwit, in Margry, v, pp. 427-428. 




town, one. barely escaping with his life, and that this was the cause 
of a war between the French and that tribe.* 

La Harpe, a better authority than P^nicaut, places this event in 
the year 1703.' We learn from the same explorer that in May, 
1702, eight chiefs of the Alabama had come to Mobile to ask Bien- 
ville whether or not they should continue their war with the Chicka- 
saw, Tohome (Tomis), and Mobile, and that Bienville had advised 
them to make peace.' October 1 some of them came down, sang 
the calumet, and promised to make peace.^ From this it appears 
that the alliance which P^nicaut represents as existing between the 
Alabama and the Mobile and Tohome was not of long standing. 
The act of treachery in killing four out of five French traders was, 
it seems, a first act of hostility after peace had been made the year 
before. The leader of the traders was named Labrie, and the one 
who escaped was a Canadian.^ According to P^nicaut, Bienville's 
first attempt to obtain reparation for this hostile act had to be 
given up on account of the treachery of the Mobile, Tohome, 
People of the Forks, and other Indian allies who misled and aban- 
doned him ''because they were friends and allies of the Alibamons 
against whom we were leading them to war."* La Harpe does not 
mention this. Bienville led another party later on with little bet- 
ter success. P6nicaut places this expedition in 1702,' La Harpe in 
December, 1703, and January, 1704." Two Tohome are mentioned 
by La Harpe as deputed along with three Canadians to bring in the 
Choctaw chiefs in order to make peace between them and the Chicka- 
saw, who had come to Mobile to ask it. This was December 9, 1705.' 
On the 18th of the same month it is noted that Bienville "recon- 
ciled the MobiUan nation with that of the Thomas; they were on 
the point of declaring war against each other on account of the 
death of a Mobilian woman, killed by a Thom6.''® 

This is the only mention of any difference between these two tribes; 
it is enough, however, to show that there was a clear distinction 
between them. In January, 1706, M. de Boisbrillant set out against 
the Alabama with 60 Canadians and 12 Indians. According to La 
Harpe he returned February 21 with 2 scalps and a slave.^*^ P6ni- 
caut, who places the expedition in 1702, says that he had 40 men, 
killed all the men in 6 Alabama canoes, and enslaved all of the 
women and children. He adds that the Mobilians begged the slaves 
from M. de Bienville, ^* because they were their relations," that the 

» Margry, DA;., v, pp. 428-429. 

* La Harpe, Jour. Hist., pp. 75-77, 79. 
» Ibid., p. 72. 

* Ibid., pp. 7»-74. 

• Ibid., pp. 77, 79. 

• Margry, Dte., t, p. 420. 

'Ibid., pp. 429-431. 

*La Harpe, Jour. Hist., pp. 82-83. The accounts 
of these two writers are given on pp. 194-195. 
» Ibid., p. 94. 
» Ibid., p. 96. 



(bull. 73 

request was granted; and that because of this action the Mobile 
afterwards joined the French in all the wars which they had with the 
Alabama.^ In view of the hostilities known to have existed between 
the tribes in question when the French first arrived in the country 
this last statement may well be doubted. According to P^nicaut 
the Alabama and their allies marched against the Mobile in 1708 
with more than 4,000 men, but, owing to the forethought of D'Arta- 
guette, who had advised his Indian allies to post sentinels, they 
accomplished no further damage than the burning of some cabins.^ 
This incursion is not mentioned by La Harpe, but, as D'Artaguette 
was actually in command at the time and La Harpe passes over the 
years 1708 and 1709 in almost complete silence, such a raid is very 

From what has been said above it is apparent that the Mobile and 
Tohome tribes were originally distinct, but they must have united in 
rather early French times. The last mention of the latter in the 
narrative of La Harpe is in connection with the murder, in 1715, 
of the Englishman, Hughes, who had come overland to the Mississippi, 
had been captured there and sent as a prisoner to Mobile by the French, 
and had afterwards been liberated by Bienville. He passed on toPen- 
sacola and started inland toward the Alabama when he was killed by a 
Tohome Indian.' Bienville, about 1725, speaks of the Little Tohome 
and the Big Tohome, by which he probably means the Naniaba and 
the Tohome respectively.* Although none of our authorities mentions 
the fact in specific terms, and indeed the map of De Crcnay of 1733 
still places the Tohome in their old position on the Tombigbee,* it is 
evident from what Du Pratz says regarding them, that by the third 
decade in the eighteenth century they had moved farther south, 
probably to have the protection of the new Mobile fort and partly to 
be near a trading post. 

A little to the north of Fort Louis is the nation of the Thomez, which is as small and 
as serviceable as that of the Chatdts; it is said also that they are Catholics; they are 
friends to the point of importunity.® 

Keeping toward the north along the bay, one finds the nation of the Mobiliens, near 
the point where the river of Mobile empties into the bay of the same name. The true 
name of this nation is Momill; from this word the French have made MohiU^ and then 
they have named the river and the bay Mobile, and the natives belonging to this 
nation Mobiliens.^ 

The Mobile church registers do not contain any references to the 
Tohome tribe, but the Mobile, or Mobilians, are mentioned in several 

» Margry, D6c., v, p. 432. 

>Ibid., p. 478. 

* La Harpe, Jour. Uist., pp. 118-119. 

« French transcriptiozLs, Lib. Cong. 

- Piatt! •>; Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 1%. 
• Du I'ratz, Hist, de la Ix)uisiaiie, ii, p. 213. 
Ubid., pp. 2i:3-2H. 




plaws, the first date being in 1715, the last in 1761.* The Tohomc^ 
and Naniaba come to the surface still later in a French document 
dated some time before the cession of Mobile to Great Britain (1763)' 
and in a list of Choctaw towns and chiefs compiled by the English, 
1771-72." It is probable that the languages spoken by them were 
so close to Choctaw that they afterwards passed as Choctaw and, 
mingling with the true Choctaw, in time forgot their own original 
separateness. And this probability is strengthened by a Choctaw 
census made by Regis du RouUet, a French officer, in 1730, who 
classes the Tohome, Naniaba, and some Indians ''aux mobiliens" 
as ''Choctaw established on the river of Mobile." * 


On an earlier page I have registered my belief that the origin of the 
Osochi is to be sought in that Florida "province*' through which 
De Soto passed shortly before reaching the Apalachee. The name is 
given variously as U^achile,* Uzachil,* Veachile,^ and Ossachile.' 
Since the Timucua chief Uriutina speaks of the U^achile as ''of our 
nation," • while the chief of U^achile is said to be *' kinsman of the 
chief of Caliquen,''* it may be inferred that the tribe then spoke a 
Timucua dialect.*® If this were really the case it is strange that, in- 
stead of retiring farther into Florida with the rest of the Timucua, 
these people chode to move northward entirely away from the old 
Timucua country. Nevertheless, Spanish documents do inform us 
of one northward movement as an aftermath of the Timucua rebellion 
in 1656." Other evidence seeming to mark out various steps in the 
migration of these people has been adduced already," mention being 
made of *'Tommakees'' near the mouth of Apalachicola River about 
1700 by Coxe," '* Tomo6ka'' in the same region by Lamhatty in 1707,^* 
and a town or tribe near the jimction of the Apalachicola and Flint 
Rivers called " Apalache 6 Sachile ' ' at a considerably later date." The 
6 in the last term has been mistaken by the cartographer for the Span- 
ish connective 6, but there can be no doubt that it belongs properly 
with what follows. Osochi is always accented on the firet syllable. 
The spot indicated on this map is that at which the Apalachicola 
Indians settled after the Yamasee war. We must suppose, then. 

1 HamUton. Col. MobUe, p. 108. 
s M Iss. Prov. Aroh., i, p. 26. 
s Lib. Cong., MSB. 

* French Transcriptions, Lib. Cong. 

• Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 73. 
•Ibid.,i, p. 41. 

T Ibid., n, p. 6. 

• Shlpp's De Soto and Fla., p. i299. 

* Bourne, op. cit., ii, p. 73. 

"However, it is to be noted that the tribes 
southeast of Ocilla River are spolcen of as consti- 
tuting the Yustaga province, which is sometimes 
distinguished from the Timuaia pmvince i)roper. 

i> See p. 338. 

»« See p. 26, 

" French, nist. Colls. La., 1850, p. Z\k. 

" Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 571. 

» Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 210; liuidiaz, La 
Florida, i, jllv. 



[bull. 73 

unless we have to do with a verj^ bad misprint, cither that the Osochi 
were considered an Apalachicola band or that they were living with 
the Apalachicola midway between their old territories and the homes 
of the Lower Creeks. These facts do not, of course, amount to 
proof of a connection between the Upachile and Osochi, but they 
point in that direction. 

Adair, writing in the latter half of the eighteenth century, men- 
tions the "Oos6cha^' as one of those nations, remains of which had 
settled in the lower part of the Muskogee country.* On the De 
Crenay map (1733) their name appears under the very distorted 
form Cochoutehy (or Cochutchy) east of Flint River, between the 
Sawokli and Eufaula,' but the French census of 1760 shows them 
between the Yuchi and Chiaha' and those of 1738 and 1750 near 
the Okmulgee.* In the assignment to the traders, July 3, 1761, we 
find ''The Point Towns called Ouschetaws, Chehaws and Oakmul- 
gees,'' given to George Mackay and James Hewitt along with the 
Hitchiti town.* Bertram spells the name ''Hooseche," and says 
that they spoke the Muskogee tongue, but this is probably an error 
even for his time.* In 1797 their trader was Samuel Palmer.^ 
Hawkins, in 1799, has the following to say about them: 

Oo8e-o(M:he; is about two miles below Uchee, on the right bank of Chat>to-ho-chee ; 
they formerly lived on Flint river, and settling here, they built a hot house in 1794 ; 
they cultivate with their neighbors, the Che-au-haus, below th^n, the land in the 

The statement regarding their origin tends to tie them a little 
more definitely to the tribe mentioned in the Spanish map. The 
census of 1832 gives two settlements as occupied by this tribe, which 
it spells "Oswichee,'^ one on Chattahoochee River and one ''on the 
waters of Opillike Hatchee (Opile'ki ha'tci).' In 1804 Hawkins 
condemns the Osochi for a reactionary outbreak which occurred 
there when "we were told they would adhere to old times, they 
preferred the old bow and arrow to the gun."^® After their removal 
west of the Mississippi the Osochi were settled on the north side of 
the Arkansas some distance above the present city of Muskogee. 
Later a part of them moved over close to Council Hill to be near the 
Hitchiti and also, according to another authority, on account of the 
Green Peach war. An old man belonging to this group told me 
that his grandmother could speak Hitchiti, and he believed that in 
the past more spoke Hitchiti than Creek. This is also indicated 
by the close association of the Osochi and Chiaha m early days. 

> Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 

* Plate 5; Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 
» Miss. Prov. Arch., I, p. 96. 

«MS8., AyerCoU. 

ft Oa. Col. Docs., VIII, p. 522. 

• Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

' Oa. Hist. See. ColLs.,ix, p. 171. 
• Ibid., m, p. 03. 

» Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., Ist sess., pp. 353-356; 
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, iv, p. 578. 
»• Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., IX, p. 438. 


The two together settled a tovm known as Hotalgihuyana.* Their 
familiarity with Hitchiti may have been merely a natural result of 
long association with Chiaha and Apalachicola Indians. No remem- 
brance of any language other than Hitchiti and Muskogee is preserved 
among them. 


The Chiaha were a more prominent tribe and evidently much 
larger than those last mentioned. While the significance of their 
name is unknown it recalls the Choctaw chaha, ''high," "height," 
and this would be in harmony with the situation in which part of the 
tribe was first encountered northward near the mountains of Tennessee. 
There is also a Cherokee place name which superficially resembles 
this, but should not be confounded with it. It is written by Mooney 
Tsiyahi and signifies ''Otter place." One settlement so named 
formerly existed on a branch of the Keowee River, near the present 
Cheohee, Oconee Coimty, South Carolina; another in Cades Cove, 
on Cove Creek, in Blount County, Tennessee; and a third, still occu- 
pied, about Robbinsville, in Graham County, North Carolina.' 

As a matter of fact we know from later history that there were at 
least two Chiahas in very early times — one as above indicated and 
a second among the Yamasee. In discussing the Cusabo I have 
already spoken of the possibility that the Eiawa of Ashley River 
were a third group of Chiaha, and will merely note the point again in 
passing.' That there were Chiaha among the Yamasee is proved by a 
passage in the manuscript volume of proceedings of the board dealing 
with the Indian trade of Carolina. There we find it recorded that in 
1713 an agent of this board among the Lower Creeks proposed that a 
way be prepared that " the Cheehaws who were formerly belonging to 
the Yamassees and now settled among the Creeks might return."^ 
This seems to be confirmed by the presence of a Chehaw River in 
South Carolina between the Edisto and Combahee, though it is 
possible that that received its name from the Kiawa. There is, 
however, another line of evidence. In 1566 and 1567 Juan Pardo 
made two expeditions inland toward the northwest, and reached 
among other places in the second of these the Chiaha whom De Soto 
had formerly encountered. Now Pardo calls them "Chihaque, que 
tiene por otro nombre se llama Lameco,''^ and in another place 
"Lameco, que tiene por otro nombre Chiaha/'* while in Vandera's 
accoimt we read "Solameco, y por otro nombre Chiaha/'^ Gat- 
schet derives this last from the Creek Stili miko, *' Buzzard chief," 

1 S«e pp. 170, 409. '" Huidiaz, La Florida, n, p. 471. 

* MoGney in 10th Ann. Rept. Bar. Amer. Ethn., p. 538. 'Ibid., p. 472. 
sS«ep.25. T Ibid., p. 484. 

* MB. M ab0T«, p. 6ft. 


but attention should bo called to a similar name recorded by tlie 
De Soto chroniclers in the neighborhood of the lower Savannah. 
This is the Talimeco or Jalameco of Ranjel/ and the Talomeco of 
Garcilasso.' I venture the suggestion that all of these names are 
intended for the same word, Talimico or Talimiko, which agaui 
was probably from Creek Tilwa immiko, ^'town its chief/' --wa 
being uniformly dropped in composition. The name would probably 
be applied to an important town. While we do not know definitely that 
it was applied to the Chiaha amoi^ the Yamasee, the fact that a tribe 
by that name is mentioned as living in the immediate neighborhood 
may be significant. In fact I am inclined to believe that the Talimeco, 
Jalameco, or Talomeco of the chroniclers of De Soto were the south- 
ern band of Chiaha. If this were the case the first appearance of 
both Chiaha bands in history would be in the De Soto chronicles. 

The Spaniards first learned of Talimeco from ''the lady of 
Cofitachequi/ ' who speaks of it as ''my village,' '* but the ex- 
pression as quoted by Kanjel hardly agrees with his later, state- 
ment to the effect that "this Talimeco was a village holding 
extensive sway."' The relation which Cofitachequi and Tali- 
meco bore to each other is rather perple^dng, but, discounting the 
tendency of the Spaniards to discover kings, emperors, and ruling 
and subjugated provinces, we may guess that the tribes were allied 
and on terms of perfect equality. Later we find the Chiaha and 
Eawita maintaining just such an alliance. Ranjel says: 

In the moeque, or house of worship, of Talimeco there were breastplatee like corse- 
lets and headpieces made of rawhide, the hair stripped off; and also very good shields. 
This Talimeco was a village holding extensive sway; and this house of worship was on 
a high mound and much revered. The caney, or house of the chief, was very large, 
high, and broad, all decorated above and below with very fine, handsome mats, ar- 
ranged so skilfully that all these mats appeared to be a single one; and, marvellous 
as it seems, there was not a cabin that was not covered with mats. This people has 
many very fine fields and a pretty stream and a hill covered with walniits, oak trees, 
pines, live oaks, and groves of liquid amber, and many cedars.^ 

Garcilasso is the only other chronicler who has much to say of 

Talimeco, or who even mentions its name. He says: 

Both sides of the road, from the camp to this town, were covered with trees, of which 
a part bore fruit, and it seemed as though they promenaded through an orchard, so 
that our men arrived with pleasure and without difficulty at Talomeco, which they 
found abandoned on account of the pest. Talomeco is a beautiful town, and quite 
noted, as it was the residence of the caciques. It is upon a small eminence near the 
river, and consists of five hundred well-built houses. That of the chief is elevated 
above the town, and is seen from a distance. It is also larger, stronger, and more 
agreeable than the others. Opposite this house is the temple, whore are tlie coffins 
of the lords of the province. It is filled with ri(*ho8, and built in a magnificent manner.^ 

> Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, pp. 98, 101. "* Boumo, op. cit., \\. 101. 

• OarollMSO, in 8hipp,De8otoaad Florida, p. 3(12. « Ibid., pp. 101-102. 

swantonI early history OF THE CREEK INDIANS 169 

Garc'ilasso tlien dcvot4?^8 an entire chapter to a description of this 
temple, which, though evidently exaggerated, doubtless is true in 
outline.^ It is questionable whether these Chiaha belonged originally 
to the Yamasee proper or were one of the peoples of Guale. Prob- 
ably the English trader spoke only in a general way, however, and we 
are not justified in drawing any other Uian a general inference as to 
the ancient location of the tribe. We know nothing of the date when 
they settled among the Lower Creeks, except that it was before the 
year 1715. We find them among the Creek towns on Ocmulgee 
River on some of the early mapsi such as the Moll map of 1720 and a 
map in Homann's atlas of date 1759, the information contained in 
which evidently antedates the Yamasee war (see also pi. 3). 

In 1715, however, nearly all of the Lower Creeks moved over to the 
Chattahoochee, the Chiaha among them. On later maps the Chiaha 
appear on Chattahoochee River, sometimes under the name *' Achitia," 
between the Okmulgee on the north and a part of the Yuchi known as 
the Hoglogees on the south. They seem to have been numerous, and 
Adair mentions ''Cha-hah " among his six principal Creek towns.' In 
1761 the "Chehaws, " Osochi, and Okmulgee, called collectively "point 
towns, " were assigned to the traders George Mackay and James Hewitt, 
along with the Hitchiti.' Bartram states that he crossed the Chat- 
t;iihoochee "at the point towns Chehaw and Usseta (Kasihta). 
"These towns," he adds, "almost join each other, yet speak two 
languages, as radically different perhaps as the Muscogulge and 

Hawkins (1799) has the following description: 

Che-au-hau, called by the traders Che-hawe, \a just below, and adjoining Oose-oo-che, 
on a flat of good land. Below the town the river winds round east, then west, making 
a neck or point of one thousand acres of canebrake, very fertile, but low, and sub- 
ject to be overflowed; the land back of this is level for nearly three miles, with red, 
post, and white oak, hickory, then pine forest. 

These people have villages on the waters of Flint River; there they have fine stocks 
of cattle, horses, and hogs, and they raise com, rice, and potatoes in great plenty. 

The following are the villages of this town : 

1st. Au-muc-cul-le (pour upon me) is on a creek of that name, which joins on the 
right side of Flint River, forty-five miles below Timothy Barnard's. It is sixty feet 
wide, and the main branch of Kitch-o-f oo-ne, which it joins three miles from the river; 
the village is nine miles up the creek ;' the land is poor and flat, with limestone springs 
in the neighborhood; the swamp is cypress in hammocks, with some water oak and 
hickory; the pine land is poor with ponds and wire grass; they have sixty gun men in 
the village; it is in some places well fenced; they have cattle, hogs, and horses, and a 
fine range for them, and raise com, rice, and potatoes in great plenty. 

» Oardlasso, in Shipp, De Soto, and Florida, pp. 3«i2-3<W. 

• Adair, Hist. Am. Ind<t., p. 257. 

• Oa. Cd. Docs., vni, p. 522. 
i Bartnin, Travels, p. 456. 

• ElMwhere be says '15 miles up the creek, "—ria. 172. 


2d. 0-tel-le-who-yau-nau (hurricane town) Ib six miles below Kitch-o-foo-ne, on 
the right bank of Flint River, with pine barren on both sides;' they have twenty 
families in the village, which is fenced; and they have hogs, cattle, and horses; they 
plant the small margins near the mouth of a little creek. This village is generally 
named as belonging to Che-au-hau, but they are mixed with Oose-oo-ches ' 

In notes taken in 1797 the same writer mentions a small Chiaha 
settlement on Flint River, 3 miles below *' Large Creek/' and 9 miles 
above Hotalgihuyana.' 

Another Chiaha settlement is referred to in the following terms: 

Che-au-hoo-che (little che-au-hau) is one mile and a half west from Hit-che-tee, in 
the pine forest, near Au-he-gee; a fine little creek, called at its junction with the 
river, Hit-che-tee; they begin to fence and have lately built a square.^ 

When the Creeks were removed to Oklahoma the Chiaha estab- 
lished themselves in the extreme northeastern comer of the new 
Creek territory, where they made a square ground on Adams Creek. 
This was later given up, but it was restored for a period after the 
Civil War. It is now altogether abandoned, and the Chiaha them- 
selves are rapidly losing their identity in the mass of the population. 
It is said that most of the true Chiaha are gone and that those that 
are now so called have been brought in from outside — by marriage 
presumably. Even before the Creek war many Chiaha had gone to 
Florida, and afterwards the numbers there were very greatly aug- 
mented. At the present day there is a square ground in the northern 
part of the old Seminole Nation named Chiaha, but the different 
elements among the Seminole have fused so completely that in 
only a few cases can they be separated. The name is little more 
than a convenient term, a historical vestige applied after all sub- 
stance has departed. 

We have still to say a word regarding the Chiaha whom De Soto 
found in the mountains — those to whom the name was first applied. 
This seems to have been a powerful nation by itself in his time, for 
he learned of it while still at Cofitachequi. The Fidalgo of Elvas 

The natives [of Cofitachequi] were asked if they had knowledge of any great lord 
further on, to which they answered, that twelve days' travel thence was a province 
called Chiaha, subject to a chief of (^o^a.* 

The statement regarding subjection may be taken to indicate some 
kind of alliance, nothing more. De Soto reached this place June 

1 In not«8 taken two years earlier Hawkins mentions two towns of this name, or rather two town sites 
7 miles apart on Flint River, and clearly indicates that the people had occupied them in succession.— 
Oa. Hist. See. Colls., ix, p. 173. 

> Hawkins, Sketch, in Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., lu, pt. i, pp. 63-64: ix, p. 172. The second of these branches 
loQg maintained an independent existence. It is mentioned by the Spanish officer, Manuel Garcia in 
1800 (copy of Diary in Newberry Lib., Aver Coll.), and by Young (see p. 409). 

s Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., IX, p. 173. 

« Ibid., m, p. 64. 

fr Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 68. 


5, 1540, and left it on the 28th. Ranjel mentions the rather interest- 
ing fact that here the explorers first encountered fenced villages.* 
In 1566 Juan Pardo penetrated from the fort at Santa Elena as far 
north as the Cheraw country at the head of Broad River and built a 
fort there, which he named Fort San Juan. He returned to Santa 
Elena the same year, leaving a sergeant named Moyano in charge.' 
In 1567 Moyano, acting in accordance with instructions, set out 
from Fort San Juan and marched westward until he came to Chiaha, 
where he built another fort and awaited Pardo. Pardo left Fort 
San Felipe at Santa Elena September 1 , reached Chiaha, and passed 
beyond it into the coimtry of the Upper Creeks; but, hearing that a 
great army of Indians was assembling to oppose him, he returned 
to Chiaha, strengthened the fort which Moyano had built, and, 
leaving a garrison there consisting of a corporal and 30 soldiers, 
returned to Santa Elena. 

Vandera, in his enimieration of the places which Pardo had visited, 
speaks of Chiaha as ^'a rich and extensive country, a broad land, 
surroimded by beautiful rivers. All around this place there are, at 
distances of one, two, and three leagues, more or less, many smaller 
places all surrounded by rivers. Tliere are leagues and leagues of 
plenty (bendicion), with such great quantities of fine grapes and 
many medlar-trees; in short, a country for angels."^ 

Pardo also left a garrison, consisting of a corporal and 12 soldiers, 
at a place called Cauchi. These posts, along with the one among 
the Cheraw, lasted for a time but were ultimately destroyed by the 
people among whom they had been placed.* This is the last we 
hear of a Chiaha so far to the north. When the veil of obscurity 
which covered these regions for more than a hundred years after 
this time is again lifted they are foimd only in the south on the 
Ocmulgee and Chattahoochee. Now, since, according to the testi- 
mony of the English trader already quoted, the ChifJia among the 
Lower Creeks had come from the Yamasee, are we to suppose that 
these northern Chiaha had in the interval first joined the Yamasee 
and then moved back to the Ocmulgee and Chattahoochee, or did 
they join the Chiaha whom I have indicated as probably already 
existing among the Yamasee after they had retired westward ? On 
this point our information is almost entirely wanting. There are, 
however, a few indications ' that there may have been during all 
this period a body of Chiaha among the Upper Creeks separate 
from those whose history we have already traced, in which case we 
must assume that they did not miite with their relatives before 

1 Bourae, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. IQ». 

> Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, pp. 465-473, 477-480. 

a Vtndera in Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, pp. 484-485 

< IWd.; also Lowery, Span. Settl., n, pp. 274-276, 2S4-286, 294-297. 


they emigrated west of the \fissLssij)pi, if at all. One of these iiidi- 
catioiis is the name ''Chiaha*' applied by Coxe to the Tallapoosa 
River/ another the name of a creek in Talladega County, Alabama, 
Chehawhaw Creek, known to have borne it as far back as the 
end of the eighteenth century,' and a third the enumeration of 
two bodies of Upper Creek Indians in the census of 1832 under names 
which appear to be intended to represent the name of this tribe.' 
One of these is given as *'Cheha>v'' with 126 people and the other as 
"Chearhaw'' with 306. This is greater than the combined population 
of the Chiaha and Hotalgihuyana to\^Tis among the Lower Creeks, 
and it is difficult to see how they could have persisted as a distinct 
people for such a long period without separate notice. While there 
are no Upper Creek Chiaha no%v there seems to be a tradition of such 
a body as having existed in former times; and if so, we may consider 
it almost certain that they were descendants of those whom De Soto 
and Pardo encountered at the very da^^^l of American history. 


Hitchiti among the Creeks was considered the head or ''mother" 
of a group of Lower Creek towns which spoke closely related 
languages distinct from Muskogee. This group included the Sawokli, 
Okmulgee, Oconee, Apalachicola, and probably the Chiaha, with 
their branches, and all of these people called themselves Atcik-Jid'ia, 
words said by Gatschet to signify ''white heap (of ashes).''* If 
this interpretation could be relied upon we might suppose that the 
name referred to the ash heap near each square groimd, but it is 
doubtful. ' Gatschet states that the name Hitchiti was derived from 
a creek of the name which flows into the Chattahoochee, and explains 
it by the Creek word dhi'tcita, " to look up (the stream).'* * This in- 
terpretation would be entitled to considerable respect, since it prob- 
ably came from Judge G. W. Stidham, a very intelligent Hitchiti, 
from whom Gatschet obtained much of his information regarding 
this people, were it not that history shows that the name belonged to 
the tribe before it settled upon the Chattahoochee. In the follow- 
ing origin myth, related to the writer by Jackson Lewis, another 
meaning is assigned to it, but it is probably an ex post facto explana- 
tion. It is more likely that there was some connection with the 
general term AtciJc-hd'ta, 

1 Coxe, Carolana, map. 

* Hawkins's Viatory MS., Lib. Cong. 

' Senate Dop. 512, 23d Cong., 1st. sess., pp. 26i-265, 307-309; these " Upper Cheehaws" are also mentioned 
in a volume of treaties between the U. S. A. and the Several Imlian Tribes from 177S to is37, pp. ft't-flO, 
and, according to a letter dated June 17, 1796, tlieir chiefs took part in a meeting at Coleraine (MS., lib. 
Cong. ), though there b some reason to tliink that part of them were Natchez. 

* Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 77. 


Tlio origin of the Hitchiti is given in various ways, but this is what I have heard 
rc^;arding them. The true name of these people was A^tcik ha^'ta. They claim that 
they came to some place where the sea was narrow and frozen over. Crossing upon the 
ice they traveled from place to place toward the east until they reached the Atlantic 
Ocean. They traveled to see from where the sun came. Now they found themselves 
blocked by the ocean and, being tired, they lingered along the coast for some days. 
The women and children went down on the beach to gather shells and other things 
that were beautiful to look at. They were shown to the old men who said, ' 'These are 
pretty things, and we are tired and cannot proceed farther on account of the ocean, 
which has intercepted us. We will stop and rest here. '' They took the beautiful 
shells, pebbles, etc., which the women and children had brought up and made rattles, 
and the old men said, ''Inasmuch as we cannot go farther we will try to find some way 
of enjoying ourselves and stop where we now are. '' They amused themselves, using 
those rattles as they did so, and while they were there on the shore with them people 
came across the water to visit them. These were the white people, and the Indians 
treated them hospitably, and at that time they were on very friendly terms with each 
other. The white people disappeared, however, and when they did so they left a keg 
of something which we now know was whisky. A cup was left with this, and the 
Indians began pouring whisky into this cup and smelling of it, all being much pleased 
with the odor. Some went so far as to drink a little. They became intoxicated and 
began to reel and stagger around and butt each other with their heads. Then the 
white people came back and the Indians began trading peltries, etc., for things 
which the white people had. 

Then the Muskogees, who claim to have emerged from the navel of the earth some- 
where out west near the Rocky Mountains, came to the place where the Hitchiti were 
living. The Muskogee were very warlike, and the Hitchiti concluded it would be 
best to make friends with them and become a part of them. Ever since they have 
been together as one people. Hitdti is the Muskogee word meaning "to see, '' and 
was given to them because they went to see from whence the sun came. So their 
name was changed from A^tdk-ha^ta. The two people became allied somewhere 
in Florida. 

Gatschet says that some Hitchiti Indians claimed that their an- 
cestors had fallen from the sky. Chicote and Judge Stidham, how- 
ever, told him the following story: 

Their ancestors first appeared in the country by coming out of a canebrake or reed 
thicket near the seacoast. They sunned and dried their children during four days, 
then set out; arrived at a lake and stopped there. Some thought it was the sea, but it 
was a lake. They set out again, traveled up a stream and settled there for a per- 

The origin on the seacoast and the migration upstream suggest 
that this last myth may have belonged to the SawokU. 

At one time the Hitchiti were probably the most important tribe in 
southern Georgia and their language the prevailing speech in that 
region from the Chattahoochee River to the Atlantic Ocean. Never- 
theless the true Muskogee entered at such an early period that we 
can not say we have historical knowle(lo:o of a time wlien the Hitchiti 
were its sole inhabitants. 

* Gatschet, Creek Miji, Leg., i, pp. 77-7.S. 


The first appearance of the Hitchiti tribe in written history is in the 
De Soto chronicles, under the name Ocute^ or Ocuti.* That the Ocute 
were identical with the later Hitchiti is strongly indicated, if not 
proved, by the following line of argument. The name Ocute appears 
in a few of the earlier Spanish authorities only, but much later there 
is mention of a Lower Creek tribe, called on the De Crenay map 
Aequitfi,' and in the French census of 1760, Aeykite.* There is every 
reason to believe that we have here the Ocute of De Soto; certainly 
no name recorded from the region approximates it as closely. Now, 
the De Crenay map was drawn in 1733, shortly after the Yamasee 
war, and the data it contains would apply to the period immediately 
following that war. Although apparently located on the Flint, the 
position of A^uit6 is farther downstream than any of the other 
Creek towns on the map. Turning to the English maps of the same 
epoch we find that, with the exception of the Apalachicola, who 
were for a time at the jimction of the Chattahoochee and Flint, 
Hitchiti was at that period the southernmost town of all. This by 
itself is not conclusive, because the arrangement of towns on this 
particular part of the De Crenay map (pi. 5) seems unreliable. Turn- 
ing to the census of 1760, however, we find the Lower Creek towns 
laid out in regular order from north to south, the distance of each 
from Fort Toulouse being marked in leagues. Now, when we com- 
pare this list with the later arrangement of towns exhibited by the 
Early map of 1818* (pi. 9) we obtain the following result: 


Kaouita» Cowetau. 

Cowetau Tal-la-has-eee. 

Kachetas KuH^etau. 

OuyoutchJs Uchee. 

OuchoutchJs Osachees. 

Tchiahas Che-au-choo-chee. 

AeykJte Hitch-e-tee. 

Apalatchikolis Pal-la-choo-chee. 

Okonis Oconee. 


Choothlo Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee. 

Ohoothlotchy Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee. » 

Youfalas Eu-ta-lau (properly Eu-fa-lau). 


Oeyakbe Oke-te-yo-con-ne. 

The correspondences between the two, it will be noted, are very 
marked. They become still closer when we supplement the E^irly 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i. p. 56; ii, p. 90. • In this I have omitted the Okfuslcec settlements 

* Ibid., n» p. 11. higher up the stream, which are not considered by 
> Plate 5; Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. the French enumerators. 

* Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 96. 


map with other authorities. Che-au-choo-chee is laid down on the 
Early map just opposite Hitchiti town, but for some reason or other 
the town of Chiaha itself was overlooked, and Hawkins describes it 
exactly where the French census places it, just below Osochi (Ouchou- 
tchis). Instead of the first Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee he also has Sau-woo- 
ge-lo, for which Choothlo is certainly intended. Tchoualas is also 
probably intended for Sawokli or Sawoklo, and in position it cor- 
responds to a town called Kawaigi, said to be a Sawokli offshoot. 
Oeyakbe means *' water (or river) fork" in Muskogee and Oke-te-yo- 
con-ne, ^' zigzag stream land,'' in Hitchiti. The same town is probably 
intended by them. In only three cases, Chaouakl6, Omolquet, and 
Tchoualas, does the census of 1760 contain names not represented 
on the Early map, and in only one case, Cowetau Tal-la-has-see, does 
the Early map contain a name not represented in the census of 
1760. As this last was an out village of Cowetau its omission is 
readily explained. Aeykite, like Hitch-e-tee, is placed between 
Chiaha and Apalachicola, and with the exception of Che-au-choo-chee, 
which was of course only an outsettlement of Chiaha, and the Westo 
town, which disappeared at an early date, no town is laid down on 
any other map known to me between the two aforesaid places. In 
fact, the distance between them is not great. If Aeykite is not 
identical with Hitch-e-tee we must not only assume a distinct town 
of the name not otherwise explained, but we must assume that 
Hitchiti is the only important town omitted from the French census, 
a rather imlikely happening. To the writer the conclusion seems 
quite overwhelming that Aeykite refers to the Hitchiti town, and if 
that be the case Ocute probably does also. The latest use of this 
particular term seems to be by Manuel Garcia (1800) when it appears 
in the form '^Oakjote.''* The Spanish census of 1738 has an inter- 
mediate form ^'Ayjichiti.''* 

Assuming, then, that Ocute and Aeykite are synonyms for Hitchiti, 
we wUl now proceed to trace the history of this tribe. 

Elvas says: 

The governor [De Soto] set out [from Acheee] on the first day of April [1540] and 
advanced through the country of the chief, along up a river, the shores of which were 
very xx)pulou8. On the fourth he went through the town of Altamaca, and on the 
tenth arrived at Ocute.' 

And elsewhere he adds: 

The land of Ocute is more strong and fertile than the re^t, the forest more open, 
and it has very good fields along the margins of the rivers.^ 

Ran] el says that, after passing Altamaha they met a chief named 
^amumo, who, along with others, was a subject of '^a great chief 

» Copy of MS. In Ayer CoU., Newberry Lib. » Ibid., p. 230. 

> BoiinM, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 56. 


whose name waa Ocute." The chief of Ocute furnished bearers 
and provisions to the Spaniards, though apparently not without 
protest, and the latter set up a wooden cross in his village as an 
entering wedge to conversion.* Ocute would seem to have been the 
province called Cofa by Garcilasso, which he describes as ''suitable for 
cattle, very productive in corn, and very delightful."' 

Our next glimpse of Ocute is in the testimony given by Caspar 
de Salas with respect to his expedition from St. Augustine to Tama 
in the year 1596. 

The greater part of this testimony will be introduced in discussing 
the Tamali tribe. After leaving Tama the narrative continues: 

At one day's journey from Tama they came upon the village of Ocute, where they 
were very well received by its cacique, who made them many presents, the women 
bringing their shawls, which he calls aprons, which look like painted leather.' Some 
of them say that they have been in New Spain and have or are imitating their dress. 
As they wished to go on farther, the cacique of Ocute tried very earnestly to dissuade 
them from it, weeping over it with them, as he said that if they went any farther 
inland the Indians there would kill them, because a long time ago, which must have 
been when Soto passed there, taking many people on horseback, they killed many of 
them; how much more would they kill them who were but few? This is the reason 
why they did not go ahead, but returned from there. They likewise heard the 
Indians of that village as well as the Salchiches say that at foiu* days* journey from 
there, and after passing a very high mountain where, when the sun rose, there seemed 
to be a big fire, on the farther side of it lived people who wore their hair clipped (cut), 
and that the pine trees were cut down with hatchets, and that it seems to the witness 
that such signs can only apply to Spaniards. He [the witness] says that this country 
[Tama, etc.] seems to him to be very rich, or at least sufficiently so to produce any 
kind of grain, even if it be wheat, and has many meadows and pastures for cattle, and 
its rivers have sweet water in places, and that it seems to him that if there were any- 
body who knew how to find and wash gold in those rivers it could surely be found. ^ 

The first appearance of the Hitchiti under the name by which we 
know them best is after South Carolina had been settled, when it 
occurs in documents as that of a Ix)wer Creek town, and on the 
maps of that period it is laid down on Ocmulgee River below the 
town of the Coweta. From the MitcheD map this site is identifiable 
as the ''Ocmulgee old fields'' on the site of the present Macon, which 
is in agreement with a legend reported by Gatschet to the eflFect that 
the Hitchiti were '*the first to settle at the site of Okmulgee town, an 
ancient capital of the confederacy." * 

William Bartram thus describes the Ocmulgee old fields as they 
appeared in his time: 

» Bourne, op. cit., pp. 90-91. 

< (iarcilaaso in Shipp, l>e Soto an<l FlorMa. p. 'M\. 

3 Tie says carpeta, which in Spanish is a table ('.)\ it. a portfolio, or any U^athor case. 

< Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. Ul-U"). Tran'-lated by Mrs. F. Bandolier. 
i Gatschet, Creek Mig. I^., i, p. 7s. 


About seventy or eighty milee above the confluence of the Oakmulge and Ocone, 
the trading path, from Augusta to the Creek Nation, crosses these fine rivers, which 
are there forty miles apart. On the east bank of the Oakmulge this trading road runs 
nearly two miles through ancient Indian fields, which are called the Oakmulge fields; 
they are the rich low lands of the river. On the heights of these low lands are yet 
viflible monuments, or traces, of an ancient town, such as artificial mounds or terraces, 
squares and banks, encircling considerable areas. Their old fields and planting land 
extended up and down the river, fifteen or twenty miles from this site.' 

As Bartrani states that the Creeks had stopped here after their im- 
migration from the west, the Hitchiti may not have been in occupancy 
always. On the other hand, Bartram may have inferred a Creek 
occupancy from the tradition that the confederacy had there been 
founded, but this may really have had reference to a compact of 
some kind between the Hitchiti and the invading Creeks, irrespective 
of the land actually held by each tribe. 

After the Yamasee war the Hitchiti moved across to Chattahoochee 
River with most of the other Ijower Creeks, first to a point low down on 
that river, later higher up between the Chiaha and Apalachicola.' 
In 1761 they were assigned to the traders, George Mackay and James 
Hewitt, along with the Point towns.' Their name occurs in the 
lists of both Swan and Bartram.* In 1797 the trader there was 
William Grey.* Hawkins (1790) gives the following description of 
the Hitchiti town and its branch viDages: 

Hit-che-tee is on the left bank of Chat-to-ho-che, four milee below Che-au-hau; 
they have a narrow strip of good land bordering on the river, and back of this it rises 
into high, poor land , which spreads off flat. In approaching the town on this side there 
is no rise, but a great descent to the town fiat; on the right bank of the river the land 
is level and extends out for two miles; is of thin quality; the growth is post oak, hick- 
ory, and pine, all small; then pine barren and ponds. 

The appearance about this town indicates much poverty and indolence; they have 
no fences; they have spread out iiato villages, and have the character of being honest 
and industrious; they are attentive to the rights of their white neighbors, and no 
charge of horse stealing from the frontiers has been substantiated against them. The 
villages are: 

1st. Hit-che-too-che (Little Hit-che-tee), a small village of industrious people, set- 
tled on both sides of Flint River, below Kit-cho-foo-ne; they have good fences, cattle, 
horses, and hogs, in a fine range, and are attentive to them. 

2d. Tut-tal-lo-see (fowl), on a creek of that name, twenty miles west from Ilit-che- 
too-che. This is a fine creek on a bed of limestone; it is a branch of Kitch-o-foo-ne; 
the land bordering on the creek, and for eight or nine miles* in the direction towards 
Hit-che-too-che, is level, rich, and fine for cultivation, with post and black oak. 
hickory, dogwood and pine. The villagers have good worm fences, appear indus- 
trious, and have large stocks of cattle, some hogs and horses; they appear decent and 

1 Bartram, Travels, pp. 52-53. * Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; Bartram, 

s See p. 174. Travels, p. 462. 

• Ga. Col. Docs., vra, p. 522. ' Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 171. 

• The Lib. of Cong. MS. has "six or eight." 

1480U1*'— 22 12 


orderly, and are desirous of preserving a friendly intercourse with their neighbors; 
they have this year, 1799, built a square.* 

Manuel Garcia calls this latter village ' ' Totolosehache. ' *' According 
to an anonymous writer quoted by Gatsohet there were, about 1820, 
six '*Fowl towns,'' Cahalli hatchi, old Tallahassi, Atap'halgi, Allik 
hadshi, Eetatulga, and Mikasuki.* Most of these will be referred to 
again when we come to speak of Seminole towns.* The census of 
1832 mentions a Hitchiti village called Hihaje. 

After their removal to the west the Hitchiti were placed in about the 
center of the Creek Nation, near what is now Hitchita station, and 
their descendants have remained there and about Okmulgee up to 
the present time. A portion migrated to Florida and after the 
removal maintained a square groimd for a time in the northern 
part of the Seminole Nation, Oklahoma. Some persons in this 
neighborhood still preserve the language. 


This tribe also belonged to the Hitchiti group. The name refers 
to the bubbling up of water in a spring, and in Creek it is called 
Oiki 14ko, and Oikewali, signifying much the same thing. The 
designation is said to have come originally from a large spring in 
Georgia. One of my informants thought that this was near Fort 
Mitchell, but probably it was the same spring from which the Ocmul- 
gee River got its name, and this would be the famous '* Indian Spring" 
in Butts County, Georgia. As early maps consulted by me do not 
show a town of the name on Ocmulgee River, and as the site of 
the Ocmulgee old fields was occupied by Hitchiti, I believe the 
Okmulgee were a branch of the Hitchiti, which perhaps left the 
town on the Ocmulgee before the main body of the people and 
made an independent settlement on Chattahoochee River. There 
their nearest neighbors were the Chiaha and Osochi, and the three 
together constituted what were sometimes known as 'Hhe point 
towns'' from a point of land made by the river at that place. 
Bartram does not give the tribe separate mention, perhaps because 
he reckoned them as part of the Chiaha or Osochi. Tribe French 
enimieration of 1750 records them as " Oemoulkfi,"* the French census 
of about 1760 as ''Omolquet,"® and the Georgia census of 1761 gives 
them as one of **the point towns.'*' Hawkins omits them from his 
sketch, but mentions them in his notes taken in 1797, where he says: 

> Hawkins' Sketch, in Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, pt. 1, pp. 64-^. Hitchiti were also on Chickasawhatcbee 
Creek,— Hawkins, in Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 174. 
« Ayer. Coll., Newberry Lib. 

* Misc. Coll., Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 413. 

* See pp. 406-412. 
»lfSS., Ayer Coll. 

I Mi88. Prov. Arch., l, p. 96. 
' Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. £22. 




Ocmulgee Village, 7 miles [below Hotalgihuyana]. There is a few families, the 
remains of the Ocmulgee people who formerly resided at the Ocmulgee fields on 
Ocmulgee River; lands poor, pine barren on both sides; the swamp equally poor and 
sandy; the growth dwarf scrub brush, evergreens, among which is the Gassine.'*' 

The mouth of Kmchafoonee creek was 8 miles below. 

Manuel Garcia mentions their chief as one of several Lower Creek 
chiefs with whom he had a conference in the year 1800. He spells 
the name '^Okomulgue."* Morse (1822) includes them in a list 
of towns copied from a manuscript by Papt. Young. They were 
then located east of Flint River, near the Hotalgihuyana, and 
numbered 220. ^ They are wanting from the census rolls of 1832, 
but perhaps formed one of the two Osochi towns mentioned, each 
of which is given a very large population. On their removal west 
of the Mississippi they settled in the northeastern comer of the new 
Creek territory, near the Chiaha. They were among the first to 
give up their old square groimd and to adopt white manners and 
customs. Probably in consequence of this progress they furnished 
three chiefs to the Creek Nation — Joe Ferryman, Legus Ferryman, 
and Pleasant Porter — and a number of leading men besides. 


In addition to two groups of Muskhogean people bearing this name^ 
it should be noticed that it was popularly applied by the whites to a 
Cherokee town, properly called Ukwtl'ntl. (or Ukwtl'nl),' but the 
similarity may be merely a coincidence. Of the two Creek groups 
mentioned one seems to be associated exclusively with the Florida 
tribes, while the second, when we first hear of it, was on the Georgia 
river which still bears its name. The first reference to either 
appears to be in a report of the Timucua missionary, Pareja, dated 
1602. He mentions the *'Ocony, " three days' journey from San 
Pedro, among a number of tribes among which there were Chris- 
tians or which desired missionaries.' In a letter dated April 8, 1 608, 
Ibarra speaks of *' the chief of Ocone which marches on the province 
of Tama. ''• This might apply to either Oconee division. The mis- 
sion lists of 1655 contain a station called Santiago de Ocone, de- 
scribed as an island and said to be 30 leagues from St. Auj^stine. 
As it was certainly not southward of the colonial capital it would 
seem to have been near the coast to the north, according to the dis- 
tance given, in the neighborhood of Jekyl Island. At the very same 
time there was another Oconee mission among the Apalachee Indians 
called San Francisco de Apalache in tlie list of 1655; it is given in the 

1 Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., IX, p. 173. 

" Copy MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Lib. 

* Mone, Rept. on Ind. All., p. 364. 

♦See p. 112. 

* I9th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 641. 

•Low«ry, IfSS. 


list of 1680 as San Francisco deOconi.* This group probably remained 
with the rest of the Apalachee towns and followed their fortunes. 

The main body of the Oconee was located, when first known to 
Englishmen, on Oconee River, about 4 miles south of the present Mil- 
ledgeville, Georgia, just below what was called the Rock Landing. 
In a letter, dated March 11, 1695, Gov. Laureano de Torres Ayala tells 
of an expedition consisting of 400 Indians and 7 Spaniards sent 
against the *'Cauetta, Oconi, Cassista, and Tiquipache" in retaliation 
for attacks made upon the Spanish Indians. About 60 persons were 
captured in one of these towns, but the others were found abandoned.' 
On the Lamhatty map they appear immediately west of a river which 
seems to be the Flint, but the topography of this map is not to be 
relied on. In the text accompanying, the name 'is given as "Oppo- 
nys. '' ' Almost all that is known of later Oconee history is contained 
in the following extract from Bartram: 

Our encampment was fixed on the site of the old Ocone town, which, about sixty 
years ago, was evacuated by the Indians, who, finding their situation disagreeable 
from its vicinity to the white people, left it, moving upwards into the Nation or 
Upper Creeks,^ and there built a town; but that situation not suiting their roving 
disposition, they grew sickly and tired of it, and resolved to seek an habitation more 
agreeable to their minds. They all arose, directing their migration southeastward 
towards the seacoast; and in the course of their journey, obser\dng the delightful 
appearance of the extensive plains of Alachua and the fertile hills environing it, they 
sat down and built a town on the banks of a spacious and beautiful lake, at a small 
distance from the plains, naming this new town Cuscowilla; this situation pleased them, 
the vast deserts, forests, lake, and savannas around affording abundant range of the 
best hunting ground for bear and deer, their favourite game. But although this situa- 
tion was healthy and delightful to the utmost degree, affording them variety and 
plenty of every desirable thing in their estimation, yet troubles and afflictions found 
them out. This territory, to the promontory of Florida, was then claimed by the 
Tomocas, Utinas, Caloosas, Yamases, and other remnant tribes of the ancient Floridians, 
and the more Northern refugees, driven away by the Carolinians, now in alliance and 
under the protection of the Spaniards, who, assisting them, attacked the new settle- 
ment and for many years were very troublesome; but the Alachuas or Ocones being 
strengthened by other emigrants and fugitive bands from the Upper Creeks [i. e., the 
Greeks proper], with whom they were confederated, and who gradually established 
other towns in this low country, stretching a line of settlements across the isthmus, 
extending from the Alatamaha to the bay of Apalache; these uniting were at length 
able to face their enemies and even attack them in their own settlements; and in the 
end, with the assistance of the Upper Creeks, their uncles, vanquished their enemies 
and destroyed them, and then fell upon the Spanish settlements, which also they 
entirely broke up.* 

We know that the removal of this tribe from the Oconee River took 
place, like so many other removals in the region, just after the Ya- 

> s«6 p. no. 

* Serrano y Sanz, Doc. HL<(t., p. 225. 

* Am. Anlhrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 671. 

* Dartram calls all of the Creeks, Upper Creeks, and the Seminole uf Florida, Lower Cn>eks. 

* Bartnun, Travels, pp. 378-379. 




masco outbreak of 1715, and the movement into Florida about 1750.^ 
Their chief during most of this period was known to the whites as 
^* The Cowkeeper. " Although Bartram represents the tribe as having 
gone m a body, we know that part of them remained on the Chatta- 
hoochee much later, for they appear in the assignments to traders 
for 1761,2 and in Hawkinses Sketch of 1799,^ while Bartram himself 
includes the town in his Ust as one of those on the Apalachicola or 
Chattahoochee River.* The list of towns given in 1761 includes a 
big and a little Oconee town, the two having together 50 hunters. 
Their trader was William Fraaer.* Hawkins describes their town as 

0-co-nee is six miles below PS-la-chooc-le, on the left bank of Chat-to-ho-che. It is 
a small town, the remains of the settlers of 0-co-nee; they formerly lived just below 
the rock landing, and gave name to that river; they are increasing in industry, making 
fences, attending to stock, and have some level land moderately rich; they have a few 
hogs, cattle, and horses.^ 

They are not represented in the census of 1832, so we must sup- 
pose either that they had all gone to Florida by that time or that 
they had imited with some other people. Bartram's narrative gives, 
not merely the history of the Oconee, but a good accoimt also of the 
beginnings of the Seminole as distinct from the Creeks. When we 
come to a discussion of Seminole history we shall find that the 
Oconee played a most important part in it, in fact that the history 
of the Seminole is to a considerable extent a continuation of the 
history of the Oconee. 


It is in the highest degree probable that this town is identical with 
the Toa, Otoa, or Toalli of the De Soto chroniclers, the -Hi of the 
last form representing presumably the Hitchiti plural -all. Be that as 
it may, there can be little question regarding the identity of Tamati 
¥dth the town of Tama, which appears in Spanish documents of the 
end of the same century and the beginning of the seventeenth.* In 
1598 Mendez de Can^, governor of Florida, writes that he plans to 
establish a post at a place *' which is called Tama, where I have 
word there are mines and stones, and it is a very fertile land 
abounding in food and fruits, many like those of Spain." It 
was said to be 40 leagues from St. Augustine. • In a later letter, 
dated February, 1600, is given the testimony of a soldier named 
Caspar de Salas, who had visited this town in the year 1596. He 
undertook this expedition in company with the Franciscan fathers, 
Pedro Fernandez de Chosas and Francisco de Vcras. He found the 

'Oa. Col. Docs., ym, p. £22. 
> Oft. Hist. 8oc. CoUs., m, p. 65. 

i Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

• See p. 12. 

• Serrano y Sans, Doc. Hist., p. 136. 


town to be farther off than the governor had supposed — *' about 50 
leagues, little more or less/' from St. Augustine. They reached it 
from Guale — that is, from St. Catherines Island. De Salas states 

It took them eight days to go from Guale to Tama, and seven of those eight days 
led through deserted land, which was very poor, and on arriving at Tama they found 
abundance of food, like com, beans, and much venison and turkeys ^ and other fowl, 
and a great abundance of fish, as, for instance sturgeon, which they call "sollo real'* 
in Spain; and likewise much fruit, as big grapes of as nice a taste as in Spain, and^ 
white plums like the ''siruelademonje, " and cherries and watermelons^ and other 

That all around the said village of Tama and neighbouring territory there is very 
good brown soil, which, when it rains, clings to one's feet like marl. There are in 
certain regions many barren hills where he saw many kinds of minerals. In several 
of these parts he and the two monks gathered of those stones those which seemed to 
them to contain metals and which were on the surface, because they did not have 
anything with which they could dig, and that he, the said witness, brought some of 
them, pulverised, to the governor and another part to a jeweler who at that time 
lived in the city, but who died in those days past, and that he made assays of them 
and told this witness that where those had been found there existed silver for they 
were the slags and scum of such a mine, and if they should find the vein of this mineral 
it would certainly prove to be a rich mine. About all this the said governor would 
certainly be better informed, for he, too, was told about it and made the experiment 
with the said jeweler. And near those mines grew an herb which is highly treasured 
by the Indians as a medicinal plant and to heal wounds, and they call it "guitamo 
real." On those same hills and on the banks of big streams they gathered many 
crystalisations and even fine crystals.^ 

Ocute was one day's journey beyond this place. On their return 
they took a more southerly route, better and not so devoid of human 
habitation, since they were only two days away from settlements. 
They came first to places called Yufera and Cascangue, and finally 
reached the coast at the island of San Pedro (Cumberland Island).* 

In 1606 the chief of Tama was among those who met Governor 
Ibarra at Sapelo, which we many assume to have been the most 
convenient place on the coast for him to present himself/ The 
name, sometimes spelled Thama, appears frequently from this time 
on, applied to a province of somewhat indefinite extent in southern 
Georgia, and one for which missionaries were needed. No earnest 
attempt at its conversion took place, however, until late in the 
seventeenth century. In the mission lists of 1680 a station known 
as Nuestra SefLora de la Candelaria de la Tama appears among those 

1 Gallinas de papada. 

• The watermelon was introduced from Africa: perliaps these were n»ally pumpkins. The word used 

Is "sandias." 

• Serrano y Sant, Doc. Hist., p. 144. Translated by Mrs, F. Handelier. 

• Ibid., p. 146. 

• Ibid., p. 184. 

8 wanton] 



in the Provincia de Apalache, and it is called a "new conversion/'^ 
The missionary effort was probably instrumental in bringing this 
tribe nearer the Apalachee, and such an inference is confirmed by a 
letter of 1717 in which reference is made to *'a Christian Indian 
named Augustin, of the nation Tama of Apalache."' On the De 
Crenay map of 1733 the name appears as Tamatl6, and the tribe 
is located on the west bank of the Chattahoochee River below all 
of the other Creek towns on that stream.' This position is con- 
firmed from Spanish sources, particularly from one document in 
which the order of Lower Creek towns from south to north is given 
as ^'Tamaxle, Chalaquilicha, Yufala; Sabacola, Ocone, Apalachicalo, 
Ocomulque, Osuche, Chiaja, Casista, Caveta."* A Spanish enumera- 
tion of Creek towns made in 1738 gives two towns of this name, 
"Tamaxle el Viejo," the southernmost of all Lower Creek towns, 
and '* Tamaxle nuevo, '' apparently the northernmost.' The enumera- 
tion of 1760 places them between the Hitchiti and the Oconee.* 
Hawkins enumerates them as one of those tribes out of which the 
Seminole Nation had been formed. • Since all of the others men- 
tioned by him were still represented among the Lower Creeks it is 
probable that this tribe had emigrated in its entirety. It is wanting in 
the lists of Bartram and Swan, and from the census of 1832, but appears 
in that contained in Morse's Report to the Secretary of War (1822), 
and also in the diary of Manuel Garcia (1800), where it is given 
as a Lower Creek town. It was then on the Apalachicola River, 
7 miles above the Ocheese.'^ It so appears on the Melish map of 
1818-19, where it is called ''Tomathlee-Seminole '' (pi. 8). These are 
the last references to it, and it was probably swallowed up in the 
Mikasuki band of Seminole. 

It should be observed that the name of this tribe, or a name very 
similar, appears twice far to the north in the Cherokee country. 
One town bearing it was *' on Valley River, a few miles above Murphy, 
about the present Tomatola, in Cherokee County, North Carolina." 
The other was *'on Little Tennessee River, about Tomotley ford, a 
few miles above Tellico River, in Monroe County, Tennessee." 
Mooney, from whom these quotations are made, adds that the name 
does not appear to be Cherokee.' This fact should be considered in 
connection with a similar north and south division of the Tuskegee, 
Koasati, and Yuchi. Gatschet states definitely that one of these 
Cherokee towns was settled by Creek Tamali Indians,® but this 
appears to have been merely a guess on his part. 

1 See pp. no, 323. 

2 Serrano y Sane, Doc. Hist., p. 228. 

> Plate 5; also HamiltoD, Col. MobUe, p. 19U. 

* Copy of MS. in Ayer Coll., Newberry Lib. 

• Ibid. Seep. 143. 

• Ga. Uist. Soc. CoUs., m, p. 26. 

' Morse, Rept. to Sec. of War, 1822, p. 304. 

• 19th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. .'v34. 

• Ala. Hist. Soc., Misc. Colls., i, p. 410. 


The name Taniali suggests the Hitcliiti form of the name of a 
Creek clan, the Timilgi, Hitchiti Timali, and it is possible that 
there is historical meaning in this resemblance, but there is just 
enough difference between the pronunciations of the two to render 
it doubtful. 


In 1673 the Virginia pioneer Abraham Wood sent two white men, 
James Needham and Gabriel Arthur, the latter probably an indentured 
servant, in company with eight Indians, to explore western Virginia 
up to and beyond the moimtains. They were turned back at first '' by 
misfortune and unwillingness of ye Indians before the mountaines 
that they should discover beyond them*'; but May 17 they were 
sent out again, and on Jime 25 they met some ^'Tomahitans'* on 
their way from the mountains to the Occaneechi, a Siouan tribe. 
Some of these came to see Wood, and meanwhile the rest returned to 
their own country, along with the two white men and one Appo- 
matox Indian. From this point the narrative proceeds as follows: 

They jornied nine days from Occhonechee to Sitteree: west and by south, past nine 
rivers and creeks which all end in this side ye mountaines and emty themselves into 
ye east sea. Sitteree being the last towne of inhabitance and not any path further 
untill they came within two days jomey of ye Tomahitans; they travell from thence up 
the mountaines upon ye sun setting all ye way, and in fouredayesgettto yetoppe, 
some times leading thaire horses sometimes rideing. Ye ridge upon ye topp is not 
above two himdred paces over; ye decent better than on this side, in halfe a day they 
came to ye foot, and then levell ground all ye way, many slashes upon ye heads of 
small runns. The slashes are full of very great canes and ye water runes to ye north 
west. They pass five rivers and about two himdred paces over ye fifth being ye 
middle most halfe a mile broad all sandy bottoms, with peble stones, all foardable 
and all empties themselves north west, when they travell upon ye plaines, from ye 
mountaines they goe downe, for severall dayes they see straged hilles on theire right 
hand, as they judge two days joumy from them, by this time they have lost all theire 
horses but one; not so much by ye badness of the way as by hard travell. not haveing 
time to feed, when they lost sight of those hilles they see a fogg or smoke like a cloud 
from whence raine falls for severall days on their right hand as they travell still towards 
the sun setting great store of game, all along as turkes, deere, elkes, beare, woolfe and 
other vermin very tame, at ye end of fiftteen dayes from Sitteree they arive at ye 
Tomahitans river, being ye 6Ui river from ye mountains, this river att ye Tomahitans 
towne seemes to run more westerly than ye other five. This river they past in can- 
nooe ye town being seated in ye other side about foure hundred paces broad above 
ye town, within sight, ye horses they had left waded only a small channell swam, they 
were very kindly entertained by them, even to addoration in their cerrimoniee of 
courtesies and a stake was sett up in ye middle of ye towne to fasten ye horse to, and 
aboundance of come and all manner of pulse with fish, flesh and beares oyle for ye 
horse to feed upon and a scaffold sett up before day for my two men and Appomat- 
tocke Indian that theire people might stand and gaze at them and not offend them 
by theire throng. This towne is seated on ye river side, haveing ye clefts of ye river 


oil ye one side being very high for its defence, the other three sides trees of two foot 
over, pitched on end, twelve foot high, and on ye topps scafolds placed with parrapits 
to defend the walls and offend theire enemies which men stand on to fight, many 
nations of Indians inhabitt downe this river, which runes west upon ye salts which 
they are att waare withe and to that end keepe one hundred and fifty cannoes un- 
der ye command of theire forte, ye leaste of them will carry twenty men, and made 
sharpe at both ends like a wherry ior swiftness, this forte is foure square; 300: paces 
over and ye houses sett in streets, many homes like bulls homes lye upon theire dung- 
hills, store of fish they have, one sorte they have like unto stoche-fish cured after 
that manner. Eight dayes jomy down this river lives a white people which have 
long beardes and whiskers and weares clothing, and on some of ye other rivers lives a 
hairey people, not many yeares since ye Tomahittans sent twenty men laden with 
beavor to ye white people, they killed tenn of them and put ye other tenn in irons, 
two of which tenn escaped and one of them came with one of my men to my plantation 
as you will understand after a small time of rest one of my men returnee with his horse, 
ye Appomatock Indian and 12 Tomahittans, eight men and foure women, one of those 
eight is hee which hath been a prisoner with ye white people, my other man remainee 
with them untill ye next retume to leame ye language, the 10th of September my 
man with his horse and ye twelve Indians arrived at my house praise bee to God, ye 
Tbmahitans have about sixty gunnes, not such locks as oures bee, the steeles are long 
and channelld where ye flints strike, ye prisoner relates that ye white people have a 
bell which is six foot over which they ring morning and evening and att that time a 
great number of people congregate togather and talkes he knowes not what, they 
have many blacks among them, oysters and many other shell-fish, many swine and 
cattle. Theire building is brick, the Tomahittans began theire jomy ye 20th of 
September intending, God blessing him, at ye spring of ye next yeare to retume with 
his companion att which time God spareing me life I hope to give you and some other 
friends better satisfaction.* 

The greater part of the information contained in this report is 
from Needham. Not long afterwards Needham was killed by an 
Occaneechi Indian. Arthur, however, was among the Tomahitans. 
He escaped the fate of his companion and after several rather 
remarkable adventures, if we may trust his own statements, he 
returned to the home of his employer in safety and communicated to 
him an account of all that had happened. Wood informs us that a 
complete statement of everything Arthur told him would be too long 
to record, therefore he sets down only the principal points. The 
account runs thus: 

Ye Tomahittans hasten home as fast as they can to tell ye newes [regarding the mur- 
der of Needham]. ye King or chife man not being att home, some of ye Tomahittans 
which were great lovers of ye Occheneechees went to put Indian Johns command 
in speedy execution and tied Gabriell Arther to a stake and laid heaps of combustil)le 
canes a bout him to bume him, but before ye fire was put too ye King came into ye 
towne with a gunn upon his shoulder and heareing of ye uprore for some was with it 
and some a gainst it. ye King ran with great speed to ye place, and said who is that 
that is goeing to put fire to ye English man. a Weesock borne started up with a fire 
brand in his hand said that am 1. Ye King forthwith cockt his gunn and shot ye 
wesock dead, and ran to Gabriell and with his knife cutt ye thongs that tide him and 
had him goe to his hou;^ and said lett me see who dares touch him and all ye wesock 

I Alvord and Bidgood, First Exploratioos Trans- Allegheny Region, pp. 213-214. 


children they take are brought up with them as ye laneearyes are a luougBt ye Turkeys, 
this king came to my house upon ye 21th of June as you will heare in ye foll(»wing di£(- 

Now after ye tumult was over they make preparation for to manage ye warr for that 
is ye course of theire liveing to forage robb and spoyle other nations and the king 
commands Gabriell Arther to goe along with a party that went to robb ye Spanyarrd. 
promising him that in ye next spring hee him selfe would carry him home to his master, 
Crabriell must now bee obedient to theire commands, in ye deploreable condition 
hee was in was put in armes, gun, tomahauke, and taigett and soe marched a way with 
ye company, beeing about fifty, they travelled eight days west and by south as he 
guest and came to a town of negroes, spatious and great, but all wooden buildings. 
Heare they could not take any thing without being spied. The next day they 
marched along by ye side of a great carte path, and about five or six miles as he judgeth 
came within sight of the Spanish town, walld about with brick and all brick buildings 
within. There he saw ye steeple where in hung ye bell which Mr. Needham gives 
relation of and harde it ring in ye eveing. heare they diist not stay but drew of and 
ye next morning layd an ambush in a convenient place neare ye cart path before men- 
tioned and there lay allmost seven dayes to steale for theire sustenance. Ye 7th day a 
Spanniard in a gentille habitt, accoutered with gunn, sword and pistoU. one of ye 
Tomahittans espieing him att a distance crept up to ye path side and shot him to 
death . In his pockett were two pieces of gold and a small gold chain, which ye Toma- 
hittans gave to Crabriell, but hee unfortunately lost it in his venturing as you shall 
heare by ye sequell . Here they hasted to ye negro town where they had ye advantage 
to meett with a lone negro. After him runs one of the Tomahittans with a dart in his 
hand, made with a pice of ye blaide of Needhams sworde, and threw it after ye negro, 
struck him thrugh betwine his shoulders soe hee fell downe dead. They tooke from 
him some toys, which hung i,n his eares, and bracelets about his neck and soe returned 
as expeditiously as they could to theire owne homes. 

They rested but a short time before another party was commanded out a gaine and 
Gabrielle Arther was commanded out a gaine, and this was to Porte Royall. Here 
hee refused to goe saying those were English men and he would not fight a gainst 
his own nation, he had rather be killd. The King tould him they intended noe hurt 
to ye English men, for he had promised Needham att his first coming to him that 
he would never doe violence a gainst any English more but theire business was to 
cut off a town of Indians which lived neare ye English. I but said Gabriell what if 
any English be att that towne, a trading, ye King sware by ye fire which they adore 
as theire god they would not hurt them soe they marched a way over ye mountains 
and came uxx)n ye head of Portt Royall River in six days. There they made per- 
riaugers of bark and soe past down ye streame with much swiftness, next coming to a 
convenient place of landing they went on shore and marched to ye eastward of ye 
south, one whole day and parte of ye night. At lengeth they brought him to ye 
sight of an English house, and Gabriell with some of the Indians crept up to ye houne 
side and lisening what they said, they being talkeing with in ye house, Gabriell 
hard one say, pox take such a master that will not alow a servant a bit of meat to eate 
upon Christmas day, by that meanes Gabriell knew what time of ye yeare it was, soe 
they drew of secretly and hasten to ye Indian town, which was not above six miles 
thence, about breake of day stole upon ye towne. Ye first house Gabriell came 
too there was an English man. Hee hard him say Lord have mercy upon mee. Ga- 
briell said to him runn for thy life. Said hee which way shall I nm. Crabriell re- 
ployed, which way thou wilt they will not meddle with thee. Soe hee rann and ye 
Tomahittans opened and let him pas fleare there they got ye English mans snapsack 
with beades, knives and other petty truck, in it. They made a very great slaughter 
upon the Indians and a bout sun riseing they hard many great guns fired off amongst 


the English. Then they hastened a way with what speed they could and in lees 
than fonrteene dayes arived att ye Tomahittns with theire plunder. 

Now ye king must goe to give ye monetons a visit which were his frends, mony 
signifing water and ton great in theire language. Gabriel! must goe along with him 
They gett forth with sixty men and travelled tenn days due north and then arived 
at ye monyton towne sittuated upon a very great river att which place ye tide ebbs 
and flowes. Gabriell sworn in ye river severall times, being fresh water, this is a 
great towne and a great number of Indians belong unto it, and in ye same river Mr. 
Batt and Fallam were upon the head of it as you read in one of my first jomalls. This 
river runes north west and out of ye westerly side of it goeth another very great river 
about a days journey lower where the inhabitance are an inumarable company of 
Indians, as the monytons told my man which is twenty dayes journey from one end 
to ye other of ye inhabitance, and all these are at warr with the Tomahitans. when 
they had taken theire leave of ye monytons they marched three days out of thire way 
to give a clap to some of that great nation, where they fell on with great courage and 
were as couragiously repullsed by theire enimise. 

And heare Gabriell received shott with two arrows, one of them in his thigh, which 
stopt his runing and soe was taken prisoner, for Indian vallour consists most in theire 
heelee for he that can run best is accounted ye beet man. These Indians thought this 
Gabrill to be noe Tomahittan by ye length of his haire, for ye Tomahittans keepe 
theire haire close cut to ye end an enime may not take an advantage to lay hold of 
them by it. They tooke Gabriell and scowered his skin with water and ashes, and 
when they perceived his skin to be white they made very much of him and admire 
att his knife gunn and hatchett they tooke with him. They gave those thing to him 
a gaine. He made signes to them the gun was ye Tomahittons which he had a disire 
to take with him, but ye knife and hatchet he gave to ye king, they not knowing 
ye use of gunns, the king receved it with great shewes of thankfullness for they had 
not any manner of iron instrument that hee saw amongst them whilst he was there 
they brought in a fatt bevof which they had newly killd and went to swrynge it. 
Gabriell made signes to them that those skins were good a mongst the white people 
toward the sim riseing. they would know by signes how many such skins they would 
take for such a knife. He told them foure and eight for such a hattchett and made 
signes that if they would lett him return, he would bring many things amongst them, 
they seemed to rejoyce att it and carried him to a path that carried to ye Tomahittans 
gave him Rokahamony for his journey and soe they departed, to be short, when he 
came to ye Tomahittans ye king had one short voyage more before hee could bring 
in Grabriell and that was downe ye river, they live upon in perriougers to kill hoggs, 
beares and stuigion which they did incontinent by five dayes and nights. They 
went down ye river and came to ye mouth of ye salts where they could not see land 
but the water not above three foot deepe hard sand. By this meanes wee know this 
is not ye river ye Spanyards live upon as Mr. Needham did thinke. Here they killed 
many swine, stuigin and beavers and barbicued them, soe returned and were fifteen 
dayes runing up a gainst ye streame but noe mountainous land to bee seene but all 

Arthur was then sent back to Virginia by the Tamahita chief; 
and he reached Wood^s house June 18, 1674. 

This narrative leaves a great deal to be desired, and the rehability 
of much of that reported by Arthur is not beyond question, but the 
existence of a tribe of the name and its approximate location is 
established. The narrative is also of interest as containing the 

1 Alvord and Bldgood, op. cit., pp. 2l»-223. 



[BULL. 73 

only specific information of any sort regarding their manners and 

For some years after the period of this narrative we hear not a 
word regarding the tribe, and when they reappear it is on the De 
Crenay map as ^'Tamaitaux/' on the east bank of the Chattahoo- 
chee above the Chiaha and nearly opposite a part of the Sawokli.* 
A little later Adair enumerates the ''Ta-m&-tah^' among those tribes 
which the Muskogee had induced to incorporate with them.^ They 
appear among other Lower Creek towns in the enumeration of 1750, 
placed between the northern Sawokli town and the Kasihta.^ On 
one of the D'Anville maps of early date we find "Tamaita** laid 
down on the west bank of the Coosa not far above its jimction with 
the Tallapoosa. The Koasati town was just below. In the list of 
Creek towns given in 1761 in connection with the assignment of 
traderships we find this entry: ''27 Coosawtee including Tomhe- 
taws." The hunters of the two numbered 125 and they were located 
"close to the French barracks'' where was the Koasati town from 
very early times.* Thus it appears that sonie at least of the Tama- 
hita had moved over among the Upper Creeks sometime between 
1733 and 1761 or perhaps earlier. Bernard Romans, on January 17, 
1772, when descending the Tombigbee River, mentions passing the 
'*Tomeehettee bluff, where formerly a tribe of that nation resided,"* 
and Hamilton identifies this bluff with Mcintosh's Bluff, a former 
location of the Tohome tribe.' It is probable that some Tamahita 
moved over to this river at the same time as the Koasati and Okchai, 
a little before Romans's time, and afterwards returned with them to 
the upper Alabama. 

Memory of them remained long among the Lower Creeks, since an 
aged informant of the writer, a Hitchiti Indian, born in the old coun- 
try, claimed to be descended from them. According to him there was 
a tradition that the Tamahita burned a little trading post belonging 
to the English, whereupon the English called upon their Creek allies 
to punish the aggressors. The Tamahita were much more numerous 
than their opponents, but were not very warlike, and were driven 
south to the very point of Florida, where they escaped in boats to 
some islands. This tradition appears to be the result of an erroneous 
identification of the Tamahita with the Timucua. There is no evi- 
dence that the Creeks had a war with the former people. 

After the above account had been prepared some material came 
under the eye of the writer tending to the conclusion that Tamahita 
must be added to that already long list of terms under which the 

1 See plate 5; HAmilton, Col. Ifoblle, p. 190. 

* Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 

• lfS.,AyerCoU. 

« Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 524. 

» Romans, Nat. Hist. K. and W. Fla., p. 332. 

« Hamilton, op. cit., p. 106. See pp. 100-166. 


Yuchi tribes appear in history. In view of the akeady formidable 
number of these Yuchi identifications — ^Hogologe, Tahogale, Chiska, 
Westo, Rickohockan — he would have preferred some other out- 
come, but we must be guided by facts and these facts point in one 
and the same direction. 

The first significant circmnstance is that, with one or two easily 
explained exceptions, wherever the name Tamahita or any of its 
synonyms is used none of the other terms bestowed upon the Yuchi 
occurs. This is true of the De Crenay map (pi. 5), of the French 
census of 1750,* and of the list of tribes incorporated into the Creek 
confederacy given by Adair.' The only exceptions are where dif- 
ferent bands might be under consideration. Thus in the census of 
1761 ^'Tomhetaws'' are mentioned in connection with the Koasati 
Uving near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers, Ala- 
bama, while the Yuchi among the Lower Creeks and those which 
had formerly been on the Choctawhatchee are entered under their 
proper names.' Romans, too, speaks of a town of ^^Euchas^' 
among the Lower Creeks and in a different part of his work of a 
former tribe called *'Tomeehetee" which gave its name to a bluff 
on the Tombigbee River.* These exceptions, however, are not of 
much consequence. 

In the second place the names of almost all of the other important 
Creek tribal subdivisions do occiu* alongside of the Tamahita. On the 
De Crenay map and in the French census of 1750 this tribe is located 
among the Lower Creeks, alongside of the Coweta, Kasihta, Apa- 
lachicola, Sawokli, Osochi, Eufaula, Okmulgee, Oconee, Hitchiti, 
Chiaha, and Tamali.* Adair gives them as one of a nmnber of * 'broken 
tribes" said to have been incorporated with the Creeks proper, and 
he seems to have been familiar only with those living among the Upper 
Creeks, for the others mentioned in connection with them were all 
settled here, viz, Tuskegee, Okchai, Pakana, Witumpka, Shawnee, 
Natchez, and Koasati. As incorporated tribes among the Lower 
Creeks he notes the Osochi, Oconee, and Sawokli. In other places 
where Tamahita are mentioned among the Upper Creeks we find, 
in addition to the above, the Okchaiutci, Kan- teat i (Alabama), 
people of Coosa Old Town, and Muklasa, while the Tawasa are given 
in the census of 1750 and on the De Crenay map of 1733 as entirely 

Taking the Lower Creek towns by themselves we find all of the 
towns accounted for except the Yuchi towns and two or three which 
were located upon Chattahoochee River for a very brief period. 
These last were a Shawnee town, Tuskegee, Kolomi, Atasi, and por- 

1 ICS. in Ayer ColL, Newberry Lib. « Romans, E. and W. Fla., pp. 280, 332. 

* Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. • Loc. cit. 

s Ga. CoL Docs., vm, pp. 522-524. 


haps Koaledji. The first two, however, occur independently in Adair's 
list, and the others are well-known Muskogee divisions which appear 
alongside of the Tamahita among the Upper Creeks. The Yamasee 
were also here for very brief periods but at a point much farther down 
the river than that where the Tamahita are placed. 

Thirdly, Yuchi are known to have lived at or in the neighborhood 
of most of the places assigned to the Tamahita. The topography 
of the De Crenay map is too xmcertain to enable us to base any conclu- 
sions upon it, but in the census of 1750 the Tamahita are given at 
approximately the same distance from Fort Toulouse as Coweta and 
Kasihta, and 3 leagues nearer than Chiaha, very close to the position 
which the (unnamed) Yuchi then occupied. As we shall see when we 
come to discuss the Yuchi as a whole, there was at least' one band of 
Indians belonging to this tribe. among the Upper Creeks, remnants 
apparently of the Choctawhatchee band. The Tamahita which 
figure in this section of the Creek coimtry may, therefore, have been 
a part of these. I believe, however, that there was a second band of 
Yuchi here, which had had a somewhat different history. When we 
come to discuss the Yuchi Indians we shall find that a section of 
these people, called generally Hogologe or Hog Logee, accompanied 
the Apalachicola Indians and part of the Shawnee to the Chatta- 
hoochee River about 171ft. The Apalachicola were satisfied with this 
location, but some time later the Shawnee migrated to the Talla- 
poosa, and I think it probable that at least a part of the Hogologe 
Yuchi went with them. We know that relations between these two 
tribes must have been intimate for Bartram was led to believe that 
the Yuchi spoke "the Savanna or Savanuca tongue,'^ and Speck 
testifies to cordial imderstandings between them extending down to 
the present time.^ But Hawkins gives us something more definite. 
In a diary which he kept diu4ng his travels through the Creek Nation 
in 1796 he states, under date of Monday, December 19, when he was 
following the course of the Tallapoosa River toward its mouth and 
along its southern shore, ''half a mile [beyond a large spring by the 
river bank is] the Uchee village, a remnant of those settled on the 
Chattahoochee; half a mile farther pass a Shawne village."^ In his 
Sketch, representing conditions a few years later, he says, in the 
course of his description of the same Shawnee village, ''Some Uchees 
have settled with them,*' and there is every reason to beheve that they 
were the Yuchi who had formerly occupied a town of their own half a 
mile away.' 

Last of all, we must not lose sight of the fact that the origin of the 
Tamahita, like that of the Yuchi, may be traced far north to the 

I Bartram, Travels, p. 387; Spei^k, Anth. Pub., « Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 41. 
U. of Pa. Mus., I, p. 11. * See p. 320; also plate 8. 


Tennessee moxintains. It seems rather improbable that a tribe from 
such a distant coimtry could have settled among the Creeks and, 
after hving in closest intimacy with them for so many years, have 
passed entirely out of existence without any further hint of their 
affiliations or any more information regarding them. And the fact 
that they and the Yuchi share so many points in common and appear 
in the same places, though practically never side by side, must be 
added to this as constituting strong circumstantial evidence that 
they were indeed one and the same people. 


Next to the Muskogee themselves the most conspicuous Upper 
Creek tribe were the Alabama, or Albamo. As shown by their lan- 
guage and indicated by some of their traditions they were connected 
more nearly with the Choctaw and Chickasaw than with the Creeks. 
Stiggins declares that the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Hitchiti, and Koasati 
languages were mutually intelligible,^ and this was true at least of 
Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Koasati. 

According to the older traditions the Alabama had come from the 
west, or perhaps, rather from the southwest, to their historic seats, 
but these traditions do not carry them to a great distance. Adair, 
referring to the seven distinct dialects reported as spoken near Fort 
Toulouse, said that the people claimed to have come from South 

The following account of their origin was obtained originally from 
Se-ko-pe-chi ("Perseverance''), who is described as ** one of the oldest 
Creeks, ... in their new location west of the Mississippi," about 
the year 1847, and was published by Schoolcraft: ' 

The origin of the Alabama Indians as handed down by oral tradition, is that they 
sprangoutof the ground, between the Cahawba and Alabama Rivers. . . . The earliest 
migration recollected, as handed down by oral tradition, is that they emigrated from 
the Cahawba and Alabama Rivers to the junction of the Tuscaloosa [Tombigbee ?] and 
Coo83L [Alabama ?] Rivers.* Their numbers at that period were not known. The 
extent of the territory occupied at that time was indefinite. At the point formed 
by the junction of the Tuscaloosa and Coosa Rivers the tribe sojoumetl for the space 
of two years, after which their location was at the junction of the Coosa and Alabama 
Rivers, on the west side of what was subsequently the site of Fort Jackson. It is 
supposed that at this time they numbered fifty effective men. They claimed the 
country from Fort Jackson to New Orleans for their hunting-grounds. . . . 

They are of the opinion that the Great Spirit brought them from the ground, and 
that they are of right possessors of this soil. 

1 stiggins, MS. 

« Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 267-268. 

* Ind. Tribes, i, pp. 26(^267. 

* The name Coosa was once extended over the Alabama as well as the stream which now bears the name; 
there is some reason to think that the Tombigbee may occasionally have been called the Tuscaloosa. At 
any rate tliis canstructioD would reconcile the present tradition with the one following. 


From Ward Coachman, an old Alabama Indian in Oklahoma, Dr. 
Gatschet obtained the following: 

. Old Alabama men used to say that the Alabama came out of the ground near the 
Alabama River a little up stream from its junction with the Tombigbee, close to 
Holsifa (Choctaw Bluff). After they had come out an owl hooted. They were 
scared and most of them went back into the ground. That is why the Alabama are 
few in number. The Alabama towns are Tawasa, Pawokti, Oktcaiyutci, Atauga, 
Hatcafa^ski (River Point, at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa), and Wetumka. 

From one of the oldest women among the Alabama living in 
Texas I obtained a long origin myth in which the tribe is represented 
as having come across the Atlantic, but this is evidently mixed up 
with the story of the discovery of America by the white people and 
is of little value in restoring the old tradition. The relationship 
recognized between the Alabama and Koasati is illustrated by the 
following story, said to have been told by an old Indian now dead : 

The Alabama and Koasati came out of the earth on opposite sides of the root of a cer- 
tain tree and settled there in two bodies. Consequently these differed somewhat 
in speech, though they always kept near each other. At first they came out of the 
earth only during the night time, going down again when day came. Presently a 
white man came to the place, saw the tracks, and wanted to find the people. He 
went there several times, but could discover none of them above ground. By and by 
he decided upon a ruse, so he left a barrel of whisky near the place where he saw the 
footsteps. When the Indians came out again to play they saw the barrel, and were 
curious about it, but at first no one would touch it. Finally, however, one man 
tasted of its contents, and presently he began to feel good and to sing and dance about. 
Then the others drank also and became so drunk that the white man was able to catch 
them. Afterward the Indians remained on the surface of the earth. 

The tradition of a downstream origin may have been due to the 
former residence of the Tawasa Alabama near Mobile. This has 
certainly given its entire tone to the story which Stiggins relates.* 

Finally, mention may be made of Milfort's extravagant Creek 
migration legend in which the Creek Indians proper are represented 
as having pursued the Alabama from the western prairies near Red 
River across the Missouri, Mississippi, and Ohio in succession imtil 
they reached their later home in central Alabama. 

After De Soto and his companions had left the Chickasaw, by 
whom they had been severely handled, they reached a small village 
called Limamu' by Ranjel and Alimamu' by Elvas. This was on 
April 26, 1541. Biedma says nothing of the village, but states that 
they set out toward the northwest for a province called AUbamo.* 

On Thursday they came to a plain where was a stockaded fort 
defended by many Indians. According to Biedma the Indians had 
built this stockade across the trail the Spaniards were to take merely 

1 See p. 140. > Ibid., i, p. 108. 

'Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 136. ^id., n, p. 24. 


to try their strength, though having nothing whatever to defend. * 
It is evident that no women or children were there, but it is most 
likely that the place was a stockaded town from which the non- 
combatants had been removed in anticipation of the arrival of the 
Spaniards. Elvas gives quite a lively picture of this fort and the 
Indians within. He says: 

Many were armed, walkiiig upon it, with their bodies, legs, and arms painted and 
ochred, red, black, white, yellow, and vermilion in stripes, so that they appeared to 
have on stockings and doublet. Some wore feathers and others horns on the head; 
the face blackened, and the eyes encircled with vermilion, to heighten their fierce 
aspect. So soon as they saw the Christians draw nigh they beat drums, and, with 
loud yells, in great fury came forth to meet them.' 

After a sharp engagement the Spaniards drove these Indians 
from their position with considerable loss, but were prevented from 
following up their success by an unf ordable river behind the stockade, 
across which the greater part of the Indians escaped. Garcilasso, 
who, as usual, passes this entire affair under a magnifying glass, 
calls the fort ''Fort Alibamo,"' but it so happens that not one of the 
three standard authorities applies this term to it. Two of them, as 
we have seen, give the name to a small village in which they had 
camped two days earlier. Nevertheless Biedma's reference to a 
''Province of Alibamo^' seems to indicate that the Spaniards were 
actually in a region occupied by Alabama Indians, although we do 
not know whether the entire tribe was present or only one section 
of it. It has been supposed by some that the Ulibahali mentioned 
before the great Mobile encounter were the later Alabama or con- 
stituted an Alabama town, but while it is true that the name bears 
some resemblance to that of a possible Alabama town, the Alabama 
word for village being ola, it is quite certain that we must seek in 
it the name of a true Muskogee town.* 

After 1541 the Alabama disappear entirely from sight until 
the French settlement of Louisiana, when we find them located in 
their well-known later historic seats on the upper course of the 
river which bears their name. The first notice of them occurs in 
March, 1702, after the foundation of the first Mobile fort had been 
begun, where they appear together with the Conchaque — by which 
is evidently meant the Muskogee — as enemies of the Mobile tribes 
whom they had caused to abandon many of their former settle- 
ments. P6nicaut says that Iberville sent messengers from Mobile 
to the Choctaw and Alabama, and that their chiefs came to him to 
sing the calumet of peace along with the chiefs of the Mobile;^ 

* Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, u, p. 24. * See p. 254. 

* Ibid., I, pp. 10&-100. *Margry, Dte., v, p. 425. 
> Garcilasso, in Shipp, De Soto and Fla., pp. 401-403. 

148061 '—22 13 



[BULL. 73 

but he is perhaps in error in placing the visit of the chiefs before 
Iberville^s return, as Iberville himself says nothing regarding it, 
while La Harpe states that eight honored chiefs of the Alabama came 
to the Mobile fort May 12, fifteen days after Iberville's departure. 
These eight chiefs. La Harpe informs us, * ^ came to ask M. de Bienville 
whether they should continue the war against the Chicachas, the 
Tomds, and the Mobiliens. He counseled them to make peace, 
gave them some presents, and so determined them to carry out what 
they had promised."^ In the report which he drew up after his 
return to France from this expedition Iberville speaks of these Indians 
as follows: 

The Conchaques and Alibamons have their first villages thirty-five or forty leagues 
northeast, a quarter east from the Tohom^, on the banks of a river which falls into 
the Mobile five leagues above the fort, toward the east. These two \illage8 may 
consist of four himdred families; the greater part have guns, are friends of the English 
and will be shortly oiu^.^ 

In May, 1703, the English induced the Alabama to declare against 
the French, and the latter, deceived by the promise that they would 
find plenty of com among them, sent into their country a man 
named Labrie with four Canadians. When within two days journey 
of the Alabama village 12 Indians came to meet them bringing a 
peace calumet. That night, however, they killed all of the French- 
men but one named Charles, who escaped, although with a broken 
arm, and carried the news to Mobile.^* According to P6nicaut, 
Bienville inmiediately undertook to avenge this injury, but was 
deserted by his Mobile and other allies who were secretly in sympathy 
with his enemies. This obliged him to return without having accom- 
plished anything.* Such an expedition may have been undertaken, 
but from other information relative to the relations between the 
Mobile tribes and theAlabama an understanding between thetwoseems 
rather improbable. According to La Harpe it was not until De- 
cember 22, 1703, that Bienville set out to punish the injury that had 
been received.* This P^nicaut represents as immediately following 
the abortive attempt just related.' La Harpe says: 

He left [Fort Louis de la Mobile] with forty soldiers and Canadians in seven piro- 
gues. January 3, 1704, he discovered the fire of a party of the enemy. A little after- 
ward, having discovered ten pirogues, he took counsel of MM. de Tonty and,de Saint- 
Denis, who were of the opinion, contrary to hia own, that they should wait until 
night in order to attack them. These Alibamons were camped on a height difficult 
of access. The night waa very dark, and they took a trail filleil Mrith brambles and 
vines, almost impracticable. The enemy ported in this place to the niunber of 
twelve, hearing the noise, fired a volley from their guns thn)ugh the bushes; they 
killed two Frenchmen and wounded another; but thoy soon took to llight in order 

> La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 72. 

« Margry, D^., iv, p. 594. 

* La Harpe, Jour. Hist., pp. 76-77. 

• Margry, D^c, v, p. 429. 

• La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 82. 

• Margry, DAj., v, pp. 429^31. 




to join their party, which was hunting in the neighborhood of this place. M. de 
Bienville had their canoes loaded with meat and com upset. He then returned to 
the fort on the llth of the same month.' 

P6nicaut'8 account of the affair is as follows: 

After we had returned [from the previous abortive expedition which he describes] 
M. de Bienville had prepared some days afteneard ten canoes, and as soon as they 
were ready he had us embark to the number of fifty Frenchmen with our officers, of 
which he was first in rank, and we left secretly at night in order to conceal our move- 
ment from the savages. At the end of some days of travel, when we were within ten 
leagues of the village of the Alibamons, very near the place where the four Frenchmen 
had been killed, we saw a fire. There was on the river within two gunshots from this 
fire fourteen canoes of these Alibamons, who were hunting, accompanied by their 
families. We went down again a quarter of a league because it was too light; we 
remained half a league from the savages the rest of the day, in a place where our 
canoes were concealed behind a height of land. We sent six men up on this height in 
order to reconnoiter the place where their cabins were, which we discovered easily 
from there. It was necessary to ascend the river to a point above in order to land 
opposite. When we perceived that their fire was almost out, and they were believed 
to be asleep, M. de Bienville had us advance. After having passed a little height, 
we went down into a wood, where there was a very bad trail. When we were near 
the cabins where the savages were asleep, one of our Frenchmen stepped on a dry 
cane, which made a noise in breaking. One of the savages who was not yet asleep 
began to cry out in their language, ' 'Who goes there? " which obliged us to keep 
silence. The savage, after some time, hearing no more noise, lay down. We then 
advanced, but the savages, hearing us march, rising uttered the death cry and fired 
a volley, which killed one of our people. Immediately their old people, their women, 
and their children fled. Only those bearing arms retired last, letting go at us many 
volleys. On our side we did not know whether we had killed a single one, because 
we did not know in the night where we were shooting. The savages having retired , we 
remained in their cabins until daybreak; we burned them before leaving them in 
order to return to the river, where we found their canoes, which we took, along with 
the merchandises which were in them, to our fort of Mobile.^ 

La Harpe notes that on March 14, 1704, following, 20 Chickasaw 
brought to Mobile 5 Alabama scalps and received guns, powder, 
and ball in exchange.' November 18, 20 Choctaw brought in 3 
more scalps of the same people/ January 21, 1706, many Choctaw 
chiefs came bringing 9 more Alabama scalps." February 21, M. de 
Boisbiillant led a party of 60 Canadians and 12 Indians against the 
Alabama. He surprised a hunting party of Alabama and, according 
to P6nicaut, killed all of the men and carried away all of the women 
and children.* La Harpe says that he brought back 2 scalps and 
1 slave.^ The same year it was learned that the Alabama and 
Chickasaw together, incited by an English trader, had been instrumen- 
tal in forcing the Tunica to abandon their former homes on the lower 

> La Harpe, Joar. Hist., pp. 82-83. 
« Margry, D^. v, pp. 42{M31. 

> La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 83. 
« Ibid., p. 86. 

» Ibid., p. 95. 

•Margry, D^., v, pp. 431-432. 

7 La Harpe, Jour. Hist., p. 96. 


According to P6nicauty M. de Chateaugu6 led an expedition 
against the Alabama about this timei encountered a war party of 
that nation on its way to attack the Choctaw, and kiUed 15 of them.' 
He places this among the events of the year 1703, but it must have 
been either in 1705 or 1706. The Alabama probably took part in 
the English expedition against the Apalachee in 1703, already related, 
and in those against the Apalachicola in 1706 and 1707.' In Novem- 
ber, 1707, they and the Creeks together invested Pensacola,led by 13 
Englishmen, but they were obliged to withdraw.' Under date of 1708 
P6nicaut mentions an expedition imder M. de Chateaugu^, consisting 
of 60 Frenchmen and 60 Mobile Indians, against Alabama hunting in 
the neighborhood, in which they kiUed 30, wounded 7, and carried 9 
away prisoners.* The same year he relates an adventure on the part 
of two Frenchmen who were captured by Indians of this tribe, but 
being left with only two guards were able to kill them and escape to 
Mobile.^ The Alabama and their allies marched against the Mobile 
"with 4,000 men," but only succeeded in bumixig some cabins.* In 
1709 P6mcaut speaks of an encounter between 15 Choctaw and 
50 Alabama, to the advantage of the former — ^who tell the story.^ 
In March, 1712, La Harpe notes that Bienville ''placated the Aii- 
bamons, Alibikas, and other nations of Carolina, and reconciled them 
with those who were allied to us; the peace was general among the 
savages." ' 

In 1714 English influence was so strong that it even extended 
over most of the Choctaw, but the next year the Yamasee war broke 
out and proved to be a general anti-English movement among south- 
em Indians. Bienville seized this opportxmity to renew his alliance 
with the Alabama and other tribes, and it was at about the same 
period that he established a post in the midst of the Alabama, which 
was known officially as Fort Toulouse, but colloquially as the Alabama 
Fort. Later the Tawasa came from Mobile Bay and settled near 
their relatives. P^nicaut mentions the Alabama among those tribes 
which came to *'sing the calumet" before M. de TEpinay in 1717,' 
but from the time of the founding of Fort Toulouse until the end 
of French domination we hear very little about these people from 
the French. Peace continued to subsist between them, and the 
greater part of the tribe was evidently devoted to the French interest. 
In the early Carolina documents there are few references to them, the 
general name Tallapoosa being used for them and their Creek neigh- 
bors on Tallapoosa River. It is curious that the name Alabama does 

» Margry, D^., v, p. 435. • ibid. . p. 478. 

« See pp. 121-123, 130. ^ Ibid., p. 483. 

* La Harpe, Jour. Hist., pp. 103-101. > La Uarpe, op. dt., p. 110. 

* Margry, op. dt., pp. 478-479. < Margry, op. dt., p. 547. 
ft Ibid., pp. 479-481. 


not occur in the list of Creek towns in the census of 1761, but part of 
them may be included in the following: ''Welonkees including red 
Ground, 70 himters," the name of the principal Alabama town 
being *' Red Ground " in Hawkinses time.^ Another part of them are, 
however, represented by the "Little Oakchoys, assigned to Wm. 
Trewin. " ^ The enimieration of 1750 seems to give Red Ground in the 
distorted form " Canachequi. '' ■ In 1777 Bartram visited a town which 
he calls "Alabama" situated at the junction of the Coosa and 
Tallapoosa Rivers, but this seems really to have been Tuskegee.'* 
Hawkins enimierates four settlements which he believed to be the 
ancient Alabama, but in fact only the first of these appears to have 
consisted of true Alabama, the others being probably made up of 
later additions, which have already been considered (pp. 137-141). 
Following is his description of these four places : 

1st. E-cun-chSte; from E-<nm-nS, earthy and ch&te, red. A small village on the 
left bank of Alabama, which has its fields on the right side, in the cane swamp; they 
are a poor people, without stock, are idle and indolent, and seldon make bread enough, 
but have fine melons in great abundance in their season. The land back from the 
settlement is of thin quality, oak, hickory, pine and ponds. Back of this, hills, or 
waving. Here the soil is of good quality for cultivation; that of thin quality extends 
nearly a mile. 

2d. Too-woB-sau, is three miles below £-cun-chfi-te, on the same side of the river; 
a small village on a high bluff, the land is good about, and back of the village; they 
have some lots fenced with cane, and some with rails, for potatoes and ground nuts; 
the com is cultivated on the right side of the river, on rich cane swamps; these people 
have a few hogs, but no other stock. 

3d. Pau-woc-te; a small village two miles below Too-was-sau,' on a high bluff, the 
same side of the river; the land is level and rich for five miles back; but none of it 
is cultivated around their houses; their fields are on the right bank of the river, on 
rich cane swamp; they have a few hogs and horses, but no cattle; they had, formerly, 
the largest and best breed of hogs in the nation, but have lost them by carelessness 
or inattention.* 

4th. At*tau-gee; a small village four miles below Pau-woc-te, spread out for two 
miles on the right bank of the river; they have fields on both sides, but their chief 
dependence is on the left side; the land on the left side is rich; on the right side the 
pine forest extends down to At-tau-gee Creek; below this creek the land is rich. 

These people have very little intercourse with white people; although they are 
hospitable, and offer freely any thing they have, to those who visit them. They 
have this singular custom, as soon as a white person has eaten of any dish and left it, 
the remains are thrown away, and every thing used by the guest immediately washed. 

They have some hogs, horses, and cattle, in a very fine range, perhaps the beet on 
the river; the land to the east as far as Ko-e-ne-cuh, and except the plains (Hi-yuc- 

> Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 524. 
« Ibid., p. 324. 

* MS., Ayer CoU. 

4 Bartram, Travels, pp. 445, 401. 

» Also given as 7 miles below the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa.— Hawkins in Coll. Oa. Hist. Soc., 
IX, p. 170. 

* In 1797 Hawkins states that the trader here was "Charles Weatherford, a man of infamous character, 
a dealer in stolen horses; condemned and reprie\ed the 28th of May."— Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc., ix, p. 170; 
the last clause, after " but," is wanting in the Lib. of Cong. MS. 


pul-gee), ifl well watered, with much canebrake, a very desirable country. On th«^ 
west or right side, the good land extends about five miles, and on all the creeks l)elow 
At-tau-gee, it is good; some of the trees are laige poplar, red oak, and hickory, walnut 
on the margins of the creeks, and pea-vine in the valleys 

These four villages have, in all, about eighty gunmen; they do not conform to the 
customs of the Creeks, and the Creek law for the punishment of adultery is not known 
to them.* 

At an earlier period the Alabama had a town still farther down- 
stream which appears in many maps under the name Nitahauritz, 
interpreted by Mr. H. S. Halbert to mean *'Bear Fort/' 

Hawkins mentions the fact that already a body of Koasati had 
gone beyond the Mississippi.' He does not say the same of the 
Alabama, yet we know that that tribe had also begmi to split up. In 
describing the Koasati an account of one of these migrations will 
be given. From the papers of the British Indian agent, John Stuart, 
we learn that as early as 1778 bands of Kan- tea ti and Tawasa had 
moved into northern Florida,' and after the Creek-American war 
their numbers were swollen very considerably. They did not, how- 
ever, long maintain a distinct existence. The movement toward the 
west was of much more importance. It appears that the long asso- 
ciation of these Indians with the French, due to the presence of a 
French post among them, had bred an attachment to that nation 
among the Alabama equally with the tribes about Mobile Bay, and 
part of them also decided to move across into Louisiana after the 
peace of 1763. A further inducement was the almost virgin hunting 
ground to be found in parts of that colony. That the first emigra- 
tion occurred about the date indicated (1763)* is proved by Sibley, 
writing in 1806, who has the following to say of the Alabama in the 
State of Louisiana in his time: 

AUibamis, are likewise from West Florida, off AUibami River, and came to Red River 
about the same time of the Boluxas and Appalaches. Part of them have lived on 
Red River, about sixteen miles above the Bayau Rapide, till last year, when most 
of this party, of about thirty men, went up Red River, and have settled themselves 
near the Caddoques, where, I am informed, they last year made a good crop of com. 
The Caddos are friendly to them, and have no objection to their settling there. They 
speak the Creek and Chactaw languages, and Mobilian; most of them French, and 
some of them English. 

There is another party of them, whose village is on a small creek, in Appelousa 
district, about thirty miles northwest from the church of Appelousa. They consist 
of about forty men. They have lived at the same place ever since they came from 
Florida; are said to be increasing a little in numbers, for a few years past. They 
raise corn, have horses, hogs, and cattle, and are harmless, quiet people.^ 

1 Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, pp. 36-37. Bossu's account shows clearly that the last statement is erroneous. 
'Seep. 204. 

* Cx>py of MS. , Lib. Cong. 

* It may have been a few years later, for John Stuart, the British Indian agent , writer, Deceml)er 2, 1766, 
that some of these Indians had expressed a dnsin* to settle on the hanks of the Mississippi.— Knglish Iran* 
scriptlons, Lib. Cong. 

» Sibley in Annals of Congress, 9th Cong. , 2d ses.s. , 1085 (1806-7). 


In August, 1777, William Bartram visited an Alabama village on 
the Mississippi 2 miles above the Manchac. He describes it as 
'^delightfully situated on several swelling green hiUs, gradually 
ascending from the verge of the river.'' ^ A friend accompanying 
him purchased some native baskets and pottery from the inhabit- 
ants. In 1784 Hutchins foimd them in about the same place.' 
It will be noticed that Sibley does not mention a previous sojourn 
of either of the parties of Alabama described by him on the Mis- 
sissippi River, and we are in the dark as to whether they had sepa- 
rated after coming into Louisiana or before. If they came sepa^ 
rately it would seem most likely that the Opelousas band was the 
one settled on the Mississippi. This at any rate was in accordance 
with the belief of John Scott, the late chief of the Alabama now residing 
in Texas and the oldest person among them. He informed the writer 
in 1912 that the name of the old Alabama town on the Mississippi 
River was Aktcabeh&le. From there thev moved to *' Mikiwi'l '' close 
to Opelousas, and from there to the Sabine River, where they formed 
a new town which received no special name. There was an Alabama 
village in Texas called Fenced-in- village a short distance west by south 
of a mill and former post oflBce called Mobile, Tyler County, Texas. 
Next they settled in what is now Tyler County, Texas, at a town 
which they called Tak'o'sha-o'la ('Teach-tree Town"). This was 
about 2 miles due north of Chester or 20 miles north of Woodville, 
Texas. Their next town was 3 miles from Peach-tree Town and 
contained a ''big house" (i' sa tcuba) and a dance ground, but was 
imnamed. After a time the Alabama chief decided to move to 
Pat'ala^ka (said to mean ''Cane place") where the Biloxi and Pasca- 
goula lived, and some other Indians went with him. Part, however, 
returned to Louisiana, where they remained three years. At the end 
of that time they came back to Texas and formed a village which took 
its name from a white man, Jim Barclay. They moved from there to 
the village which they now occupy, which is called Big Sandy village 
from the name of a creek, although it took some time for the families 
scattered about in Texas to come in. 

According to some white informants the Alabama settled on Red 
River, moved to Big Sandy village, and perhaps both parties finally 
united there. A few families, however, still remain in Calcasieu and 
St. Landry Parishes, Ix)uisiana. The language of all of the Texas Ala- 
bama is practically uniform, but the speech of some of the Tapasola 
clan is said to vary a little from the normal. 

The Alabama who had remained in their old country took a promi- 
nent part in the Creek war. Indeed Stiggins says that *' they did more 
murder and other mischief in the time of their hostilities in the year 

iBaitram, Travels, p. 427. * Hutchins, Narr., p. 44. 


1813 than all the other tribes together/'* After the treaty of Fort 
Jackson^ in 1814, by which all of the old Alabama land was ceded to 
the whites, the same writer says that part of them settled above the 
mouth of Cubahatche in a town called Towassee, while the rest moved 
to a place on Coosa River above Wetumpka. He states that the town 
belonging to this latter division was Otciapofa, but he is evidently 
mistaken, because Otciapofa has been pure Creek as far back as we 
have any knowledge of it.' Perhaps the Coosa settlement was that 
called Autauga in the census of 1832, or it may have contained the 
Okchaiutci Indians, whose history will be given presently. I have 
suggested elsewhere that the names of these towns seem to show the 
part of the tribe which remained with the Creeks to have been the 
Tawasa. Speaking of the Alabama Indians in his time Stiggins says 
that, while their chiefs were admitted to the national coimcils on the 
same terms as the others, they seldom associated with the Creeks 
otherwise. After their removal the Alabama settled near the Cana- 
dian, but some years later went still farther west and located about 
the present town of Weleetka, Okla. A small station on the St. 
Louis-San Francisco Railroad just south of Weleetka bears their 
name. While a few of these Indians retain their old language it is 
rapidly giving place to Creek and English. They have the distinction 
of being the only non-Muskogee tribe incorporated with the Creeks, 
exclusive of the Yuchi, which stiU maintains a square ground. 

As already noted, one Alabama town received the name, Okchai- 
utci, ''Little Okchai," which suggests relationship with the Okchai 
people, but the origin of this the Indians explain as follows: At one 
time the Alabama (probably only part of the tribe) had no square 
ground and asked the Okchai to take them into theirs. The Okchai 
said, "All right; you can seat yourself on the other side of my four 
backsticks and I will protect you.'' They did so, and for some time 
afterwards the two tribes busked together and played on the same 
side in ball games. Later on, however, a dispute arose in connec- 
tion with one of these games and the Alabama separated, associating 
themselves with the Tukabahchee and hence with the opposite fire 
clan. Afterwards those Alabama formed a town which they called 
Okchaiutci, and to this day Okchaiutci is one of the names given the 
Alabama Indians in set speeches at the time of the busk. According 
to my informant, himself an Okchai Indian, the date of this separa- 
tion was as late as 1872-73, but he must be much in error since we 
find Okchaiutci in existence long before the removal to Oklahoma. 

Okchaiutci appears first, apparently, in the census list of 1750, 
though the diminutive ending is not used. In 1761 the trader located 

I StigglDS, ics. 

* still they may have oocupied the site of Otciapofa for a time. This place and Little Tulsa were so 
dose together that they were often conlbaDded. 




there was William Trewin.* It is not separately mentioned by Bar- 
tram nor certainly by Swan, but is probably intended by the town 
which he calls "Wacksoyochees.'^ * Hawkins gives the following 
description: * 

Hook-choie-oo-che, a pretty little compact town, between 0-che-au-po-fau and 
TuB-kee-gee, on the left bank of Gooeau; the houaes join those of Tus-kee-gee; the land 
around the town is a high, poor level, with high-land ponds; the com fields are on the 
left side of Tallapoosa, on rich low grounds, on a point called Sam-bul-loh, and below 
the mouth of the creek of that name which joins on the right side of the river. 

They have a good stock of hogs, and a few cattle and horses; they formerly lived on 
the right bank of Cooeau, just above their present site, and removed lately, on account 
of the war with the Ghickasaws. Their stock ranges on that side of the river ; they have 
fenced all the small fields about their houses, where they raise their peas and potatoes; 
their fields at Sam-bul-loh, are under a good fence; this was made by Mrs. Durantf the 
oldest sister of the late Greneral McGUlivray, for her own convenience.' 

This town does not appear in the census list of 1832, unless it is one 
of the two Fishpond towns there given, ''Fish Pond'' and ''ThoU thlo 
coe. " After the removal to Oklahoma it is said to have maintained 
its separate square for a short time, and, as has been said, its name 
is retained as a busk designation of all the Alabama. 


The Koasati Indians, as shown by their language, are closely 
related to the Alabama. There were at one time two branches of 
this tribe — one close to the Alabama, near what is now Coosada 
station, Elmore County, Ala., the other on the Tennessee River 
north of Langston, Jackson County. These latter appear but a few 
times in history, and the name was considerably garbled by early 
writers. There is reason to believe, however, that it has the honor 
of an appearance in the De Soto chronicles, as the Coste of Ranjel,^ 
the Coste or Acoste of Elvas,* the Costehe of Biedma,* and the 
Acosta of Garcilasso.^ The omission of the vowel between s and t 
is the only difficult feature in this identification. It is evident also 
that it was at a somewhat different point on the river from that 
above indicated, since it was on an island. The form Costehe, used 
also by Pardo, tends to confirm our identification, since it appears 
to contain the Koasati and Alabama suffix -Aa indicating collec- 
tivity. Ranjel gives the following account of the experience of the 
explorers among these '^Costehe:" 

On Thursday [July 1, 1540] the chief of Coste came out to receive them in peace, and 
he took the Christians to sleep in a village of his; and he was offended because some 
soldiers provisioned themselves from, or, rather, robbed him of, some barbacoas of com 

t Ga. Col. I>0C8., Yin, p. S24. 

s Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

> Oa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., m, p. 37. 

* BourxM, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 109. 

» Ibid., I, p. 78. 

* Ibid., n, p. 15. 

7 Oarcilasso in Sbipp, De Soto and Fla., p. 373. 



against his will. The next day, Thursday, * on the road leading toward the principal 
village of Goste, he stole away and gave the Spaniards the slip and armed his people. 
Friday, the 2d of July, the governor arrived at Coste. This village was on an 
island in the river, which there flows large, swift, and hard to enter. And the Chris- 
tians crossed the first branch with no small venture, and the governor entered into 
the village careless and unarmed, with some followers unarmed. And when the 
soldiers, as they were used to do, began to climb upon the barbacoas, in an instant the 
Indians began to take up clubs and seize their bows and arrows and to go to the open 

The governor commanded that all should be patient and endure for the evident 
peril in which they were, and that no one should put his hand on his arms; and he 
b^an to rate his soldiers and, dissembling, to give them some blows with a cudgel; and 
he cajoled the chief, and said to him that he did not wish the Christians to make him 
any trouble; and they would like to go out to the open part of the island to encamp. 
And the chief and his men went with him; and when they were at some distance from 
the village in an open place, the governor ordered his soldiers to lay hands on the 
chief and ten or twelve of the principal Indians, and to put them in chains and collars; 
and he threatened them, and said that he would bum them all because they had laid 
hands on the Christians. From this place, Coste, the governor sent two soldiers to 
view the province of Chisca, which was reputed very rich, toward the north, and they 
brought good news. There in Coste they found in the trunk of a tree as good honey 
and even better than could be had in Spain. In that river were found some muscles 
that they gathered to eat, and some pearls. And they were the first these Christians 
saw in fresh water, although they are to be found in many parts of this land.' 

In one of the accounts of Juan Pardons expedition of 1567 we are 
told that he turned back because he learned that the Indians of 
Carrosa, Costehe, Chisca, and Cosa had united against him.^ This 
is the last mention of such a tribe by the Spaniards, and what we 
hear of the northern body of Koasati at a later period is little enough. 
We merely know that there was a Koasati village on the Tennessee 
River in the latter part of the seventeenth century. The ''Cochali" 
of Coxe is probably a misprint for the name of this town. They 
were said to live on an island in the river just like the Costehe,* and 
SauvoUe, who derived his information from a Canadian who had 
ascended the Tennessee in the summer of 1701 with four companions, 
says that ''the Cassoty and the Casquinonpa are on an island, which 
the river forms, at the two extremities of which are situated these 
two nations."* They also gave their name to the Tennessee River. 
In the map reproduced in plate 3 we find ''Cusatees 50 in 2 villages" 
laid down on a big island in the ^'Cusatees" or *'Thegalegos River/' 
just below the *'Tohogalegas" (Yuchi), and between the two a 
French fort. According to Mr. O. D. Street, Coosada was the name 
of a mixed settlement of Creeks and Cherokees established about 
1784 on the south bank of the Tennessee ''at what is now called 

» Probably Friday. 

* Bonrae, Narr. of De Soto, ii, pp. 100- 111. 
> Ruidias, La Florida, n, pp. 271-272. 

4 French, Hist. Colls. La., 1850, p. 230. 

* MS. In Lib. La. Hist. Soc., Louisiane, rorrespondence <i&i^rale, pp. 403-404. Mr. W. E. Myer, the 
well-known student of Tennessee archeol(^y, thinks that this was Long Island. 




Larkin's Landing in Jackson County."^ Either this was a new 
settlement by the people we are considering or 1784 marks .the date 
when Cherokee came to live there. The former alternative may 
very well have been the true one, because the earlier settlement 
appears not to have been on the mainland. We do not know whether 
these Koasati were finally absorbed into the Cherokee or whether they 

The southern Koasati settlement seems to be mentioned first 
in the enumeration of 1750, where the name is spelled ''Couchati/' 
and in the census of 1760 where it appears as ''Conchatys.*'^ It 
occm-s often on maps, however, and in approximately the same place. 
The first allusion to the tribe in literature is probably by Adair, who 
speaks of '' two great towns of the Koo-a-sah-te" as having joined the 
Creek Confederacy.* In the list of towns made out in 1761 in order to 
assign them to traders ''Coosawtee including Tomhetaws'' is enumer- 
ated as having 125 hunters, but is not assigned to anyone on account 
of its proximity to the French fort.* Shortly after this list was made 
out occurred the cession of Mobile to England and the movement of 
so many Indian tribes across the Mississippi. This occasioned the 
Koasati removal thus referred to by Adair: 

Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great Britain, two warlike towns of the Koo. 
a-sah te Indians removed from near the late dangerous Alabama French garrison to 
the Choktah country about twenty-five miles below Tombikbe — a strong wooden 
fortress, situated on the western side of a high and firm bank, overlooking a narrow 
deep point of the river of Mobille, and distant from that capital one hundred leagues. 
The discerning old war chieftain of this remnant perceived that the proud Muskohge, 
instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our mild remonstrances, grew only 
more impudent by our lenity; therefore being afraid of sharing the justly deserved iaXe 
of the others, he wisely withdrew to this situation; as the French could not possibly 
supply them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either in defence to our properties or in 
revenge of the blood they had shed. But they were soon forced to return to their for- 
mer place of abode, on account of the partiality of some of them to their former con- 
federates; which proved lucky in its consequences, to the traders, and our southern 
colonies: for, when three hundred vrarriors of the Muskohge were on their way to the 
Choktah to join them in a war against us, two Kooas&hte horsemen, as allies, were 
allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and they gave notice of 
the impending danger. These Kooas&hte Indians annually sanctify the mulberries 
by a public oblation, before which they are not to be eaten; which, they say, is accord- 
ing to their ancient law.' 

They were accompanied in this movement by some Alabama of 
Okchaiutci, and apparently by the Tamahita. In 1 77 1 Romans passed 
their deserted fields on the Tombigbee, which he places 3 miles below 
the mouth of Sucamochee River.' Not many years later the lure of 
the west moved them again and a portion migrated into Louisiana. 

1 Pub. Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 417. 

« MS., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arch, i, p. 94. 

s Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 

* Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 524. 

t> Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 267. 

c Komans, Nat. Hist. oiE.&W. Fla., pp. 326-327. 


Sibley would place this event about 1795,' and this agrees well with 
Hawkins's statement that they had left shortly before his time. 
Stiggins is still more specific. He says: 

About the year seventeen hundred and ninety-three there was an old Cowasaada 
chieftain that was called Red Shoes, who was violently opposed to their makeing war 
on the Chickasaws, and as it was determined on contrary to his will he resolved to quit 
the nation, so he and a mulatto man who redded with the Alabamas named Billy 
Ashe headed a party of about twenty fomilies, part Cowasadas and the rest Alabamas, 
and removed to the Red River and tried a settlement about sixty miles up £rom its 
mouth, but on trial they were so annoyed and infested by a small red ant that were so 
very numerous in that country, that they foimd it hardly possible to put any thing 
beyond their reach or destruction, so after living there a few years they removed 
finally from thence to the province of Texas, on the river Trinity, a few miles from 
the mouth of said river, where they now live.' 

Hawkins thus describes the town occupied by those of the tribe 
who remained in their old territory as it existed in 1799: 

Goo-sau-dee is a compact little town situated three miles below the confluence of 
Goosau and Tallapoosa, on the right bank of Alabama; they have fields on hoih sides 
of the river; but their chief dependence is a high, rich island, at the mouth of Coosau. 
They have some fences, good against cattle only, and some families have small patches 
fenced, near the town, for potatoes. 

These Indians are not Creeks, although they conform to their ceremonies; the men 
work with the women and make great plenty of corn; all labor is done by the joint 
labor of all, called public work, except gathering in the crop. Diuring the season 
for labor, none are exempted from their share of it, or suffered to go out hunting. 

There is a rich flat of land nearly five miles in width, opposite the town, on the 
left side of the river, on which are numbers of conic mounds of earth. Back of the 
town it is pine barren, and continues so westward for sixty to one hundred miles. 

The Coo-sau-dee generally go to market ' by water, and some of them are good oars- 
men. A part of this town moved lately beyond the Mississippi, and have settled 
there. The description sent back by them that the country is rich and healthy, and 
abounds in game, is likely to draw others after them. But as they have all tasted 
the sweets of civil life, in having a convenient market for their products, it is likely 
they will soon return to their old settlements, which are in a very desirable country 
well suited to the raising of cattle, hogs and horses; they have a few hogs, and seventy 
or eighty cattle, and some horses. It is not more than three years since they had no^ 
a hog among them. Robert Walton,* who was then the trader of the town, gave the 
women some pigs, and this is the origin of their stock.^ 

In 1832 eighty-two Koasati were enumerated in the old nation.* 
After their emigration west of the Mississippi they formed two 
towns — Koasati No. 1 and Koasati No. 2. But few now remain 

I Seep. 205. 

* Stiggixis, MS. 

« The Lib. of Cong. 1C8. Ims " to MobUe " inserted here. 

* He waa trader there in 1797 when Hawkins describes him as "an active man, more attentive to his 
character now than heretofore." (Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. \m.) He also gives the names of two other 
traders, " Francis Tusant, an Idle Frenchman in debt to Mr. Panton and to the factory/' and " John McL»eod 
of bad character." (Ibid.) 

» Oa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., m, pp. 35-36. 

* Senate Doo. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, p. 267. 


there who can speak the language. Some of these still remember 
that a part went to Texas. 

Sti^ins's account above given of the Koasati migration to Lou- 
isiana and Texas seems to be considerably abbreviated. There 
were probably several distinct movements, or at least the tribe 
split into several distinct bands from time to time. It is very likely 
that, as in the case of so many other tribes, the Koasati first settled 
on Red River, but that part of them soon left it. Sibley's account 
of their movements in Louisiana is more detailed than that of Stig- 
gins. He says: 

Conchattas are almost the same people as the Allibamia, but came over only ten 
years ago; first lived on Bayau Chico, in Appelousa district, but, four years ago, 
moved to the river Sabine, settled themselves on the east bank, where they now 
live, in nearly a south direction from Natchitoch, and distant about eighty miles. 
They call their number of men one hundred and si:|ty, but say, if they were alto- 
gether, they would amount to two hundred. Several families of them live in detached 
settlements. They are good hunters, and game is plenty about where they are. A 
few days ago, a small party of them were here,* consisting of fifteen persons, men, 
women, and children, who were on their return from a bear hunt up Sabine. They 
told me they had killed one hundred and eighteen; but this year an uncommon 
number of bears have come down. One man alone, on Sabine, during the Summer 
and Fall, huntiug, killed four hundred deer, sold his skins at forty dollars a hundred. 
The bears, this year, are not so fat as common; they usually yield from eight to twelve 
gallons of oil, each of which never sells for less than a dolliur a gallon, and the skin a 
dollar more; no great quantity of the meat is saved; what the hunters don't use 
when out, they generally give to their dogs. The Conchattas are friendly with all 
other Indians, and speak well of their neighbors the Carankouas, who, they say, live 
about eighty miles south of them, on the bay, which I believe, is the nearest point 
to the sea from Natchitoches. A few families of Chactaws have lately settled near them 
from Bayau Beauf. The Conchattas speak Creek, which is their native language, 
and Chactaw, and several of them English, and one or two of them can read it a little.' 

They may have been on Red River previous to their settlement 
on Bayou Chicot. Schermerhom' states that in 1812 the Koasati 
on the Sabine nimibered 600, but most of these must have left before 
1822, because Morse in his report of that year estimates 50 Koasati 
on the Neches River in Texas and 240 on the Trinity, while 350 are 
set down as living on the Red River in Louisiana.^ These last are 
elsewhere referred to as a band which had obtained permission 
from the Caddo to locate near them. Whether they were part of the 
original settlers from lower down the river or had moved over from 
the Sabine is not apparent. By 1850 most of these had gone to 
Texas, where Bollaert estimated that the nimiber of their warriors 
then on the lower Trinity was 500 in two villages called Colfite and 
Batista.^ All of the Koasati did not leave Louisiana at that time, 

1 He is writing from the post of Natchitoches. 

« Sibley in Annals of Congress, 9th Cong., 2d sess., 10fi5-86 (1806-7). 

* Kass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 2d ser., ii, p. 26, 18H. 

* Morse, Rept. to Sec. of War, p. 373. 
^BoUaert, in Jour. Ethn. Soc. London, ii, p. 282. 



[bull. 73 

however, a considerable body continuing to occupy the wooded 
country in Calcasieu and St. Landry Parishes. Later the two 
Texas villages were reduced to one, which in turn broke up, probably 
on account of a pestilence, part uniting with the Alabama in Polk 
County, but the greater part returning to Louisiana to join their 
kindred there. At the present time about 10 are still living with 
the Alabama. Those in Louisiana are more numerous, counting 
between 80 and 90, and here is the only spot where the tribe still 
maintains itself as a distinct people. Their village is in the pine 
woods about 7 miles northeast of Kinder, Allen Parish, La., and 2 J 
miles north of a flag station called Lauderdale on the Frisco Railroad. 
E^ewhere very few of this tribe are now to be found who speak pure 
Koasati uncorrupted by either Creek or Alabama. 

A band of Koasati probably joined the Seminole, since we find 
a place marked ''Coosada Old Town" on the middle course of 
Choctawhatchee River in Vignoles's map of Florida, dated 1823. 

Associated with the Koasati we find an Upper Creek town called 
Wetumpka, which means in Muskogee ** tumbling or falling water." 
It must not be confoimded with a Lower Creek settlement of the 
same name, an outvillage of Coweta Tallahassee. It is also claimed 
that Wiwohka (q. v.) was originally so called. The Wetumpka with 
which we have to deal was on the east bank of Coosa River, in 
Elmore County, Alabama, near the falls. At one time there were 
two towns here, known as Big Wetumpka and Little Wetumpka re- 
spectively, the former on the site of the modem town of Wetumpka, 
the latter above the falls in Coosa River.* Possibly this tribe may 
be identical with the Tononpa or Thomapa, which appears on French 
maps at the western end of the falls. (See map of De Tlsle, 1732, and 
DeCrenay, 1733.)' It is probably represented by the '^Welonkees" 
of the enumeration of 1761, classed with a town which appears to 
have been the principal town of the Alabama.' It is noted by Bar- 
tram as one of those speaking the ** Stinkard'' language — i. e., some- 
thing other than Muskogee.* He places it beside that of the 
Koasati, and it would seem likely that this indicates the true posi- 
tion of its people, for when the Koasati moved to Tombigbee River 
Wetumpka accompanied them. On January 16, 1772, Romans 
passed **the remains of the old Weetumpkee settlement,'' 7 miles 
above a point which Hamilton identifies as Cameys Biuff,^ on the 
Tombigbee River. The removal was probably recent, because on 
April 4 of the same year Taitt visited their town "about one mile 
E.S.E. from this [Koasati], up theTalhipuso River," and found them 

» Swan in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
s Plate 5; also Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 
* Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. &34. 

< Bartram, Travels, p. 4G1. 

» Uamilton, Col. MobUe, p. 2M, 1910. 

8 wanton] 



engaged in building a new hot house.* Presumably this was the first 
to be erected after their return from the Tombigbee. 

Swan's reference, 1792, is the last we hear of the tribe.* They 
probably united with the Koasati or the Alabama. 


Still another town in this neighborhood not speaking Muskogee 
was Muklasa. The name means ' * friends " or " people of one nation " 
in Alabama^ Koasati, or Choctaw, therefore it is probable that the 
town was Alabama or Koasati, the Choctaw being at a considerable 
distance. According to the list of 1761 it was then estimated to 
contain 30 hunters. William Trewin and James Germany were the 
traders.' In 1797 the trader was Michael Elhart, "an industrious, 
honest man; a Dutchman."* Bartram visited it in 1777," and in 1799 
Hawkins gives the following account of it: 

Mook-lau-eau is a small town one mile below Sau-va-noo-gee, on the left bank of a 
fine little creek, and bordering on a cypress swamp; their fields are below those of 
Sau-va-no-gee, bordering on the river; they have some lots about their houses fenced 
for potatoes; one chief has some cattle, horses, and hogs; a few others have some cattle 
and hogs. 

In the season of floods the river spreads out on this side below the town, nearly 
eight miles from bank to bank, and is very destructive to game and stock.® 

After the Creek war we are informed that the Muklasa emigrated 
to Florida in a body. At all events we do not hear of them again, 
and the Creeks in Oklahoma have forgotten that such a town ever 
existed. Gatschet says * * a town of that name is in the Indian Ter- 
ritory, "' but nobody could give the present writer any information 
regarding it. 


Many dialects were spoken anciently near the jimction of the 
Coosa and Tallapoosa. Adair says: 

I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long time near the late 
Alebahma garrison, that within six miles of it live the remains of seven Indian nations, 
who usually conversed with each other in their own different dialects, though they 
understood the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they are bound to observe 
the laws and customs of the main original body.^ 

Some of these **nations" have already been considered. We now 
come to a people whose language has not been preserved to the 
present day, but they are known from statements made by Taitt and 

^ Mereness, Trav. Am. Col., pp. 536-537. 

* Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
« Ga. Col. Does., vni, p. 523. 

* Hawkins in Oa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., lx, p. 169. 

«» Martram, Travels, p. 444 et seq. 

* (la. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 35. 

' Gatschet, Creek Mig. I^., i, p. 138. 

• Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 267. 


Hawkins to have spoken a dialect distinct from Muskogee.* These 
were the Tuskegee,' called by Taitt northern Indians. On in- 
quiring of some of the old Tuskegee Indians in Oklahoma regarding 
their ancient speech I found that they claimed to know of it, and I 
obtained the following words, said to have been among those 
employed by the ancient people. Some of these are used at the pres- 
ent day, and the others may be nothing more than archaic Muskogee, 
but they perhaps have some value for future students. 

lutcu^&, a mug. 

kiias, to break. 

aia^to, I will be going; modem form, aiba8tce^ 

tcibuksa^ktce^, come on and go with us! (where one pensou comes to a crowd of people 

and aaks them to go with him), 
ili-hulto-lutci, hen (-utci, little), 
talu^sutci, chicken. 

ilifiai^dja, pot; modem form, lihai^'a l&'ko. 
apa^, on the other side; modem form, t&pa^. 
wilik&^pka, I am going on a visit; modem form, tcukupileidja-lani. 

The town Tasqui encountered by De Soto between TaU and Coosa 
was perhaps occupied by Tuskegee. Ran j el is the only chronicler 
who mentions it, and it can not have impressed the Spaniards as a 
place of great importance.' In 1567 Vandera was informed by 
some Indians and a soldier that beyond Satapo, the farthest point 
reached by the Pardo expedition, two days' journey on the way to 
Coosa, was a place called Tasqui, and a little beyond another known 
as Tasquiqui.* The second of these was certainly, the other prol)- 
ably, a Tuskegee town. It is possible that a fission was just taking 
place in this tribe. 

Later in the seventeenth century, when English and French began 
to penetrate into the r^on, we find the Tuskegee divided into two 
or more bands, the northernmost on the Tennessee River. Coxe, 
who gives their name under the distorted form Kakigue, places 
these latter upon an island in the river.* While they are noticed in 
documents and on maps at rare intervals (I find the forms Cacougai, 
Cattougui, Caskighi), the clearest light upon their later history 
and ultimate fate is thrown by Mr. Mooney in his ''Myths of the 
Cherokee. " • He says : 

Another relugee tribe incorporated partly with the Cherokee and partly with the 
Creeks was that of the Taskigi, who at an early period had a large town of the same 
name on the south side of the Little Tennessee, just above the mouth of Tellico, 

1 Taitt in Trav. in Amer. Col., p. 541 : Hawkins, see p. 210. Jcxlay some Indians repeat a tradition to the 
effect that the Tuskegee are a branch of the Tulsa, but this is evidently a Inte fabrication based on the 
ftriendship which in later years has subsisted between these Vwo towns. 

• This name perhaps contains the Alabama and Choctaw word for warrior, tAska. 

• Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 111. 
« Ruidiaz, La Florida, ii, p. 485. 

» French, Hist. Colls. La., 1850, p. 230. 

• 19th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 382^389. 




in Monroe County, Tennessee. Sequoya, the inventor of the Cherokee alphabet, 
lived here in his boyhood, about the time of the Revolution. The land was sold in 
1819. There was another settlement of the name, and perhaps once occupied by the 
same people, on the north bank of Tennessee River, in abend just below Chattanooga, 
Tennessee, on land sold also in 1819. Still another may have existed at one time on 
Tuskegee Creek, on the south bank of Little Tennessee River, north of Robbinsville, 
in Graham County, North Carolina, on land which was occupied until the removal 
in 1838. It is not a Cherokee word, and Cherokee informants state positively that the 
Taskigi were a foreign people, with distinct language and customs. They were not 
Creeks, Natchez, Uchee, or Shawano, with all of whom the Cherokee were well ac- 
quainted under other names. In the town house of their settlement at the mouth 
of Tellico they had an upright pole, from the top of which hung their protecting 
** medicine,*' the image of a human figure cut from a cedar log. For this reason the 
Cherokee in derision sometimes called the place Atsln&k taiifi ("Hanging-cedar 
place'*). Before the sale of the land in 1819 they were so nearly extinct that the 
Cherokee had moved in and occupied the ground. 

While part of these people may have removed to the south to 
jom theh" friends among the Creeks, the majority were probably 
absorbed in the surrounding Cherokee population. 

A few maps, such as one of the early Homann maps and the Seale 
map of the early part of the eighteenth century, place Tuskegee 
near the headwaters of the Coosa. This may be intended to rep- 
resent the Tennessee band of Tuskegee or it jnay show that the 
migration of the Alabama Tuskegee southward was a comparatively 
late movement, something which took place late in the seventeenth 
centirry or very early in the eighteenth. 

The Tuskegee are placed on the Coosa north of the Abihka Indians 
on the Couvens and Mortier map of the early part of the eighteenth 
century. Perhaps these were the southern band mentioned by 
Adair, in the badly misprinted form Tae-keo-ge, as one of those which 
the Muskogee had "artfully decoyed to incorporate with them.*' * 
He is confirmed in substance by Milf ort, who states that they were 
a tribe who had suffered severely from their enemies and had in con- 
sequence sought refuge with the Creeks.^ The town appears in the 
census estimates of 1750.^ In the enumeration of 1761 we find ' ' Tus- 
kegee including Coosaw old Town'* with 40 hunters.* The name 
does not occur in Bartram's list, but, as I have said elsewhere, it 
appears to be the town which he calls Alabama.* Hawkins (1799) 
has the following to say regarding it: 

Tu8-kee-gee: This little town is in the fork of the two rivers, Coo-sau and Tal-la-poo- 
sa, where formerly stood the French fort Toulouse. The town is on a bluff on the Coo- 
sau, forty-six feet abbve low-water mark; the rivers here approach each other ^^'ithin a 
quarter of a mile, then curve out, making a flat of low land of three thousand a<res, 
which has been rich canebrake; and one-third under cultivation in times past; the 

1 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 
> Milfbrt. M^oire, p. 287. 
• MS., AyerColl. 

14S061**— 22 14 

* (ia. Col. Docs,, vui, p. 524. 

• liartram, Travels, p. 461; see also p. 197. 


center of this flat Ib rich oak and hickory, margined on both sides with rich cane swamp ; 
the land back of the town, for a mile, is flat, a whitish clay; small pine, oak, and dwarf 
hickory, then high pine forest. 

There are thirty buildings in the town, compactly situated, and from the bluff a 
fine view of the flat lands in the fork, and on the right bank of Coosau, which river is 
here two hundred yards wide. In the yard of the town house there are five cannon 
of iron, with the trunions broke off, and on the bluff some brickbats, the only remains 
of the French establishment here. There is one ap^le tree claimed by this town now 
in possession of one of the chiefs of Book-choie-oo-che [Okchaiyutci].^ 

The fields are the left side of Tal-la-poo-sa, and there are some small pat<*hes well 
formed in the fork of the rivers, on the flat rich land below the bluff. 

The Coosau extending itself a great way into the Cherokee country and mountains, 
gives scope for a vast accumulation of waters, at times. The Indians remark that 
once in fifteen or sixteen yeais,^ they have a flood, which overflows the banks, and 
spreads itsolf for five miles or more ' in width, in many parts of A-la-ba-ma. The rise 
is sudden, and so rapid as to drive a current up the Tal-la-poo-sa for eight miles. In 
January, 1796,^ the flood rose fortynsieven feet, and spread itself for three miles on the 
left bank of the A-la-ba-ma. The ordinary width of that river, taken at the first 
bluff below the fork, is one hundred and fifty yards. The bluff is on the left side, and 
forty-five feet high. On this bluff are five conic mounds of earth, the largest thirty 
yards diameter at the base, and seventeen feet high; the others are smaller. 

It has been for sometime a subject of enquiry, when, and for what purpose, these 
mounds were raised; here it explains itself as to the purpose; unquestionably they 
were intended as a place of safety to the people, in the time of these floods; and this 
is the tradition among the old people. As these Indians came from the other side of 
the Mississippi, and that river spreads out on that side for a great distance, it is proba- 
ble, the erection of mounds originated there; or from the custom of the Indians here- 
tofore, of settling on rich flats bordering on the rivers, and subject to be overflowed.^ 
The name is E-cun-lirgee, mounds of earth, or literally, earth placed. But why erect 
these mounds in high places, incontestably out of the reach of floods? From a super- 
stitious veneration for ancient customs. 

The Alabama overflows its flat swampy margins, annually; and generally, in the 
month of March, but seldom in the summer season. 

The people of Tuskogee have some cattle, and a fine stock of hogs, more perhaps 
than any town of the nation. One man, Sam Macnack [Sam Moniack], a half breed, 
has a fine stock of cattle. He had, in 1799, one hundred and eighty calves. They 
have lost their language, and speak Creek, and have adopted the customs and man- 
ners of the Creeks. They have thirty-five gun men.* 

After their removal west the Tuskegee formed a iovm m the south- 
eastern part of the nation. Later a portion, consistuig largely of 
those who had negro blood, moved northwest and settled west of 
Beggs, Okla., close to the Yuchi. 

Although our early histories, books of travel, and documents are 
well-nigh silent on the subject, it is evident from maps of the southern 
regions that part of the Tuskegee got very much farther east at an 
early date. A town of Tuskegee, spelled most frequently ''Jaska- 
ges," appears on Giattahoochee River below a U>ynx of the Atasi and 
above a town of the Kasihta. This appears on the maps of Popple 

1 The Lib. Coog. MS. has " Hook-choie." « The Lib. Cong. MS. has " flvo or six miJes." 

s The Ub. CoDg. MS. has "fllteen or twenty < The Lib. Cong. MB. has " 1795." 
years." * Oa. Hist. Soo. Colls., m, pp. 37-39. 


(1733), D'Anville (1746, 1755), Bellin (1750-55), John Rocque 
(1754-61), Bowen and Gibson (1755), S' Le Roque (1755), MitcheD 
(1755, 1777), Bowles (1763?), D'Anville altered by Bell (1768), 
D'Anville by Evans (1771), and Andrews (1777). Another appears 
on the Ocmnlgee, oftenest on a small southern affluent of it, in the 
maps of Moll (1720), Popple (1733), Bellin (1750-55), and in Ho- 
mann's Atlas (1759). This seems to mean that there was a Tuskegee 
village among the Lower Creeks, originally on Ocmulgee River, and 
after the Yamasee war on the C!hattahoochee. The town is referred 
to in a letter of Matheos, the Apalachee lieutenant tmder the governor 
of Florida, written May 19, 1686.* Evidently it was then on or near 
the Ocmulgee. In a letter of September 20, 1717, Diego Pena in 
narrating his journey to the Lower CSreeks says that he spent the 
night at "Tayquique," evidently intended for Tasquique, "within 
a short league " of Coweta. It must have been on the Chattahoo- 
chee, at a place given on none of the maps.' 


We have had occasion to notice several tribes or portions of tribes 
in the valley of the Tennessee or even farther north whose history is in 
some way boimd up with that of the better-known peoples of the Creek 
Confederacy. Thus the Tamahita came from the upper Tennessee 
or one of its branches, part of the Koasati and part of the Tuskegee 
were on the Tennessee, and there are indications that the same was 
true of part of the Tamaii. Perhaps another case of the kind is fur- 
nished by the Oconee." Still another people divided into a northern 
and southern band were the Yuchi, whose principal residence was 
Savannah River, but part of whom were on the Tennessee. There 
were, however, two tribes in the north not certainly represented 
among the southern Muskhogeans and not certainly Muskhogean, 
but of sufficient importance in connection with the general problem 
of southern tribes to receive notice here. 

One of these was the TaU, a tribe which appears first in the De 
Soto narratives. It is not mentioned by Biedma or Garcilasso, and 
Elvas gives it but scant attention,^ but from what Ranjel says it was 
evidently of some importance. His account is as follows: 

Friday, July 9 [1540], the commander and his army departed from Coete and crossed the 
other branch of the river and passed the night on its banks. And on the other side 
was Tali, and since the river flows near it and is large, they were not able to cross it. 
And the Indians, believing that they would cross, sent canoes and in them their wives 

1 Serrano y Sam, Doo. Hist., pp. 194-105. 

I Ibid., p. 339. For a more particular account of the later oondition and ethnology of these people 
see Speck, The Creek Indians of Taskigi town, in Mem. Am. Anthr. Asso., n, pt. 2. 
* See p. 179. 
4 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, pp. 80-81. 


and sons and clothes from the other side; but they were all taken suddenly, and as 
they were going with the current, the governor forced them all to turn l>ack, which 
was the reason that this chief came in peace and took them across to the other «ide in 
his canoes, and gave the Christians what they had need of. And he did this also in 
his own land as they passed through it afterwards, and they set out Sunday and passed 
the night in the open country. 

Monday they crossed a river and slept in the open country. Tuesday they crossed 
another river and slept at Tasqui. During all the days of their march from Tali the 
chief of Tali had com and mazamorras and cooked beans, and everything that could 
be brought from his villages bordering the way.' 

The Tali now disappear from sight and are not heard of again until 
late in the seventeenth century, when they are found in approxi- 
mately the same position as 150 years earlier.^ Daniel Coxe gives 
them as one of four small nations occupying as many islands in the 
Tennessee River .^ He represents them as the nation farthest up- 
stream.. In the summer of 1701 five Canadians ascended the Ten- 
nessee and reached South Carolina, and from one of these SauvoUe, 
Iberville's brother, who had been left in conunand of the French fort 
at Biloxi, obtained considerable information regarding the tribes then 
settled along that river. He embodied it in an official letter dated 
at Biloxi, August 4, 1701. From this it appears that the Canadians 
first came upon a Chickasaw town/ 'about 140 leagues'' from the mouth 
of the Ohio, then upon the "Taougal6," a band of Yuchi, an unspeci- 
fied distance higher up, and "after that the Tal6, where an English- 
man is established to purchase slaves, as they make war with many 
other nations.'* * 

On the maps of the latter part of the seventeenth and early part of 
the eighteenth centuries this name is persistent. The tribe is gen- 
erally placed above the Tahogale, now known to have been a band of 
Yuchi, and below the Kaskinampo and Shawnee. The name of the 
Tennessee band of Koasati rarely appears. In another set of maps 
we find a different group of towns, one of which is called Taligui, 
and in still another, from the French, a set in which a town Talicouet 
is in evidence. There can be no doubt that Talicouet is the Cherokee 
town Tellico, since the maps show it in the proper position, and of 
the three other towns one, Aiouache, is evidently Hiwassee or 
Ayuhwa'si; while another, Amobi, is the Cherokee town Amoye which 
appears on some maps. The fourth, Tongeria, is the Tahogale of other 
cartographers. Taligui is evidently intended for the same town as 
Talicouet. These two forms combined with a well-known Algon- 
quian suffix would produce a name almost identical with that of 
the Talligewi of Delaware tradition. Mr. Mooney believes that the 
Talligewi were the Cherokee,* and this would tend to confirm the iden- 

> Boame, Karr. of De Soto, n, pp. 111-112. 

*Here, as throogliout the presoDt paper, I accept that theory of De Soto's route which carries him as 
fEur north as the Tennessee. 

• French, Hist. Colls. La., 1860, p. 230. 

* MS. in Library of the La. Hist. 8oc.; Louisiane, Correspondence G^n^rale, 1678-1706, pp. 40a-4O4: ef. 
French, Hist. Colls. La., 1851, p. 238. In French the name Tal^s has been miscopied ''CaUs." 

» 19th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 184-185. 

8 wanton] 



tification, since the whole tribe may have received its name from the 
Tellico towns. This is a matter which does not, however, concern us 
here. The important question is. Were the Tali, Taligui, and Tali- 
couet identical ? If so, then the Tali are at once established as Cher- 
okee. That the Cherokee country extended in later times as far 
as the great bend of the Tennessee is well known, but this fact neces- 
sarily tends to cast doubt upon any earlier tradition of such an exten- 
sion^ since it assxmies an intervening period of abandonment. 
Still it is interesting to know that there was such a tradition. In 
an article on ''The Indians of Marshall County, Alabama/' by Mr. 
O. D. Street^ of OuntersviUe, Alabama, we read: 

The late Gen. S. K. Raybum, who came to this country many years before the re- 
moval of the Gherokees to the West and was intimately acquainted with many of them, 
told the writer that he had been informed by intelligent Gherokees that, many thousand 
moons. before, their people had occupied all the country westward to Bear Creek and 
Duck River, but that on account of constant wars with the Ghickasaws they had sought 
quiet by withdrawing into the eastern mountains, though they had never renounced 
their title to the country.* 

Our investigation has now brought out the following facts. On 
early maps four or five small tribes appear on the middle com^e of 
Tennessee River. One of these. Tali, bears the same name as a tribe 
found by De Soto near the big bend of the same stream. Maps 
of a somewhat later date show the same number of towns, but they 
are not all identical. Three are, however, evidently Cherokee towns, 
and one, Taligui or Talicouet, is certainly the Cherokee town of 
Tellico (Talikwa). We also have traditional evidence that the Chero- 
kee were in possession at an early date of that region where the TaU 
lived. If the Taligui and Talicouet of later maps are the same as the 
Tali of earlier ones the identification is complete ; if there was merely a 
chance resemblance between the names they were, of com^e, distinct. 
The chances, in my opinion, are very much in favor of the identifica- 

The name of another problematical tribe is spelled variously Kaski- 
nampo, Caskinampo, KaskinSba, Caskemampo, Cakinonpa, Kaki- 
nonba, Karkinonpols, Kasquinanipo. It is applied also to the 
Tennessee River. Coxe speaks of the Tennessee as a river * ' some call 
Kasqui, so named from a nation inhabiting a little above its mouth. '' ' 
This spelling serves to connect the tribe with one mentioned by Dp 
Soto, and called in the writings of his expedition Casqui,^ Icasqui,* or 
Casquin.* The Spaniards reached the principal town of Casqui about 
a week after they had crossed the Mississippi, while moving north. 
The Casqui were at that time engaged in war with another province 
or tribe known as Pacaha. In the principal town of Casqui near the 

> Trans. Ala. BIst. Soe., iv, p. 105. 

s Coxe in Freneh, Hist. Colls. La., 1850, p. 229. 

• Bourns, N^rr. of D« Boto, I, p. 128; n, p. 138. 

4 Ibid., n, p. 20. 

* Sbipp, De Soto and Fla., p. 406. 


chiefs house was an artificial mound on which De Soto had a cross 
set. Ranjel says, "It was Saturday when they entered his village, 
and it had very good cabins and in the principal one, over the door, 
were many heads of very fierce bulls, just as in Spain noblemen who 
are sportsmen mount the heads of wild boars or bears. There the 
Christians planted the cross on a mound, and they received it and 
adored it with much devotioUi ajid the blind and lame came to seek 
to be healed/' ^ 

Afterwards De Soto went on to Pacaha and finally made peace 
between the two, a peace which we may surmise did not last much 
longer than the presence of De Soto insured it. While at Pacaha 
the Spaniards learned of a province to the north called Calu^a^ or 
Calu9.' This would seem to be the Choctaw or Chickasaw Oka lusa, 
"black water," from which we may possibly infer the Muskhogean 
connection of Casquin, but, on the other hand, the name may have 
been obtained from interpreters secured east of the Mississippi, and 
may be nothing more than a translation of the original into Chick- 
asaw. After this sudden and rather dramatic appearance of the 
tribe we are studying upon the page of history, they disappear into 
the dark, and all that is preserved to us from a later period is the 
reference of Coxe, two or three other short notices, and the persistent 
clinging of their name in its ancient form to the Tennessee; but 
scarcely anything is known regarding them, either as to their affini- 
ties or ultimate fate. A French description of the province of Louisi- 
ana dated about 1712 states that the '^Caskinanpau^' were then liv- 
ing upon the river now called the Tennessee, but that the Cimiberland 
was known as ^^the River of the Caskinanpau'' because they had 
formerly lived there.* In the letter of Sauvolle, already quoted, the 
"Cassoty" and "Casquinonpa" are represented as "on an island 
which the river forms, on the two extremities of lyl^ch are situated 
these two nations. '^ ^ On very many maps they appear associated 
with the Shawnee, and on several a trail is laid down from the Ten- 
nessee to St. Augustine, with a legend to the effect that "by this 
trail the Shawnee and Kasquinampos go to trade with the Spaniards." 

Besides these well-defined, though unidentified, tribes we find a few 
names on early maps which are perhaps synonyms for some of those 
already considered. One is " Sabanghiharea, " placed on Tennessee 
River and perhaps identical with the "Wabano" of La Salle. It 
contains the Algonquian word for "east." On the same map and on 
the same river is "Matahale," perhaps the "Matohah" of Joliet's 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, pp. 138-139. 
« Ibid., I, p. 128. 

• Ibid., n, p. 30. 

• French Transcription, Lib. Cong. 

• If 8. in Lib. La. Hist. Soc., Louisiane, Correspondence 0^n<^rale, pp. 403-4(Vt. 



The dominant people of the Creek Confederacy called themselves 
and their language in later times by a ^ame which has become con- 
ventionalized into Muscogee or Muskogee, but it does not appear in 
the Spanish narratives of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
and careful examination seems to show that the people themselves 
were complex. If we were in possession of full internal information 
regarding their past history I feel confident we should find that the 
process of a^regation which brought so many known foreign elements 
together had been operating through a much longer period an^ had 
brought extraneous elements in still earlier. Evidence pointing 
toward a foreign origin for several supposedly pure Muskogee tribes 
will be adduced presently. At the same time we are now no longer 
in a position to separate the two clearly, and will consider all under 
one head. We do know, however, that even though they spoke the 
Muskogee language, there were several distinct bands, the history 
of each of which must be separately traced. 

The name Muskogee was of later origin, presumably, than the 
names of the constituent parts. YThat it means no Creek Indian 
seems to know. In fact it does not appear to be a Muskogee 
word at all. Several explanations have been suggested for it, 
but the one to which I am inclined to give most weight is 
that of Oatschet,^ who affirms that it is derived from an Algonquian 
word signifying "swamp" or "wet ground." Oatschet devotes con- 
siderable space to a discussion of the name. It was probably first 
bestowed by the Shawnee, who were held in high esteem by the 
Creeks, especially by those of Tukabahchee, and probably came into 
use for want of a native term to cover all of the Muskogee tribes. 

The origin of the English term "Creeks" seems to have been satis- 
factorily traced by Prof. V. W. Crane to a shortening of "Ocheese 
Creek Indians," Ocheese being an old name for the Ocmulgee River, 
upon which most of the Lower Creeks were living when the English 
first came in contact with them.^ 

A careful examination of the Muskogee bodies proper yields us 
about 12 whose separate existence extends back so far that we 
must treat them independently, although we may have a conviction 
that they were not all originally major divisions. On the other hand, 
there are a few bands not included among the 12 which may have 
had an independent origin, though this seems very unlikely. The 
12 bodies above referred to are the Kasihta, Coweta, Coosa, Abihka, 
Wakokai, Eufaula, Hilibi, Atasi, Kolomi, Tukabahchee, Pakaiia, and 
Okchai. As we know, they were in later times distinguished into 
Upper Creeks and Lower Creeks, the former including those residing 

» Gatsohet, Creek Mlg. Leg., pp. 58-<i2. 

s Crane in The Miss. Val. Hist. Rev., vol. 5, no. 3, Dec, 1918. 


Oil the C00S4, Talla})oosa^ aiid Alabama Rivers, aiul in the neighborbig 
country, and the latter those on the Chattahoochee and Flint. The 
*' Upper Creeks" of Bartram are the Creeks proper, while his ''Lower 
Creeks" are the Seminole. Sometimes a triple division is made into 
Upper Creeks, Middle Creeks, and Lower Creeks, the first including 
those on the Coosa River, the Middle Creeks those on and near the 
Tallapoosa, and the last ad in the previous classification. The first 
are also called Coosa or Abihka, the second Tallapoosa, and the last 
Coweta. The traditions of nearly all, so far as information has come 
down to us, point to an origin in the west, but these will be taken up 
in a ^parate volume when we come to treat of Creek social organiza- 
tion. That the drift of population throughout most of this area had 
been from west to east can hardly be doubted, but it is plain that prac- 
tically all of the Muskogee tribes had completed the movement before 
De Soto's time, though all can not be identified in the narratives of his 
expedition. The prime factors in the formation of the confederacy 
were the Kasihta and Coweta, which I will consider first. 

The Kasihta 

The honorary name of this tribe in the Creek Confederacy was 
Kasihta lako, "Big Kasihta." According to the earUest form of the 
Creek migration legend that is available — that related to Governor 
Oglethorpe by Chikilli in 1735 — the Kasihta and Coweta came from 
the west **as one people," but in time those dwelling toward the east 
came to be called Kasihta and those to the west Coweta.^ This an- 
cient unity of origin appears to have been generally admitted down 
to the present time. According to John Goat, an aged Tulsa Lidian, 
they were at first one town, and when they separated the pot of 
medicine which had been buried imder their busk fire was dug up 
and its contents divided between them. He also maintained that 
anciently Kasihta was the larger and more important of the two, 
and others state the same, while on the point of numbers, they are 
confirmed by the census of 1832.^ Oftener the Coweta were given 

The first appearajice of the Kasihta in documentary history is, I 
beheve, in the De Soto chronicles as the famous province of Cofita- 
chequi,' Cutifachiqui,* Cotitachyque,* Cofitachique,* or Cofaciqui.* 
Formerly it was generally held that this was Yuchi. The name has, 
however, a Muskhogean appearance, and Dr. F. G. S})eck, our leading 
Yuchi authority, is unable to find any Yuchi term resembling 
it. In fact, with one doubtful exception, he is unable to discover 

» Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, pp. 244-251. • Ibid., 1, i>. fi9. 

a See p. 430. »Ibid.,u, p. H. 

* Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, u, p. 93. • Garcilasso In Shipp, De Soto and Fla., p. 352. 


aiiy name iu the De Soto narratives which resembles a Yuchi word 
even remotely.* 

The specific identification of this place with Kasihta rests mainly 
upon the early documents of the colony of South Carolina. In a 
letter from Henry Woodward, interpreter for the colonists, to Sir 
John Yeamans, dated September 10, 1670, the writer states that he 
had visited "Chufytachyqj y* fruitfull Provence where ye Emperour 
resides.'' "It lys," he says, "West & by Northe nearest from us 14 
days trauell after ye Indian manner of marchinge.''^ He is writing 
from near where Charleston, S. C, was afterwards built. In a letter 
to the Lords Proprietors from the same place, dated September 11, 
1670, the Council of the new colony mentions this expedition again, 
and calls the country "Chufytachyque."' It is also referred to in a 
letter written to Lord Ashley by Stephen Bull, only that the distance 
is given as ten days' journey.^ In a letter from William Owen to 
Lord Ashley, written September 15, 1670, we read:' 

The Emperour of Tatchequiha, a verie fruitfull countrey som 8 days ioumey to ye 
Northwest of vs, we expect here within 4 days, som of his people being alreadie com 
with whom he would haue bein had not he heard in his way y^ ye Spaniard had de- 
feated vs. His friendiv with us is very considerable against ye Westoes if euer they 
intend to Molest us. He hath often defeated them and is euer their Master. The 
Indian Doctor tells us y^ where he lines is exceedinge rich and fertill generally of a 
red mould and hillie with most pleasant vallies and springes haueing plentie of white 
and black Marble and abundantly stored with Mulberries of w*'^ fruite they make cakes 
w<* I have tasted.' 

From the context it is evident that Tatchequiha and Chufytachyqj 
were the same. Mr. Thomas Colleton adds the information that this 
potentate had a thousand bowmen in his town.® In the memoranda 
in John Locke's handwriting we find other spellings, ''Caphatach- 
aques,"^ and Chufytuchyque.* In still another place he speaks of 
'^ the Emperor Cotachico at Charles town with 100 Indians."* In his 
instructions to Henry Woodward, dated May 23, 1674, Lord Shaftes- 
bury says: 

You are to consider whether it be best to make a peace with the Westoes or 
GussitawB, which are a more powerful mition said to have pearle and silver and by 
whose Assistance the Westoes may be rooted out, but no peace is to be made with 
either of them without Including our Neighbour Indians who are at amity with us.*^ 

Kivers has the following: 

Order for trade with the Westoes & Cussatoes Indians, 10 April 1677. 
Whereas ye .discovery of ye Country of ye Westoes & ye Cussatoes two powerful 
and warlike nations, hath bine made at ye charge of ye Earle of Shaftsbury, dec, 

1 The exception is the name Yubaha which I * Ibid., p. 249. , 

have disoovered to be from Timucua; see p. 81. ^ Ibid., p. 258. 

3 S. C. Hist. Soc. Colls., V, p. 186. • Ibid., p. 262. 

> Ibid., p. 101. » Ibid., p. 388. 

« Ibid., p. 104. 10 Ibid., p. 446. 
» Ibid., p. 901. 


and by the Industry A hazard of D'. Henry Woodward, and a strict peace & amity 
made Betweene those said nations and our people in o' province of Gorolina, &c.^ 

We could wish there wjere more information^ but this is sufficient 
to show that the early EngUsh colonists called the Kasihta by a name 
corresponding very closely with that used by De Soto's companions. 
They give the tribe so called the prominent position which it had in 
his day and which it afterwards occupied, and distinguish it clearly 
from the Westo, who I believe to have been Yuchi.' We have, 
therefore, a valid reason for concluding that the Cofitachequi and 
Kasihta were one and the same people. 

That this was not the only body of Kasihta Indians in the Creek 
country seems to be shown by the name of a town, Casiste, which 
the Spaniards in De Soto's time passed through somewhere near 
the Tallapoosa.' 

On Saturday, May 1, 1540, after having lost his way and spent some 
days floundering about among the wastes of southeastern Geoi^ia, 
De Soto with the advance guard of his army came to the river on the 
other side of which was Cofitachequi, was met by the chieftainess 
of that place — or by her niece, for authorities differ — and was re- 
ceived into her town in peace. May 3 the rest of the army came up 
and they were given half of the town. On the 12th or 13th they left. 
They fotmd here a temple or ossuary which the Spaniards call a 
'^mosque and oratory," and which they opened, finding there bodies 
covered with pearls and a number of objects of European manufacture, 
from which they inferred that they were near the place in which 
Ayllon and his companions had come to grief.^ Elvas says of the 
people of that province: 

The inhabitants are brown of skin, well formed and proportioned. They are more 
civilized than any people seen in all the territories of Florida, wearing clothes and 
shoes. This country, according to what the Indians stated, had been very populous, 
but it had been decimated shortly before by a pestilence.' 

The location of Cofitachequi has been discussed by many writers. 
Most of the older maps place it upon the upper Santee or the Saluda, 
in what is now Soutli Carolina, but this is evidently too far to the 
east and north. Later opinion has inclined to the view that it was 
on the Savannah, and the point of tenest fixed upon is what is now 
known as Silver Bluff. The present writer in a paper published 
among the Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Associ- 
ation* expressed the opinion that it was on or near the Savannah but 
lower down than Silver Bluff, on the ground that the Yuchi, who have 

1 Riven, Hist, of S. C, p. 389. 
s See pp. 28»-291. 

* Bourse, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 87; n, p. 116. Elvas calls it "a large town": Ranjel, "a small village." 
In later Spanish documents the name of Kasihta is spelled Caslsta. 

« Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 09; n, pp. ia-15, 98-102. 
» Ibid., I, pp. 05-07. 

• Proc. Mln: Val. Hist. Asm., v, pp. 147-167. 


usually been regarded as earlier occupants of this territory than the 
Creeks, extended down the river as far as Ebenezer Creek. 

Later researches have tended to show, however, that in De Soto's 
time the Yuchi were not on the Savannah River at all, while the Pardo 
narratives indicate that the position of Cofitachequi was at least as far 
inland as Barnwell or Hampton Counties, S. C. Elvas says that the 
sea "was stated to be two days' travel" from Cofitachequi,* and 
Biedma has this: " From the information given by the Indians, the sea 
should be about 30 leagues distant.''' 

In Vandera's account of the Pardo expedition of 1566-67 Cofitache- 
qui is said to be 50 leagues from Santa EHena and 20 from the mouth 
of the river on which it was located.' It is probable that the first of 
these figures is too high and the second too low. All things considered. 
Silver Bluff would seem to be too far inland; a point is indicated 
between Mount Pleasant and Sweet Water Creek, in Barnwell or 
Hampton Counties, S. C. 

From the prominent position assigned to Cofitachequi by the De 
Soto chroniclers, by Pardo and Vandera, and by the later English 
settlers, it is altogether probable that this was the town which 
Laudonnidre and the Frenchmen left at Charlesfort believed was 
being described to them as lying inland and ruled by a great chief 
called Chiquola. Laudonnidre says: 

Those who survived from the first voyage have assured me that the Indians have 
made them understand by intelligible signs that farther inland in the same northerly 
direction was a great inclosure, and within it many beautiful houses, in the midst of 
which lived Chiquola.^ 

Laudonnidre evidently stumbled upon the name Chiquola from 
having asked about the Chicora of the Ayllon expedition, with the 
story of which he was familiar. The Indians, who probably had no 
r in their language, changed the sound to I and at the same time 
perhaps gave him a distorted form of one name for the Kasihta, a 
name which we seem to find again in the form 'Tatchequiha" in 
Owen's letter to Lord Ashley.^ The location indicated also agrees 
very well with that in which Pardo found Cofitachequi a few years 
later. Vandera gives the following account of the country occupied 
by these people in his time: 

From Gruiomaez he started directly for Canos, which the Indians call Canosi, and 
by another name Gofetazque; there arct three or four rather lai^e rivers within this 
province, one of them even carrying much water or rather two are that way; there 
are few swamps, but anybody, even a child, can pass them afoot. There are deep 
valleys surrounded by rocks and stones, and cliffs. The soil is reddish and fertile, 
very much better than all those before mentioned. 

> Bonnie, Nait. of De Soto, i, p. 66. < Laudonni^re, Hist. Not. de la Floride, p. 31. 

s n>id., n, p. 14. A See p. 217. 

* Rnidkut, La Fkflda, n, p. 482. 


Canos is a country through which flows one of the two powerful rivers; it contains 
that and many small rivulets; it has great meadows and very good ones, and here and 
from here on, the maize is abundant; the grapes are plentiful, big, and very good; 
there are also bad ones, thick skinned and small, in fact, there are very many varie- 
ties. It is a country in which a big town can be settled. To Santa Elena there are 
50 leagues and to the sea about twenty, and it is possible to leach it by way of the big 
river crossing the country and [to go] much further inland by the same river; and 
equally could one go by the other river which passes near Guiomaez.' 

The first of these rivers can have been only the Savannah; the 
second probably the Coosawhatchie, the Salkehatchie, or Briar 
Creek. The name Canosi is perhaps perpetuated in Cannouchee 
River, a branch of the Ogeechee, upon which the Elasihta may once 
have dwelt. 

In 1 628 Pedro de Torres was sent inland by the governor of Florida, 
Luis de Rojas y Borjas. He went as far as **Cafatachiqui'' (or 
"Cosatachiqui"), "more than two hundred leagues inland," and 
the governor states in his letter to the king describing this expedi- 
tion that the men in his party were the first Spaniards to visit it 
since De Soto's time. This last statement is, of course, an error. 
The governor says little more except that all the chiefs in the coimtry 
were under the chief of Cofitachequi, and the rivers there abounded 
in pearls, which the natives appear to have gathered in a manner 
described by Garcilasso.* 

By the time the English came to South Carolina it is evident that 
the Kasihta had changed their location. This is apparent both from 
Henry Woodward's Westo narrative and from what we learn of his 
visit to them. The Westo were then on Savannah River; the 
Kasihta, or '^Chufytachyqj" ais he calls them, were 14 days' travel 
west by north ** after ye Indian manner of marchiiige." * The loca- 
tion is uncertain, but must have been near the upper Savannah. 
It was certainly farther away than that of the Westo and more to 
the north. In Elbert County, Gk. , on Broad River, a few miles south 
of Oglesby, is an old village site which would answer very well to 
the probable location of the tribe at this period. At any rate, from 
1670 until some time before 1 686 the Kasihta were in northern Georgia, 
near Broad River, perhaps ranging across to the Tennessee. Maps 
of the period locate the Kasihta and Coweta in this area, about the 
heads of the Chattahoochee and Coosa. South Carolina documents 
place this tribe on Ocheese Creek in 1702, Ocheese Creek being an old 
name for the upper part of the Ocmulgee,* and it seems probable from 
an examination of the Spanish documents that they were settled 
there as early as 1680-1685. From the context of a letter written 
May 19, 1686, by Antonio Matheos, lieutenant of Apalachee, to 

1 Ruldlas, La Florida, n, p. 482. * S. C. Hist. Soe. Colls., v, p. 186. 

I QarcflaMO in Shipp, De Soto and Fla., pp. * Jour, of the Commons Uoiise of Assembly, HS. 


Cabrera, the governor of Florida, it appears that, shortly before, 
the Spaniards had undertaken an expedition against the Creek 
Indians and l^d burned several of their villages. The letter states 
that two of four Apalachee Indians sent among the Apalachicolas 
[i. e.. Lower Creeks] as spies had returned the day before. He con- 
tinues as follows : 

They report that they have viaited, as I ordered them to do, all the places of said 
province, where they were well received, except at Gasista and Caveta. The people 
of these two places had sent them two messengers before they reached the said vil- 
lages, telling them that they did not want them to come there, because they were 
from Apalache and consequently their enemies. Thus they should not try to go 
there, for they would not have peace. Notwithstanding, the spies resolved to go 
there, risking whatever might happen to them, sending word with the last messenger 
[sent them] that they were not Apalachinoe, but Thamas, and that they did not come 
for any other reason than to see their relatives and buy several things, and that there- 
fore they should permit them to come. And the two spies arriving near these two 
places at the time when they [the inhabitants of both villages] were playing ball, 
they remained there .until the game was ended without anybody in the meantime com- 
ing to them, although on^ of them had relatives there. And when they approached 
Casista, the cacique of that village came to meet them before they could enter it, 
and he asked them where they were going. Had he not told them not to come into 
his village? That besides there not being an^^thing to eat in the village, nobody 
would speak to them; that he knew that they were sent for a certain purpose; that 
consequently they were his enemies and should not come to his village. Being 
given a canoe to cross the river, they went to Tasquique, where, as well as in Colome, 
they were very well received and entertained. These people told them that although 
the Christians had burnt their villages they were patient [forbearing], because they 
knew it was their own &ult, although it had been mainly the fault of the caciques 
of Casista and Caveta, who had deceived and involved the rest of them, bringing the 
English in and forcing them to receive them and go into the forests, for which cause 
their village had been burnt down. That if another occasion should arise [that 
the Spaniards should come] they would not flee for they knew now how the Spaniards 
acted . At Caveta they received them the same way as in Casista, giving them to un- 
derstand that although they were sowing, they had no intention of remaining there. 
The said spies say that in those two places there is not a thing done or begun, whereas 
at the other two, i.e. Colome and Tasquique, there are a great many [things] as well 
accomplished as started.* 

From the text it is impossible to say where the four towns men- 
tioned were located, but the reference to a river combined with our 
later knowledge regarding these Indians indicates the Ocmulgee. 

In 1695 an expedition, composed of 7 Spaniards and 400 Indians, 
marched against the Lower Creeks to seek revenge for injuries in- 
flicted upon them in numerous attacks. They reached the town 
sites of the '*Cauetta, Oconi, Casista, and Tiquipache.^' In one 
they captured about 50 Indians; the others were found burned 
and abandoned.' After the Yamasee war the Kasihta settled on the 

1 Serrano y Sans, Doo. Hist., pp. 193-195; also Lowery MSS. The first writer dates this letter 1600 
instead of 1686. 
s SenBoo y Sans, Doc^ Hist., p. 225. 


Chattahoochee. Maps representing the location of tribes at that 
time give the Easihta under the name Gitasee. This is made evi- 
dent when we come to compare early and late maps, which are 
fotind to agree in nearly all particulars except that some variant of 
the name Easihta is substituted for Gitasee. The reason for the 
use of Gitasee is entirely unknown. As laid down on these maps the 
Easihta were between the Okmulgee on the south and a body of 
Tuskegee on the north. In the census list of 1761 they were assigned 
to John Rae as trader.^ In January, 1778, Bartram passed this town, 
which he calls ''Usseta/' and he says that it joined Chiaha, but that 
the two spoke radically different languages.' The traders located 
there in 1797 were Thomas Carr and John Anthony Sandoval, the 
latter a Spaniard.' Hawkins gives the following description of Ea- 
sihta as it was in 1799, which shows incidentally that the town had 
been moved once after it was located on the river: 

Cus-se-tuh; this town is two and a half miles below Cow-e-tuh Tal-lau-hcjs-see, on 
the left bank of the river. They claim the land above the falls on their side. In 
descending the river path from the falls in three miles you cross a creek nmning to 
the right, twenty feet wide; this creek joins the river a quarter of a mile above the 
Cowetuh town house; the land to this creek is good and level and extends back from 
the river from half to three-quarters of a mile to the pine forest; the growth on the 
level is oak, hickory, and pine; there are some ponds and slashes back next to the 
pine forest, bordering on a branch which runs parallel with the river; in the pine 
forest there is some reedy branches. 

The creek has its source nearly twenty miles from the river, and runs nearly paral- 
lel with it till within one mile of its junction ; there it makes a short bend round north, 
thence west to the river; at the second bend, about two hundred yards from the river, 
a fine little spring creek joins on its right bank. . . . 

The flat of good land on the river continues two and a half miles below this creek, 
through the Cussetuh fields to Hat-che-thluc-co. At the entrance of the fields on 
the right there is an oblong moimd of earth; one-quarter of a mile lower there is a 
conic mound forty-five yards in diameter at the base,' twenty-five feet high, and flat 
on the top, with mulberry trees on the north side and evergreens on the south. From 
the top of this mound they have a fine view of the river above the flat land on both 
sides of the river, and all the field of one thousand acres ;^ the river makes a short 
bend round to the right opposite this mound, and there is a good ford just below 
the point. It is not easy to mistake the ford, as there is a flat on the left, of gravel 
and sand; the waters roll rapidly over the gravel, and the eye, at the first view, 
fixes on the most fordable part; there are two other fords below this, which communi- 
cate between the fields on both sides of the river; the river from this point comes round 
to the west, then to the east; the island ford is below this turn, at the lower end of a 
small island; from the left side, enter the river forty yards below the island, and 
go up to the point of it, then turn down as the ripple directs, and land sixty yards 
below; this is the best ford; the third is still lower, from four to six hundred yards. 

The land back from the fields to the east rises twenty feet and continues flat for 
one mile to the pine forest; back of the fields, adjoining the rise of twenty feet, is a 
beaver pond of forty acres, capable of being drained at a small expense of labor; the 
laige creek bounds the fields and the flat land to the south. 

> Oa. Col. Docs., vra, p. 532. » Oa. Hist. 8oc. Colls., ix, p. 171. 

t Bartram, Travels, p. iU. * The Lib. Cong. MS. has "100 acres." 


Continiiing on down the river from the creek, the land rises to a high flat, formerly 
the Cuflsetuh town, and afterwards a Chickasaw town. This flat is intersected with 
one branch. From the southern border of this flat, the Cussetuh town is seen below, 
on a flat, just above flood mark, surrounded with this high flat to the north and east, 
and the river to the west; the land about the town is poor, and much exhausted; they 
cultivate but little here of early com; the principal dependence is on the rich fields 
above the creek; to call them rich must be understood in a limited sense; they have 
been so, but being cultivated beyond the memory of the oldest man in Cussetuh, they 
are almost exhausted; the produce is brought from the fields to the town in canoes or on 
horses; they make barely a sufficiency of com for their support; they have no fences 
around their fields, and only a fence of three poles, tied to upright stakes, for their 
potatoes; the land up the river, above the fields, is fine for culture, with oak, hickory, 
blackjack and pine. 

The people of Cussetuh associate, more than any other Indians, with their white 
nei^^bors, and without obtaining any advantage from it; they know not the season 
for planting, or, if they do, they never a'\^ themselves of what they know, as they 
always plant a month too late. 

This town with its villages is the laigest in the Lower Creeks; the people are and 
have been friendly to white people and are fond of visiting them; the old chiefs are 
very orderly men and much occupied in governing their young men, who are rude and 
disorderly, in proportion to the intercourse they have had with white people; they 
frequently complain of the intercourse of their young people with the white people on 
the frontiers, as being very prejudicial to their morals: that they are more rude, more 
inclined to be tricky, and more difficult to govern, than those who do not associate 
with them. 

The settlements belonging to the town are spread out on the right side of the river; 
here they appear to be industrious, have forked fences, and more land enclosed than 
they can cultivate. One of them desires particularly to be named Mic £-maut-Jau. 
This old chief has, with his own labor, made a good worm fence, and built himself a 
comfortable house; they have but a few peach trees, in and about the town; the main 
trading path, from the upper towns, passes through here; they estimate their number 
of gun men at three hundred; but they cannot exceed one hundred and eighty. 

Au-put-tau-e fApatdna, bull frog village?];^ a village of Cussetuh, twenty miles from 
the river, on Hat-che thluc-co; they have good fences, and the settlers under [enjoy? | 
the best characters of any among the Lower Creeks; they estimate their gun men at 
forty-three. On a visit here the agent for Indian affairs was met by all the men, at 
the house of Tus-se-kiah Micco. That chief addressed him in these words: Here, I 
am glad to see you; this is my wife, and these are my children; they are glad to see 
you; these are the men of the village; we have forty of them in all; they are glad to see 
you; you are now among those on whom you may rely. I have been six years at this 
village, and we have not a man here, or belonging to our village, who ever stole a 
horse from, or did any injury to a white man. 

The village is in the forks of Hatche thlucco, and the situation is well chosen; the 
land is rich, on the margins of the creeks and the cane flats; the timber is large, of 
poplar, white oak, and hickory; the uplands to the south are the long-leaf pine; and 
to the north waving oak, pine, and hickory; cane is on the creeks and reed in all the 

At this village, and at the house of Tus-se-ki-ah Micco, the agent for Indian affairs 
has Introduced the plough; and a farmer was hired in 1797 to tend a crop of com, and 
with so good success, as to induce several of the villagers to prepare their fields for the 
plough. Some of them have cattle, hogs and horses, and are attentive to them. 

1 Ostschet derives this name from apatayas, I cover, and says it means "a sheet-like covering." A 
native informant suggested to the writer ap&tana, bullfrog. This is probably the village which Hawkins 
elsewliereoaUs Ttiknotisoaubatche, after Flint River .—Qa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 172. 


The range is a good one, but cattle and horses require salt; they have some thriving 
peach trees, at several of the settlements. 

On Auhe-gee creek, called at its junction with the river, Hitchetee, there is one 
settlement which deserves a place here. It belongs to Mic-co thluc-co, called by the 
white people, the ''Bird tail King [Fus hadji]. " The plantation is on the right side 
of the creek, on good land, in the neighborhood of pine forest: the creek is a fine flo^iing 
one, maigined with reed ; the plantation is well fenced, and cultivated with the plough : 
this chi^f had been on a visit to New York, and seen much of the ways of white people, 
and the advantages of the plough over the slow and laborious hand hoe. Yet he had 
not firmness enou^, till t^is year, to break through the old habits of the Indiani^. 
The agent paid him a visit this spring, 1799, with a plough completely fixed, and spent 
a day with him and showed him how to use it. He had previously, while the old 
man was in the woods, prevailed on the family to clear the fields for the plough. 
It has been used with effect, and much to the approbation of a numerous family, 
who have more than doubled tlieir crop of com and potatoes; and who begin to know 
how to turn their cotn to account, by giving it to their hogs, cattle, and horses, and 
begin to be very attentive to them; he has some apple and peach trees, and grape 
vines, a present from the agent. 

The Cussetuhs have some cattle, horses, and hogs; but they prefer roving idly 
through the woods, and down on the frontiers, to attending to farming or stock raising.* 

In notes taken two years earlier Hawkins thus speaks of another 
Kasihta village, located on Flint River: 

Salenojuh, 8 miles [below Aupiogee Greek]. H^re was a compact town of Cusseta 
people, of 70 gunmen in 1787, and they removed the spring after Colonel Alexander 
killed 7 of their people near Shoulderbone. Their fields extended three miles above 
the town; they had a hothouse and square, water, fields well fenced; their situation 
fine for hogs and cattle. Just above the old fields there are two curves on each side of 
the river of 150 acres, rich, which have been cultivated. Just below the town the 
Sulenojuhnene ford, the lands level on the right bank. There is a small island to the 
right of the ford ; on the left a ridge of rocks. The lands on the left bank high and broken. 
Above the town there is a good ford, level, shallow, and not rocky; the land flat on 
both sides. ' 

Another description of Kasihta is given by Hodgson, an English 

missionary who passed through the Creek country in 1820. He says: 

It [Kasihta] ^ appeared to consist of about 100 houses, many of them elevated on 
poles from two to six feet high, and built of unhewn logs, with roofs of bark, and little 
patches of Indian com before the doors. The women were hard at work, digging the 
ground, pounding Indian corn, or carrying heavy loads of water from the river; the 
men were either setting out to the woods with their guns or lying idle before the 
doors; and the children were amusing themselves in little groups. The whole scene 
reminded me strongly of some of the African towns described by Mungo Park. In the 
centre of the town we passed a large building, with a conical roof, supported by a cir- 
cular wall about three feet high; close to it was a quadrangular space, enclosed by 
four open buildings, with rows of benches rising alx)ve one another; the whole was 
appropriated, we were informed, to the Great Council of the town, who meet under 
shelter or in the open air, according to the weather. Near the spot was a high pole, 
like our may-poles, with a bird at the top, round which the Indians celebrate their 
Green-Corn Dance. The town or township of Coeito is said to l>e able to muster 700 

» Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., in, pp. 52-«l. For some recent information regarding the site of Kasihta, see 
P. A. Brannon in Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. xi, p. 195. 
s Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., tx, p. 172. 
< HodgsoQ spells the name Cosito. 


wamoTB, while the number belonging to the whole nation ia not estimated at more 
than 3,500.1 

Seven separate Kasihta settlements are enumerated in the census 
of 1832, as follows: 

On little Euchee Creek, 211, besides 105 slaves; on Tolarnulkar Uatchee, 480, and 
4 slaves; on Opillikee Hatchee, Tallassee town, 171; on Chowv^okoloha tehee, 118; at 
Secharlitcha [''under black-jack trees"], 214; on Osenubba Hatchee, or Tuckabatchee 
Haijo's town, 269, and 8 slaves; near West Point, or Tuskehenehaw Chooley's town, 
399; total, 1,868 Indians and 117 slaves.' 

The principal chiefs and their households are omitted from the 
enumeration. Oatschet mentions another branch called ^'Tusilgis 
tco'ko or clapboard house." ' After their removal they settled in the 
northern part of the Creek Nation in the west with the other Lower 
Creeks, where their descendants for the most part still are. 

The Coweta* 

The Coweta were the second great Muskogee tribe among the 
Lower Creeks, and they headed the war side as Kasihta headed the 
peace side. Their honorary title in the confederacy was Kawita 
ma'ma'yi, **tall Coweta." Although as a definitely identified tribe 
they appear later in history and in the migration legends which have 
been preserved to us the Kasihta are given precedence, the Coweta 
were and still are commonly accounted the leaders of the Lower 
Creeks and often of the entire nation. By many early writers all of 
the Lower Creeks are called Coweta, and the Spaniards and French 
both speak of the Coweta chief as ''emperor" of the Creeks. An 
anonymous Frenfch writer of the eighteenth century draws the follow- 
ing picture of his power at the time of the Yamasee uprising: 

The nation of the CaoQita is governed by an emperor, who in 1714 [1715] caused to 
be killed all the English there were, not only in his nation, but also among the A1)eca, 
Talapouches, Alibamons, and Cheraqui. Not content with that he went to commit 
depredations as far as the gates of Carolina. The English were excited and wanted 
to destroy them by making them drag pieces of ordinance loaded with grape-shot, by 
tying two ropee to the collar of the tube, on each one of which they put sixty savages, 
whom they killed in the midst of their labors by putting lire to the cannon ; l>ut as they 
saw they would take vengeance with interest, they made very great presents to the 
emperor to regain his friendship and that of his nation. The French do the same 
thing, and alBO the Spaniards, which makes him very rich, for the French who go to 
visit him are served in a silver dish. He is a man of a good appearance and good char- 
acter. He has numbers of slaves who are busy night and day cooking food for those 
going and coming to visit him. He seldom goes on foot, always [riding on| well har- 
nessed hOTses, and followed by many of his village. He is a1>8olute in his nation. He 

1 Hodgson, Remarks during Jour, through N. Am., pp. 265-266. 

I Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., Istsess.; Schoolrraft, Ind. Tribes, iv, p. 57S. In the sheets as published 
one figure is too large t>y 2 and one too small by 1. I have corrected these mistakes. 

• Marginal note In Creek Mig. Leg., i, MS. 

* On the maps I have spelled this phonetically, Kawita. The above is the form which has been 
adopted into popular usage. 



has a quantity of cattle and kills them sometimes to feast his friends. No one has 
ever been able to make him take sides with one of the three European nations who 
know him, he alleging that he wishes to see everyone, to be neutral, and not to espouse 
any of the quarrels which the French, English, and Spaniards have with one another.* 

Traditionally the name is supposed to have had some connection 
with the eastward migration of this tribe, and it is associated with 
the word ayetaj to go. No reliance can be placed upon this, how- 
ever, any more than on Gatschet's derivation from the Yuchi word 
meaning ^'man."^ 

As the principal body of Muskogee in Georgia, aside from the 
Kasihta, it is possible that these are the Chisi, Ichisi, or Achese of 
the De Soto chroniclers,' since Ochisi (Otci'si) is a name applied to 
the Muskogee by Hitchiti-speaking peoples.* Spanish dealings 
with them in the seventeenth century have already been recounted.* 
In the period between 1670 and 1700 we find them placed on maps, 
along with the Kasihta, about the headwaters of the Chattahoochee 
and Coosa, but when they are first clearly localized they are on the 
upper course of the Ocmulgee not far from Indian Springs, Butts 
County, Georgia. On French maps the Altamaha and Ocmulgee 
together are often called **Rivi6re des Caouitas.'^ After the general 
westward movement, which took place after the Yamasee war, they 
settled on the west bank of the Chattahoochee River between the 
Yuchi on the south and a town known as Chattahoochee. 

This last-mentioned place was the first Muskogee settlement on 
Chattahoochee River and is said to have been established to enable 
its occupants to open trade with the Spaniards. Bartram says that 
the people of this town spoke the true Muskogee language, and it is 
probable that it branched off from the Coweta, though it may have 
been made up from several settlements. It was in Troup or Heard 
Counties, Georgia, and was abandoned before Hawkinses time, 

The first Coweta settlement on the Chattahoochee was probably 
at a place afterwards called Coweta Tallahassee, though at the period 
last mentioned it was occupied by people from Likatcka, itself a 
branch of Coweta.® D. I. Bushnell, Jr., has published parts of a 
journal kept by a member of General Oglethorpe's expedition tx) the 
Creek towns in 1740, in which he gives some account of the people of 
Coweta.^ In 1761 they had 130 hunters and their trader was George 
Galpin.* In 1797 Hawkins gives the names of five traders, Thomas 

> MS In Aycr Coll., Newberry Lib. The story about slaught^tring Indians who were pulling a cannan 
crops up in connection with the Popham colony (see Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., 1st ser.. i, p. 252). 
» Gatschet, Cri'ek Mip. Ixig., i, j). 19. 
« Bourne, Narr. of Dc Soto, i, p. 10; ii, p. 'H. 

• Hence the name "Ochee>-e lUver" (p. 21.')). bee Hawkins in Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 209; and 
p. 148. 

• See pp. 220-222. 

• Oa. Hist. See. Colls., ix, p. ti:i. 

T Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. x, pp. 572-574, 1908. 

• Q%. Col. Does., vnx, p. 522. 


Marshall, John Tarvin, James Darouzeaux, Hardy Read, and Christian 
Russel) the last a Silesian.^ Adair enumerates Coweta as one of the 
six principal towns of the Muskogee confederacy but does not mention 
Kasihta.' Hawkins furnishes the following accounts of Coweta, 
Coweta Tallahassee, and a branch of the latter known as Wetumpka, 
as they appeared in 1799: 

Cow-«-tuh, on the right bank of Chat-to-ho-che, three miles below the falls, on a 
flat extending back one mile. The land is fine for com; the settlements extend up 
the river for two miles on the river flats. These are bordered with broken pine land; 
the fields of the settlers who reside in the town, are on a point of land formed by a 
bend of the river, a part of them adjoining the point, are low, then a rise of fifteen 
feet, spreading back for half a mile, then another rise of fifteen feet, and flat a half 
mile to a swamp adjoining the highlands; the fields are below the town. 

The river is one hundred and twenty yards wide, with a deep steady current from 
the isll; these are over a rough coarse rock, forming some islands of rock, which force 
the water into two narrow channels, in time of low water. One is on each side of 
the river, in the whole about ninety feet wide; that on the right is sixty feet wide, 
with a perpendicular fall of twelve feet; the other of thirty feet wide, is a long sloping 
curve very rapid, the fall fifteen feet in one hundred and fifty feet; fish may ascend 
in this channel, but it is too swift and strong for boats; here are two fisheries; one on 
the right belongs to this town; that on the left, to the Cussetuhs; they are at the 
termination of the falls; and the fish are taken with scoop nets; the fish taken are the 
hickory shad, rock, trout, perch, catfish, and suckers; there is sturgeon in the river, 
but no white shad or herring; during spring and summer, they catch the perch and 
rock with hooks. As soon as the fish make their appearance, the chiefs send out the 
women, and make them fish for the square. This expression includes all the chiefs 
and warriors of the town. 

The land on the right bank of the river at the falls is a poor pine barren, to the 
water's edge; the pines are small; the falls continue three or four miles nearly of the 
same width, about one hundred and twenty yards; the river then expands to thrice 
that width, the bottom l)eing gravelly, shoal and rocky. There are several small 
islands within this scope; one at the part where the expansion commences is rich 
and some part of it under cultivation: it is half a mile in length, but narrow; here the 
river is fordable; enter the left bank one hundred yards above the upper end of the 
island and cross over to it, and down to the fields, thence across the other channel; 
at the termination of the falls, a creek twenty feet wide, (0-cow-ocuh-hat-che, falls 
creek), joins the right side of the river. Just below this creek, and alx)ve the last 
reef of rocks, is another ford. The current is rapid, and the bottom even. 

On the left bank of the river at the falls, the land is level; and in approaching them 
one is surprised to find them where there is no alteration in the trees or unevenness 
of land. This level continues Imck one mile to the poor pine barren, and is fine for 
com or cotton; the timber is red oak, hickory, and pine: the banks of the river on this 
side below the falls.Are fifty feet high, and continue so, down l)elow the town house; 
the flat of good land continues still lower to Hat-che thluc-co (big creek). 

Ascending the river on this bank, a1x)ve the falls, the following stages are noted in 

2^ miles, the flat land terminates: thence 3^ miles, to Chis-se Hul-cuh running 
to the left: thence 4 miles, to Chusse thluc-co twenty feet wide, a rocky lx)ttom. 

5 miles to Ke-ta-le, thirty feet wide, a l>old, shoally rocky creek, abounding in 
moss. Four miles up this creek there is a village of ton families at Hat-che Uxau 

i Ga. Hist. Soo. Colls., ix, pp. 170-171. > Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 


(head of a creek). The land is broken with hickory, pine, and chestnut; there is cane 
on the borders of the creek and reed on the branches; there are some settlements of 
Gowetuh people made on these creeks; all who have settled out from the town have 
fenced their fields and begin to be attentive to their stock. 

The town has a temporary fence of three poles, the first on forks, the other two on 
stakes, good against cattle only; the town fields are fenced in like manner; a few of 
the neighboring fields^ detached from the town, have good fences; the temporary, 
three pole fences of the town are made every spring, or repaired in a slovenly manner. 

Cow-e-tuh Tal-lau-hasHsee; from Cow-e-tuh, Tal-lo-fau, a town, and basse, old. 
It is two and a half nules below Cowetuh, on the right bank of the river. In going 
down the path between the two towns, in half a mile cross Kotes-ke-le-jau, ten feet 
wide, running to the left is a fine little creek sufficiently large for a mill, in all but the 
dry seasons. On the right bank enter the fiat lands between the towns. These are good, 
with oak, hard-shelled hickory and pine; they extend two miles to Che-luc-in-ti-ge- 
tuh, a small creek five feet wide, bordering on the town. The town is half a mile 
from the river, on the right bank of the creek ; it is on a high flat, bordered on the east 
by the fiats of the river, and west by high broken hills; they have but a few settlers 
in the town; the fields are on a point of land three-quarters of a mile below the town, 
which is very rich and has been long imder cultivation; they have no fence around 
their fields. 

Here is the public establishment for the Lower CreekSy and here the agent resides. 
He has a garden well cultivated and planted, with a great variety of vegetables, 
fruits, and vines, and an orchard of peach trees. Arrangements have been made to 
fence two hundred acres of land fit for cultivation, and to introduce a regular hus- 
bandry to serve as a model and stimulus, for the neighborhood towns who crowd the 
public shops here, at all seasons, when the hunters are not in the woods. 

The agent entertains doubts, already, of succeeding here in establishing a regular 
husbandry, from the difficulty of changing the old habits of indolence, and sitting daily 
in the squares, which seem peculiarly attractive to the residenters of the towns. 
In the event of not succeeding, ho intends to move the establishment out from the 
town, and aid the villagers where success seems to be infallible. 

They estimate their number of gun men at one hundred ; but the agent has ascer-' 
tained, by actual enumeration, that'they have but sixty-six, including all who reside 
hen», and in the villages belonging to the town. 

They have a fine body of land below, and adjoining the town, nearly two thousand 
acres, all well timbered; and including the whole above and below, they have more 
than is sufficient for the accommodation of the whole town; they have one village 
belonging to the town, We-tumcau. 

We-tum-cau; from We-wau, water; and tum-cau, rumbling. It is on the main 
branch of U-choe creek and is twelve miles northwest from the town. These people 
have a small town house on a poor pine ridge on the left bank of the creek below the 
Mis; the settlers extend up the creek for three miles, and they cultivate the rich bends 
in the creek; there is cane on the creek and fine reed on its branches; the land higher 
up the creek, and on its branches is waving, with pine, oak, and hickor>*, fine for culti- 
vation, on the flats and out from the branches; the range is good for stock, and some of 
the settlers have cattle and hogs, and begin to be attentive to them; they have been 
advised to spread out their settlements on the waters of this creek, and to increase 
their attention to stock of ever>' kind.* 

The trader in 1797 was James Lovet.' Wetumpka is probably 
the Wituncara of the Popple map (pi. 4). 

The census of 1832 enumerated Hve bands of Coweta Indians, as 
folloves: Koochkalecha town, 276 besides 12 slaves; on Toosilkstor- 

1 O*. Hist. 8oc. CoUs. , m, pp. 53-^7. > n>id., ix, p. 03. 


koo Hatchee, 85 and 15 slaves; on Warkooche Hatchce, 30; on Halle- 
wokke Yoaxarhatchee, 191; at Cho-lose-parp Kar, or Kotchar, 
Tus-tun-nuckee'a town, 275 and 24 slaves; total 857 Indians and 51 
slaves.^ Chiefs' families are not included. 

The inferiority of this town in numbers to Kasihta was perhaps 
due to the fact that it had given off another settlement which after- 
wards constituted an independent town with its own busk groimd. 
This was Likatcka, or '^ Broken Arrow ^' as the name has been rudely 
translated into English. It is said to have been founded by some 
families who went off by themselves to a place where they could break 
reeds with which to make arrows. According to William Berryhill, 
an old Coweta, however, it was not so much on accoimt of the place 
where they had settled as because they considered themselves to have 
"broken away" from the parent band in much the same manner as 
a reed is broken. This town is said to have been situated on a trail 
and ford 12 miles below Kasihta. It appears to be noted first by 
Swan (1791).^ Hawkins in his Sketch of the Creek Coimtry does 
not speak of it, but in a journal dated 1797 says that the people of 
Coweta Tallahassee had come from it.* In the American State Papers * 
he mentions it as having been destroyed in 1814, but it was soon 
restored, for it was represented at the treaty of November 15, 1827,* 
and in tJie census of 1832. In this latter five settlements belonging 
to the town are enumerated, but it is probable that only the first 
two of these are correctly designated. One of these latter was on 
Uchee Creek; the situation of the other is not specified. Together 
they numbered 418 inhabitants, not counting slaves and free negroes.* 

Coweta and its chief, Mcintosh, played a conspicuous part in the 
removal of the Creek Indians to the west. Mcintosh was the leader 
of that party which favored removal and was killed by the conserva- 
tive element in consequence. After the emigration Coweta and its 
branches settled in the northern part of the new country on the 
Arkansas, where most of their descendants still live. Their square 
groimd was first located about 2 mUes west of the present town of 
Coweta. After that site was fenced in and plowed up they moved 
it to some low-lying land close to Coweta, and later busks of a rather 
irr^ular character were held in other places, but the observance soon 
died out. Nevertheless the busk medicines are, or until recently were, 
still taken in an informal manner by the Coweta men four times a year, 
corresponding to the times of the three "stomp'' dances and the busk. 
According to one informant, shortly before the Civil War, Coweta, 

i Senate Doc. 512; a3d Coog., 1st sess., iv, pp. 37^-386. A mLstAke in addition has bt'en made on one 
sbeet, which I have rectified, 
s Schooknaft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

• Ga. Hist. See. CoOi., IX, p. 63. 

« Am. State Papers, Ind. Aflkira, i, 858, 1832. 
» Indian Treaties 1828, pp. 561^564. 

• Senate Doc. 512; 23d Omg., 1st sess., iv, pp. 386-394. 


Kasihta, Tukabahchee, and Yuchi planned to come together in one 
big town, but the war put an end to the project. In late times the 
Coweta and Chiaha were such close friends that it is said '* a man of 
one town would not whip a dog belonging to the other." This friend- 
ship also extended to the Osochi. 

The Coosa and Their Descendants 

In De Soto's time the most powerful Upper Creek town was Coosa. 
The first news of this seems to have been obtained in Patofa (or 
Tatofa), a province in southern Georgia, where the natives said 
"that toward the northwest there was a province called Co^a, a 
plentiful country having very large towns."* 

The expedition reached Copa after leaving Tali and Tasqui, and 
after passing through several villages which according to Mvas 
were "subject to the cacique of Co^a."^ On Friday, July 16, 1540, 
they entered the town. The chief of Coosa came out to meet them 
in a litter borne on the shoulders of his principal men, and with 
many attendants playing on flutes and singing.' " In the barbacoas," 
says Elvas, "was a great quantity of maize and beans; the country, 
thickly settled in numerous and large towns, with fields between, 
extending from one to another, was pleasant, and had a rich soil 
with fair river margins. In the woods were many ameixas [plums 
and persinunons], as well those of Spain as of the country; and wild 
grapes on vines growing up into the trees, near the streams; like- 
wise a kind that grew on low vines elsewhere, the berry being large 
and sweet, but, for want of hoeing and dressing, had large stones."* 

After a slight difference with the natives, who naturally objected 
to having their chief virtually held captive by De Soto, the Spaniards 
secured the bearers and women they desired and started on again 
toward the south or southwest on Friday, August 20.* It would 
appear that the influence of the Coosa chief extended over a large 
number of the towns later called Upper Creeks, although this was 
probably due rather to ties of alliance and respect than to any 
actual overlordship on his part. At a town called Tallise, perhaps 
identical with the later Tulsa, this authority seems to have come 
to an end, and farther on were the Mobile quite beyond the sphere of 
his influence. 

In 1 559 a gigantic effort was made on the part of the Spaniards to 
colonize the region of our Gulf States. An expedition, led by Tristan 
de Luna, started from Mexico with that object in view. We have 
already mentioned the landing of this colony in Pensacola Harbor, or 
Mobile Bay, and their subsequent removal northward to a town called 

> Bourne, Narr. of De 8oto, i. p. 6(). * Ibid,, i, p. 83. 

> Ibid., p. 81. » Ibid., ii, p. 113. 
s Ibid., p. 81; n, pp. 16, 112. 


Nanipacna. Being threatened with starvation here, De Luna sent a 
sei^eant major with six captains and 200 soldiers northward in search 
of Coosa, whither some of his companions had accompanied De Soto 
20 years before, and which they extoDed highly. They came first to a 
place called Olibahali, of which we shall speak again, and after a short 
stay there continued still farther toward the north. The narrative 
continues as follows : 

The whole province was called Coza, taking its name from the most famous city 
within its boundaries. It was God's will .that they should soon get within sight of 
that place which had been so far famed and so much thought about and, yet, it did 
not have above thirty houses, or a few more. There were seven little hamlets in 
its district, five of them smaller and two larger than Coza itself, which name prevailed 
for the fame it had enjoyed in its antiquity. It looked so much worse to the Spaniards 
for having been depdcted so grandly, and they had thought it to be so much better. 
Its inhabitants had been said to be innumerable, the site itself as being wider and 
more level than Mexico, the springs had been said to be many and of very clear water, 
food plentiful and gold and silver in abundance, which, without judging rashly, was 
that which the Spaniards desired most. Truly the land was fertile, but it lacked 
cultivation. There was much forest, but little fruit, because as it was not cultivated 
the land was all unimproved and full of thistles and weeds. Those they had brought 
along as guides, being people who had been there before, declared that they must 
have been bewitched when this country seemed to them so rich and populated aa 
they had stated. The arrival of the Spaniards in former years had driven the Indians 
up into the forests, where they preferred to live among the wild beasts who did no harm 
to them, but whom they could master, than among the Spaniards at whose hands they 
received injuries, although they were good to them. Those from Coza received the 
guests well, liberally, and with kindness, and the Spaniards appreciated this, the more 
so as the actions of their predecessors did not call for it. They gave them each day 
four fanegas^ of com for their men and their horses, of which latter they had fifty and 
none of which, even during their worst sufferings from hunger, they had wanted to 
kill and eat, well knowing that the Indians were more afraid of horses, and that one 
horse gave them a more warlike appearance, than the fists of two men together. But 
the soldiers did not look for maize; they asked most diligently where the gold could 
be found and where the silver, because only for the hopes of this as a dessert had they 
endured the fasts of the painful journey. Every day little groups of them went search- 
ing through the country and they found it all deserted and without news of gold. 
Prom only two tribes were there news alx)ut gold — one was the Oliuahali which they 
had just left; the others were the Napochiee, who lived farther on. Those were enemies 
to those of Coza, and they had very stubborn warfare with each other, the Napochies 
avenging some offense they had received at the hands of the people of Coza. The latter 
Indians showed themselves such good friends of the Spaniards that our men did not 
know what recompense to give them nor what favor to do them. The wish to favor 
those who humiliate themselves goes hand in hand with ambition. The Spaniards 
have the fiame of not being very humble and the people of Coza who had surrendered 
themselves experienced now their favors. Not only were they careful not to cause 
them any damage or injury, but gave them many things they had brought along, 
outside of what they gave in the regular exchange for maize. Their gratitude went even 
so bir that the sergeant major, who accompanied the expedition as captain of the 200 
men, told the Indians that if they wanted his favor and the strength of his men to 
make war on their enemies, they could have them readily, just as they had been ready 

1 About ihB samt number of English bushels. 


to receive him and his men and favor them with food. Those of Coza thought very 
highly of this offer, and in the hope of its fulfillment kept the Spaniards suc^h a long 
time with them, giving them as much maize each day as was possible, the land being 
BO poor and the villages few and small. The Spaniards were nearly 300 men between 
small and big [young and old] ones, masters and servants, and the time they all ate 
there was three months, the Indians making great efforts to sustain such a heavy ex- 
pense for the sake of their companionship as well as for the favors they expected 
from them later. All the deeds in this life are done for some interested reason and, 
just as the Spaniards showed friendship for them that they might not shorten their 
provisions and perhaps escape to the forests, so the Indians showed their friendship, 
hoping that with their aid they could take full vengeance of their enemies. And the 
friars were watching, hoping that a greater population might be discovered to convert 
and maintain in the Christian creed. Those small hamlets had until then neither 
seen friars nor did they have any commodities to allow monks to live and preach 
among them; neither could they embrace and maintain the Christian faith without 
their assistance. . . . 

Very bitter battles did the Napochies have with those from Coza, but justice was 
greatly at variance with success. Those from Coza were in the right, but the Napochies 
were victorious. In ancient times the Napochies were tributaries of the Coza people^ 
because this place (Coza) was always recognized as head of the kingdom and its lord 
was considered to stand above the one of the Napochies. Then the people from Coza 
began to decrease while the Napochies were increasing until they refused to be their 
vassals, finding themselves strong enough to maintain their liberty which they abused. 
Then those of Coza took to arms to reduce the rebels to their former servitude, but the 
most victories were on the side of the Napochies. Those from Coza remained greatly 
affronted as well from seeing their ancient tribute broken off, as because they found 
themselves without strength to restore it. On that account they had lately stopped 
their fights, although their sentiments remained the same and for several months they 
had not gone into the battlefield, for fear lest they return vanquished, as before. When 
the Spaniards, grateful for good treatment, offered their assistance against their enemies, 
they accepted immediately, in view of their rabid thirst for vengeance. All the love 
they showed to the Spaniards was in the interest that they should not forget their 
promise. Fifteen days had passed, when, after a consultation among themselves, 
the principal men went before the captain and thus spoke: 

"Sir, we are ashamed not to be able to serve you better, and as we would wish, but 
this is only because we are afflicted with wars and trouble with some Indians who are 
our neighyx)r8 and are called Napochies. Those have always been our tributaries 
acknowledging the nobility of our superiors, but a few years ago they rebelled and 
stopped their tribute and they killed our relatives and friends. And when they can 
not insult us with their deeds, they do so with words. Now, it seems only reasonable, 
that you, who have so much knowledge, should favor and increase ours. Thou, 
Sefior, hast given us thy word when thou knowest our wish to help us if we should 
need thy assistance against our enemies. This promise we, thy servants, beg of thee 
humbly now to fulfill and we promise to gather the greatest army of our men [people], 
and with thy good order and efforts helping U8, we can assure our victory. And when 
once reinstated in our former rights, we can serve thee ever so much better." 

When the captain had listened to the well concerted reasoning of those of Coza, he 
replied to them with a glad countenance, that, aside from the fact that it had always 
been his wish to help and assist them, it was a common cause now, and he considered 
it convenient or even necessary to communicate with all the men, especially with the 
friars, who were the ministers of God, and the spiritual fathers of the army; that he 
would treat the matter with eagerness, pn)curing that their wishes he attended to 
and that the following day he would give them the answer, according to the resolutions 
taken in the matter. 

swahton) early history OF THE CREEK INDIANS 233 

He [the captain] called to council the friars, the captains, and all the others, who, 
according to custom had a right to be there, and , the case being proposed and explained , 
it was agreed that only two captains with their men should go, one of cavalry, the other 
of infantry, and the other four bodies of their little army remain in camp with the 
rest of the people. Then they likewise divided the monks. Fray Domingo de la 
Antmdadon going with the new army and Fray Domingo de Salazar remaining with 
the others in Coza. The next day, those who wished so very dearly that it be in their 
favor, came for the anBwer. The captain gave them an account of what had been 
decided, ordeltng them to get ready, because he in person desired to accompany them 
with the two Spanish regiments and would take along, if necessary, the rest of the 
Spanish anny, which would readily come to their assistance. The people from Coza 
were very glad and thanked the captain very much, offering to dispose everything 
quickly for the expedition. Within six days they were all ready. The Spaniards did 
not want to take more than fifty men, twenty-five horsemen and twenty-five on foot. 
The Indians got together almost three hundred archers, very slqllful and certain in 
the use of that arm, in which, the fact that it is the only one they have has afforded 
them remarkable training. Every Indian uses a bow as tall as his body; the string is 
not made of hemp but of animal nerve sinew well twisted and tanned. They all use a 
quiver fuU of arrows made of long, thin, and very straight rods, the points of which are 
of flint, curioujsly cut in triangular form, the wings very sharp and mostly dipped in 
B(»ne very poisonous and deadly substance.' They also use three or four feathers tied 
on their arrows to insure straight flying, and they are so skilled in shooting them 
that they can hit a flying bird. The force of the flint arrowheads is such that at a 
moderate distance they can pierce a coat of mail. 

The Indians set forward, and it was beautiful to see them divided up in eight differ- 
ent groups, two of which marched together in the four directions of the earth (north^ 
south, east, and west), which is the style in which the children of Israel used to march, 
three tribes together in the four directions of the world to signify that they would 
occupy it all. They were well disposed, and in order to fight their enemies, the 
Napochies, better, tiiey lifted their bows, arranged the arrows gracefully and shifted 
the band of the quiver as if they wanted to beseech it to give up new shafts quickly; 
others examined the necklace [collar] to which the arrow points were fastened and 
which hung down upon their shoulders, and they all brandished their arms and 
stamped with their feet on the ground, all showing how great was their wish to fight 
and how badly they felt about the delay. Each group had its captain, whose emblem 
was a long stave of two brazas ' in height and which the Indians call Otatl ^ and which 
has at its upper end several white feathers. These were used like banners, which 
everyone had to respect and obey. This was also the custom among the heathens 
who affixed on such a stave the head of some wild animal they had killed on a hunt, 
or the one of some prominent enemy whom they had killed in battle. To carry the 
white feathen was a mystery, for they insisted that they did not wish war with the 
Napochies, but to reduce them to the former condition of tributaries to them, the 
Coza people, and pay all since the time they had refused obedience. In order to give 
the Indian army more power and importance the captain had ordered a horse to be 
fixed with all its trappings for the lord or cacique of the Indians, and as the poor 
Indian had never seen much less used one, he ordered a negro to guide the animal. 
The Indians in those parts had seen horses very rarely, or only at a great dif^tance and 
to their sorrow, nor were there any in New Spain before the arrival of the Spaniards. 
The casque went or rather rode in the rear guard, not less flattered by the obsequious- 
ness of the captain than afraid of his riding feat. Our Spaniards also left Coza, always 

1 This ststemtnt is probably erroneoas , as the use * One braza is 6 feet. 
of poisoned arrows amoog oar soathera Indians is * Or oUUlif a Nahuatl word. 
d«Uod by all other wrttMB. 


beiiij; careful to put up their teiit^ or IcKlgiug? apart from the ludiaius «> that the latter 
could not commit any trea<'hery if they po intended. One day, after they had all left 
( oza at a distance of About eight leagues, eight Indians, who appeared to be chiefs, 
entered the camp of the Spaniards, running and without uttering a word; they also 
passed the Indian camp and, arriving at the rearguard where their cacique was, took 
him down from his horse, and the one who seemed to be the highest in rank among the 
eight, put him on his shoulders, and the others caught him, both by his feet and arms, 
and they ran with great impetuosity back the same way they had come. These runners 
emitted very loud bowlings, continuing them as long as their breath lasted, and when 
their wind gave out they barked like big dogs until they had recovered it in order to 
continue the howls and prolonged shouts. The Spaniards, though tired from the sun 
and hungr>% observing the ceremonious superstitions of the Indians, upon seeing and 
hearing the mad music with which they honored their lord, could not contain their 
laughter in spite of their sufferings. The Indians continued their run to a distance 
of about half a league from where the camp was, until they arrived on a little plain near 
the road which had been carefully swept and cleaned for the purpose. There had been 
constructed in the center of that plain a shed or theatre nine cubits in height with a 
few rough steps to mount. Upon arriving near the theatre the Indians first carried their 
lord around the plain once on their shoulders, then they lowered him at the foot of the 
steps, which he mounted alone. He remained standing while all the Indians were 
seated on the plain, waiting to see what their master would do. The Spaniards were 
on their guard about these wonderful and quite new ceremonies and desirous to know 
their mysteries and understand their object and meaning. The cagique began to 
promenade with great majesty on the theatre, looking with severity over the world. 
Then they gave him a most beautiful fly flap which they had ready, made of showy 
birds' plumes of great value. As soon as he held it in hi<« hand he pointed it towards 
the land of the Napochies in the same fashion as would the astrologer the alidade 
[cross-staff], or the pilot the sextant in order to take the altitude at sea. After having 
done this three or four times they gave him some little seeds like fern seeds, and he 
put them into hb^ mouth and began to grind and pulverize them with his teeth and 
molars, pointing again three or four times towards the land of the Napochies as he had 
done before. When the seeds were all ground he b^;an to throw them from his mouth 
around the plain in very small pieces. Then he turned towards his captains with a 
glad countenance and he said to them: "Console yourselves, my friends; our journey 
will have a prosperous outcome; our enemies will be conquered and their strength 
broken, like those seeds which I ground between my teeth." After pronouncing 
these few words, he descended from the scaffold and mounted his horse, continuing 
his way, as he had done hitherto. The Spaniards were discussing what they had seen, 
and laughing about this grotesque ceremony, but the blessed father, Pray Domingo 
de la Anunciacion, mourned over it, for it seemed sacrilege to him and a pact with 
the demon, those ceremonials which those poor people used in their blind idolatry. 
They all arrived, already late, at the banks of a river, and they decided to rest there 
in order to enjoy the coolness of the water to relieve the heat of the earth. When the 
Spaniards wanted to prepare something to eat they did not find an>^hing. There had 
been a mistake, greatly to the detriment of all. The Indians had understood that the 
Spaniards carried food for being so much more dainty and delicate people, and the 
Spaniards thought the Indians had provided it, since they (the Spaniards) had gone 
along for their benefit. Both were U) blame, and they all suffered the penalty. They 
remained without eating a mouthful that night and until the following one, putting 
down that privation more on the IL'^t of those of the past. They put up the two camps 
at a stone's throw, being thus always on guard by this divi.'^ion, for, although the 
Indians were at present very much their friends, they are people who make the laws 
of friendship doubtful and they had once been greatly offended with the Spaniards, 
and were now their reconciled friends. 


With more precaution than satiety the Spaniards proc\ired repose that night, 
when, at the tenth hour, our camp being at rest, a great noise was heard from that * 
of the Indians, with much singing, and dances after their fashion, in the luxury of 
big fires which they had started in abundance, there being much firewood in that 
place. Our men were on their guard until briefly told by the interpreter, whom 
they had taken along, that there was no occasion for fear on the part of the Spaniards, 
but a feasting and occasion of rejoicing on that of the Indians. They felt more 
assured yet when they saw that the Indians did not move from their place and 
they now watched most attentively to enjoy their ceremonials as they had done in 
the past, asking the interpreter what they were saying to one another. After they 
had sung and danced for a long while the cacique seated himself on an elevated 
place, the six captains drawing near him, and he b^an to speak to them admonishing 
the whole army to be brave, restore the glory of their ancestors, and avenge the 
injuries they had received. "Not one of you,'* he said, "can help considering as 
particularly his this enterprise, besides being that of all in common. Remember 
your relatives and you will see that not one among you has been exempt from 
mourning those who have been killed at the hands of the Napochies. Renew the 
dominion of your ancestors and detest the audacity of the tributaries who have tried 
to violate it. If we came alone, we might be obliged to see the loss of life, but not 
of our honor; how much more now, that we have in our company the brave and 
vigorous Spaniards, sons of the sun and relatives of the gods.'* The captains had 
been listening very attentively and humbly to the reasoning of their lord, and as he 
finished they approached him one by one in order, repeating to him in more or fewer 
words this sentence: " Sefior, the more than sufficient reason for what thou hast told 
us is known to us all; many are the damages the Napochies have done us, who 
besides having denied us the obedience they have inherited from their ancestors, 
have shed the blood of those of our kin and country. For many a day have we wished 
for this occasion to show our courage and sen^e thee, especially now, that thy great 
pnidence has won us the favor and endeavor of the brave Spaniards. I swear to 
thee, Sefior, before our gods, to serve thee with all my men in this battle and not 
turn our backs on these enemies the Napochies, until we have taken revenge.'* 
These words the captain accompanied by threats and warlike gestures, desirous 
(and as if calling for the occasion) to show by actions the truth of his words. All 
this was repeated by the second captain and the others in their order, and this homage 
finished, they retired for the rest of the night. The Spaniards were greatly siur- 
prised to find such obeisance used to their princes by people of such retired regions, 
usages which the Romans and other republics of considerable civilization practiced 
before'they entered a war. Besides the oath the Romans made every first of January 
before their Emperor, the soldiers made another one to the captain under whose 
orders they served, promising never to desert his banner, nor evade the meeting of 
the enemy, but to injure him in every way. Many such examples are repeated since the 
time of Herodianus, Cornelius Tacitus, and Suetonius Tranquilus, with a partial lar 
reminiscence in the life of Galba. And it is well worth consideration that the power 
of natiu^ should have created a similarity in the ceremonials among Indians and 
Romans in cases of war where good reasoning rules so that nil be under the orders of 
the superiors and personal grievances be set aside for the common welfare. This 
oath the captains swore on the hands of their lord on that night because they expected 
to see their enemies on the following day very near by, or even be with them, and 
the same oath remained to be made by the soldiers to their captains. At daybreak 
hunger made them rise early, hoping to reach the first village of the Napochies in 
order to get something to eat, for they needed it very much. They traveled all that 
day, mftlHwg their night's rest near a big river which was at a distance of two leagues 
from the finrt village of the enemy. There it seemed most convenient for the army 
to rest, in order to fall upon the \dllage by surprise in the dead of night and kill them 


all, this being the intention of those from Coza. In order to attain better their 
intentions, they begged of the captain not to have the trumpet sounded that evening, 
which was the signal to all for prayer, greeting the queen of the Angels with the Ave 
Maria, which is the custom in all Christendom at nightfall. **The Napochiee'' said 
the people of Coza, *'are ensnarers and always have their spies around those fields, 
and upon hearing the trumpet they would retire into the woods and we would remain 
without the victory we desire; and therefore the trumpet should not be sounded." 
Thus the signal remained unsounded for that one night, but the blessed father Fray 
Dcuningo de la Anunciacion, with his pious devotion, went around to all the sol- 
diers telling them to say the Ave Maria, and he who was bugler of the evangile now 
had become bugler of war in the service of the Holy Virgin Mary. That night those 
of Coza sent their spies into the village of the Napochies to see what they were doing 
and if they were careless on account of their ignorance of the coming of the enemy; 
or, if kncwing it, they were on the warpath. At midnight the spies came back, 
well content, for they had noticed great silence and lack of watchfulness in that 
village, where, not only was there no sound of arms, but even the ordinary noises 
of inhabited places were not heard. "They all sleep,'' they said, ''and are entirely 
ignorant of oiu: coming, and as a testimonial that we have made our investigation of 
the enemies' village carefully and faithfully, we bring these ears of green com, these 
beans, and calabashes, taken from the gardens which the Napochies have near their 
own houses." With those news the Coza people recovered new life and animation, 
and on that night all the soldiers made their oath to their captains, just as the cap- 
tains had done on the previous one to their cacique. And our Spaniards enjoyed 
those ceremonies at closer quarters, since they had seen from the first ceremony 
that this was really war against Indians which was intended, and not craft against 
themselves. The Indians were now very ferocious, with a great desire to come in 
contact with their enemies. . . . 

All of the Napochies had left their town, because without it being clear who 
had given them warning, they had received it, and the silence the spies had noticed 
in the village was not due to their carelessness but to their absence. The people of 
Coza went marching towards the village of the Napochies in good order, spreading 
over the country in small companies, each keeping to one road, thus covering all 
the exits from the village in order to kill all of their enemies, for they thought they 
were quiet and unprepared in their houses. When they entered the village they 
were astonished at the too great quiet and, finding the houses abandoned, they saw 
upon entering that their enemies had left them in a hurry, for they left even their 
food and in several houses they found it cooking on the fire, where now those poor 
men found it ready to season. They found in that village, which was quite complete, 
a quantity of maize, beans, and many pots filled with bear fat, bears abounding in 
that country and their fat being greatly prized. The highest priced riches which 
they could carry off as spoils were skins of deer and bear, which those Indians tanned 
in a diligent manner \ery nicely and with which they covered themselves or which 
they used as beds. The people of C'Oza were desirous of finding some Indians on 
whom to demonstrate the fury of their wrath and vengeance and they went looking 
for them very diligently, but soon they saw what increased their wrath. In a scjuare 
situated in the center of the village they found a pole of about three estados in height' 
which served as gallows or pillory where they atlronted or insulted their enemies 
and also criminals. As in the past wars had been in favour of the Napochies, that 
pole was full of scalps of people from Coza. It was an Indian custom that the scalp 
of the fallen enemy was taken and hung on that pole. The dead had been numerous 
and the pole was quite peopled with scalps. It was a very great soirow for the Coza 
people to see that testimonial of their ignominy which at once recalloil the memory 

> Three times the height of a man. 


of past injuries. They all raised their voices in a furious wail, bemoaning the deaths 
of their relatives and friends. They shed many tears as well for the loss of theii 
dead as for the affront to the living. Moved to compassion, the Spaniards tried to 
console them, but for a very long time the demonstrations of mourning did not give 
them a chance for a single word, nor could they do more than go around the square 
with extraordinary signs of compassion or sorrow for their friends or of wrath against 
their enemies Then they [the Indians] got hold of one of the hatchets which the 
Spaniards had brought with them, and they cut down the dried out tree close to 
the ground, taking the scalps to bury them with the superstitious practices of their 
kind. With all this they became so furious and filled with vengeance, that 
everyone of them wished to have many hands and to be able to lay them all on the 
Napochies. They went from house to house looking for someone like enfuriated 
lions and they found only a poor strange Indian [from another tribe] who was ill 
and very innocent of those things, but as blind vengeance does not stop to consider, 
they tortured the poor Indian till they left him dying. Before he expired though, 
the good father Fray Domingo reached his side and told him, through the interpreter 
he had brought along, that if he wished to enjoy the eternal blessings of heaven, he 
should receive the blessed water of baptism and theieby become a Christian. He 
furthei gave him a few reasonings, the shortest possible as the occasion demanded, 
but the unfortunate Indian, with inherent idolatry and suffering from his fresh wounds, 
did not pay any attention to such good council, but delivered his soul to the demon 
as his ancestors before him had done. This greatly pained the blessed Father Do- 
mingo, because, as his greatest aim was to save souls, their loss was his greatest sorrow. 

When the vindictive fury of the Coza people could not find any hostile Napochies 
on whom to vent itself, they wanted to bum the whole village and they started to 
do so. This cruelty caused much grief to the merciful Fray Domingo de la Anun- 
ciacion, and upon his plea the captain told the people of Coza to put out the fires, 
and the same friar, through his interpreter, condemned their action, telling them that 
it was cowardice to take vengeance in the absence of the enemies whose flight, if 
it meant avowal of their deficiency, was so much more glory for the victors. All 
the courage which the Athenians and the Lacedemonians showed in their wars was 
nullified by the cruelty which they showed the vanquished. *'How can we know," 
said the good father to the Spaniards, "whether the Indians of this village are not 
perhaps hidden in these forests, awaiting us in some narrow pass to strike us all down 
with their arrows? Don't allow, brethren, this cruel destruction by fire, so that God 
may not permit your own deaths at the hands of the inhabitants of this place [these 
houses]." The captain urged the cacique to have the fire stopped; and as he was 
tardy in ordering it, the captain told him in the name of Fray Domingo, that if the 
\illage was really to be burnt down, the Spaniards would all return because 
they considered this war of the fire as waged directly against them by burning down 
the houses, where was the food which they all needed so greatly at all times. Fol- 
lowing this menace, the cacique ordered the Indians to put out the fire which had 
already made great headway and to subdue which recjuired the efforts of the whole 
army. When the Indians were all (quieted, the caci([ue took possession of the village 
in company with his principal men and with much singing and dancing, accompanied 
by the music of badly tuned flutes, they celebrated their victories. 

The abundance of maize in that village was greater than had been supposed and 
the cacique ordered much of it to be taken to Coza ' so that the Spaniards who had 
remained there should not lack food. His main intention was to reac*h or find the 
enemy, leaving enough people in that village [of the Napochies] to prove his possession 
and a garrison of Spanish soldiers, which the (^ptaiu asked for greater security. He 
then left to pursue the fugitives. They left in great confusion, because they did not 

1 Aooca In tlM origiiiAl MS. 


know where to find a trace of the flight which a whole village had taken and although 
'the people of (^za endeavored diligently to find out whether they had hidden in 
the forests, they could not obtain any news more certain than their own conjectures. 
**It can not be otherwise," they said, ^' than that the enemy, knowing that we were 
coming with the Spaniards became suspicious of the security of their forests and 
went to hide on the great water." When the Spaniards heard the name of great water, 
they thought it might be the sea, but it was only a great river, which we call the 
River of the Holy Spirit, the source of which is in some big forests of the country 
called La Florida. It is very deep and of the width of two harquebuse-shots. In a 
certain place which the Indians knew, it became very wide, losing its depth, so that 
it could be forded and it is there where the Napochies of the first village had passed, 
and also those who lived on the bank of that river, who, upon hearing the news, also 
abandoned their village, passing the waters of the Oquechiton, which is the name 
the Indians give that river and which means in our language the great water (la grande 
agua).^ Before the Spaniards arrived at this little hamlet however, they saw on the 
flat roof (azotea) of an Indian house, two Indians who were on the lookout to see 
whether the Spaniards were pursuing the people of the two villages who had fled 
across the river. The horsemen spurred their horses and, when the Indians on guard 
saw them, they were so surprised by their monstrosity [on horseback] that they 
threw themselves down the embankment towards the river, without the Spaniards 
being able to reach them, because the bank was very steep and the Indians very 
swift. One of them was in such a great hurry that he left a great number of anows 
behind which he had tied up in a skin, in the fashion of a quiver. 

All the Spaniards arrived at the village but found it deserted, containing a great 
amount of food, such as maize and beans. The inhabitants of both villages were on 
the riverbank on the other side, quite confident that the Spaniards would not be able 
to lord it. They ridiculed and made angry vociferations against the people from Coza. 
Their mirth was short lived, however, for, as the Coza people knew that country, they 
found the ford in the river and they started crossing it, the water reaching the chests 
of those on foot and the saddles of the riders. Fray Domingo de la Anunciacion 
remained on this side of the water with the cacique, because as he was not of the war 
party it did not seem well that he should get wet. When our soldiers had reached 
about the middle of the river, one of them fired his flint lock which he had charged 
with two balls, and he felled one of the Napochies who was on the other side. When 
the others saw him on the ground dead, they were greatly astonished at the kind of 
Spanish weapon, which at such a distance could at one shot kill men. They put him 
on their shoulders and hurriedly carried him ofT, afraid that other shots might follow 
against their own persons. All the Napochies fled, and the people of Coza upon 
passing the river pursued them until the fugitives gathered on the other side of an arm 
of the same stream, and when those from Coza were about to pass that the Napochies 
called out to them and said that they would fight no longer, but that they would be 
friends, because they [the Coza people] brought with them the power of the Spaniards; 
that they were ready to return to their former tributes and acknowledgment of what 
they owed them [the Coza people]. Those from Coza were glad and they called to 
them that they should come in peace and present themselves to their cacique . They all 
came to present their obedience, the captain of the Spaniards requesting that the van- 
quished be treated benignly. The cacique received them with severity, reproach- 
ing them harshly for their past rebellion and justifying any death he might choose to 
give them, as well for their refusal to pay their tributes as for the lives of so many Coza 
people which they liad taken, but that the intervention of the Simniards was so highly 
appreciated that he admitted them into his reconciliation and grace, restoring former 

I This is pure Choctiw, from oka, water, and the objective form of chito, big. This river was not the 
Mississippi, as Padilla supposes, but probably the Blaclc Warrior. 


conditions. The vanquished were very grateful, throwing the blame on bad roun- 
seloFB, as if it were not just as bad to listen to the bad which is advised as to advise it. 
They capitulated and peace was made. 

The Napochies pledged themselves to pay as tributes, thrice a year, game, or fruits, 
chestnuts, and nuts, in confirmation of their [the Coza people's] superiority, which 
had been recognized by their forefathers. This done, the whole army returned to 
the first village of the Napochies, where they had left in garrison Spanish soldiers and 
Coza people. As this village was convenient they rested there three days, imtil it 
seemed time to return to Coza where the 150 Spanish soldiers were waiting for them. 
The journey was short and they arrived soon, and although they found them all in 
good health, including Father Fray Domingo de Salazarwho had remained with them, 
all had suffered great hunger and want, because there were many people and they 
had been there a long time. They began to talk of returning to Nanipacna, where they 
had left their general, not having found in this land what had been claimed and hoped 
for. As it means valor in war sometimes to flee and temerity to attack, thus is it pru- 
dence on some occasions to retrace one's steps, when the going ahead does not bring 
any benefit.' 

Barcia's account of this expedition is much shorter and contains 
little not given in the narrative of Padilla. He says that Father 
Domingo de la Anunciacion ' ' asked the Indians about a man called 
Falco Herrado,' a soldier of low rank, who remained voluntarily at 
Coza when Hernando de Soto passed through there ; and he also asked 
about a negro, by the name of Robles, whom De Soto left behind sick,' 
and he was informed that they had lived for 11 or 12 years among 
those Indians, who treated them very well, and that 8 or 9 years before 
they died from sickness." * 

After consultation the Spaniards determined to send messengers 
back to De Luna, the bulk of the force remaining where it was until 
they learned whether he would join them. They foimd that the 
Spanish settlers had withdrawn to the port where they had originally 
landed, and, arrived there, they received orders to return to the Span- 
iards in Coza and direct them to abandon the country and unite with 
the rest of the colony. As soon as the messengers reached them they 
set out **to the great grief of the Indians who accompanied them two 
or three days' journey weeping, with great demonstrations of love, 
but not for their religion, since only one dying Indian asked for 
baptism, which Father Salazar administered to him. In the begin- 
ning of November they reached the port after having been seven 
months on this exploration. " * 

We leam from this narrative that the nucleus of the Coosa River 
Creeks and the Tallapoosa River Creeks was already in existence, and 
that the Coosa and Hotiwahali tribes were then most prominent 

1 Davfla PBdillB, Historia, pp. 205-217. Translation by Mrs. F. Randdfcr. 

* Ranjel in Botune, Narr. of De Soto, D, p. 113; he gives this man's name as Feryada, and calls him a 

• Ibid., p. 114. 

« Barcia, La Florida, p. 3S. 
» n>id., pp. 37-aO. 


in the respective groups. It is probable that most of the other tribes 
afterwards found upon Tallapoosa River were at this time in Georgia, 
and it is likely that the Abihka had not yet come to settle beside the 
Coosa. In spite of an evident confusion in the minds of the 
Spaniards of Indian and feudal institutions there must have been 
some basis for the overlordship said to have been enjoyed by the 
Indians of Coosa. The Napochies seem to have been a Choctaw- 
speaking people on the Black Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers. Mr. 
Grayson informs me that the name was preserved until recent years 
as a war title among the Creeks. They were probably identical with 
the Napissa, whom Iberville notes as having already in his time 
(1699) imited with the Chickasaw.* 

In 1567 Juan Pardo came toward this country, advancing beyond 
Chiaha on the Tennessee to a place called Satapo, from which some 
Indians and a soldier proceeded to Coosa. On the authority of the 
soldier, Vandera gives the following description of Coosa town: 

Cooea is a large village, the largest to be met after leaving Santa Elena on the road 
we took from there. It may contain about 150 people — that is, judging by the size of 
the village. It seems to be a wealthier place than all the others; there are generally 
a great many Indians in it. It is situated in a valley at the foot of a mountain. All 
around it at one-quarter, one-half, and one league there are very many big places. It 
is a very fertile country; its situation is at midday's sun or perhaps a little leas than 

Fear of this tribe, allied with the ^'Chisca, Carrosa, and Costehe," 
was what decided Pardo to turn back to Santa Elena.' While Van- 
dera seems to say that Coosa had 150 inhabitants, he must mean 
neighborhoods, otherwise it certainly would not be the largest place 
the Spaniards had discovered. Garcilasso says that in Coosa there 
were 500 houses, but he is wont to exaggerate.^ At the same time, 
if Vandera means 150 neighborhoods and Garcilasso counted all 
classes of buildings, the two statements could be reconciled very well. 

And now, after enjoying such eaily prominence, the Coosa tribe 
slips entirely from view, and when we next catch a glimpse of it its 
ancient importance has gone. Adair, the first writer to notice the 
town particularly, 8a\"s: 

In the upper or meet western part of the coimtry of the Muskohge there was an old 
beloved town, now reduced to a small ruinous village, caUed Koomh, which is still a 
place of safety to those who kill undesignedly. It stands on commanding ground, 
overlooking a bold river." 

The name appears in the enumerations of 1738,* 1750,* and 1760,^ 
and a part at least in the enumeration of 1761 .* In 1796 John O'Kelly, 
a half-breed, was trader there, having succeeded his father." 

» llargry, X>6o., iv. p. 180. • MS., Ayqr CoU. 

s Vandera in Ruidlas, n, pp. 48&-486. ' Miss. I'nn'. Arch., i, pp. 94-05. 

> Ibid., p. 471. • Col. Docs. Oa., vm, p. 612. 

« Garcilasso In BhJpp, De Soto and Florida, p. 374. • Oa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., ix, pp. 84, lOQ. 

• Adair, Hltt. Am. ladiM P* IM* 


Hawkins describes the town as follows, as it existed in 1799: 

Goo-fsau; on the left bank of Coo-eau, between two creekB, Eii-fau-lau and Nau-chee. 
The town borders on the first, above; and on the other river. The town is on a high 
and beautiful hill; the land on the river is rich and flat for two hundred yards, then 
waving and rich, fine for wheat and com. It is a limestone country, with fine springs, 
and a very desirable one; there is reed on the branches, and pea-vine in the rich bot- 
toms and hill sides, moss in the river and on the rock beds of the creek. 

They get fish plentifully in the spring season, near the mouth of Eu-fau-lau-hat-che; 
they are rock, trout, buffalo, red horse and perch. They have fine stocks of horses, 
hogs and cattle; the town gives name to the river, and is sixty miles above 

Coosa had evidently fallen off very much from its ancient grandeur 
and its name does not appear in the census enumeration of 1832. 
Those who lived there abandoned their town some years after 1799, 
and settled a few miles higher up on the east side of the river near 
what is now East Bend.' It is not now represented by any existing 
town among the Creeks, but the name is well known and still appears 
in war titles. From the census list of 1761 one might judge that part 
of the Coosa had moved down on Tallapoosa River and settled with 
the Fus-hatchee people, with whom they would have gone to Florida 
and afterwards, in part at least, to the southern part of the Seminole 
Nation, Oklahoma.' The French census of about 1760 associates 
them rather with the Kan-hatki, but the fate of Kan-hatki and Fus- 
hatchee was the same.* What happened to the greater portion of 
them will be told presently. 

Besides Coosa proper we find a town placed on several maps be- 
tween Tuskegee and Koasati and called "Old Coosa/' or '^Coussas 
old village." From the resemblance of the name to that of the 
Koasati as usually spelled, and the proximity of the two places, 
Gatschet thought it was another term applied to the latter.^ But on 
the other hand we often find Coosa-old-town and Koasati on the same 
map, and both are mentioned separately in the enumerations of 1760 
and 1761 .• The fact that, according to the same lists, there were Coosa 
on Tallapoosa River not far away, associated with the Fus-hatchee 
and Kan-hatki^ would strengthen the belief that there were really some 
Coosa Indians at this place. Even if there were not, the name itself 
clearly implies that the site had once been occupied by Coosa Indians, 
and by inference at a time anterior to the settlement of the Coosa 
already considered. Without traceable connection with any of these 
bodies is ''a Small Settlement of Indians called thoCousah old Fields" 

1 Oa. Hist. Soc Colls., m, p. 41. 

s Plate 8; Roywin 18th Ana. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pi. cvm, map of Alabama. 

> Oa. CoL Docs., vm, p. 523. 

• Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 04. 

• Cre^ MiC. LeK.« i. p. 137. 

• Miss. Plov. Aioh., I, p. 04; Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 534. 

148061*— 22 16 



[bull. T8 

encountered in 1778 between the Choctawhatchee and Apalachicola 
Rivers by a BritisR expedition under David Hobnes sent into East 
Florida from Pensacola.* 

Still another branch of this tribe was in all probability the Coosa 
of South Carolina which has been elsewhere considered.' 

By common tradition and the busk expression, " We are Kos-istagi, '' 
still used by them, we know that there are several other towns 
descended from Coosa, though no longer bearing the name. The 
most important of these was Otciapofa, commonly called "Hickory 
Ground,'' whose people came from Little Tulsa. Little Tulsa was 
the seat of the famous Alexander McGillivray and was located on the 
east bank of Coosa River 3 miles above the falls. After his death the 
inhabitants all moved to the Hickory Ground, Otciapofa, which was on 
the same side of the river just below the falls.' Tlie condition of this 
latter town in 1799 is thus described by Hawkins: 

0-cho-au-po-fau ; from Oche-ub, a hick(>r>' tree, and po-fau, in (»r among, called by 
the traders, hickory ground. It is on the left bank of tlie Coosau, two miles above the 
fork of the river, and one mile below the falls, on a flat of poor land, just below a small 
stream ; the fields are on the right side of the river, on rich flat land ; and this flat 
extends back for two miles, with oak and hickor>*, then pine fon^et; the range out in 
thisiorest is fine for cattle; reed is abiuidant in all the branches. 

The falls can be easily passed in canoes, either up or down; the rock is very different 
from that of Tallapoosa; here it is rajrged and very coarse granite; the land bordering 
on the left side of the falls is broken or wa\ang, gravelly, not rich. At the termina- 
tion of the falls there is a fine little stream, large enough for a small mill, called, from 
the clearness of the water, We-hemt-le, good water. ^ Three and a half miles above the 
town are ten apple trees, planted by the late General McGilli\Tay ; half a mile further 
up are the remains of Old Tal-e-see,* formerly the residence of Mr. Lochlan * and his 
son, the general. 1 lere are ten apple trees, planted by the father, and a stone chimney, 
the remains of a house built by the son, and these are all the improvements left by 
the father and son . 

These people are, some of them, industrious. They have forty gunmen, nearly 
three himdred cattle, and some horses and hogs; the family of the general belong to 
this town; he left one son and two daughters; the son is in Scotland, with his grand- 
father, and the daughters with Sam Macnack [Moniac], a half-breed, their uncle; the 
property is much of it wasted. The chiefs have rerjuested tho agent for Indian affairs 
to take charge of the property for the son, to prevent its being wasted by the sisters 
of the general or by their children. Mrs. Durant, the oldest sister, has eight children. 
She is industrious, but has no economy or management. In )X)ssession of fourteen 
working negroes, she seldom makes bread enough, and they live poorly. She can 
spin and weave, and is making some feeble efforts to obtain clothing for her family. 
The other sister, Sehoi, has about thirty negroes, is extravagant and heedless, neither 
spins nor weaves, and has no government of her family. She has one son, Da\'id Tale 
[Tate?] who has been educated in Philadelphia and Scotland. He promises to do 

» Copy of MS.,. Lib. Cong. 

« See p. 25. 

> Hawkins in Ga. Fiist. Soo. Colls., ix, p. 4}. 

« >VI hIli-"goo(i water." 

» I-ittloTulsu. 

• Tho Lib. Conjf. MS. h:»s "Mr. Jxjchlan McCfUil- 

■Ca. IIi>t. 8oc. Colls., in, pp. 3JM0. 


The town is given in the lists of 1760 and 1761, by Bartrain, by 
Swan, and in the census of 1832/ and, probably in a distorted form, 
in 1750.2 

Big Tulsa, which separated from the town last mentioned, may 
be identical with that which appears in the De Soto chronicles 
imder the synonymous terms Tahsi, Tallise, and Talisse.^ Biedma 
does not mention it. The other three chroniclers describe it as a 
large town by a great river, having plenty of com. . Elvas states 
that "other towns and many fields of maize were on the opposite 
shore.^'* Garcilasso says that this place was *Hhe key of the 
coimtry,'* and that it was '* palisaded, invested with very good 
terraces, and almost surrounded bj'^ a river.'' He adds that ''it 
did not heartily acknowledge the cacique [of Coosa], because of 
a neighboring chief, who endeavored to make the people revolt 
against him.''* We may gather from this that Tulsa had at that 
time become such a large and strong town that it no longer leaned 
on the mother town of Coosa, as would be the case with a new or 
weak offshoot. There may indeed be some question whether this 
was the Tulsa of later history, but there does not appear to be a 
really valid reason to deny this, although the name from which it is 
thought to have been derived is a very common one. Spanish docu- 
ments of 1597-9S speak, for instance, of a town called Talaxe (or 
Talashe) in Guale and a river so called, evidently the Altamaha. 
Woodward says that 'Hhe Tallasse^ never settled on the Tallapoosa 
River before 1756; they were moved to that place by James McQueen" 
from the Talladega country,* but the name occurs here on the earliest 
maps available, at a date far back of any period of which Woodward 
could have had information. Probably his statement applies to an 
independent body of Tulsa entered in the list dating from 1750,^ 
as in the Abihka country, and appearing on the Purcell map (pi. 7) 
as ' *Tallassehase," Tulsa old town. The history of this settlement 
is otherwise unknown. In De Soto's time the several towns may not 
have become separated, but of that we have no knowledge. My 
opinion is that in either case the town entered by De Soto was farther 
toward the southwest than the position in which Big Tulsa was later 
found, somewhere, in fact, between the site of Holiwahali and that 
of the present St. Clair, in Lowndes County, Alabama.^ 

The name of this town occurs frequently in later documents, and 
it is given in the lists of 1750, 1760, and 1 761, by Bartram, Swan, and 

> Miss. Prov. Arch., I, p. 95; Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523; Bartram, Travels, p. 401; Schoolcraft, Ind. 
Tribes, v, p. 362; Sen. Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 280-281. 

* Bourne, Nan. of De Soto, i, p. 86; u, pp. 115-116; Garcilasso in Shlpp, De Soto and Florida, p. 375. 

* Bourne, op. cit., i, p. 85. 

* Garcilasso in Shlpp, De Soto and Florida, p. 375. 

* Woodward, Reminiscences, p. 77. 

1 1n plate 2 the positions o( Tulsa (1) and Tuwasa (1 ) should be transposed. 


Hawkins, and in the census of 1832.* In the great squares of this 
town and Tukabahchee Teeumseh met the Creeks in council. In 
1797 the traders here were James McQueen, the oldest white man 
in the Creek Nation, who had come to Georgia as a soldier under 
Oglethorpe in 1733,^ and William Powell. Hawkins gives the follow- 
ing description of it as it existed in 1799: 

Tal-e-see, from Tal-o-fau, a town, and c-see^ taken." Situated in the fork of Eu-fau-be 
on the left bank of Tal-la-poo-sa, oppoeite Took-au-bat-che. Eu-fau-be has its source 
in the ridge dividing the waters of Chat-to-ho-che from Tal-la-poo-ea, and runs nearly 
west to the junction with the river; here it is sixty feet wide. The land on it is 
poor for some miles up, then rich flats, bordered with pine land with reedy branches; 
a fine range for cattle and horses. 

The Indians have mostly left the town, and settled up the creek, or on its waters, for 
twenty miles.* The settlements are some of them well chosen, and fenced with worm 
fences. The land bordering on the streams of the right side of the creek, is better than 
that of the left; and here the settlements are mostly made. Twelve miles up the creek 
from its mouth it forks; the large fork of the left side has some rich flat swamp, large 
white oak, poplar, ash, and white pine. The trading path from Cus-se-tuh to the 
Upper Creeks crosses this fork t^ice. Here it is called big swamp (opil-thluc-co). 
The waving land to its source is stiff. The growth is post oak, pine, and hard-shelled 

The Indians who have settled out on the margins and branches of the creek have 
several of them, cattle, hogs, and horses, and b^in to be attentive to them. The head 
warrior of the town, Peter McQueen, a half-breed, is a snug trader, has a valuable prop- 
erty in negroes and stock, and begins to know their value. 

These Indians were very friendly to the United States during the Revolutionary 
War, and their old chief, Ilo-bo-ith-le Mic-co, of the halfway house (improperly called 
the Tal-e-see king), could not be prevailed on by any offers from the agents of Great 
Britain to take part with them. On the return of peace, and the establishment of 
friendly arrangements between the Indians and citizens of the United States, this 
chief felt hini-'^elf neglected by Mr. Seagrove, which resenting, he robbed and insulted 
that gentleman, compelled him to leave his house near Took-au-bat-che, and fly into a 
swamp. He has since then, as from a spirit of contradiction, formed a party in oppo- 
sition to the will of the nation, which has given much trouble and difficulty to the 
chiefs of the land. His principal assi*<tants were the leaders of the banditti who 
insulted the commissioners of Spain and the United States, on the 17th September, 
1799, at the confluence of Flint and (?hat-to-ho-che. The exemplary punishment 
inflicted on them by the warriors of the nation, has effectually checked their mis- 
chief-making and silenced them. And this chief has had a solemn warning from the 
national council, to respect the laws of the nation, <.»r he should meet the punishment 
ordained by the law. He is one of the great medal chiefs. 

This spirit of party or opposition prevails not only here, but more or less in every 
town in the nation. The plainest proposition for ameliorating their condition, is 
immediately opposed; and this opposition continues as long as there is hope to obtain 
present-**, the infallible mode heretofore in use, to gain a point.* 

1 Ml-'s. Prov. Arch , i, p. 95; Oa. Col. Doc., vin, p. 623; Bartram, Travels, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. 
Tribes, V, p. 262; Ga. ITL^t. Boc. ColLs., m, p. 25; Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., l.n .sess., iv, pp. 260-264. 

« Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., IX, p. 168. 

> There is a Creek tradition to the effect that this town was once "captured" by the Ttikabahdiee,but 
I am inclined to think that it was invented to account for the name. It is more likely that Oatscbet is 
right in deriving the name from tilna, to^ii, ami, ahasi, old, although it is now so much abbreviated that 
its original meaning is totally obscured. 

* The Ub. Cong. KS. has "36 mileft." 

• The Lib. Cong. MS. adds the name of the magnolia. 
^ Ob, Hist. 8oc. CoUs., m, pp. 26-37. 




Tulsa had several branch towns. Mention has already been made 
of one of these.^ On the French list of 1760 and several early maps 
is a place called Nafape, or Nafabe, which was evidently a Tulsa out- 
village on a creek of the same name flowing into Ufaupce Creek.' 
Near, and possibly identical with this, was Chatukchufaula, although 
on some maps it appears on Tallapoosa River itself. It is evidently 
the "Challacpauley '' of Swan,* and I give it as a branch of Tulsa on 
the authority of Woodward.* It was destroyed in the war of 1813-14 
by Indians friendly to the United States Government and the people 
probably migrated to Florida.* 

The "Halfway House,'' of which the " Ho-bo-ith-le Mic-co'' of 
Hawkins was chief, is frequently mentioned by travelers. Taitt gives 
its Creek name as ''Chavucleyhatchie.'' He says: 

I took the bearings and distance of the path to this place which is twenty-five miles 
ENE. from the Tuckabatchie, 8ituate<l on a creek called Cha\'ncleyhatchie being the 
north branch of Nufabee Creek, which emptyj^ itself into the Tallaput^e River at the 
great Tallasdes. In this village w^hich belongs to the Tallasies are about 20 gunmen 
and one trader.^ 

In Bartram's list (1 777) it appears as '* Ghuaclahatche.''^ Although 
given as a town distinct from the Halfway house the ^'Chawelatchie'' 
of the Purcell map (pi. 7) is evidently intended for this, especially 
since Hawkins calls it '^Chowolle Hatche.'^^ The name is perpetu- 
ated in the **Chewockeleeha tehee Creek'' of modern maps. 

iVnother branch was Saoga-hatchee, '^Rattle Creek," which appears 
as early as 1760.* Hawkins has the following to say regarding it: 

Sou-go-hat-che; from Bou-go, a c^-mbal, and hat-<'he, a creek. This joins on the left 
side of Tallapoosa, ten miles below Eu-fau-lau. It it* a large creek, and the land on 
the forks and to their sources is stiff in places, and stony. The timber is red oak and 
small hickory; the flatn on the streams are rich, covered with reed; among the branches 
the land ifl waving and fit for cultivation. 

They have thirty gunmen in this village, who have lately joined Tal-e-see. One 
of the chiefs, 0-fau-mul-gau, has some cattle, others have a few, as they have only 
paid attention to their stock within two years, and their means for acquiring them were 

Above this creek, on the waters of Eu-fau-lau-hat-che, there are some settlements 
well chosen. The upland is stiff and stx^ny or gravelly; the timber is post and red oak, 
pine and hickory; the trees are small; the soil aj)parently rich enough, and well suited 
for wheat, and the streams have some rich flat<.' 

Another branch, Lutcapoga, "terrapin resort," ''place where 
terrapins are gathered," appears only in Hawkins's Lettei*s'° and in 

I See p. 243. 

* Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 85. 

: Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
^Woodward, Remixiisceiice.s, p. 35. 
» See pp. 409-410. 

* Ifereness, Trav. Am. Col., p. 545. 

» Bar! ram, Travels, p. 461. 
» <I;\. Hist. Soc. Colls,, IX, p. 50. 
»Ibid.,ni, p. 49. 

w As " Liichaossogiih."— r,a. Hist. Soc. Colls., 
IX, p. 33. 


the census of 1832.* There is to-day a place called Loachapoka in 
Lee County, Alabama, about halfway between Montgomery and West 
Point. The name was also given to a western tributary of the Chatta- 
hoochee.* After the Creek removal this town settled in the northern- 
most part of the nation, where the floiu'ishing modem city of Tulsa has 
grown up, named for its mother town. The main town of Tulsa also 
split into two parts in Oklahoma, called after their respective loca- 
tions Tulsa Canadian and Tulsa Little River. The last is the only 
one which in 1912 maintained a square ground. 

The Okfuskee [Akf^ski] towns constituted the largest group 
descended from Coosa. Like the Tulsa, these people referred to them- 
selves in busk speeches asKos-istigi, '*Coosa people." The name, which 
signifies *'point between rivers," nowhere appears in the De Soto 
narratives, but is in evidence very early in the maps and documents 
of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. On the Lam- 
hatty map it is given in the form ^^Oufusky," apparently as far 
east as the east bank of Flinl River.* Not much reliance can be 
placed on the geography of this map, though it is not unlikely that 
Lamhatty was attempting to place the eastern Okfuskee settlements 
on the upper Chattahoochee River. On the De Crenay map of 
1733 two Okfuskee towns appear — one, "Oefasquets," between the 
Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers well down toward the point where they 
come together; the other, ^*Les grands Oefasqu6," a considerable dis- 
tance up the Tallapoosa.^ They occur again in the Spanish census 
of 1738, in which the latter is called *'Oefasque Talajase/' showing 
it to have been the original town.* The same pair are repeated 
in the census, of 1750.* The former appears in the list of 1760 as 
"Akfeechkoutchis" (i. e., Little Okfuskee); the latter as "Akfaches" 
(i. e., the Okfuskee proper) .• This last is * * the great Okwhuske town" 
which Adair mentions and locates on the west bank of Tallapoosa 
River. He calls the Tallapoosa River after it.' 

In 1754 the French of Fort Toulouse almost persuaded the Okfuskee 
Creeks to cut off those English traders who were among them, but 
they were prevented by the opposition of a young chief.' In 1760 
such a massacre did take place at Okfuskee and its branch town, 
Sukaispoga, as also at Okchai and Kealedji.' The name of Okfuskee 
appears in the list of 1761, and in the lists of Bartram, Swan, and 
Hawkins.*® Bartram mentions an upper and a lower town of 

» Senate Doc. 512, Zid C-ong. 1st ses.s.,iv, pp. 270-274. 

s Plate 0. 

> Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p.»' 

« Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 100. 

» MS., Ayer Lib. 

• Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. W. 

r Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 258,2*13 

• Oa. Col. Docs., vn, pp. 41-42. 

• Ibid., pp. 261-260. 

M Oa. Col. Does., vm, p. 523; Bartram, Travels, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; Ga. Hist. Soo. 
CoUs., m, p. 25. 


the name, perhaps the two distinguished bv the French.* In 1797 
the trader was Patrick Donnallv.^ In the census rolls of 1832 no 
such town appears, but by that time the main settlement seems to 
have adopted the name Tcatoksofka, ''deep rock/' i. e., one where 
there was a considerable fall of water, or '^rock deep down,*' and this 
does occur.^ After the removal to Oklahoma, Tcatoksofka was still the 
principal town. The old name Okfuskee was revived somewhat lat^r 
by a chief named Fushatcutci (Little Fus-hatchee) who moved into 
the western part of the nation wth j)art of the Tcatoksofka people 
and gave the old name to his new settlement. From this circum- 
stance his people afterwards called him Tal-mutca's mi'ko, "New 
town chief/' 

Another branch is called Abihkutci [Abi'kutci]. The name signi- 
fies "Little Abihka" and it might naturally be supposed that the 
people so designating themselves belonged to the Abihka Creeks. 
In fact, the principal Abihka town before the emigration was known 
as Abihkutci, whereas, after their removal, the diminutive ending 
was dropped and the name Abihka resumed. Two stories were 
given me of the way in which this name "Abihkutci'' came to be 
used for an Okfuskee town. According to one, the town was founded 
by a few Abihka Indians, but it was later filled up with Okfuskee. 
According to the other, some Abihka joined the Okfuskee before the 
Civil War and afterwards left them. Then they formed a town 
apart and said "We will be called Little Abihkas." But since they 
had at one time lived with the Okfuskee the latter adopted the name 
Abihkutci for use among themselves. In any case the occurrence 
does not seem to "have preceded the westward emigration of the Creeks, 
and the town did not have a very long separate existence. At 
the present day it has no square ground of its own. 

Another branch was known as Tukabahchee Tallahassee, probably 
because it occupied a place where the Tukabahchee had formerly 
lived. It appears in the lists of Swan and Hawkins/ and the latter 
states that in 1797 it received the name of Talmutcasi (New Town). 
We find it imder this latter designation in the census list of 1832.* 
It follows from its recent origin that it is distinct from the Talima- 
chusy* or Tallimuchase^ of De Soto's time, though the names 
mean the same thing. After removal these people settled in the south- 
western part of the nation and appear to have changed from the 
White to the Red side, being sometimes treated as a branch of Atasi. 
Their square ground was given up so long ago that very little is 
remembered regarding it. 

t Bartram, Travels, p. 461. 

I Hawkins in Ga. Ilist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 169. 

• Ben. Doc. 612, 23d Cong. , 1st sess. , IV , pp. 331-343. 
^Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; On. Hist. Soc. CoUs., n, p. 46. 

• Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong. 1st scss., iv, pp. 254-255. 

• Boame, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 113. 
' Ibid., I, p. 84. 


One of the oldest branches of Okfuskee was Sukaispoga, '* place 
for getting hogs/' called by Hawkins '*Sooc-he-ah," and known to 
the traders as "Hog Range.'' It appears in the censuses of 1760 
and 1761, and in the lists of Bartram, Sw^an, and Hawkins.* In 1772 
it had about 45 gunmen.* Prom Hawkins's description, given 
below, it appears that the town united with Imukfa about 1799, and 
therefore the name does not appear in the census rolls of 1832. 
Imukfa was, according to Hawkins, made up of settlers from ''Thu- 
le-oc-who-cat-lau*' and the people of the town just referred to. 
**Thu-le-oc-who-cat-lau" is evidently the ^^Chuleocwhooatlee" which 
he mentions in 1797 in his letter and which was "on the left bank 
of Tallapoosa, 11 miles below Newyaucau.' Tohtogagi [To'togagi] is 
noted by Swan* and described (see below) by Hawkins. It preserved 
a separate existence after its removal west of the Mississippi down 
to the Civil War and was located east of the Canadian. Sometimes 
it was known as Hitcisihogi, after the name of its ball groimd, though 
in the census of 1832 Hitcisihogi appears as an independent town. 
'Perhaps two originally independent towns were later united. 

While giving Atcina-ulga as an Okfuskee town, Hawkins says it 
was settled from Lutcapoga.* These two statements can not be 
reconciled, unless we suppose that some Okfuskee Indians were 
settled at Lutcapoga. Another branch village given by Hawkins is 
Epesaugee (Ipisagi).® 

At a very early day several Okfuskee settlements were made on the 
upper course of the Chattahoochee. One was called Tukpafka^ 
'*punk,"a name applied in later times to an entirely distinct town, 
originating from Wakokai. The name of this particular settlement 
occurs in Bartram's list and is referred to by Hawkins, as will be 
seen below.^ In 1777 (see below) they moved over to the Talla- 
poosa, where their new settlement was called Nuyaka, an attempt 
at modifying the name of New York City to accord with the re- 
quirements of Creek harmonic feeling. According to Swan the name 
Nuyaka was bestowed by a Colonel Ray, a New York British loyal- 
ist,* while Gatschet says it was so named after the treaty of New 
York, concluded between the United States Government and the 
Creek Indians Augast 7, 1790.* It appears in the lists of Swan and 
Hawkins, but not on the censas rolls of 1832.' After the removal 
this town continued to praserve its identity and in 1912 it was the 
only Okfuskee division that still maintained a scjuare ground. 

1 Miss. Prov. Arch, i, 95: <»a. Col. Docs., viii, p. 523; Bartrara, Travels, p. 461 ; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 
p. 282; Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., n, p. IS. 

* Mcrpness, Trav. Am. Col., p. 529. 

> Qa. Hist Soc. Colls., ix, p. 109. 

< Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

* Oa. Ulst. Soc. Colls., m, p. 45. 

* Ibid., p. 47. 

7 Bartram, Travels, p. 462; Qa. Hist. Soc. Colls., in, p. 45. 

> Misc. Coll. Ala. Hist. Soc., 1, p. 404. 

* Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 282; Ga. Hist. Soc. ColLs., in, p. 45. 


There were three Okfuskee settlements on the Chattahoochee River 
which existed for a longer time. These were Tcula'ko-nini (Horse 
Trail), Holi-taiga (War Ford), and Tca'hki lako (Big Shoal). They 
appear in the lists of Bartram and Hawkins, and, with the possible 
exception of the last, in that of Swan.* The census of 1832 includes a 
town of the same name as the last, but omits the others. September 
27, 1793, they were attacked by Georgians and so severely handled 
that the inhabitants abandoned them and located on the east side of 
Tallapoosa River, opposite the mother town, Big Okfuskee.^ ^ ' Wicha- 
goes" and '^lUahatchee,*' given in the traders^ census of 1761, were 
probably Okfuskee towns.' Kohamutkikatska, '^ place where blow- 
gun canes are broken off,'' was a comparatively late branch of Ok- 
fuskee. The name, in an excessively corrupted form (^^Nohunt, the 
Gartsnar town''), appears in the census list of 1832.* Hawkins has 
the following information regarding Okfuskee and its branches: 

Oc-fuB-kee; from Oc, in, and fuskee, a point. The name is expressive of the position 
of the old town, and where the town house now stands on the right bank of Tal-lapoo-sa. 
The town spreads out on both sides of the river and is about thirty-five miles above 
Took-au-bat-che. The settlers on the left side of the river are from Chat-to-ho-che. 
They once formed three well-settled villages on that river — Ohe-luc-co ne-ne, Ho-ith- 
le-ti-gau, and Chau-ke thluc-co. 

Oc-fus-kee, with its villages, is the largest town in the nation. They estimate the 
number of gun men of the old town at one hundred and eighty and two hundred 
and seventy in the villages or small towns. The land in flat for half a mile on the 
river, and fit for culture; back of thiH there are sharp, stoney hills; the growth is 
pine, and the branches all have reed. 

They have no fences around the tx^wu; they have some cattle, hogs, and horses, 
and their range is a good one; the shoals in the river afford a great supply of moss, 
called by the traders salt grass, and the cows which frequent these shoals, are the 
laigest and finest in the nation; they have some peach trees in the town, and the 
cassine yupon, in clumps. The Indians have lately moved out and settled in villages 
and the town will soon be an old field; the settling out in villages has been repeatedly 
pressed by the agent for Indian affairs, and with considerable success; they have 
seven villages belonging to this town. 

Ifit. New-yau-cau; named after New York. It. is on the left bank of Tallapoosa, 
twenty miles above Oc-fus-kee; * these people lived formerly at Tote-pauf-cau, (spunk- 
knot) on Chat-to-ho-che, and moved from thence in 1777.* They would not take 
part in the war between the United States and Great Britian and determined to 
retire from their settlements, which, through the rage of war, might feel the effects 
of the resentment of the people of the United States when rou.'^ed by the conduct of 
the red people, as they were placed between the combatants. The town is on a flat, 
bordering on the river; the adjoining lands are broken or waving and stony; on the oppo- 
site side they are broken, stony; the growth is pine, oak and hickory. The flat strips of 
land on the river, above and below, are generally narrow; the adjoining land is broken, 

1 Bartram, TraveJs, p. 462; Ga. Hist. Sqc. Colls., in, p. 4:>; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

2 Hawkins, op. dt.; also Early map, pi. 9. 

• Oa. Col. Dogs., vm, p. 523. 

« Senate Doc. 612, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, p. 323. 

• In notes made In 1797 ho says "eightpon miles."— Ga. Hist. Sec. Colls., \x, p. 169. 

• The Ub. Cong. MS. says "after the year 1777." 


with oak, hickor>', and pine. The branches all have reed; they have a fine ford at the 
upper end of the town; the river is one hundred and twenty yards wide. Some of the 
p^ple have settled out from the town, and they have good land on Im-mook-fau 
Creek, which joins the right side of the river, two miles below the town.* 

2d. Took-au-bat-che tal-lau-has-see; this village received in part a new name in 
1797, Tal-lo-wau moo-chas-see (new town). It is on the right bank of the river, 
four miles above New-yau-cau;' the land around it is broken and stony; off the 
river the hills are waving; and post oak, hard shelled hickor>% pine, and on the ridges, 
chestnut is the growth. 

3d. Im-mook-fau (a gorget made of a conch). This village is four miles west from 
Tookaubatche [Tal-lauhas-see], on Immookfau Creek, which joins the right side of 
Tallapoosa, two miles below New-yau-cau. The settlers are from Chu-le-oc-who- 
cat-lau and Sooc-he-ah; they have fine rich flats on the creek, and good range for 
their cattle; they possess some hogs, cattle, and horses, and begin to be attentive 
to them. 

4th. Tooh-to-cau-gee, from tooh-to, a com house, and cau-gee, fixed or standing.' 
The Indians of Oc-fus-kee formerly built a com house here for the convenience of 
their hunters and put their com there for their support during the hunting season. 
It is on the right bank of Tallapoosa, twenty miles above New-yau-cau;* the settle- 
ments are on the narrow flat margins of the river on i>oth sides. On the left side the 
mountains terminate here, the uplands are too poor and broken for cultivation; the 
path from E-tow-wah, in the ("herokee country, over the tops of these mountains, is a 
pretty good one. It winds down the mountains to this village; the river is here one 
hundred and twenty yards wide, a beautiful clear stream. On the right side, off from 
the river flats, the land is waving, with oak, hickory and pine, gravelly, and in some 
places large sheets of rock which wave as the land. The grit is coarse, but some of 
it is fit for mill stones; the land is good for com, the trees are all small, with some 
chesnut on the ridges; the range is a good one for stock; reed is found on all the 
branches; on the path to New-yau-cau there is some large rock, the vein lies south- 
west; they are in two rows parallel with each other and the land good in their neigh- 

5th. Au-che-nau-ul-gau; from Au-che-nau, cedar, and ul-gau, all; a cedar grove. 
These settlers are from Loo-chau-po-gau (the resort of terrapin). It is on a creek, 
near the old town, forty miles above New-yau-cau. This settlement is the farthest 
north of all the Creeks; the land is very broken in the neighborhood. West of this 
village, post and black oak, all small; the soil is dark and stiff with coarse gravel 
and in some places stone; from the color of the earth in places there must be iron ore; 
the streams from the glades form fine little creeks, branches of the Tallapoosa. The 
land on their borders is broken, stiff, stony and rich, affording fine mill seats, and on 
the whole it is a country where the Indians might have desirable settlements; the 
path from E-tow-woh to Hill-au-bee passes through these glades. 

6th. E-pe-sau-gee; this village is on a large creek which gives name to it and 
enters the Tallapoosa opjwsite Oc-fus-kee. The creek has its source in the ridge, 
dividing the waters of this river from Chat-to-ho-che; it is thirty yards wide and 
has a rocky bottom; they have forty settlers in the village, who have fenced their 
fields this season for the benefit of their stock, and they have all of them cattle, hogs, 
and horses. They have some gocnl land on the creek, but generally it is broken, the 

> Near this town is Horst* Shoe Bend, the scone of Jackson's decisive victw^' over the Creeks, March 27, 

« In notes taken in 1797 he says "6 milt»s."— <«'i Hist. Soc. ColLs., ix, p. 170. 

I Jackson Lewis, one of the writer's informants, says it means "two eomcribs," and this has the 
sanction of Hawkins (Qa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 33). It seems to be composed of tohto, comcrib, and 
kagi, to bo or to set up. See Oatschei, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 148. 

« In notes taken in 1797 he says " 15 miles."— Oa. Uist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. Id9. 


strips of flat land are narrow; the broken is gravelly, with oak, hickory and pine, not 
very inviting. Four of the^e villages have valuable stocks of cattle. McCartney 
has one hundred; E-cun-cha-te E-maut-lau, one hundred; Tote-cuh Ilaujo, one 
hundred, and Took[aubatche] Micco, two hundred. 

7th. Sooc-he-ah; from Sooc-cau, a hog, and he-ah, here,* called by the traders, hog 
range. It is situated on the right bank of Tallapoosa, twelve miles above Oc-fus-kee. 
It is a small settlement, the land is very broken, the flats on the river are narrow, the 
river broad and shoally. These settlers have moved, and joined Im-mook-fau, with 
a few exceptions.' 

To these must be added: 

Oc-fus-coo-che (little Oc-fus-kee) is a part of the small \illage, four miles above New- 
yau-cau. Some of these people lived at Oc-fus-kee nene, on the Chat-to-ho-che, from 
whence they were driven by an enterprising volunteer party from Oeorgia, the 27th 
September, 1793.» 

During the Green Peach war many Okfuskee settled in the edge of 
the Cherokee Nation, near Braggs, Oklahoma, and afterwards soma 
of them remained there along with a number of the Okchai Indians. 

The Abihka 

The Abihka constituted one of the most ancient divisions of the 
true Muskogee, appearing in the oldest migration legends, and are reck- 
oned one of the four ** foundation towns'' of the confederacy. In 
ceremonial speeches they were called Abihka-nagi, though what 
nagi signifies no one at the present time knows. They were also called 
"the door shutters*' because they guarded the northern border of 
the confederacy against attack. Hawkins says that among the 
oldest chiefs the name of this tribe was sometimes extended to the 
entire Creek Nation.* Du Pratz, who, like Iber\nlle, distinguishes 
most of the true Muskogee as Conchacs, says that he believed the 
terms Abihka and Conchac applied to one people.* The relations of 
this tribe were naturally most intimate with the Coosa Indians. 
Hamilton quotes a Spanish manuscript of 1806 in which it is said 
that the Abihka and Coosa were as one pueblo divided into two by 
swift rivers. • Later they adopted a large portion of the refugee 
Natchez, who ultimately became completely absorbed. Stiggins, 
himself a Natchez, has the following to say regarding the Abihka and 
the people of their adoption: 

The Au bih ka tribe reside indiscriminately in the Talladega valley with the Natche 
tribe, who they admitted to locate and assimilate with their tribe as one people indi- 
visible a little more than a century ago. They at this day only pretend to know and 

1 Hawkins seems to have gotten hold of a mongrel expression, half Creek, half English. The proper 
Creek designation was Suka-ispoga. 
s Ga. Hist. See. CoUs., ni, pp. 45-48; ix, p. 170. 
I Ibid., p. 51. 
« Ibid., p. 52. 

* Du Prats, La Loulsiane, n, p. 208. 

• Hamilton, Col. Mobile, 1910, p. 572. 


distinguish their tribes from the mother's side of descent, but they are as one people 
with the Natches at this time, . . . and why may they not by conjecture be entitled 
to the claim of the primitive Muscogee more than any other of the tribes, for they are 
not discriminated by any antient denomination that is known of. For their present 
appellation is derived from their manner of approveing or acquiescing a proposition. 
Tho' the national tongue is spoken by the tribe in all its purity, yet most notorious they 
assent or approbate what you may say to them in conversation with the long aspiration 
dW whereas the rest of the nation approbate or answer short daw. Prom their singular 
manner of answering or approbating they got the name of dw biW id. Moreover, the 
rest of the Indians in talking of them and their tongue aptly call it the aw bih ka tongue, 

and never resort to the appelation of Ispocoga except in a national way A brass 

drum that was in their possession not a half century ago is kept as a trophy. And it is 
said by them to have been got by their ancestors in times of old from a people who 
invaded or pa^t in a hostile manner through their country comeing from up the river, 
that they were not like any people they ever saw before, that they were ferocious, 
proud, and impudent in their manners. From the traditional circumstance of the 
brass drum it would lead to the inference that the proud people alluded to was the 
escort of Ferdinand Soto, and that the Indians came in possession of one of his drums 
by some means. ^ 

Another native explanation for the tribal nanie is the following, 
originally obtained from a former Creek head chief, Spahi'tci, and 
related to me by the late Creek chief, Mr. G. W. Grayson: At a 
certain time there was a contest for supremacy between the Kasihta, 
Coweta, Chickasaw, and Abihka, and this consisted in seeing which 
tribe could bring in the most scalps and heap them highest around 
the ball post. Kasihta brought in tho most, Coweta the next, the 
Chickasaw still fewer, and Abihka brought in only a very small 
number, which were thrown about the base of the post in a careless 
manner. From tliis circumstance they came to be called Abihka 
because abihka i'djita means** to heap up in a careless manner/' 
Practically the same story is told by Hawkins.' Of course this is not 
related by the Abihka themselves and is simply a folk explanation. 
The interpretation given by Stiggins appears very* plausible, but so 
far I have not been able to identify the linguistic fact on which it is 
based, and perhaps it is no longer possible to do so.' 

I have spoken of the confusion which has resulted from the exist- 
ence of an Abihkutci town occupied by Abihka Indians and another 
occupied by Okfuskee Indians/ Although Abihka sometimes 
appears on maps, it is curious that as soon as we have a specific town 
it is called Abihkutci. This appears first, so far as I am aware,* on 
the De Crenay map of 1733. It is also on the Bowen and Gibson 
and Mitchell maps of 1755, on the Evans map of 1777, the D'Anville 
map of 1790, and many others of the period. We find it in tho 

1 Stiggins, MS. Nevertheless from what Swan says regarding the number of British drums in Creek 
towns and the esteem in which they were held it is possiblo that this Abihka sp<>cimen was of much more 
recent introduction. See Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 275. 

« Ga. Hist. Soc. CoUs., in, p. 82. 

s Mr. U. 8. Halbert suggests a possible derivation from the Choctaw aiahika, "unhcalthful place." 

« See p. 247. 

• Plate 6; UamUtoo, Col. Mobile, p. IM. 


census lists of 1738,* 1750,* 1760, and 1761, in the lists of Bartram, 
Swan, and Hawkins, and in the census list of 1832.' Few events of 
importance are connected with the history of this tribe. In 1716, 
according to the South Carolina documents, they suffered a severe 
defeat from the Cherokee,' and this was perhaps the beginning of 
those Cherokee aggressions on Creek territory which forced the 
Creeks out of the Tennessee Valley. If we may believe some Cherokee 
legends, however, that tribe had occupied much of the same country 
at an earlier date.^ 

The following is Hawkins's description of the Abihka town as it 
appeared in 1799: 

Au-be-coo-che, is on Nau-chee creek, five milen from the river, on the right bank of 
the creek, on a flat one mile wide. The growth is hard-shelled hickory. The toWH 
ppreads itself out and is scattered on both sides of the creek, in the neighborhood of 
very high hills, which descend back into waving, rich land, fine for wheat or com; 
the bottoms all rich; the neighborhood abounds in limestone, and large limestone 
springs; they have one above, and one below the town; the timber on the rich lands 
is oak, hickory, walnut, poplar, and mulberry. 

There is a very laiige cave north of the town, the entrance of which is small, on the 
side of a hill. It is much divided, and some of the rooms appear as the work of art; 
the doors regular; in several parts of the cave saltpetre is to be seen in crystals. On 
We-wo-cau creek there is a fine mill seat; the water is contracted by two hills; 
the fall twenty feet; and the land in the neighborhood very rich; cane is found on 
the creeks, and reed grows well on these lands. 

This town is one of the oldest in the nation; and sometimes, among the oldest 
chiefs, it gives name to the nation Au-be-cuh. Here some of the oldest customs had 
their origin. The law against adultery was passed here, and that to r^ulate mar- 
riages. To constitute legal marriage a man must build a house, make hiB crop and 
gather it in; then make his hunt and bring home the meat; putting all this in the 
possession of his wife ends the ceremony and they arc married, or, as the Indians ex- 
press it, the woman is boimd, and not till then. This information is obtained from 
Go-tau-lau (Tus-se-ki-ah Mic-co of Coosau), an old and respectable chief, descended 
from Nau-che. He lives near We-o-coof-ke, has acciunulated a handsome property, 
owns a fine stock, is a man of much information, and of great influence among the 
Indians of the towns in the neighborhood of this. 

They have no fences, and but a few liogs, horses, and cattle; they are attentive to 
white people who live among them, and particularly so to white women.* 

The Abihka took practically no part in the Creek uprising of 1813. 
After their removal to Oklahoma they established their first square 
ground a few miles from Eufaula. Later many of them moved far- 
ther west, following the game, and they estabUshed another square, 
sometimes called **Abihka-in-the-west/' Both of these have been 
long abandoned. 

Before they left the old country two branch towns had arisen — 
Talladega [Taladigi] and Kan-tcati [Kan tcAti] (Red ground). They 


sMin. Prov. Arch., i, p. 05; Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523; Bartram, Travels, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. 
Tribes, Y, p. 362; Oa. Hist. Soc. CoUs., m, p. 35; Senate Doc. 612, 23d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 315-318. 
> 8. C. Docs., MB. 
« See p. 313. 
» Oa. Hift Soo. Gofls., m, pp. 41-43; ix, p. 170. 


were perhaps late in forming, since they do not appear separately 
listed before the census of 1832.* There is a place called *'Conchar- 
dee" a few miles northwest of Talladega, in the county of the same 
name, Alabama. After their removal the Ean-tcati busk ground 
was soon given up, but that of Talladega has persisted down to the 
present day (1912). 

Gatschet enumerates two other Abihka towns, Tcahki liko or Big 
Shoal and Kayomalgi.^ The former was on Choccolocco ("Big 
Shoal'') Creek in Calhoun or Talladega County, Ala., and is to be 
distinguished carefully from the Okfuskee town so called.' There 
is some reason for thinking that Kayomalgi may have been settled 
by Shawnee,* though in 1772 a Chickavsaw settlement was made on 
the creek which bore this name." **The Lun-ham-ga Town in the 
Abecas'' is mentioned by Tobias Fitch in 1725.* 

On the Lamhatty map is a town called ^'Apeicah,'' located 
apparently on the east bank of the lower Chattahoochee.^ Tliis 
may perhaps be intended for Abihka, but if so it is badly misplaced. 
We have no knowledge of any portion of the Abihka people living 
so far to the south and east. 

The Holiwahali 

The first of all red or war towns among the Upper Creeks to 
appear in history' is Liwahali, or, in the ancient form of the word, 
Holiwahali, a name which signifies *'to share out or divide war" 
(holij war, aiixiJialij to divide out). The explanation of this is given 
below. At the present time some Creeks say that Holiwahali, Atasi, 
and Kealedji separated from Tukabahchee in the order given, but 
this story rather typifies the terms of friendship between them than 
explains their real origin, though there may be more substantial 
grounds for the belief in a common origin m the cases of the two 
latter. Holiwahali, however, goes back to a remote historical period, 
for there can be little doubt that it is the Ulibahali of Ranjel* and the 
Ullibahali of Elvas.' This word might be given an interpretation in 
the Alabama language, hut it is unlikely that any Alabama other than 
the Tawasa were on Tallapoosa River in De Soto 's time. At any rate 
the town described by Ranjel and Elvas was on a river and in much the 
same position as that in which we later find Holiwahali. It was fenced 
about with palisades, erected and loopholed in the usual Indian maimer. 

» Son. Doc. 512, 23d Cone., 1st soss., iv, pp. vn-i'A)7. 
« Ala. Hist. Soc., Colls., i, p. 391. 
» See p. 249. 

• Sec p. 319. 

» Taitt in Morcness, Trav. in Amcr. Col., pp. 531-^5321 

• Ibid., p. 180. 

» Amer. Anthrop., n. '«. vol. x, p. 'wiO. 

• Bourne, Narr. of Pe Soto, ii, p. 113. 
> Ibid., I, p. 84. 


Ranjel speaks of the grapes of this place as of particular excellence, 
better than any the Spaniards had tasted in Coosa, or farther north. 
Here it was learned the Indians had planned to attempt to rescue the 
chief of Coosa, whom De Soto carried along as prisoner, but the Coosa 
chief commanded them to lay aside their arms, which they did.* Of 
course the Spaniards interpreted this action as that of vassals obey- 
ing the commands of their lord, but the relations between the two 
towns were probably merely of alliance and friendship. 

The sergeant major and 200 soldiers sent in search of Coosa by De 
Luna in 1560 reached this place after a long and toilsome journey. 
Padilla says: 

... On the fiftieth day after their departure from Nanipacna, they discovered, 
on the banks of a river, several little Indian houses, the sight of whi(!h was a very great 
coniaolation to those, who in the immense solitude and almost facing starvation, had 
not seen a human inhabitant of those parts. The biggest river there was called Oli- 
bahali and had a more numerous population, which, even so, was quite small. Inthose 
hamlets they had com, beans, and calabashes, but their abundance meant almost 
famine to the state of star\'ation the Spaniards were in. When the Indians per- 
ceived armed Spaniards they feared ill treatment as they had received it in the past, 
but being reassured, they returned to their houses, and the Spaniards retired outside 
the villages, thus avoiding frightening tliem. Through interpreters they communi- 
cated with them, giving them clothes in exchange for com, which to both parties 
meant a great deal. The Spaniards needed food and found bread by means of these 
exchangee; the Indians did not wish any money, as they did not know it nor had they 
appreciated its value at any time since their remotest antiquity. Wliat they value 
most are clothes and they treasured on this occasion the ribbons and the trinkets of 
colored beads which the Spaniards gave them. The soldiers were very glad for a rest 
at that place, although not free from misgix-ings concerning the Indians. They put 
out sentinels at night, as much in order to prevent the Indians from harming them, 
as their own men from going over among the Indians. At least they were all fed and 
it was necessary to remain at that place for several days, waiting for some of their com- 
panions who had remained behind, partly for lack of food and partly on account of 
illness, and those were the first days since they had left Nanipacna that they really 
ceased walking. . . . 

Although the Indians of Olibahali showed themselves to be friends of the Spaniards, 
and were at peace with them, they may not have wished so many on account of the 
impairment to their food staples which they gathered to last them a whole year, and 
which their guests consumed within a few days. The cora was beginning to give 
out, and fearing still greater need, which was sure to come at that pace, they resorted 
to a wary invention to get the Spaniards out of their countr>\ lie who says that the 
Indians are barbarians and lack cunning, does not know them. They have cunning, 
and the vexations inflicted upon them by the Spaniards have made them more and 
more skilled with the many opportunities afforded them by the Spaniards. One day 
just after sunset, the dark of night fast approaching, an Indian arrived at the camp 
of the Spaniards, who, to judge from his appearance and demeanor, seemed to be a 
chief; he was accompanied by four other Indians. lie carried the emblems of an 
ambassador, and he stated that he was such, and came from the great pro\ince of Coza. 
He carried in his hand a cane of six palmos ^ in length, adorned at the top with white 
feathers, which appeared to be those of a heron. It was the custom of the Indians to 

1 Boume, Narr. of De Soto, i, pp. 84-85; ii, pp. 113-114. 
* One " palmo ' ' is about 8 inches. 


emphasize their messages of peace by wearing white feathers, their declaration of war 
by red ones. • When the ambassador arrived within sight of the Spaniards, he made 
his ol)eisance after his fashion and said that the lord of Coza had sent him in the name 
of the whole province, offering it to them and thanking them in advance for their 
inclination to use it, and entreating them that his desires to receive them should not 
remain unfulfilled; that they should hurry to go there as he offered them those who 
would guide them and ser\'e them. This Indian was a neighbour of those of Olibahali, 
and between them they had invented this miserable lie to get the Spaniards, whose 
main intention was to reach the. province of Coza, out of their own territory. As the 
captains and priests were (juite innocent of cunning they were overjoyed by this 
embassy, although their prudence told them that it might 1)e artfulness on the part 
of those of Coza to ensnare them some way or other. For that reason their gratefulness, 
which in the opinion of some was due to such generous offerings, was quite guarded. 
At first they wished to send a captain with twelve soldiers to thank the lord of Coza 
for his offerings, but they finally agreed they ought not to separate, but travel all 
together, moving slowly towards the province of Coza; and upon asking the sl^am 
ambassador how many leagues there were to his province, he told them there were 
twenty. They told him to go and offer their thanks and appreciation for his coming 
and earry the nevTB that the camp would break up immediately from Olibahali, in 
answer to the summons re(*eived, and soon go to see the lord of Coza. 

The ambassador thereupon said that he had orders to guide and serve them, and in 
order to fulfill all his duties and do likewise what they should order him, he would 
accompany them one day's journey and that he would precede them. Thus they all 
left Olibahali together, and as soon as the ambassador had attained his intention to 
get them away from that place, he suddenly disappeared, showing himself to be a true 
Indian, who did not know how to carry to the end the plot he commenced, by bidding 
good-bye to the Spaniards on his way to Coza, although he \i'a8 returning to his own 
country. As we have explained one side of the Indian character, we might just as 
well explain the other, namely, that although they are ingenious and ready schemers, 
they lack prudence and perseverance in carrying out the plot. This envoy com- 
menced his scheme quite well, but he was too easily satisfied at merely putting them 
on the road, and he caused himself to be suspected in their eyes by his sudden dis- 
appearance. The prudent Spaniards discovered the truth by making a few investi- 
gations. They were not taken aback by the fact that the Indians wished to get rid 
of them; they were only astonished at having received the invitation that man had 
brought. Then they continued their journey in search of the land of promise which 
had l>een so celebratefl by all who had spoken about it.' 

On their return they probably passed through the same place, but 
nothing is said about it. 

On the Lamhatty map is a town called '^Cheeawoole," west of a 
river which appears to be the Flint, and from the spelling this town 
was probably identical with the one under discussion.^ It appears in 
the census list of 1738 as ''Yuguale,"=' in that of 1750 as 'Tcouale,''* 
in that of 1760 under the name ''Telouales,"* and in that of 1761 as 
"Chewallee/* where it is credited with 35 hunters, and is assigned 
to the trader James Germany along with Fus-hatchee and Kolomi." 
In 1797 the traders were James Russel and Abraham M. Mordecai, 

1 Padilla, Ilistoriu, pp. 202-20.'>. Transluted by Mrs. F. Bandelier. 

* Amor. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 570. 
» MSS., Ayer CoU. 

* Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 95. 

* Qa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 


the latter a Jew.* Bartrain calls it "Cluale,'* Swan '^Clewauleys/*' 
while in the census enumeration of 1832 it appears as '^Clewalla."' 
Hawkins describes it as follows: 

Ho-ith-le-wau-le, frr)m Ho-ith-le, war, and wau-le, tx) share out or divide. This 
town faiad, formerly, the right to declare war; * the declaration was sent first to Took- 
au-bat<;he, and thence throughout the nation, and they appointed the rendezvous 
of the warriors. It is on the right bank of the Tallapoosa, five miles below Aut-to8-«oe. 
In descending the river on the left side from Aut-tos-see, is two miles across Ke-bi- 
hat-che; thence one mile and a half O-fuck-she, and enter the fields of the town; the 
fields extend down the river for one and one- half miles; the town is on the right bank, 
on a narrow strip of good land; and back of it, under high red cliffs, are cypress ponds. 
It borders west on Autoshatche twenty-five feet wide. 

These people have some cattle, and a few hogs and horses; they have some settle- 
ments up 0-fuck-she; the increase of property among them, and the inconvenience 
attendant on their situation, their settlement being on the right side of the river, 
and their fields and stock on the left, brought the well-disposed to listen with atten- 
tion to the plan of civilization, and to comment freely on their bad management. 
The town divided against itself; the idlers and the ill-disposed remained in the town, 
and the others moved over the river and fenced their fields. On this side the land is 
good and level, and the range out from the river good to the sources of 0-fuc-she. 
On the other side, the high broken land comes close to the river. It is broken pine 
barren, back of that. The situation of the town is low and unhealthy; and this 
remark applies to all the towns on Tallapoosa, below the falls. 

0-fuc-she has its source near Ko-e-ne-cuh, thirty miles from the river, and runs 
north. It has eight or nine forks, and the land is g(K)d on all of them. The gn^wth 
is oak, hickory, poplar, cherry, persimmon, with cane brakes on the fiats and hills. It 
is a delightful range for stock, and was preserved by the Indians for bears and called 
the beloved bear-ground. Every town had a reserve of this sort exclusively; but 
as the cattle increase and the bears decrease, they are hunted in common. This 
creek is sixty ' feet wide, has steep banks, and is difficult U) cross, when the waters 
are high. 

Kebihatche has its source U) the east, and is parallel with Ca-le-be-hat-che; the 
margins of the creek have rich flats bordering pine forest or post oak hills.® 

If our identification of Ulibahali with this towTi is correct, the 
name which it bears would indicate that the Creek confederacy was 
in existence as far back as the period of De Soto. The fission in the 
town described by Hawkins was evidently that which resulted in the 
formation of Laplako, since it is only after this time — namely, in the 
census list of 1832^ — that we find Laplako mentioned. According 
to the story now related a quarrel broke out among the Holiwahali 
while they were drinking, and afterwards part of them moved away 
to a creek where a kind of cane grew called laira. From this they 
received their present name, a contraction of lawa lako, big lawa. 
Laptako comprised the more thrifty and energetic part of the popu- 

> Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 168. 

t Bartram, Travels, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tril>es, v, p. 202. 

* Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st scss., iv, pp. 315-318. 

* This fact is still romemhored by some of the older Creek Indians. 

* The Lib. Cong. MS. has "20." 

* Oil Hist. Soc. Colls., in, pp. 32^33. 

V Senate Doc. 612, 23d Cong., Ist sess., iv, pp. 26.S-270. 

148061*— 22 ^17 


latioQ, and they have maintained a dance ground down to the pres- 
ent time, although not a regular square. The HoHwahali proper 
have mamtained neither dance ground nor square. 

The Hilibi 

We now come to three iowns or groups of towns — Hilihi, Eufaula, 
and Wakokai — which, while they have had a long separate existence, 
claim and in recent years have maintained terms of the closest inti- 
macy. Their square grounds are much the same and they generally 
agree in selecting their chief from the Aktayatci clan. It is possible 
that this points to a common origin at some time in the remote past, 
but it would be hazardous to suggest it in stronger terms. From 
one of the best-informed Hilibi Indians I obtained the following 
tradition regarding the origin of his town. It was, he said, 
founded by a Tukpafka Indian belonging to the Aktayatci clan. 
Having suffered defeat in a ball game he determined to leave his 
own people, so he went away and founded another, gathering about 
him persons from many to^Tis, but especially from Tukabahchee. 
When the people began to discuss what name they should give to 
their settlement their leader said "Quick shall be my name," and 
that is what Hilibi (hilikhi) signifies. It was because it grew up so 
rapidly. This story was confirmed independently by another of 
the best-informed old men, except that he represented the town 
as built up entirely of Tukpafka Indians. Tukpafka was, however, 
only a branch, and probably a late branch, of Wakokai, therefore 
we should have to look for an origin from the latter town. The 
historical value of this tradition may well be doubted, even with 
such emendation, but it serves to show the mental association be- 
tween the places mentioned. 

After De Soto had arrived at Cofitachequi, Ranjel states that "on 
Friday, May 7, Baltasar de Gallegos, with the most of the soldiers of 
the army, arrived at Ilapi to eat seven barbacoas of corn that they 
said were stored for the woman chief.'* * If Cofitachequi was Kasihta 
it is quite possible that other Muskogee settlements were in the neigh- 
borhood and that Ilapi was the town later called Hilibi. It is 
true that Hilibi is known to us almost entirely as a town of the Upper 
Creeks, but several of the well-known Upper Creek towns of later 
times were once as far east as the Ocmulgee. In northwestern Georgia 
is a creek called Hilibi Creek, wliich may mark a former town site of 
this tribe while on its way west. When we first get a clear historic 
view of the town it is on the creek which still bears the name in 
Alabama. On the De Crenay map the name is spelled "Ilap6," 
which suggests the form given by Ranjel.' The p form is used by the 
Lower Creeks. It appears in the census lists of 1738 and 1750 as 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 100. > Plate 6; also Hamilton, CoL ICobile, p. 100. 


''Ylapfi/'^ and in those of 1760* and 1761.« In the third of these 
there is also a "Little Hilibi."' In 1761 it was assigned, along with 
its outsettlements, to Crook & Co.' Bartram places it among the 
Coosa towns/ and Swan gives it as one of the towns "central, inland, 
in the high country, between the Coosa and Tallapoosee Rivers, in 
the district called the Hillabees."* The town and its branches are 
thus deiiscribed by Hawkins: 

Hill-au-bee; on Col-luf-fa-dee [kalofti=" bluff "], which joins Hill-au-bee Creek, 
on the right side, one mile below the town. Hill-au-bee joins the Tallapoosa on its 
right bank, eight miles below New-yau-cau. One chief only, Ene-hau-thluc-co Hau-jo 
[Heniha lako Hadjo], resides in the town; the people are settled out in the four 
following villages: 

Ist. Thla-noo-che au-bau-lau; from thlenne [lini], a mountain, oo-che [utd], little, 
and au-bau-lau [ab&la], over. The name is expressive of its position. It is situated 
over a little mountain, fifteen miles abov-e the town, on the northwest branch of Hill- 
au-bee Creek; the town house of this village is on the left side of the creek. 

2nd. Au-net-te chap-co; from au-net-te, a swamp, and chapco, long.* It is situ- 
ated on Choo-f un-tau-lau-hat-che [tcufi italwa hatci. Rabbit Town Creek], which 
joins Hill-au-bee Creek three miles north from the town: the village is ten miles 
above the town. 

3d. E-chuse-is-li-gau (where a young thing was found). A young child was 
found here, and that circumstance gives it the name. This village is four miles 
below the town, on the left side of Hill-au-bee Creek. 

4th. Ook-tau-hau-zau-see; from ook-tau-hau [oktaha], sand, and zau-see [sasi], a 
great deal. It is two miles from the town, on a creek of that name, a branch of Hill- 
au-bee, which it joins a quarter of a mile below Col-luf-fa-dee, at a great shoal. 

The land on these creeks, within the scope of the four villages, is broken and stoney, 
with coarse gravel; the bottoms and small bends of the creeks and branches are rich. 
The upland is generally stiff, rich, and fit for culture. Post oak, black oak, pine, and 
hickory, all small, are the growth. The whole abounds in veins of reeds and reedy 
branches. They call this the winter reed, as it clusters like the cane. 

The villages are badly fenced, the Indians are attentive to their traders, and several 
of them are careful of stock and have cattle and hogs, and some few have horses. 
Four half-brcieds have fine stocks of cattle. Thomas has one hundred and thirty cattle 
and ten horses. Au-wil-lau-gee,' the wife of 0-pi-o-che-tus-tun-nug-gee,* has seventy • 
cattle. These Indians promised the agent, in 1799, to begin and fence their fields; 
they have one hundred and seventy gunmen in the four villages. 

Robert GrierBon,*° the trader, a native of Scotland, has, by a steady conduct, con- 
tributed to mend the manners of these people. He has five children, half breeds, and 
governs them as Indians, and makes them and his whole family respect him, and is 

1 M8S., Ayer CoU. 

> Miss. Prov. Aroh., i, p. OS. 

* Qa. CoL Docs., vm, p. 623. 

* Bartnm, Travels, p. 462. 

» Sohoolcnft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

* Aa-net-te reaDy means a grassy thicket that one can hardly get through; a swamp is pitofa. A battle 
was fooght here on Jan. 24, 1814. 

T Awftlgi, "they oame out." 

* Abohiyutci tAsttaagi, " Putting-something-down warrior." 

* The published edition has "seven.*' 

M In notes taken in 1797 Hawkins adds that " David Hay was his hireling, " and that another white man 
tn Hilibiy evidently a trader, was " Stephen Hawkin.s, an active man of weak mind; fond of drink, and much 
of a savage when. dn]Ok."—Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 109. Robert Orierson was the direct ancestor of 
tbe late O. W. Ontjaon, dhief of the Creek Nation. 


the only man who does bo in the Upper Creeks. He has three hundred cattle and 
thirty horses; he has, on the recommendation of the agent for Indian affairs, set up a 
manufactury of cotton cloth; he plants the green-seed cotton, it being too cold for the 
blackseed. He has raised a quantity for market, but finds it more profitable to 
manufacture it; he has employed an active girl of Georgia, Rachael Spillard, who 
was in the Cherokee department, to superintend, and allows her two hundred dollars 
per annum. He employs eleven hands, red, white, and black, in spinning and 
weaving, and the other part of his family in raising and preparing the cotton for them. 
His wife, an Indian woman, spins, and is fond of it; and he has a little daughter who 
spins well. lie employs the Indian women to gather in the cotton from the fields, 
and has expectations of prevailing on them to take an active part in spinning. 

Hill-au-bee creek has a rocky bottom, covered in many places with moss. In the 
spring of the year the cattle of the Ullages crowd after it, and are fond of it. Prom 
thence they are collected together by their owners, to mark and brand the young 

The climate is mild; the water seldom freezes; they have mast every other year, 
and peaches for the three last years. The range is a good one for stock. The owners 
of horses have a place called a stomp. They select a place of good food, cut down a 
tree or two, and make salt logs. Here the horses gather of themselves in the fly 
season. They have in the village a few thriving peach trees, and there is much 
gravelly land, which would be fine for them.* 

A battle was fought near Hilibi town on November 18, 1813. 

Another village which separated from Hilibi was known as Ki- 
tcopataki, *' a wooden mortar spread out," perhaps referring to an 
old rotten mortar. It may have originated after Hawkins's time, 
since it is first mentioned in the census rolls of 1832.' It is the only 
branch cleariy remembered at the present day. Of the older villages 
the most prominent was Oktahasasi, which appears to have main- 
tained a separate existence for a considerable period. It is not to 
be confused with a modem settlement known as Oktaha, "SancJ 
town," composed of families which had fled from the other villages 
to avoid being involved in the Creek-American war. After their 
removal to Oklahoma the latter lived for a time upon .the Verdigris 
River, but subsequently appear to have separated. Eatcopataki 
does not have a distinct busk groimd at the present time, but that of 
Hilibi is (1912) kept up near Hanna, Oklahoma. 

The Eufaula 

The Eufaula tribe was an independent body as far back as history 
takes us. According to one of my informants they branched oflf 
from Kealedji, while another seemed to think that they originated 
from Hilibi. Practically no confidence can be placed in these opin- 
ions. Not even a plausible guess can be furnished by the living 
Indians regarding the origin of the name. It is an interesting com- 
mentary on the reliability of name interpretation that a story is told 
to account for the designation of this place, the point of which depends 
on its resemblance to the English ''you fall.'' 

I Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, pp. 43-45. 

* BcnaU Doo. 612, 23d Cong., 1st sen., iv, pp. 313-310. 


In Bartow County, Georgia, is a creek called Euharlee, corrupted 
from Cherokee Yuhali. According to the Cherokeey fide Mooney, this 
in turn is a corruption of the Creek tribal name Euf aula.^ There is 
every reason to credit this and to suppose that the Euf aula were once 
located in the neighborhood. Perhaps it was their seat before the 
Yamasee war, in 1715. As the Kasihta and Kawita were in this 
region there is no reason why the Eufaula may not have been there 
as well. Their next location known to us was on Talladega Creek, 
a few miles south of the present Talladega, Alabama. It was after- 
wards known as Eufaula Old Town, but Hawkins calls it '' Eu-fau-lau- 
hat-che" (Eufaula Creek or River), and describes it as follows: 

Eau-fau-lau-hat-che, is fifteen miles up that creek [Eufaula or Talladega], on a flat 
of half a mile, bordering on a branch. On the left side of the creek the land is rich 
and waving; on the right sides are steep hills sloping off waving, rich land; hickory, 
oak, poplar and walnut. It is well watered, and the whole a desirable limestone 
country; they have fine stocks of cattle, horses, and hogs.^ 

This description dates from a time long after the Eufaula settle- 
ments next to be considered had been made, but it is probable that 
its inhabitants were also Eufaulas, some who had remained behind 
after the removal of the bulk of the population. James Lesley was 
the trader stationed there in 1796. He died in the spring of 1799.' 
Bartram and Swan mention this town, which they call Upper 
Eufaula, Swan describing it as ''the Creek town farthest up Coosa 

At a comparatively early date in the eighteenth century, as ap- 
pears from the maps, particularly that of De Crenay,^ a large part 
of the Eufaula Indians moved southeast and settled on the middle 
course of the Tallapoosa. These are the ''Lower Yuf ale*' of Bar- 
tram, and the "Eu-fau-lau'' of Hawkins.* Swan mentions two 
settlements here, "Big Ufala'' and "Little Ufala."^ It is the 
Eufaula of the censuses of 1 738, 1 750. 1 760, and 1 76 1 .» The following 
is Hawkios's description of this town. 

Eu-£au-lau; on the right bank of Tallapoosa, five miles below Oc-fus-kce, on that side 
of the river, and but two in a direct line; the lands on the river are fit for culture; but 
the flats are narrow, joined to pine hills and reedy branches. 

They have hogs and cattle, and the range is a good one; they have moss in the shoals 
of the river; there are belonging to this town, seventy gun men, and they have begun 
<o settle out for the benefit of their stock. This season, some of the villagers have 
fenced their fields. They have some fine land on Hat-che-lus-te [Hatci lasti] and 
several settlements there, but no fences; this creek joins the right side of the river, two 

> 19th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 547. 
s Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., in, pp. 42-43. 
■ Ibid., IX, pp. 34, 169. 

* Bartram, Travris, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

• Plate 5; Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 
•Birtxam, op. cit.; Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 25. 
^Bchoolcralt, op. cit. 

4188., Ay«r Coll.; Kiss. Prov. Arch, i, p. 95; Ga. Col. Docs, vni, p. 523. 


miles below the town . On Woc-cau E-hoo-te [ Waka ihuti, * ' cow yard "] , this year, 1 799, 
the villages, five Amities in all, have fenced their fields, and they have promised the 
agent to use the plough the next season. On black creek, Co-no-fix-ico [Eono fiksiko; 
kono= * * skunk " ] has one himdred cattle, and makes butter and cheese. John Towns- 
hend, the trader of the town, is an honest Englishman, who has resided many years in 
the nation, and raised a numerous family, who conduct themselves well. His daugh- 
ters, who are married, conduct themselves well, have stocks of cattle, are attentive to 
them, make butter and cheese, and promise to raise cotton and learn to spin. The 
principal cattle holders are Conofixico, who has one hundred; Choc-lo Emautlau's 
stock is on the decline, thirty; Will Geddis Taupixa Mici^o [Tapiksi miko; tapiksi« 
''flat"], one hundred; Co Emautlau [Kowai imala; kowai^quaU,] four hundred under 
careful management. John Townshend, one himdred and forty, and Sally, his daugh- 
ter, fifty.' 

This is the only Upper Creek town of the name represented in the 
census list of 1832,' and the only one now recognized among the 
Creeks in Oklahoma. It is, and since the removal always has been, 
located in the extreme southeastern part of the nation near the 
modern town of Eufaula, Oklahoma, which bears its name. 

A Eufaula settlement was also made among the Tx)wer Creeks, and 
although this appears on very few maps before the end of the eight- 
eenth century, we know that it antedates 1733, because it occurs on 
the De Crenay map of that year.' 

November 20, 1752, Thomas Bosomworth visited the Eufaula town 
among the Lower Creeks in search of some horses which had been 
stolon from the English. He describes it as ''the Ijowest in the 
Nation but two" and ''about forty five miles from the Cowetas, and 
as it is chiefly composed of Runagados from all other Towns of the 
Nation, it is reckoned one of the most unruUy, as tliey all Command 
and none obey. '* * 

The name of tliis town appears in the census lists of 1760 and 1761,* 
but it is wanting from the lists of Bartram and Swan. The oflicial 
trader tliere in 1761 was James Cussings.* Hawkins gives the follow- 
ing description: 

Eu-fau-lau ; is fifteen miles below Sau-woog-e-lo, on the left bank of the river, on a 
pine fiat; the fields arc on both sides of the river, on rich flats; below the town the land 
is good. 

These people are very poor, but generally well behaved and very friendly to white 
people; they are not given to horse-ptealing, have some stock, are attentive to it; they 
have some land fenced, and are preparing for more; they have spread out their settle- 
ments down the river; about eight miles below the town, counting on the river path, 
there is a little village on good land, O-ke-teyoc-en-ne.^ Some of the village ia well 
fenced; they raise plenty of com and rice, and the range is a good one for stock. 

From this village they have settlements down as low as the forks of the river; and 
they are generally on sites well chosen, some of them well cultivated; they raise plenty 

1 Ga. Hist. Soc. ColK, m, p. 48; cf. Taitt in Mereness, Trav. Am. Col., p. 52S. 

> Senate Doc. 512, 23d C-ong., 1st .ness., pp. 275-278. 

> Plate 5; TTamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 

* Bosomworth's MS. Jounial, in S. C. Archives. 

* Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 96; Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 522. • 

* This was a branch of Sawokli; see p. 143. 


of com and rice, and have cattle, horeeB, and hogs. Several of these Indians have 
Negroes, taken during the Revolutionary War, and where they are there is more 
industry and better feums. These Negroes were, many of them, given by the agents 
of Great Britain to the Indians, in payment for their services, and they generally call 
themselves "King's gifts." The Negroes are all of them attentive and friendly to 
white people, particularly so to those in authority.* 

Lower Eufaula appears again in the census rolls of 1832, which 
also mention a branch village on a creek called " Chowokolohatches. " ' 
Among the Creeks in Oklahoma the town is known as *' Yufa'la hopai', 
"the far-away Eufaula," and it maintained its own square ground 
for some time after the emigration, but this has now been given up. 
Part of the Eufaula went to Florida in 1761 and made a settlement 
afterwards known as Tcuko tcati, *'Red house.'* ' 

The Wakokai 

The readily interpretable nature of this name, which signifies 
* 'heron breeding place," suggests that the Wakokai were not an 
ancient Creek division; but not sufficient evidence has been found, 
traditional or other, to suggest an origin from any one of the remain- 
ing groups. Notice might be taken in this connection of the river 
Guacuca (Wakuka) crossed by the De Soto expedition just after 
leaving the Apalachee country.* Their first historical appearance is 
probably on the De Crenay map of 1733, which represents them on 
Coosa River below the Pakan tallahassee Indians.* Wakokai is now 
reckoned as a White town, but was formerly, according to the best 
informants, on the Red side like Hilibi and Eufaula. The name 
appears in the lists of 1738, 1750, 1760, and 1761, and in those of 
Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins.' The last mentioned gives the follow- 
ing account of its condition in 1799: 

Woc-co-coie; from woc-co, a blow-horn, and coie, a nest;^ these birds formerly 
had their young here. It is on Tote-pauf-cau [Tukpafka, punk used in lighting a 
fire] creek, a branch of Po-chuse-hat-che, which joins the Coo-sau, below Puc-cun- 
tal-lau-has-see. The land is very broken, sharp-hilly, and stone y; the bottoms and 
the fields are on the small bends and narrow strips of the creek; the country, off from 
the town, is broken. 

These people have some horses, hogs, and cattle; the range good; moss, plenty 
in the creeks, and reed in the branches. Such is the attachment of horses to this 
moes, or as the traders call it, salt grass, that when they are removed they retain so 
great a fondness for it that they will attempt, from any distance within the neigh- 
boring nations, to return to it.' 

1 Oa. Hist.llDe. CoUs., m, p. 66. 

> Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 337-342, 37)^79. 

> See p. 403. 

« Bonnie, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 82. 

• Plate 5; Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 

• M8S.,Ayer Lib.; Hiss. Prov. Arch.,i, p. 95; Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523; Bartram, Travels, p. 462; 
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; Ga. Hist. 8oc. Colls., m. p. 25. 

Y See above. 

> Hawkins in Ga. Hist. 8oc. Colls., m, p. 43. 


Yet in an earlier list of towns, dated 1796, Hawkins does not men- 
tion this town, but only its branches, Wiogufki and Tukpafka, of 
which Wakokai is always said to be the ** mother/' The traders are 
given as John Clark, a Scotchman, and George Smith, an English- 
man, respectively.* There is evidently some confusion, however, 
since a year later Hawkins gives James Clark as trader at Wakokai 
and George Smith trader at Wiogufki; the name of James Simmons 
is added as that of a trader at Wakokai.^ Wiogufki and Tukpafka 
appear again in the census rolls of 1832,* from which the older name is 
wanting for the first time. A very good Hilibi informant told me that 
the Wiogufki, **muddy stream,'' people separated from the Wakokai 
first and received their name from a creek on which they had established 
themselves. A log lay across this, which was used by the people as a 
footlog, and after a time another town grew up on the side of the 
creek reached by it. In time this log decayed and fell away imtil 
it was nothing but pimk, but the people of the new village said that, 
although it had fallen into punk, yet they had crossed upon it, 
so they took to themselves the name of Tukpafka. Regarding 
the main fact of relationship between the three, there can be no 
doubt, however the separation may have taken place. The Tuk- 
pafka mentioned here are not to be confoimded with those Okfuskee 
Indians afterwards called Nuyaka.* 

Some of my very best informants among the modem Creek In- 
dians, including Jackson Lewis, now dead but in his lifetime one 
of the most intelligent among the older men, have told me that 
Sakapadai was a branch of Eufaula, although later associated with 
Wiogufki and Tukpafka. One even maintained that Wiogufki itself 
was a branch of Eufaula. Others, however, assured me with equal 
emphasis that it had separated from tlie Wakokai towns, and prob- 
ability is in their favor, since Benjamin Hawkins, writing in 1797, 
says that Sakapadai and Wiogufki were ^^one fire with Woccocoie."" 
It is, of course, possible that a more remote relationship existed, as 
suggested above, between the Wakokai towns and Eufaula, and 
perhaps Hilibi, but the information so far available rather points to 
relationship having been assumed on the ground of an intimate 
association in later times between the towns concerned. Jackson 
Lewis told the following story regarding the origin of this town : 

Some Eufaula left their town and tried to establish one of their own, but they were 
a shiftless people and failed. Afterwards thot^e who passed the place where they had 
started their village could see old baskets l>'ing about torn to pieces and flattened 
out. From this circumstance the peoi)le of the place came to be called Sakapadai 
(from »aka, a basket like a hamper, and padaiy ''flattened ouf ). On account of the 

1 Oa. HJst. Soc. Colls., u, p. 34. « Sec p. 248. 

« Ibid., p. 160. • Oa. mat. Soo. Co11b.,ix, p. 170. 

i Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 286-292. 


failiire of their attempt they also came to be called Tallahassee (''Old town '' people), 
and later on Tallahafiutci ("Little Old town*' people). 

Gatschet, however, says that the name '* probably refers to water 
lilies covering the surface of a pond," the seeds of which were eaten. 
by the natives.* 

The Atasi 

Atasi, in its later years, was on close terms of intimacy with 
Tukabahchee, of which it was said to be a branch. While this may 
have been the case, its independent history extends back to very early 
times. Spanish docimients of the last decade of the sixteenth century 
mention a town called Otaxe (Otashe), in the northernmost parts of 
the province of Quale. On a few maps, representing conditions before 
the Yamasee war, Atasi appears among the towTis on Ocmulgee River. 
It is perhaps the ^^Awhissie" of Lamhatty, laid down midway 
between the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers.- On later maps it 
appears on the Chattahoochee between the Kolomi and Tuskegee, 
but this position was probably occupied for only a few years before 
a permanent retirement was effected to the Tallapoosa. Another 
location is, however, given by Hawkins on the authority of an old 
Kasihta chief, Tussikaia miko, as on a creek bearing its name, 
near the village of Apatai (see p. 223) .^ A French writer of the middle 
of the eighteenth century declares that the Creeks on Tallapoosa 
River were formerly imder absolute monarchs who resided at Atasi 
"and bore the same name'' as the town. He adds: ''After the death 
of the last of these princes there was no particular chief in this village, 
but the chief of war commands. They say that this chief has gone 
into the sky to see his ancestors, and that he has assured them that 
he will return." * This perhaps marks nothing more than a shift of 
the chieftainship from a peace to a war clan. 

At least three successive places were occupied by the Atasi on 
Tallapoosa River. The first was some miles above the sharp bend 
in the river at Tukabahchee, where Bartram found them in 1777-78.* 
The second was five miles below Tukabahchee on the south side of 
the river,* and the third a few miles higher on the north side near the 
mouth of Calebee Creek. The name appears in the census lists 
of 1738, 1750, 1760, and 1761.' On the last mentioned date James 
McQueen and T. Ferryman were the officially recognized traders.' 

1 Qatachet in Kisc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 408. 
> Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. x, p. 569. 
I Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 70. 

* Bartram, Travels, p. 448 et seq . 

* Qa. Hist. Soc. CoUs.,ix, pp. 40, 46. *' On the opposite bank [from Mr. Bailey's house] formerly stood 
the old town Ohaasee [Ottassee], a beautiful rich level plane surrounded with hills, to the north, it was 
formerly a oanebrake, the river, makes a curve round it to the south, so that a small fence on the hill 
aide acrofls would enclose it."— p. 40. 

* 1188., Ayer Lib.: UtaB Prov. Arch., i, p. 05; Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 683. 


Bartram in 1777-78 described the square of this town at some 
length; his account will be given when we come to consider the 
social organization of the confederacy. The name appears also in the 
lists of Hawkins and on the census rolls of 1832, but is omitted by 
Swan.* In 1797 the traders stationed there were Richard Bailey, a 
native of England, and Josiah Fisher.' The following is what 
Hawkins has to say of it: 

Aut-toB-eee, on the left side of Tallapooea, below and adjoining Ga-le-be-bat-che. 
A poor, miserable looking place, fenced with small poles; the first on forks in a line 
and two others on stakes hardly sufficient to keep out cattle. They have some plum 
and peach trees; a swamp back of the town and some good land back of that, a flat of 
6ak, hickory and pine. On the right bank of the river, just below the town, they 
have a fine rich cove of land which was formerly a cane brake, and has been culti- 

There is, [5 miles] below the town, one good farm made by the late Richard Bailey, 
and an orchard of peach trees. Mrs. Bailey, the widow, is neat, clean, and industrious, 
and very attentive to the interests of her family; qualities rarely to be met with in 
an Indian woman.^ Her example has no effect on the Indians, even her own family, 
with the exception of her ovm children. She has fifty bee-hives and a great supply of 
honey every year; has a fine stock of hogs, cattle and horses, and they all do well. 
Her son, Richard Bailey, was educated in Philadelphia by the Government, and he 
has brought with him into the nation so much cr)ntempt for the Indian mode of life, 
that he has got himself into discredit with them. His young brother is under the 
direction of the Quakers in Philadelphia. His three sisters pn)mise to do well, they 
are industrious and can spin. Some of the Indians have cattle; but in general, they 
are destitute of property. 

In the year 1766 there were forty-three gun men, and lately they were estimated 
at eighty. This is a much greater increase of population than is to be met with in 
other towns; they appear to be stationary generally, and in some towns are on the 
decrease; the apparent difference here, or increase, may be greater than the real; as 
formerly men grown were rated as gun men, and now bo>'s of fifteen, who are hunters, 
are rated as gim men; they have for two years past been on the decline; are very 
sickly, and have lost many of their inhabitants; they are now rated at fifty gun men 

One outsettlement is mentioned by Hawkins, on **Caloebee" Creek, 
although at the time he wrote (December 27, 1797)* it was abandoned. 
It appears on the Purcell map (pi. 7) as *'Callobe/' 

Atasi was the seat of a leading camp of hostile Indians during the 
Creek War and the site of one of its j)rincipal battles, November 29, 
1813. It suffered severely in consec^uence, and, whether on account 
of that struggle or for other causes, the number of Atasi Indians 
has been reduced to a mere handful. 

1 Qa. HJst. Soc. Colls., m, p. 25; Senate Doc. 512, 23ci Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 252-254. 

* Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., IX, p. 168. 

I She belonged to the Hot&lgalgi, or Wind Clan.— Hawkins in Ga. Hist. Soc.Colla.,iz, p. 39. Mlq>riiited 
" Otalla (wine) family.'' 
« Qa. Hist. Soc. CollB., III« pp. 31-32. 

• Ibid., xz, p. 49. 

awantow] early history of the creek indians 267 

The Kolomi 

The earliest mention of Kolomi town is contained in a letter of the 
Spanish lieutenant at Apalachee, Antonio Mateos, in 1686.* A trans- 
lation of this has been given in considering the history of the Ka- 
sihta.' The town was then probably on Ocmulgee River, where it 
appears on some of the very early maps, placed close to Atasi. From 
the failure of Mateos to mention Atasi it is possible that that town 
was not yet in existence. From later maps we learn that after the 
Yamasee war the Kolomi settled on the Chattahoochee. The maps 
show them in what is now Stewart County, Ga., but Colomokee Creek 
in Clay County may perhaps mark a former settlement of Kolomi 
people farther south. The name is often given on maps in the form 
'*Colomino." * Still later they removed to the Tallapoosa, where, 
as appears from Bartram, they first settled upon the east bank but 
later moved across.* In all these changes they seem to have kept 
company with the Atasi. Their name appears in the lists of 1738, 
1750, 1760, and 1761! In 1761 their officially recognized trader was 
James Germany.* Bartram thus describes the town in 1 777 : 

Here are very extensive old fields, the abandoned plantations and commons of the 
old town, on the east side of the river; but the settlement is removed, and the new 
town now stands on the opposite shore, in a charming fruitful plain, under an elevated 
ridge of hills, the swelling beds or liases of which are covered with a pleasing verdure 
of grass; but the last ascent is steeper, and towards the summit discovers shehing 
xocky cliffs, which appear to be continually splitting and bursting to pieces, scat- 
tering their thin exfoliations over the tops of the grassy^ knolls Ijeneath. The plain is 
narrow where the town is built; their houses are neat commodious buildings, a wooden 
frame with plastered walls, and roofed with Cypress bark or shingles; ever>' habita- 
tion consists of four oblong sc^uare houses, of one story, of the same form and dimen- 
sions, and so situated as to form an exact square, encompassing an area or courtyard 
of about a quarter of an acre of ground, lea\dng an entrance into it at each comer. 
Here is a beautiful new square or areopagus, in the centre of the new town ; but the 
stores of the principal trader, and two or three Indian habitations, stand near the 
banks of the opposite shore on the site of the old Coolome town. The Tallapoose 
River is here three hundred yards over, and alwut fifteen or twenty feet deep; the 
water is very clear, agreeable to the taste, esteemed salubrious, and runs with a steady, 
active current.* 

A little later Bartram called again and has the following to say 
regarding the trader, James Germany, mentioned above: 

[I] called by the way at the beautiful town of Coolome, w^here I tarried some time 
with Mr. Germany the chief trader of the town, an elderly gentleman, but active, 
cheerful and very agreeable, who received and treated me >vith the utmost ci\ility 
and friendship; his wife is a Creek woman, of a ver>' amiable and worthy character 

> Sflrrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 194-195. 

> See p. 221. 

■ This fOTin of the name suggests a derivation from kulo, a kind of oak with large acorns, and omin, 
' *whflre there are. " 

• Bartram, Travels, p. 304. 

• MSB., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. M; Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

• Bartram, Travels, pp. 394-395. 



[bull. 73 

and disposition, industrious, prudent and affectionate; and by her he has several 
children, whom he is desirous to send to Savanna or Charleertoii» for their education, 
but can not prevail on his wife to consent to it.' 

In May, 1797, according to a list compiled by Hawkins, there was 
no trader in this town, but in a subsequent list, dated September of 
the same year, he gives William Gregory, who was formerly a hire- 
ling of Nicholas White at Fus-hatchee.^ Swan (1791) mentions the 
place,' and Hawkins (1799) thus describes it: 

Coo-loo-me is below and near to Foosce-hatrche, on the right side of the river; the 
town is small and compact, on a flat much too low, and subject to be overflowed in 
the seasons of floods, which is once in fifteen or sixteen years, always in the winter 
season, and mostly in March; they have, within two years, begim to settle back, next 
to the broken lands; the corAfields are on the opjwsite side, joining those of Fooece- 
hat-che, and extend together near four miles down the river, from one hundred to 
two hundred yards wide. Back of these hills there is a rich swamp of from four to 
Ax hundred yards wide, which, when reclaimed, must be valuable for com and rice 
and could be easily drained into the river, which seldom overflows its banks, in spring 
or summer. 

They have no fences; they have huts in the fields to shelter the laborers in the 
summer season from rain, and for the guards set to watch the crops while they are 
growing. At this season some families move over and reside in their fields, and return 
with their crops into the town. There are two paths, one through the fields on the 
river ])ank, and the other back of the swamp. In the season for melons the Indians 
of this town and P^ooece-hat-che show in a particular manner their hospitality to all 
travellers, by calling to them, introducing them to their huts or the shade of their 
trees, and giving them excellent melons, and the best fare they possess. Opposite 
the town house, in the fields, is a conical mound of earth thirty feet in diameter, ten 
feet high, with large ]>each trees on several places. At the lower end of the fields, on 
the left bank of a fine little creek, Le-cau-suh, is a pretty little village of Coo-loo-me 
people, finely situated on a rising ground; the land up this creek is waving pine 

The name of this town is wanting from the census rolls of 1832, 
and there is Uttle doubt that the tradition is correct which states 
that it was one of those which went to Florida after the Creek war 
of 181 .'^.'^ A part of the Kolomi people were already in that country, 
since they are noted in papers of John Stuart, the British Indian agent, 
dated 1778.' According to a very old Creek Indian, now dead, Kolomi 
decreased so much in nimibers that it united with Fus-hatchee, and 
Fus-hatchee decreased so much that it united with Atasi, with which 
the to\^Ti of Kan-hatki, to be mentioned below, also combined. But, 
as we shall see, this can not have been altogether true, though it is an 
undoubted fact that the towns mentioned were closely united in terms 
of friendship. While Kolomi is still preserv^ed as a war name very 
few of the Creeks in Oklahoma remember it as a town. 

I Bartram, Traveb, pp. 447-44>*. 
« Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, pp. 168-185. 
9 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
* Ga. Hist. Soc Colls., m, pp. 3a-dl. 

6 See Gatschet in Misc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc, I, 
p. 401. 
• Copy of MS. in Lib Cong. 

bwantomj early history of the creek indians 269 

The Fus-hatchee 

The descriptive name of the Fus-hatchee and their intimate rela- 
tions with Kolomi, Kan-hatki, and Atasi lead me to believe that they 
were a comparatively late branch of one of these. They appear first 
on the De Oenay map of 1733, in which they are placed on the south 
side of the Tallapoosa.* They are also in the lists of 1738, 1750, 1760, 
and 1761.^ James Germany was their trader in the last mentioned 
year. In 1797 the trader was Nicholas White.^ The name is in the 
lists of Bartram* and Hawkins,^ and is evidently the ^^Coosahatchies'' 
of Swan.® In his list of Creek traders, made in May, 1797, Hawkins 
assigns none to this town; but in a second, dated the following 
September, he gives the name of William McCart, who had formerly 
been a hireling of Abraham M. Mordecai at Holiwahali.' Hawkins 
describes the town as follows: 

Fooece-hotrche; from foo-so-wau, a bird, and hot-che, tail.* It is two miles below 
Ho-ith-le-wau-le [Holiwahali] on the right bank of Tal-la-poo-sa, on a narrow strip of 
flat land; the broken lands are just back of the town; the cornfields are on the oppo- 
site aide of the river, and are divdded from those of Ho-ith-le-wau-le by a small creek, 
Noo-cooee-che-po. On the right bank of this little creek, half a mile from the river, 
is the remains of a ditch which surrounded a fortification, and back of this for a mile 
is the appearance of old settlements, and back of these, pine slashes. 

The cornfields are narrow, and extend do\^Ti, bordering on the river.* 

This was one of those towns which went to Florida after the Creek- 
American war, and consequently we find no mention of it in the 
census list of 1832. A small band is noted in northern Florida 
as early as 1778.*® It was accompanied by Kan-hatki, and after 
the Seminole war the two moved westward together and formed a 
single settlement in the southern part of the Seminole Nation. There 
they constituted one district, known as Fus-hatchee. and were so rep- 
resented in the Seminole council. Their square groimd was, however, 
known as LiwahaU, because the leaders in forming it are said to have 
been Holiwahali Indians. 

The Kan-hatki 

The history of the Kan-hatki or Ikan-hatki (''White ground '') is 
parallel with that of the Fus-hatchee. They appear on the De 
Crenay map, in the lists of 1738, 1750, 1760, and 1761, and in those 

1 Plate 6; also Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 

>MSS., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 94; Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

*Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 168. 

«Bartram, Travels, p. 461. 

•Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 25. 

<Scboolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 

' Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, pp. 168, 195. 

■ This is erroneous. It should be fuswa, bird, and hatci, river or stream. 

• Oa. Hbt. Soc. Colls., m, p. 33. 

» Oopy of MS. in Lib. Cong. 


of Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins.^ In 1761 their officially recognized 
traders were Crook & Co. Swan gives Kan-hatki as one of two towns 
occupied by Shawnee refugees, but this statement was probably due 
to the presence qf some Shawnee from the neighboring settlement 
of Sawanogi. In September, 1797, Hawkins states that the trader 
here was a man named Copinger.' He gives the following account 
of the town: 

E-cun-hut-ke; from e-cun-na, earth, and hut-ke, white, called by the traders 
white ground. This little town is just below Coo-loo-me, on the same side of the 
river, and five or six miles above Sam-bul-loh, a large fine creek which has its source 
in the pine hills to the north and its whole course through broken pine hills. It 
appears to be a never-failing stream, and fine for mills; the fields belonging to this 
town are on both sides of the river. ^ 

In the census list of 1832 is a town called ''Ekim-duts-ke," which 
may be intended for tliis, but we know that a large part of the Kan- 
hatki went to Florida after 1813, and the name above given may 
have belonged to an entirely different settlement, since it could be 
translated *'a section line'* or ''a boundary line." The later his- 
tory of the Kan-hatki is bound up with that of the Fus-hatchee, to 
which the reader is referred. 

The Wiwohka 

According to tradition, Wiwohka was a made-up or "stray" 
town, formed of fugitives from other settlements, or those who 
found it pleasanter to live at some distance from the places of their 
birth. One excellent informant stated that anciently it was called 
Witumpka, but the names mean nearly the same thing, "roaring 
water" and "tumbling water." Both designations are said to have 
arisen from the nature of the place of origin of these people, near 
falls, and these may have been the falls of the Coosa. From the 
preservation of a purely descriptive name and their comparatively 
recent appearance in Creek history it may be fairly assumed that 
they had not had a long existence. Their name appears on the De 
Crenay map, in the lists of 1738, 1750, 1760, and 1761.* It is wanting 
from Bartram's list, but reappears in those of Swan and Hawkins 
and in the census rolls of 1832.* The census of 1761 couples it with 
"New Town," and gives the traders as William Struthers and J. 
Morgan.* The irregular nature of its origin may perhaps be associ- 
ated with its later responsibihty for the Creek war of 1813 and the 

1 MSS., Ayer Lib.; Hamilton, C^I. Mobile, p. 190; Miss. Prov. Arch.,i, p. 94; Oa. CoL Do08.,yill» Ik. OS; 
Bartram, Travels, p. 461 ; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; Qa. Hist Soc. Colls., m, p. 2S. 
s Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, pp. 168, 195. 
*Ibid.,in, p. 34. 
« Plate 6; MSS., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 96; Oa. CoL Docs., vm, p. 523. 

• Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262; Ga. Hist. Soc CoUs., m, p. 25; Senate Doo. 512, 23d Cong., 1ft i 
It, pp. 282-283. 

• Ga. CoL Docs., op. dt. 


Green Peach war in Oklahoma, both of which are laid to its charge. 
At the present time it has so far died away that but few real Wi- 
wohka Indians remain. Its later relations were closest with the 
Okchai Indians with whom the survivors now busk. 

The following is Hawkins's description of this town as it was in 

We-wo-cau; from we-wau, water, and wo-cau, barking or roaring, as the sound of 
water at high faUs. It lies on a creek of the same name, which joins Puc-cun-tal-lau- 
has-see, on its left bank, sixteen miles below that town. We-wo-cau is fifteen miles ^ 
above 0-che-au-po-fau and four miles from Cooeau, on the left side; the land is broken, 
oak and hickory, with coarse gravel; the settlements are spread out, on several small 
streams, for the advantage of the rich flats bordering on them and for their stock; they 
have cattle, horses, and hogs. Here commences the moss, in the beds of the creeks, 
which the cattle are very fond of; horses and cattle fatten very soon on it, with a little 
salt; it is of quick growth, found only in the rocky beds of the creeks and rivers north 
from thia. 

The hills which surround the town are stony, and unfit for culture; the streams all 
have reed, and there are some fine licks near the town, where it is conjectured salt 
might be made. The land on the right side of the creeks is poor, pine, barren hills 
to the falls. The number of gun men is estimated at forty.' 

The Kealedji 

According to native tradition this was a branch of Tukabahchee, 
but, if so, it must have separated at a very early date. Gatschet 
says that the name appears to refer to a warrior's headdress, con- 
taining the words ikay his head, and a verb meaning to kill (ilaidshas, 
I kill).' This seems probable. At any rate the name evidently is not 
old enough to be worn down much by age and suggests a compara- 
tively recent origin for the group. This is also confirmed to a con- 
siderable extent by the absence of its name from the earliest docu- 
ments. Probably it is the "Gowalege" placed on a southern affluent 
of the Ocmulgee on the Moll map of 1720,* and perhaps the '^Calalek" 
of the De Crenay map,* since in the French census of 1760 we find a 
town '^Kalalekis''^ which looks like a misprinted form of the name 
of this town. In the Spanish list of Creek towns made up in 1738 
the name is spelled "Caialeche'' and in that of 1750 ''Kalechy.*' ^ 
It is certainly the "Coillegees near Oakchoy" of the census of 1761, 
the traders of which were Crook & Co.* In 1797 the traders were 
John O'Riley, an Irishman, and Townlay Bruce, of Maryland, 
formerly a clerk in the Indian Department, '^removed for improper 
conduct."* It is in the list of Bartram*® and in that of Swan," and is 
thus described by Hawkins: 

1 The Lib. CaBg. MS. hBS ** 17/' t msS., Ayer Lib. 

• Oa. Hist. Soo. CoUs., m, pp. 40-41. • Ga. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

I Also on plata 8. * Ga. Hist. Soc. Colis., ix, p. 169. 

« GatschetrCrMk Mlg. Leg., i, p. 133. i* Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

• PlaU 6; alao HamUton, CoL MobUe, p. 100. n Schodcran, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 902. 

• lliit. FroT. Ardi., I, p. 05. 


Ki-a-li-jee; on the r^ht Hide of Kialijee Creek, two and a half milee below the junc- 
tion with Uook-choie. This creek joins the right side of Tallapoosa, above the falls; 
all the rich flats of the creek are settled; the land al)out the town is poor and broken; 
the fields are on the narrow flats and in the bends of the creek; the broken land is 
gravelly or stony; the range for cattle, hogs, and horses is the poorest in the nation; 
the neigh])orhood of the town and the town itself has nothing to recommend it. The 
timber is pine, oak, and small hickory; the creek is fifteen * feet wide, and joins Talla- 
poosa fifteen* miles above Took-au-bat-che. They have two villages belonging to 
this town. 

1st. Au-che-nau-hat-che; from au-che-naUf cedar; and hat-chef a creek. They have 
a few settlements on this creek, and some fine, thriving peach trees; the land on the 
creek is broken, but good.^ 

2d. Uat-che-chub-bau; from hat-che, a creek; and chuh-haUy the middle, or halfway. 
This is in the pine forest, a poor, ill-chosen site, and there are but a few people.* 

The last-mentioned settlement and the main town were bmiied by 
hostile Creeks in 1813. The name Kealedji occurs in the list of 
1832.* After their removal west these people settled in the south- 
eastern part of the Creek Nation, where they still (1912) have a dance 
groimd but no regular square. 

Hatcheetcaba (Ilatci ttaba), the second village of Hawkins, appears 
as far back as the census of 1760.* It is also in those of 1761,® and 1832,' 
but not in the lists of Bartram and Swan. It preserved its identity 
after removal to Oklahoma, where it maintained a dance ground, 
but it is not certain that it ever had a regular square. 

The Pakaxa 

We now come to peoples incorporated in the Muskhogean confed- 
eration which were probably distinct bodies and yet not certainly 
possessed of a peculiar dialect like the Hitchiti, Alabama, and other 
tribes of foreign origin already considered. The Pakana are given 
by Adair as one of those people which the Muskogee had "artfully'' 
induced to incorporate with them, and he is confirmed as to the 
main fact by Stiggins, whose account of them is as follows: 

The Puccunnas at this day are only known by tradition to have been a distinct 
people and their antient town or habitation is called Puccun Tal ahassee iniiich is 
Puccwn old toitm. This antient town is in the present Coosa County of this State 
[Alabama]. The Au-bih-kas have a tradition that they were a distinct people and 
that they in old times were very numerous, but do not say whether they wece immi- 
grants or not, or at what time they Ijccamo one of the national body. But they say 
aa they belonged to the national body one and inse])arable there was no distinction 
made bo that by continual intermarriage with the other tribes they at length became 
absorbed and assimilated with their neighbors without distinction and no other 
knowledge is left regarding them but the name of their antient habitation. Whether 
in conversation they had a separate tongue of their own or not tradition is silent.* 

1 The Lib. Cong. MS. has " 20 " in each of those places. 

t In his " Letters" he says this village consisted of "0 habitations and a small town house."— Oa. Hist. 
Soo.ColJs.,ix, p. ai. 

* Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, pp. 48-19. 

« Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., Ist sess., iv, pp. 327-330. 

* Miss. Prov. Arch., l, p. 95. 

* Qa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

T Senate Doc 513, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 278-280. 
"Stiggins, MS., p. &. 


Not much can be added to this. There is a tradition among the 
modem Creeks that the Pakana separated from the Abihka, but 
it is evidently due to the proximity of the two peoples in ancient 
times and the number of intermarriages which took place between 
them. Again, an old Hilibi man told me that this town was founded 
by a Wiogufki Indian named Bakna, who held the first busk in his 
own yard, and whose name became attached to the new town. But 
Pakana was in existence long before Wiogufki. Wakokai, the 
mother town of Wiogufki, and the Pakana town were, however, 
located near each other, and to the close relations thence arising we 
may attribute the tradition. It is confusing to find the name Pakan 
tallahassee [Pakan talahasi] C* Pakana old town") used for these 
people in the very earliest mention of them, the De Crenay map 
of 1733.* Since we hear shortly afterwards of a Pakana tribe — 
distinct from the Pakan tallahassee, which first settled near Fort 
Toulouse and later migrated to Louisiana — a suggestion is raised 
whether the Pakan tallahassee may not have been Muskogee or other 
Indians who had occupied a site abandoned by the Pakana proper. 
We have something similar in the case of the Tukabahchee talla- 
hassee, who were really an outsettlement of Okfuskee Indians.' 
While such an interpretation is possible I think the real fact was 
that a single tribe split in two after Fort Toulouse was established, 
one part locating near it as a convenient market. At that time 
the original body may have received the name ''old town Pakana*' 
to distinguish them from the emigrants. It is indeed strange that 
on the De Crenay map we find ''old town Pakana'' (Pakanatalachfi), 
but no Pakana.* Still, this is not conclusive, for Fort Toulouse 
had probably been in existence 18 years when the map was prepared 
and the Pakana in its neighborhood may well have been overlooked. 
Both bodies appear in the lists of 1750, 1760,^ and 1761, in which 
last year William Struthers and J. Morgan were the officially recog- 
nized traders.* In 1797 the trader was " John Proctor, a half-breed." * 
The division known as Pakan tallahassee appears also in the list of 
1738* and those of Bartram, Swan, and Hawkins, and on the 
census rolls of 1832.^ In 1768, or shortly before, it was burned 
by the Choctaw.* Hawkins derives the name "from E-puc- 
cun-na\;i, a may apple, and tal-lau-has-see, old town." The first 
word signifies properly "a peach" — katabuya is May apple — but it 

1 Plata 6; abo Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. ' Bartram, Travels, p. 461; Schoolcraft, Ind. 

•Seep. 247. Tribes, iv, p. 578; v, p. 262; Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., 

•M88.,Ay«rLib.; Mias. Col. Arch., i, p. 95. m, p. Z'>; Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 2d 

* Qa. Col. Dogs., vm, p. 523. iv, pp 285-286. 

• Hawkins in Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 100. • Eng. Trans., MS., Lib. Cong. 

148061"— 22 18 


is doubtful whether its original meaning was related to either. 
The name Pakana may have a long antecedent history and a totally 
different origin. Hawkins adds: 

It is in the fork of a creek which gives name to the town; the creek joins on the 
left side of Coosau, forty miles below Coo-sau town.* 

After the removal they settled in the southern part of the Creek 
Nation near Hanna, Oklahoma, and have maintained their square 
ground in the same place ever since. 

The Pakana who settled near Fort Toulouse probably never re- 
joined their kindred. From a letter written by M. d'Abbadie, 
governor of Louisiana, April 10, 1764, we know that they emigrated 
to Red River at the same time as the Taensa and Apalachee.' He 
calls them '^Pakanas des Alibamons,*' either from the name of the 
French post or from the fact that they were supposed to be related 
to the Alabama Indians. The former supposition is, I believe, cor- 
rect, since in the census of 1760 we find them classed as *' Aly^bamons," 
not merely with the Koasati and Tuskegee, but also with the Okchai, 
some Coosa Indians, and some Indians called "Thomapas"; while, 
on the other hand, the Muklasa, Tawasa, and part of the Coosa are 
put among the '^Talapouches,'' ' Indians on Tallapoosa River. 
Evidently the classification is geographical, not linguistic. Later 
these Pakana settled upon Calcasieu River in southwestern Loui- 
siana, as sliowTi in the following account given by Sibley: 

Pacanas, are a small tribe of about thirty men, who live on the Quelqueshoe [Cal- 
casieu] River, which falls into the bay between Attakapa and Sabine, which heads 
in a prairie, calleil Cooker prairie, about forty miles southwest of Natchitoches. These 
people are likewise emigrants from West Florida, about forty years ago. Their village 
is about fifty miles southeast of the Conchattas; are said to be increasing a little in 
number; quiet, peaceable, and friendly people. Their own language differs from 
any other, btit speak Mobilian. * 

Stijl later some or all of these Pakana united with the Alabama 
living in Texjis, where they are still remembered. The last sur- 
vivor was an old woman who died many years ago. Her language 
was said to be distinct from Alabama, which would naturally be the 
case if it was Muskogee. 

The Okchai 

Like the Pakana, Adair includes the Okchai among those tribes 
which had been ^'artfully decoyecr' to unite with the Muskogee,* 
and Milfort says that the Okchai and Tuskegee had sought the pro- 
tection of the liluskogee after having suffered severely at the hands of 
hostile Indians. He adds that tlie former * ^mounted ten leagues toward 

1 Oa.Uist. Soc. Colls., ni, p. 41. « Sibley in Annals of Congress, 9th Cong., ad 

« Amer. Antiq., xiii, pp. 252-253. sesa., \0^ ( lHOfi-07). 

* IlisB. Prov. Arch, i, p. M. * Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 257. 

8 wanton] 



the north [of the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers] and 
fixed their dwelling in a beautiful plain on the bank of a little river. '* ^ 
Among some of the living Okchai there seems to be a tradition of 
this foreign origin, but nowhere do we find evidence that they spoke 
a diverse language. Their tongue may have been a dialect of Mus- 
kogee assimilated to the current speech in very ancient times. 

This tribe appears on some of the earliest maps which locate 
Creek towns, such as that of Popple.^ Their original seats were, as 
described by Milfort, on the western side of the Coosa some miles 
above its junction with the Tallapoosa. By 1738, however, a part of 
them had left that region and moved over upon a branch of Kialaga 
Creek, an affluent of the Tallapoosa.' Another portion evidently 
remained for a time near their old country, since the census of 1761 
mentions '^Oakchoys opposite the said [i. e., the French] fort." * 

After the cession of Mobile and its dependencies to Great Britain 
these probably reunited with the main body. Okchai are indeed 
afterwards spoken of in the neighborhood of the old fort, but they 
appear to have been in reality Okchaiutci, part of the Alabama, 
whose liistory has been given elsewhere.* The last were probably 
those "Okchai" who accompanied the Koasati to the Tombigbee 
shortly after 1763.* 

The Okchai proper are not noted by Bartram except under the 
general term ''Fish Pond" Indians,' but appear in the lists of Swan * 
and Hawkins* and in the census rolls of 1832.^® Hawkins has the 
following description: 

Hook-choie; on a creek of that name which joins on the left aide of Ki-a-li-jee, 
three miles below the town and seven miles south of Thlo-tlo-gul-gau. The settle- 
ments extend along the creeks; on the margins of which and the hill sides are good 
oak and hickory, with coarse gravel, all surrounded with pine forest.*^ 

After the emigration they established their square ground on 
the southern border of the Creek Nation, where it has remained 
ever since. 

A small band is recorded among the Seminoles of northern Florida 
in 1778." 

Besides Okchaiutci, which was not properly a branch at all, 
several settlements were given out by this town. The most prom- 
inent and probably the most ancient of these was Lalogalga ('^Fish 
Place*'), from which the traders' name of ''Fish Pond'' is derived. 

1 Milfort, Mdmoire, p. 267. 

> Plate 4. 

s MS., Ayer Lib. 

* Ga. Col. Docs., m, pp. 521-523. 
ft See pp. 20O-2(nr 

• See p. 203. 

' Bartram, Travels, p. 462. 

• Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
» Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., in, j). 25. 
>0 Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 
" Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 37. 
i> Copy of MS. in Mb. Cong. 


"Fish Pond" occurs first in Bartram,^ but it was often applied 
to the Okchai Indians generally, and L&Iog&lga appears first as a 
distinct settlement in Swan's list, 1791.' Hawkins (1799) describes 
it thus : 

Thlot-lo-gul-gau; from thlot-lo, fish; and ulgaa, all; called by the traders fishponds. 
It is on a small pond-Uke creek, a branch of Ul-kau-hat^he, which joins Tallapoosa 
four miles above Oc-fus-kee, on the right side. The town is fourteen miles up the 
creek ; the land about it is open and waving; the soil is dark and gravelly; the general 
growth of trees is the small hickory; they have reed in the branches. 

Hannah Hale resides here. She was taken prisoner from Georgia when about 
eleven or twelve years old, and married the head man of this town, by whom she 
has five children. This woman spins and weaves, and has taught two of her daughters 
to spin; she has labored under many difficulties, yet by her industry has acquired 
some property. She has one negro boy, a horse or two, sixty cattle, and some hogs; 
she received the friendly attention of the agent for Indian affairs as soon as he came 
into the nation. He furnished her with a wheel, loom, and cards; she has an orchard 
of peach and apple trees. Having made her election at the national council in 1799 
to reside in the nation, the agent appointed Hopoithle Haujo to look out for a suitable 
place for her, to help her to remove to it with her stock, and take care that she receives 
no insults from the Indians.^ 

In 1796 the traders stationed there were ''John Shirley and Isaac 
ThomaS; the first an American, the latter of German parents."* 

Evidently this is one of the two Fish Pond towns mentioned in 
the census list of 1832.'^ There is a square ground of the name in 
Oklahoma at the present time, but those who formed it were not direct 
descendants of the people who formed the old Lalog&lga town. 
When the removal took place all of the Okchai Indians came together 
and established one square ground near the present Hanna, Okla. 
Later; as the result of a fission in the tribe brought about by 
the Civil War, part moved away and settled near Okemah some- 
time after 1870. There they revived the old term L&log&lga, which 
they have since employed. 

Asilanabi was founded later than the first L&log&lga and was so 
named because it was first located in a place where Rez vomUoria 
was to be gathered. We do not find the name in print until we come 
to the census rolls of 1832.* There is a square ground in Oklahoma 
so called, but, as m the case of Latogalga, it has no historical con- 
tinuity with the older settlement. It is the result of a later fission. 

The Okchai living in Oklahoma claim that Potcas hatchee (Hatchet 
Creek) was a former settlement of theirs wliich was ''lost.'* It was 
in existence in Hawkins's time and appears in the census list of 
1832.* The following is Hawkins's description of it: 

Po-chuse-hat-che; from po-<hu-8o-wau, a hal<hot, and hat-<*he, a creek. This 
creek joins Coosau, four miles below Puc-cun-tal-lau-has-see, on its right bank; this 

1 Bartram, Travels, p. 402. ^ Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 

* Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 297-20K. 

* Qa. HJst. Boc. CoUs., m, pp. i'^-W; ix, p. 170. • Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 50; Senate Doo. QU; 
4 Oft. Hist Soc. Colls., IX, p. 34. 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. ^84-285. 


village is high up the creek, nearly forty miles from its mouth, on a flat bend on the 
right side of the creek; the settlements extend up and down the creek for a mile. 
A mile and a half above the settlements there is a large canebrake, three-quarters of 
a mile through and three or four miles in length. 

The land adjoining the settlement is wa\'ing and rich, with oak, hickory, and poplar. 
The branches all have reed; the neighboring lands above these settlements are fine; 
those below are high , broken hills. It is situated between Hill-au-bee and Woc-co-coie, 
about ten miles from each town; three miles west of the town there is a small moun- 
tain; they have some hogs.^ 

Probably the remnants of this town finally reunited with the main 
body. Two other *'lost'' settlements are also remembered — ^Talsi 
hatchi (Tulsa Creek) and Tcahki lako (broad shallow ford). This 
last, however, may have been the Okfuskee village of that name, at 
one time on C!hattahoochee River.* 

The Tukabahchee 

Tukabahchee was not only considered one of the four ''foundation 
sticks" of the Creek Confederacy, but as the leading town among 
the Upper Creeks, and many add the leading town of the whole 
nation. During later historic times it was the most populous of all 
the upper towns, and is to-day the most populous without any ex- 
ception, like the other head towns, it has a special ceremonial 
title, Spokogi, or Ispokogi. Jackson Lewis thought this meant 
that Tukabahchee brooded over the other towns like a hen over her 
chickens. Another old Creek was of the opinion that it meant *'to 
hold something firmly,^' since it w^as this town that held the con- 
federacy together. Gatschet interprets it as ''town of survivors/' 
or "surviving town, remnant of a town." ^ It can not be said, 
however, that any of the suggested interpretations has great prob- 
ability in its favor. As some early writers give the second conso- 
nant as t instead of t, the initial word in the name may have been 
tuika, fire. The original Spokogi were supposed to be certain beings 
who descended from the upper world to the Tukabahchee and brought 
them their medicine. From tlie intimacy which long subsisted be- 
tween the Tukabahchee and Shawnee I am inclined to think that 
the resemblance between this word and that of one of the Shawnee 
bands, Kispokotha, or Kispogogi, is more than accidental. 

It would certamly be a shock to almost any Creek to be told that 
this reputed capital of the rx^nfederacy, from which, according to 
some of them, the busk ceremonial was derived, was not orighially 
a true Muskogee town at all. Tliis, liowever, is the conclusion to 
which we are brought by a study of the facets concerning its early 

1 Ga. Hist. Soc. CoUs., m, pp. 50-51. > Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 148. 

< See p. 349. 



histor\. It is the statement of Milfort, who probably derived his 
information from Alexander McGillivray, and who says: 

About the same time [as that in which the Muskogee and Alabama finally made 
peace with each other] an Indian tril>e which was on the point of being destroyed 
by the Iroquois and the Hurons, came to ask the protection of the Moskoquis, whom 
I will now call Crocks. The latter received them among themselves and assigned 
them a region in the center of the nation. They built a town, which is now rather 
large, which is named Tuket-Batchet, from the name of the Indian tribe. The 
great assemblies of the Cr6ck Nation, of which it forms an int^^ral part, are sometimes 
held within its walls. ^ 

Alone this would not amount to proof, Milfort not being the most 
trustworthy authority, but Adair confirms it in the one important 
point. He quotes a Tukabahchee Indian of his time named **01d 
Bracket' ' to the effect that the people of this to\\Ti '* were a different 
people from the Creeks/'' Their origin myth also appears to have 
varied considerably from that of the Cieeks proper. This appears 
from some confused notes furnished by Gatschet,'' but still more from 
the following legend preserved in the Tuggle collection, though that 
differs not so much in general plan as in the line of march, south 
instead of east. 

The Took-a-l)atcheee say that a long time ago their people had a great trouble and 
moved away. They came to water they could not cross. They built boats and 
crossed the water and marched south. They decided their course of march by a 
pole. They stood the pole perpendicularly and let it fall and in whatever direction 
it fell they marched in that direction. This pole was entrusted to a prophet. They 
continued marching south until the pole would not fall in any definite direction, but 
would wabljle as it fell. Here they stopped and lived a long time. After a while 
another great trouble came and they resumed their march until they came tr^ water, 
which was too wide to cross in boats, so they marched along the coast. They followed 
their pole going east till they came to Greoi^gia, where they lived when the white 
people came to America. 

A difference is possibly indicated in the claim made by the 
Tukabahchee that they are *'a stray'' (town). This is explained, 
however, on the ground that they could do as they pleased, and 
this again may have ])een on account of their superiority. They 
were also called Italwa fatca, **town deviating from strictness," 
a title said to have been shared by the Abihka.* 

The migration l^end just (quoted is borne out in this particular, 
that when the Spaniards fii-st heard of the Tukabahchee they appear 
to have been in Georgia, but it is improbable that they reached that 
coimtry by marching along the coast. The earliest notice I have 
of them is in a letter of Antonio Matoos, lieutenant of the Apalachee 
province, of May 19, 1686, already several times mentioned, in 

> Milfort, Mtooire, pp. 205-266. > Ciatschet. (reek Mig. L€g., l, p. 147. 

t Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 179. * Ibid., p. 148. 


which he says that Indians reported the English to have visited 
"the province of Ticopache.'** From the description it would 
appear that Coweta lay between this ** province*' and Carolina. In 
1695, in retaliation for attacks upon the Apalachee, an expedition 
consisting of 400 Apalachee Indians and 7 Spaniards visited the 
towns of Coweta, Kasihta, Oconee, and Tukabahchee C'Tiqui- 
pache")« In one — the narrative does not say which — they cap- 
tured 50 persons, but they found the other places burned and aban- 
doned.* The Oconee were on the Oconee River at this time and 
the Coweta and Kasihta on the Ocmulgee, so that it seems probable 
the Tukabahchee were then in the same general region. They 
perhaps removed as a result of the attack. Tukabahchee Talla- 
hassee, noticed above as an Okfuskee town and located on the upper 
course of Tallapoosa River,' was probably so named because it 
occupied a site formerly held by the Tukabahchee, and it is likely 
that this was after their removal from Georgia. 

It is to be noted that in most Tukabahchee traditions the Shawnee 
play a leading part, and Gatschet says that some Tukabahchee 
claimed they were Shawnee. This statement may, however, be 
accomted for by the metaphorical term employed to designate 
certain Tukabahchee clans. This association and their tradition 
of a northern origin lead to the suggestion that the Tukabahchee 
may have been those mysterious Kaskinampo discussed elsewhere 
who in the seventeenth century' are frequently connected with the 
Shawnee Indians.* 

In the South Carolina records under date of 1712 mention is made 
of two ''Tukabugga'' slaves.* The Tukabahchee appear among 
the Upper Creeks, but at an indeterminate place, on the De Crenay 
map of 1733.* Here the word is spelled ''Totipaches,'' in the list 
of 1738 ''Tiquipaxche,'' in that of 1750 ^^Totipache,'' and on the 
census list of 1760 ^'Totepaches."' In 1761 James McQueen and 
T. Ferryman were officially recognized traders at this town, *^ includ- 
ing Pea Creek and other Plantations, Chactaw Hatchee Euchees, &c.''® 
In 1797 the traders there were Christopher Ileickle, a German, and 
Obadiah Lowe.* Bartram^^ and Swan** mention it, and Hawkins 
gives the following description of the town as it existed in 1799: 

Took-au-batrche. The ancient name of this town is Is-po-co-gee; its derivation 
uncertain; it is situated on the right bank of the Tallapoosa, op{>osite the junction of 

1 Serrano y Sant, Doc. Hist., p. 1»5. ' Plate 5; also Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. 

« Ibid., p. 225. ' MSS., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 95. 

« See p. 247. Cf. "Tukabatchee old Fields," of " Cla. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

plate 8. "* Oa. llist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 108. 

< See pp. 21^214. »o Bartram, Travels, p. 461. 

• Proc. of Board Dealing with Ind. Trade, p. 59, n Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 


Eu-fau-be, two and a half miles below the falls of the river, on a beautiful level. The 
course of the river from the falls to the town is south ; it then turns east three-quarters 
of a mile, and short round a point opposite Eu-fau-})e, thence west and west-by-north 
to its confluence with Coosau, about thirty miles. It is one hundred * yards wide 
(q;>posite the town house to the south, and here are two good fords during the summer,^ 
one just below the point of a small island, the other one hundred yards still lower. 

The water of the falls, after tumbling over a bed of rock for half a mile, is forced 
into two channels; one thirty, the other fifteen feet wide. The fall is forty feet in 
fifty yards. The channel on the right side, which is the widest, falls nearly twenty 
feet in ten feet. The fish are obstructed here in their attempts to ascend the river. 
From appearances, they might be easily taken in the season of the ascending the 
rivers, but no attempts have hitherto been made to do so. 

The rock is a light gray, very much di\'ided in sciuare blocks of various sizes for 
building. It requires ver>' little labor to reduce it to form, for plain walls. Large 
masses of it are so nicely fitted, and so regular, as to imitate the wall of an ancient 
building, where the stone had passed through the hands of a mason. The quantity 
of this description at the falls and in the hill sides adjoining them, is great; sufficient 
for the building of a large city. 

The falls above spread out, and the river widens to half a mile within that distance 
and continues that width for four miles. Within this scope are four islands, which 
were formerly cultivated, but are now old fields margined with cane. The bed of the 
river is here rocky, shoally, and covered with moss. It is frequented in summer by 
cattle, horses, and deer; and in the winter, by swans, geese, and ducks. 

On the right bank opposite the falls, the land is broken, stony, and gravelflfk The 
hill sides fronting the river, exhibit this building ro<'k. The timber is post oak, 
hickory, and pine, all small. From the hills the land spreads off level. The narrow 
flat margin between the hills and the river is convenient for a canal for mills on an 
extensive scale, and to supply a large extent of flat land around the town with water. 
Below the falls a small distance, there is a spring and branch, and within five hundred 
yards a small creek; thence within half a mile the land becomes level and spreads 
out on this side two miles, including the flats of Wol-lau-hat-che, a creek ten feet wide 
which rises seventeen miles from its junction with the river, in the high pine forest, 
and running south-southeast enters the river three miles below the town house. 
The whole of this flat, between the creek and the river, bordering on the town, is 
covered Mith oak and the small hard shelled hickory. The trees are all small; the 
land is light, and fine for com, cotton, or melons. The creek has a little cane on its 
margins and reed on the small branches; but the range is much exhausted by the stock 
of the town. 

On the h?ft bank of the river, at the falls, the land is broken pine forest. Half a 
mile below there is a small (Te<ik which has its source seven miles from the river, its 
margins covered with reed or cane. Below the creek the land becomes flat, and con- 
tinues so to Talesee on the Eu-fau-bee, and half a mile still lower, to the hills between 
this creek and Ca-le-be-hat-che. The hills extend nearly two miles, are intersected 
by one small creek and two branch(»s, and terminate on the river in two high bluffs; 
from whence is an extensive \'iew of the town, the riv«T. the flat lands on the opposite 
shore, and the range of hills to the northwest; near one of the bluffs there is a fine spring, 
and near it a beautiful elevated situation for a settlement. The hills are bounded to 
the west by a small branch. Below this, the flat land ^preuda out for one mile. It 
is a quarter of a mile from the branch on this flat to the residence of Mr. Cornells (Oche 

* The Lib. Cong. MS. has "120". 

» The town house was opposite the month of tlie Ku-liui-!»e.— (Ja. HLst. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 38. 


Haujo [Hickory Hadjo]), thence half a mile to the public establishment, thence two 
miles to the mouth of Ca-le-be-hat-che. This creek has its source thirty miles to the 
east in waving, post oak, hickory, and pine land; in some places the swamp is wide, 
the beach and white oak large, with poplar, cypress, red bay, sassafras, Florida mag- 
nolia, and white pine. Broken piny woods and reedy branches on its right side, oak 
flats, red and post oak, willow leaved hickor>' , long and short leaf pine, and reedy 
branches on its left side. The creek at its mouth is twenty-five feet wide. The 
flat between it and the river is fine for com, cotton, and melons, oak, hickory, and short- 
leaf pine. Prom this flat to its source, it is margined ^ith cane, reed, and palmetto. 
Ten miles up the creek, between it and Kebihatche, the next creek below and parallel 
with this, are some licks in post and red oak saplin flats; the range on these creeks is 
apparently fine for cattle; yet from the want of salt or moss, the large ones appear poor 
in the fall, while other cattle, where moss is to be had, or they are regularly salted, are 

They have 116 gun men belonging to this town; they were formerly more numerous, 
but they have been unfortunate in their wars. In the last they had with the Ohicka- 
sawB they lost thirty-five gun men; they have begun to settle out in villages for the 
conveniency of stock raising and having fij-ewood ; the stock which frequent the mossy 
shoals above the town, look well and appear healthy; the Indians begin to be atten- 
tive to them, and are increasing them by all the means in their power. Several of 
them have from fifty to one hundred, and the town furnished seventy good beef 
cattle in 1799. One chief, Toolk-au-bat-che Haujo [Tukaba'tci Hadjo], has five hun- 
dred, and although apparently very indigent, he never sells any; while he seems to 
deny himself the comforts of life, he gives continued proofs of unbounded hospitality; 
he seldom kills less than two large beeves a fortnight for his friends and acquaintances. 

The town is on the decline. Ita appearance proves the inattention of the inhab- 
itants. It is badly fenced; thay have but a few plum trees and several clumps of 
cassine yupon; the land is much exhausted with continued culture, and the wood 
for fuel is at a great and inconvenient distance, unless boats or land carriages were in 
use, it could then be easily supplied; the river is navigable for boata drawing two and 
a half feet in the dry season from just above the town to Alabama. From the point 
just above the town to the falls, the river spreads over a bed of flat rock in several 
places, where the depth of water is something less than two feet. 

This is the residence of Efau Haujo [Dog Hadjo], one of the great medal chiefs, the 
speaker for the nation at the national council. He is one of the best informed men 
of the land, faithful to his national engagements. He has five black slaves and a stock 
of cattle and horses; but they are of little use to him; the ancient habits instilled in 
him by French and British agents, that the red chiefs are to live on presents from their 
white friends, is so rivited, that he claims it as a tribute due to him, and one that never 
must be dispensed with. 

At the public establishment there is a smith's shop, a dwelling house and kitchen 
built of logs, and a field well fenced. And it is in the contemplation of the agent 
to have a public garden and nursery. 

The assistant and interpreter, Mr. [Alexander] Cornells (Oche Haujo [Hickory 
Hadjo]), one of the chiefs of the Creek Nation, has a farm well fenced and cultivated 
with the plough. He is a half-breed, of a strong mind, and fulfills the duties enjoined 
on him by hia appointment, with zeal and fidelity. He has nine negroes under 
good government. Some of his family have good fanns, and one of them, Zachariah 
McGive is a careful, snug farmer, has good fences, a fine young orchard, and a stock 
of hogs, horses, and cattle. His wife has the neatness and economy of a white 
woman. This &mily and Sullivan's, in the neighborhood, are spinning.^ 

> Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., ni, pp. 27-31. 


Hawkins mentions a village belonging to Tukabahchee called 
Wehuarthly [Wi hfli] (sweet water) from a little creek of that name 
near which it stood.* 

Tecumseh held most of his councils with the Creeks in this town. 
The name appears in the census of 1832 ' and often in later history. 
After the removal the Tukabahchee settled in the southeastern comer 
of their new territory, but later drifted westward, following the game, 
and at the present time their square ground is just north of Holden- 
ville. This is still the most populous town in the nation and has the 
largest square. 

Other MusKOopE Towns and Vilij^ges 

Besides the recognized tribes or towns of major importance and 
such of their offshoots as can be identified, the literature of this 
region contains many names of towns or villages which can not be 
definitely connected with any of those given. In some cases it may 
be that we have to deal with ancient divisions in process of decline 
which were never connected with the rest, but in at least nine-tenths 
of the cases they are nothing more than temporary offshoots of the 
larger bodies. 

Opillako C*Big Swamp'') seems to have been one of the most 
ancient and important of these. It appears as far back as 1733, on 
the De Crenay map.' It appears also in the census lists of 1750 
and 1760,* but not in that of 1761. The trader located there in 1797 
was Hendrik Dargin.^ Swan spells the name '^Pinclatchas,'' • and 
Hawkins has the following description: 

0-pil-thluc-co; from 0-pil-lo-wau, a swamp; and thluc-co, big. It ia situated on 
a creek of that name, which joins Piic-cun-tal-lau-hae-see on the left side. It is 20 
miU« from Coosau River; the land a1>out this village is round, flat hills, thickets of 
hickory saplings, and on the hillsides and their tope, hickory gnib and grapevines. 
The land bordering on the creek is rich, and here are their fields.^ 

The town does not appear in the census list of 1832, and seems to 
have vanished out of the memories of the living Indians. By his 
classification of Opilliko, Hawkins clearly indicates that he con- 
sidered it a branch of one of the other towns. It is probably the 
Weypulco of the Mitchell map (pi. 6) . 

Hawkins thus describes another branch village: 

Pin-e-hoo-te; from pin-e-wau [pinwa], a turkey, and ehoo-te [huti], house. It is on 
the right side of a fine little creek, a branch of Ivpe-saii-gee. The land is stiff and 

» Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 46. « MS., Ayer Lib.; Miss. Prov. Arcli., L p. 05. 

• Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 243- * Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 17a 

252. • Schoolcraft . Ind. Tribes, v, p. 202. 

* Plate 5; also Hamilton, Col. Mobile, p. 190. i Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., ui, p. 50. 


rich, and lies well; the timber is red oak and hickor>', the branches all have reed, 
and the land on them, above the settlement, is good black oak, sapling, and hickory. 
This and the neighboring land is fine for settlement; they have here three or four 
houses only, some peach trees and hogs, and their fields are fenced. The path from 
New-yau-cau to Cow-e-tuh-tal-lau-has-see passes by these houses.* 

Another town of the same name was in Bibb County, Alabama, 
east of Cahaba River, opposite the mouth of Shuts Oeek.^ 

There is very much less information regarding the other villages, 
and I will arrange them alphabetically with the few facts wo have 
concerning them appended: 

AcPACTANiCHE. A town in the De Tlsle map of 1703, located on the headwaters 
of Cooea River. The name may be intended for that of the Pakana. 

Alkehatchee or Alkohatchi. De Brahm, writing in the eighteenth century, gave 
this as the name of an Upper Creek town.^ It perhaps refers to Lalogalga on Elk- 
hatchee Creek. 

Atchasapa. Given on the Purcell map (pi. 7) aa a town on Tallapoosa River not 
far below Tulsa. It may be intended for Hatcheechubba, but if so, it is not properly 
located. « 

AucHEUCAULA. Royce * gives this as a town in the northwestern part of Coosa 
County, Alabama. The first part of the name is probably atcina, cedar. It is 
evidently the Cedar Creek Village of Owen * and may be tlie Authinohatche of the 
Popple map (pi. 4). 

AuHOBA. Swan has this in his list of Creek towns immediately after Autauga.* 
It is possible that it was merely a synonym of Autauga. 

B^EBD Camp. The census of 1761 mentions this, but states that it was already 
said to be broken up.^ See, however, note 1 on page 418. 

Cauwaoulau. Given by Brannon as a Lower Creek village in Russell County, 
Alabama, "west of Uchee P. 0., south of the old Federal road." * 

Chachane. a town which appears in the SpaniMh enumeration of 1738 placed 
among the Lower Creek towns, farther downstream than any other except- Old 
Tamali. It is mentioned in some other Spanish documents.® 

Chanahunreoe. On the Popple map (pi. 4). Perhaps the Clamahumgey of 
Taitt (see p. 418). 

Chananaoi ("Long ridge"). A Creek town which Brannon places "in Bullock 
County, just south of the Central of Georgia Railroad, near Suspension." • Wood- 
ward represents the people of this town as being allied with tlie Tukabahchee when 
the Creek-American war broke out. There is a modem village of tliis name east of 
Montgomery, in Russell County, Alabama. 

Chichoupkee. "An Upper Creek town, in Elmore (^ounty, east of Coorsl River, 
and near Wiwoka Creek." *° 

I Oa. Hist. Soc. Colls., m, p. 50. 

* Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for l92Ci, p. 50. 

> Oatschet, Creek Hig. Leg., n, p. 182 [214]; Misc. Colb. Ala. Hist. Soc., i. p. 391. 

* Eighteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., map of Alabama. 
» Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 43. 

* Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 262. 
' Oa. Col. Docs., vm, p. 523. 

■ MSS., Ayer Lib. 

* Jefferys, Frcpch Dom., i, p. 134, map, 1761; Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 44; Woodward 
Reminiscences, p. 37. 

II Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 44. 


Chinnaby'8 Fort. In 1813 a Creek cliief named Chinnaby, friendly to the 
Americans, had a kind of fort at Ten Islands, on the Coosa River, known as Chinnaby's 
fort.* Perhaps it was identical with Oti palin (q. v.). 

CmscALAOE. On the Popple map (pi. 4). 

Cholocco Litabixee. Brannon' locates this in tlie HonBeshoe Bend of Tallapoosa 
River, the scene of Jackson's famous \4ctor}'. The first word is from Itcu lako, horse. 

Chuahla. ''An early Indian town, location not positive, just below White Oak 
Creek, south of the Alabama River." * 

CoPA. On the Popple map (pi. 4); perhaps another form of "Coosa." 

CoHATCHiE. Given by Royce as a town in tlie southwestern part of Talladega 
County, Alabama, on the bank of Coosa River. If correctly transcribed the name 
may mean "Cane River." ' 

CoNALiOA. Woodward mentions an Upper Creek town of tliis name. It is said to 
have been "in western Russell County, or eastern Macon, somewhere near the present 
Warrior Stand."* 

CooccoHAPOFE. Site of an old town, apparently on Chattahoochee River. It 
stood on the right bank and the fields were cultivated on the left bank.^ 

COTOHAUTUSTENUOOEE. Royco * gives this as a Lower Creek settlement on the 
right bank of Upatoie Creek, in Muscogee Coimty , Georgia. The last part is tastanagi, 
► "warrior," and the whole is evidently a man's name. 

Cow Towns. Finnelson speaks of towns so called.^ 

DoNN ally's Town. Milton " mentions this as a settlement on Flint River, Geoigia, 
in 1793. The trader Panton calls it " Patrick Donnelly's Town on the Chatehoochie, " 
and sa\'s it was burned by horsemen from Georgia, September 21, 1793, G Indians being 
killed and 11 taken prisoner.^ 

£kun-duts-ke. Given in the census enumeration of 1832.^^ Ikan tdtska means 
"boundary line" and hence this may be identical with "Line Creek Village," said 
to have been on the south bank of line Creek, in Montgomery County, Alabama. 
This town may have been on a boundary line between two others.** 

Emarhe or Hemanhie Town. This is given in the census of 1832." It was prob- 
ably named for a man (Imahe). 

Eto-hu88E-wakke8 (Itahasiwald) ("Old I/)g"). Young mentions it as a Lower 
Creek town on the Chattahoochee River, 3 miles above Fort Gaines, Georgia, having 
100 inhabitants in 1820. *» 

Fife's Village. Given by Royce as an Upper Creek xdllage a few miles east of 
Talladega, Alabama." 

Fin'halui ("High Log").** A Lower Creek settlement, perhaps the Yuchi town 
called High Log which appears in the census list of 1832.'* There b^ a swamp of this 
name in Wayne County, Georgia. 

I Gatscbct in Misc. Colls. Ala. Hist. See., i, p. 395, quoting Drake, Book pf Indians (1848), nr, p. 55. 

• Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 44. 

> Royce in Eiglitecnth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amcr. Ethn., pi. cvin, 1899. 

4 Woodward, Reminiscences, p. 37, 1S59; Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 45. 

» Hawkins in Ga. Ub?l. Soc. Colls., ix, p. 173. 

• Thirteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Araer. Ethn., map of Alabama. 
» Amer. St^te Tapers, Ind. Aff., r, p. 289. 

• Ibid., n, p. 372. 

• Copy of MS in Aycr Coll., Newberry Lib., Chicago, vols, on Indian Trade, n, p. 35. 
»• Senate Doc. 612, 23d Cong., 1st st^ss., iv, pp. 319-320. 

»» See p. 270; Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 48. 

»« Senate Doc. 612, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 301-302. 

w Morse, Rept. to Sec. of War, p. 3(M. 

H Royce in Eighteenth .Vim. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pi. cvm, 1809. 

^ Oatscbet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 130. 

II Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st .sess., iv, pp. 359-363. 


Habiquachb. On the Popple map (pi. 4). 

Ikan atchaka, "Holy Ground," a temporary settlement on the south side of 
Alabama River, occupied by the Creek leaders, Weatherford and Hilis hadjo, during 
the Creek-American war, imtil it was destroyed, December 23, 1813. It is said to 
have contained 200 houses at the time. Brannon locates it in Lowndes County 2} 
miles due north of White Hall, just below the mouth of Holy Ground Creek on Old 
Sprott Plantation.^ 

IsTAPOGA ("Where people live"). Gatschet gives this as an Upper Creek settle- 
ment, and Brannon says it was "in Talladega County, near the influx of Estaboga 
Creek into Choccolocco Creek; about 10. miles from the Coosa River." There is a 
modem place so called in Talladega County, Alabama. - 

Kehatchbs. On the Popple map (pi. 4). 

Kerotf. Given in H. R. Ex. Doc. 276, 24th Cong., Ist sees., p. ]()2, 1836, as a 
Creek settlement, apparently on the upf)er Coosa. 

LrrAFATCHi, LrTTEFUTCHi. The name is said by Gatschet to refer to the manu- 
focture of arrows, H.' This was an Upper Creek town at the head of Canoe Creek, 
St. Clair County, Alabama. It was burned by Colonel Dyer October 29, 1813.* It 
was probably the same as, or on the same site as, the Olitifar mentioned in the Pardo 
narratives, although Olitifer was a "destroyed town" when Pardo heard of it.* 

LusTUHATCHEE. A towu abovo the second cataract of the Tallapoosa River; 
lustUy perhaps from IdsHj black, hatchec, river. 

Melton's Village. **An Upper Creek town, in Marshall County, Alabama, on 
Town Creek, at the site of the present 'Old Village Ford.* Meltons\'ille perpetuates 
the name.*' * 

NiNNiPASKULGBB. Woodward ^ mentions a band of Upper Creek Indians of this 
name. They seem to have been located near Tukabahchee. 

Nepky. McCall ' mentions this. It would appear to have been a Lower Creek 

Oakchikawa Village (okchan, "salt"). Given by Owen as an Upper Creek town 
"In Talladega County, on both sides of Salt Creek, near the point where it flows into 
Big Shoal Creek." • There may have been some connection between this town and 
the Creek Oktcanalgi or Salt Clan. 

Old Osonee Town. Given by Royce as a village probably belonging to the Upper 
Creeks, on Cahawba River, in Shelby County, Alabama.'** 

Oti palin ("Ten islands"). A town on the west bank of Coosa River, just below 
the junction of Canoe Creek. Fort Strother was just below.*' See Chiimaby's Fort. 

On TUTCiNA ("Oteetoocheenas, Three Islands"). Swan gives this in his list of 
Oeek towns.'' It seems to have been between Coosa and Opillako or Pakan Talla- 
hassee, and the name probably referred to three islands in Coosa River. 

Pea Creek. A settlement mentioned along with Tukabahchee in the census of 
1761.'* It may have been an outsettlement of Tukabahchee. 

1 Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 46. 

* Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 133; Misc. Coll. Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 399; Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 
1920, p. 47. 

* ICisc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc., I, p. -ia?. 
« Pickett, Hist. Ala., n, p. 294. 

» Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, p. 485. See plate 8. 

* Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 48. 
v Woodward, Bezniniscenses, p. 37, 1859. 

* Hist. Ga., I, p. 387. 

* Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1920, p. 49. 

i* Eighteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pi. cvm. 
u Gatschet in Misc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 407. 
u Scbooteraft, Ind. Tribes, v, p. 282: 
*» Ga. CoL DooB., ym, p. 523. 


Rabbit Town. Given os an Upper Creek town in the census enumeration of 1832.* 
As the rabbit ia always a subject for jest among the Creeks it was suggested to me that 
this may have been nothing more than a nickname. 

Satapo. In the report by Vandera of Pardo's expedition into the interior this 
appears as a settlement, probably Creek, on Tennessee River.* 

Secharlecha (" Under a blackjack tree"). A Lower Creek settlement mentioned 
frequently in early documents, probably a branch of Kasihta. 

St. Taffery's. Given in the Ga. Col. Docs, as a small Creek town.^ 

Talwa hadjo ('* Crazy Town"). An Upper Creek town on Cahawba River, faur to 
the northwest of the other Creek towns.* 

Talipskhooy ("Two talewa plants standfng together," the talewa being used in 
making dyes). This appears in the census enumeration of 1832 and also in School- 

Taushatchie Town. "An Upper Creek town, in Calhoun County, Alabama, 
east of a branch of Tallasehatchee Creek, 3 miles southwest of Jack8on\dlle.'' " 

Tallapoosa. Several early maps give a town of this name, and Adair in one place, 
and only, one, refers to a "Tallapooee town" within a day's journey of Fort Toulouse.^ 
It is fJt^Bsible that it was an Alabama town, for the name is either Alabama or Choctaw, 
and the town may have given its name to the river. It seems to mean "pulverized 
stones,^ or "sand." In some maps this town seems to be placed on the Coosa (see 
pi. 4). 

TcHUKO LAKO ("Bighouse," i. e., square ground). Gatschet has mistakenly entered 
two towns of this name in one of his lists of Creek towns.^ The proper name of each 
of these is TcahkL lake, "Big ford." 

ToHOwoGLY. Given along with Coweta as a Lower Creek town 8 to 10 miles below 
the falls of the Chattahoochee.^ Perhaps it is intended for Sawokli. 

Turkey Creek. '*An Indian town, in Jefferson County, on Turkey Creek, north 
of Trussville." *° Tliis was in territor>' dominated by the Creek Indians and hence 
was probably settled by people of tlrnt nation. 

Uncuaula. An Upper Creek town in the western part of Coosa County, on Coosa 

Wallhal. On the Purcell map (pi. 7). The name may be intended for Eufaula, 
or this may have been a settlement on Wallahatchee Creek, Elmore County, Alabama. 

Weyolla. On the Popple map (pi. 4) and some later maps; probably a very 
much distorted form of tlie name of some well-known town. 


Our history of those tribes constitutuig the Creek Confederacy will 
not be complete without some mention of three alien peoples which 
were incorporated with it at a comparatively recent period. These 
are the Yuchi, the Natchez, and the Shawnee, 

The Yuchi have attracted considerable attention owing to the fact 
that they were one of the very few small groups in the eastern part 

» Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong., 1st sess., iv, pp. 313-315. 

> Riiidiaz, La Florida, u, p. 4$4. 

• Ga. C^l. Docs., vu, p. 427. 

• Gatschet in Misc. Colls. Ala. Hist. Soc., i, p. 410. 

» Senate Doc. 512, 23d Cong. , 1st sess., iv, p. 334; Schoolcraft , Ind. Tribes, iv, p. 578. 
■ Handbook Ala. Anth. See. for 1920, p. 51. 
1 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 242. 

• Qatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., i, p. 146; Misc. Colls. Ala. Ulst. Soi\, i, p. 411. 

> De Brahm, Hist. Prov. of Ga., p. 54. 

i» Handbook Ala. Anth. Soc. for 1020, p. 52. 

u Royce in Eighteenth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pL cvm. 


of North America having an independent stock language. Their 
isolation in this respect, added to the absence of a migration legend 
among them and their own claims, have led to a belief that they were 
the most ancient inhabitants of the extreme southeastern parts of the 
present United States. The conclusion was natural, almost inevi- 
table, but the event proves how little the most plausible theory may 
amount to in the absence of adequate information. Strong evidence 
has now come to light that these people, far from being aboriginal 
inhabitants of the country later associated with them, had occupied 
it within the historic period. 

Dr. F. G.- Speck has contributed to the study of southern tribes 
an invaluable paper on "The Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians," * 
but he made no special investigation into their history from dociunen- 
tary sources. However, he noted an apparent absence of Yuchi 
names — ^with one possible exception — in the narratives of the De 
Soto expedition, and particularly called attention to the non-Yiichean 
character of the name of Cofitachequi, which up to that time had 
generally been considered a Yuchi town.' I have touched upon this 
particular point more at length in another place.' 

One reason for the general misimderstanding of the place of the 
Yuchi in aboriginal American history was the fact that the language 
was generally considered very difficult by other peoples and few 
learned it, and, although not necessarily resulting from that circum- 
stance, it so happened that they were known to different tribes by dif- 
ferent names, never apparently by the term Tsoyahfi., "Offspring of the 
sun," which they apply to themselves. Regarding the name Yuchi, 
Speck says: 

It is presumably a demonstrative 8igiiif>ing ''being far away" or "at a distance*' 
in reference to human beings in a state of settlement {yu, 'at a distance/' /ri, '^sitting 

It is posaibie, in attempting an explanation of the origin of the name, that the 
reply **» Y'il'td" was given by some Indian of the tribe in answer to a stranger's in- 
quiry, '* Where do you come from?" which is a common mode of salutation in the 
southeast. The reply may then have been mistaken for a tribal name and retained as 
such. Similar instances of mistaken analogy have occurred at various times in con- 
nection with the Indians of this continent, and as the Yuchi interpreters themselves 
favor this explanation it has seemed advisable at least to make note of it.^ 

I can add nothing except to say that the Creeks have no explana- 
tion of the name to offer, and that it appears rather late, little if any 
before the opening of the eighteenth century. In the South Caro- 
lina archives reference is made to ''the Uche or Romid Town people," 
but the second term is probably not intended as a translation of the 

» Univ. of Penn., Anth. Pub., i, no. 1. < Speck, op. cit., p. 13. 

> Ibid., p. 7. > Proo. Board of Comm. dealing with Ind. Trade, 

» See pp. 216-317. M8.,p.34. 


Gatschet gives Tahogal6wi as the Delaware equivalent of Yuchi,* 
and from early maps, where it appears in the forms Tahogale, Taho- 
garia, Taogria, Tongaria, Tohogalegas, etc., it is evident that it was 
applied by other Algonquian peoples also. It was used most per- 
sistently for a band of Yuchi on Tennessee River, but on the maps 
of Moll and some other cartographers the Tahogale are placed along 
Savannah River — a fact which serves to confirm the identification 
of the term (see pi. 3). 

Tohogalega was sometimes abbreviated to Ilogologe or Hog 
Logee. A legend on a map in Jefferys's Atlas at a point on Savan- 
nah River several miles above Augusta reads: "Hughchees or 
Hogoleges Old Town deserted in 1715," ' and an island in the river 
at this point is called '*Huhgchee I." The form Hughchee is some- 
what imusual, but is confirmed as actually intended for Yuchi by 
nimierous references to this island as ''Uchee Island" in the Georgia 
Colonial Documents and elswehere, as weD as the existence of a 
"Uchee Creek" which flows into the Savannah at this point. 

The earliest historical name for the Yuchi was Chiska or Chisca. 
I assert this confidently on the basis of information contained in 
very early Spanish docimients, both published and unpublished, and 
on the very strongest of circumstantial evidence, although as yet 
no categorical statement of the identity has been found. The cir- 
cimistantial evidence is as follows: First, the term Chiska occurs in 
the same list, or on the same map, as the term Yuchi very rarely, and 
then when we know, or have good reason to believe, that more than 
one band of Yuchi were in the region covered. Secondly, the Span- 
iards, who use it principally, apply the term not to an obscure tribe 
but to a powerful people, and they mention in the same connection 
all of the leading tribes of the Southeast with the conspicuous excep- 
tion of the Yuchi. Thirdly, the term occurs persistently in three 
different areas, in the region of the Upper Tennessee, on the Savan- 
nah,' and near the Choctawha tehee, where we know on independent 
evidence that just so many Yuchi bands had settled. 

Some time ago I attempted a further identification of this tribe 
with a people settled upon the Savannah River at the time when 
South Carolina was colonized by the whit(>s,and called by the latter 
Westo.* Prof. Verner W. Crane, who has made some important 

» Gatschet, Crock Mig. Leg., i, p. 19. 

* Jefferys's Am. Atlas, map 24. 

* There is but one application to Savannah River, it is true, but this is of cansiderable importance as 
tending to settle an otherwise puzzling problem. It is in the version of the Creek migration legend giren 
by Hawkins in which his native informant says that after they had crossed what is now the Chattahoochee 
Riyer the Creeks spread out eastward to the Ocmulgee, Oconee, and Ogechee Rivers, and to "Chi8-k4>t61- 
kKfta-hstche" ("Chiska town river"). In the published version (Ga. Hist. 8oc. Colls., m, p. 83) this is 
spelled " Cblo>ko-tallo-fou-bat-cfae," but the original in the Library of Congress has it in the form Just given. 

« See article " Westo" in Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Biu*. Amer. Fthn., part 2. I did 
not, however, make an elaborate exposition of my \iews at tiie time when this article was written. 


historical discoveries in this region, to be mentioned presently, has, 
however, taken strong exception to it. The resulting discussion 
between Professor Crano and myself has appeared in the American 
Anthropologist, which the reader may consult,^ but it will not be 
profitable to cover the same ground again. I will merely incorpo- 
rate a short statement of my present views on the subject and the 
reasons which lead me still to adhere to my original opinion. 

My studies of southeastern tribes have clearly demonstrated that 
the Yuchi once inhabited some territory in the neighborhood of the 
southern Appalachian Mountains, from which a large part of them 
moved during the seventeenth and the early part of the eighteenth 
centuries, invading the low countries to the south of them and settling 
in several different places. Two or three such waves of migration 
can be made out with certainty, the first residting in a settlement on 
Choctawhatchee River, in the western part of the present State of 
Florida; a second giving birth to the Yuchi settlement on Savananh 
River above the site of the pr^ent Augusta, later removed to the 
Chattahoochee River and then to the Tallapoosa; and a third, 
probably subsequent to the Yamasee war, which brought about a 
Yuchean colonization of the lower Savannah, and later became con- 
solidated into the well-known Yuchi town among the Lower Creeks. 
Furthermore, distinct names are often applied to these several bands, 
and sometimes they appear upon the same map under the distinct 
names. The first name appears in history as ^'Chisca,'' but later 
we find them called, successively, Hogologe and Yuchi; the second 
are called both Hogologe and Yuchi; while the hist appears as 
Yuchi almost invariably. On numerous maps we find the Hogologe 
(or Hogolege) and Yuchi entered as if they were distinct tribes, and 
Romans includes the two iu his enumeration of the principal Lower 
Creek towns.' 

So far as the Yuchi are concerned, then, the concurrent use of two 
or more distinct names does not prove that the people so called were 
unrelated. There can be no question that the Westo constituted 
for a long period a body of Indians distinct from those just men- 
tioned. They were not a part of the same tribal organization. The 
question is, Were they or were they not a Yuchean tribe ? Did they 
speak a Yuchean dialect? 

In the first place, attention should be called to the fact that in 
the immediate neighborhood of the southern Appalachians the 
Yuchi are the only people known to have moved southward in any 
considerable numbers in the early historic period. Again, after 
the Yamassee war and the later removal of those people to whom 

> Azuer. Anthrop, n. s. vol. xz, pp. 331-337; vol. xxi, pp. 213-216, 463-465. 
* Plates 4 and 6; Romans, Con. Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 280. 

1480ei''— 22 19 


the term Yuchi is cottilnoiily applied to the Chattahoochee River, 
the Yuchi and Westo towns were established a very few miles apart, 
where the two may readily have united. It is evident that a suffi- 
ciently large body of Westo Indians continued to exist in this neigh- 
borhood to have attracted the attention of those traders and explor- 
ers from whom accounts have come down to us if they were as dif- 
ferent from the Creeks generally as there is every reason to believe, 
unless they were confused with another people which did attract 
such attention. And, it is a matter of record that practically all 
earlier writers upon the Lower Creeks make particular mention of 
the Yuchi and <5omment upon their distinct language and peculiar 

In his last communication Professor Crane cites a new pi(H*e of 
evidence which ho thinks renders it necessary for us to reject the 
Yuchean connection of the Westo. This is the reference in Wood- 
ward's Westo Narrative^ to a report brought by two Shawnee Indians 
to the effect that '^ ye Cussetaws, Checsaws, and Chiskers were intended 
to come downe and fight ye Westoes.'' If the Chiska and Westo 
were both Yuchi, Prof t»ssor Crane argues that they would not be fight- 
ing each other. This, however, by no means follows. Many instances 
may be cited of tribes related by language at bitter enmity with 
one another and allied on each side with peoples having no connec- 
tion with them whatever. Besides, Woodward says regarding these 
Shawnee, ''There was none here y* understood them, but by signes 
they intreated freindship of ye Westoes showeing/' and so on as 
above. One may well hesitate to place entire confidence in infor- 
mation obtained in this manner. 

On the other hand, there is one bit of documentary evidence which 
tends to identify the Indians under discussion witli the Chiska. This 
is given on page 296, and it wiU not be necessary to quote it at length, 
but the gist of it is that about 1682 La Salle encountered some 
Indians called ''Cisca'* and learned that the Indians of ''English 
Florida-' had burned one of their villages, "aided by the English,*' 
after which they had abandoned their easternmost villages and 
moved into the neighborhood of La Salle's fort. Now, English 
Florida must certainly refer to Carolina, not Virginia, and the Caro- 
lina settlers engaged in no war of consequence up to that time — 
certainly none resulting in the expulsion of a tribe — except that 
against the Westo, who had been driven out the year before. 

As opposed to the Yuchean theory. Professor Crane can only sug- 
gest a possible Iroquoian connection for these otherwise enigmatic 
Westo, and he has but two direct arguments to offer, both of the 
slenderest. One of these is the superficial resemblance between the 

> See pp. 30&-307. 



Qame Rickohockans, which, as we shall presently see, he identifies 
with the Westo, and the native name of the old Erie tribe 
Riquehronnons; the other an excerpt from the South Carolina 
archives to be noted presently.* Regarding the first point it is to be 
remarked that Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, who has a profound knowledge 
of the languages of the Five Nations and a very considerable 
knowledge of Algonquian, considers the resemblance only super- 
ficial and the former word plainly Algonquian. His researches also 
indicate another direction of migration for the defeated Erie. 

The excerpt referred to is a commentary appended to the South 
Carolina Commons House address of 1 693 mentioned above to the effect 
that '^ the Mawhawkes are a numerous, warUke nation of Indians, and 
strictly aleyd to the Westos. . . .'' * As Professor Crane says, 
" much depends on the interpretation of the expression * strictly aleyd ' * ' ; 
but I believe that the adverb would hardly have been used if the 
connection between the Mohawk and Westo were merely linguistic. 
While that migTU have been intended as one of the bonds between 
them, some kind of political or military coordination appears to be 
hinted at also, and this was extremely improbable between sworn foes 
like the Erie and Iroquois, while, on the other hand, we know that the 
Iroquois and Yuchi were both bitter enemies of the eastern Siouan 

My conclusion is that, in the present state of this question, the 
Yuchean connection of the Westo has greater probability in its 
favor than any other theory, and I shall treat their history along with 
that of the better identified Yuchean bands, leaving the reader to draw 
his own conclusions from the material available, all of which will be 

On taking this position, however, we are immediately confronted 
by a further identification, mentioned above, between the Westo and 
the Rickohockans or Rechahecrians, a mysterious tribe which appears 
in early Virginia history. Professor Crane, to whom we owe this 
identification, bases it on material contained in the colonial arcliives 
of the State of South Carolina, which is as follows. On January 13, 
1693, the upper house of the colony of South Carolina laid before the 
commons house of Assembly information to the effect that some 
northern Indians had come to establish themselves among the Tus- 
kegee, and others were coming the summer following to settle among 
the Coweta and Kasihta. The reply of the lower house, drawn up by a 
committee of which James Moore, a leading Indian trader, was chair- 
man, declared *^ that all possible means be used to prevent the settlem* 
of any Northern nation of Indians amongst our Friends, more Espe- 

^ Crane in Amer. Anthrop., n. s. vol. xx, pp. 336-337. 


cially ye Rickohogo's or Wcstos, a i>eoplo which formerly when well 
used made an attempt to Destroy us. . . ." And Professor Crane 
well adds: '*Tho ^ Ilickauhaugau ' of Woodward's relation was, then, 
simply a variant of 'Rickohogo' or Rickahockan.'** This identifica- 
tion appears to me satisfactory and very illuminating. It is to be ob- 
served, too, that the mountain habitat of these Rickohockans falls 
very near to, if it is not identical with, the habitat of the northern 
band of Chiska to be des(Tibed presently. As the name Ricko- 
hockan seems, fde Hewitt, to be an Algonquian term signifying "cave- 
landers,'' we must not lose sight of the possibility that it may have 
been applied to more than one people, and that they were identical, 
at least in part, with the Westo of South Carolina history. Singu- 
larly enough Professor Crane, even in this identification, is confronted 
by the same difficulty which we note so frequently in dealing with 
the Yuchi — the appHcation of synonymous terms to different bands. 
Thus Lederer meets in one town Rickohockans whose home was '^not 
far westward of the Apalataean mountains" and later hears of the 
**Oustack," a fierce tribe at war with the Catawba.* These Oustack 
must certainly have been the Westo then Hving in the same region 
and known by a name almost identical, aUowing for an ending which 
we may reasonably attribute to Lederer's Algonquian interpreter. 

Still one more term may prove to have been applied to these peo- 
ple of many names, the term Tamahita. A full statement of the ar- 
guments in this case has already been given.^ Let us now take up the 
history of these various Yuchi, or supposedly Yuchi, bands. 

As I have already explained, there is no evidence that the Yuchi 
were on Savannah River in De Soto's time. In fact, there is no 
proof that he himself met them at all. When he was passing down 
the Tennessee River, however, he heard of them under the name 
"Chisca," the "province'' so called lying across the mountains to the 
north. They were evidently in the rough country in the eastern part 
of the present State of Tennessee,* and De Soto sent two soldiers to 
visit them. The Fidalgo of Elvas says: 

In three days [after the arrival of the expedition at (.'oete] they that went to Chisca got 
back, and related that they had l)een taken through a country m) scant of maize, and 
with such high mountains, that it was impossible the army should march in that 
direction; and finding the distance was l>eooming long, and that they should be back 
late, upon consultation they agreed to return, coming from a i)oor little town where 
there was nothing of value, bringing a cow-hide as delicate as a calfskin the people 
had given them, the hair being like the soft wool on the cn:»ss of the merino with the 
common sheep. ^ 

> Crane, op. cit., p. 33<». 

s Lederer, in Alvord and Didgood, First ICxp. Traas-Allc^hony Rejnon. pp. n.'V-iTl. 

> Pp. 188-191. 

4 Hr. William £. Hyer, who for years has made a careful study of the archeology of Tennessee, belierca 
that these Chiska were at the "stone fort" near Manchester, theooimty seat of Codee County, Ti 
• Boome, Narr. of Da Soto, X, pp. 79-W. 


Ranjel says simply that the messengers ''brought good news,"^ 
and Grarcilasso speaks as if they actually reached the province they 
were in search of .^ On account of some slip in the memories of the 
latter's informants he applies the name Chisca to a town near the 
Mississippi which the other chroniclers call Quizquiz, or Quizqui.* 
Biedma makes no mention either of the province or the expedition. 
It will be noticed that Elvas says 'nothing of any metal seen by the 
explorers. Grarcilasso, on the other hand, states that they '^reported 
that the mines were of a very highly colored. copper''.* The success 
of the expedition as reported by Garcilasso and Ranjel and this 
mention of copper mines accord ill with what Elvas says. Is it 
possible that some facts regarding the expedition were kept secret 
within official circles, but leaked out into the camp through the 
messengers? After the explorers had crossed the Mississippi Elvas 
tells us they ''marched in quest of a province called Pacaha, which 
he had been informed was nigh Chisca,"* and, after he had arrived 
at the former place, he sent out an expedition to see if they could 
turn back toward the latter.® It is possible that they had learned of 
another band of Yuchi who are known to have been living near the 
Mussel Shoals about 1700 (pi. 3). 

The next we hear of this province is in the Pardo narratives. In 
November, 1566, as we have seen, Juan Pardo left the new port of 
Santa Elena and marched northward to the province of Juada, proba- 
bly the country of the Siouan Cheraw. There he built a fort, which he 
left in charge of a sergeant named Moyano (or Boyano). The follow- 
ing January (1567), after Pardo's return to Santa Elena, a letter 
reached him from Moyano informing him that his sergeant had been 
at war with a chief named 'Thisca,'* that with 15 soldiers he had 
killed over -1,000 Indians and burned 50 huts. Later Moyano re- 
ceived a threatening letter from one of the mountain chiefs (un ca- 
cique de la sierra), perhaps from this same Chisca — -at any rate from 
one of his allies. Determined to be the first to attack, Moyano 

went out from the fort of San Juan with twenty soldiers, marched four days through the 
sierTa, and reached the enemies one morning and found them so well fortified that it 
was a marvel, because they were surrounded ^^dth a very high wooden wall and having 
a small gate with its defences; and the sergeant seeing that there was no way to enter 
but by the gate, made a shelter by means of which Ihey entered with great danger, 
because they wounded the sergeant in the mouth and nine other soldiers in different 
places, but none of them dangerously. WTien they finally gained the fort the Indians 
took refuge in the huts which they had inside, which were underground, from which 
they came out to skirmish with the Spaniards, and [the latter] killing many of the 
Indians, fastened the doors of the said huts and set fire to thorn and burned them all, 
BO that there were killed and burned 1 ,500 Indians J 

1 Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, n, p. 110. * Ibid., p. 372. 

> OarcUaaso In Shipp, De Soto and Fla., pp. » Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, i, p. 117. 

Vn-Zn. • Ibid., p. 128. 

* Ibbi., p. 404 et aeq. ' Ruidiaz, La Florida, n, pp. 477-480. 


In contemplating this feat of Moyano's I can not help repeating 
Lowery's reference to a Spanish proverb, "Distant countries, big 
tales/' It is sad to relate that the hero of the expedition was after- 
wards cut off, along with all of the force accompanying him except 
one man, by a comparatively insignificant tribe near Port Royal.* 
And yet it is possible that Moyano's narrative is true if he was accom- 
panied by a large body of friendly Indians not mentioned in the text. 

Later the Chiska chief, in alliance with those of '^Carrosa, Costohe, 
and Coza,'' was reported to be lying in wait with several thousand 
Indians, intending to attack Pardo, and this was why Pardo turned 
back to Santa Elena from his second expedition that same year 

As we shall presently see, the Yuchi later came to be called Chichi- 
mecs by the Spaniards through a fancied resemblance in character 
to the wild tribes north of Mexico. A reference to "Chichimecas" 
far to the north of Florida in a Spanish document dating from the 
last quarter of the sixteenth century may possibly have reference to 
the tribe we are discussing.' 

The course of Yuchi history now separates into several distinct chan- 
nels, corresponding to a similar division among the people themselves. 
A portion of them remained in the north, a second body settled not 
far from Choctawhatcheo River in western Florida, and two or three 
others established themselves on and near the Savannah River. 
Each will be considered in turn, beginning with that band mentioned 
first, which remained nearest to the original Yuchi home. 

In 1656, if we accept Professor Crane's identification and my 
own inferences from it, the Yuchi made a sudden and spectacular ap- 
pearance on and disappearance from the stage of Virginia history. 
John Burk has the following account of it: 

Whilst the assembly were employed in these ^-ise and benevolent projects, infor- 
mation was received that a lK>dy of inland or mountain Indians, to the number of six 
or seven hundred, had seatini themselves near the falls of James Kiver, apparently 
with the intention of forming a regular settlement. Some movements were at this 
time noticed among the neighlwring tribes which seemed to indicate something 
like a concert and correspondence with these strangers; and the minds of the colonists, 
alwa>'s alive to, and apprehensive of, Indian treachery, were uniLsually agitated on 
this occasion. The place these Indians had made choice of was another source of 
disquiet. It was strong and difficult of access, alike calculated for offensive and 
defensive operations; and they recollected the immense trouble and expence that 
had been incurred in extirpating the tribes which formerly dwelt in that place. At 
the conclusion of the last ]>eace with the Indians this station was considered so impor- 
tant, that its cession was imdsted on, as the main pledge and security of peace; and 
it had hitherto continued unoccupied as a sort of barrier to the frontiers in that direc- 
tion. Under all these circ^umstances they could not see it. "without anxiety, occupied 

1 Serrano y Sana, Doc. Ulst., p. 147. » Lowery, MSS. 

* Ruidiaz, op. cit., p. 471. 


by a powerful band of hardy warriors, who perhaps were bnly the advance guard of a 
more formidable and extenfiive emigration. 

The measures of the assembly in removing this ground of alarm, were prompt and 
vigorous. One hundred men were dispatched under the command of Edward Hill, 
to dislodge the intruders. Ilia instructions were to use peaceable means only, unless 
compelled by necessity; and to require the assistance of all the neighboring Indians, 
according to the articles of the late treaty. The governor was at the same time directed 
to send an account of this invasion to Totopotomoi [principal chief of the Pamun- 
key Indians], and desire that his influence should l)e exerted in procuring the imme- 
diate cooperation of the friendly tril>es. 

It is difficult to form any satisfactory conjecture as to the motives of this extraor- 
dinary movement directly against the stream and tide of emigration. It was cer- 
tainly a bold step to descend into the plain, in the face of an enemy, whose power 
they must have heard of. and which could scarcely fail of inspiring astonishment and 
awe; and to take the place of warlike tribes, whom the skill and destructive weax)on8 
of the whites had lately exterminated and swept away. 

The scanty materials which the state records have preserved of Indian affairs 
throw little light on this subject. But though they do not present this people in all 
the various relations of peace and war, we generally see them in one point of view at 
least; and are often able by induction, to supply a considerable range of incident and 
reflection. In the second session of [the] assemlily. Colonel Ed\mrd Hill was cash- 
iered, and declared incapable of holding any office, civil or military, within the colony, 
for improper conduct in his expedition against tlie Rechahecrians. We are not told 
whether the offence of Hill was cowardice or a wilful disobedienec of the instructions 
he had received. There is however reason to believe that he was defeated, and that 
the Kechahecrians maintained themselves in their position at the falls by force; for 
the governor and council were directed by the assembly to make a peace with this 
people, and they farther directed that the monies which were expended for this pur- 
pose should be levied on the proper estate of Hill. 

From other sources almost equally authentic we learn that the aid demanded of 
the Indians was granted without hesitation. Totopotomoi marched at the head of an 
hundred warriors of the tribe of Pamunkey and fell with the greater part of his fol- 
lowers, gallantly fighting in this obstinate and bloody encounter.' 

The site of this battle was at the falls of the James. It is evident 
that we have here the migration of a tribe, and hence the probability 
that this settlement was occupied by Yuclii rather than Cherokee 
becomes so much the stronger. Why the newcomers disappeared 
after having won a decisive victory over both wliites and Indians, 
and made a treaty of peace by which their right to inhabit part of 
the country must have been recognized, is a mystery. The historians 
appear to be silent both as to the time and the manner of tlioir going. 
The chances are that, having been forced or induced to abandon their 
original seats, they had small attachment to any now spot and were 
easily prevailed upon to estabhsli thomselves elsewhere. Perhaps 
reports filtering back to them from their kinsmen in the south led 
them to believe that there thev should find an easier existence or less 
hostile neighbors. On the other hand, they may merely have returned 

1 Bark, Hist, of Va., u, pp. 104-107. 


into the interior, for we know that there were Yuchi in Tennessee 
until a comparatively late period, but among the Florida records is 
one which points to a new influx of Yuchi into the south shortly 
after the date of the great battle on the Tames. This will be con- 
sidered presently. 

Wliether tliese latter Indians were Rickohockans or not, there were 
Rickohockans stUl in the north. In 1670, during his second expedi- 
tion into tlie province of Carolina, Lederer was informed by several 
Indians ''that the nation of Rickohockans, who dwell not far to the 
westward of the Apalataean Mountains, are seated upon a land, as 
they term it, of great waves,'' from wliich Lederer infers that they 
meant the seashore.* It is more likely, as Mooney suggests, that 
they had reference to the mountains.^ A tragedy of which Ricko- 
hockans were the victims was witnessed by Lederer at the town of 
Occaneechee. He says: 

The next day after my arrival at Akenatzy, a Rickohockan am])a8sadour, attended 
by five IndianR, whose faces were coloured with auripigmentiim (in which mineral 
these parts do much alxDund), was received and that night in\'ited to a ball of their 
fashion; but in the height of their mirth and dancing, by a smoke contrived for that 
purpose, the room was suddenly darkened and, for what cause I know not, the Ricko- 
hockan and his retinue bar})arou8ly raurthered.' 

The next reference to the northern Yuchi is in a document printed 
in the Margry collection under the heading ^'Riviferes et Peuplades 
des Pays D6cou verts," apparently written by La Salle shortly after 
his descent of the Mississippi in 1682. Unfortunately the first part 
is wantmg. The fragment preserved begins by speaking of some 
people who were *^ neighbors of the Cisca and their allies as well as 
the Cicaca."* On the next page, in speaking of the upper Ohio 
region, he says: 

The Apalatchites, people of English Florida, are not far from some one of its most 
eastern branches, because they have war with the Tchatak^ [Cherokee] and the 
Cisca, one of whose \'illages they burned, aided by the English. The Ciscas then 
abandoned their former A-illages, which were much further to the east than those 
from which thev have come here."* 

In a letter written to M. de La Barre somewhat later La Salle 
refers to the Illinois, Shawnee, and ^' Cisca'' whom he had assembled 
about Fort St. Louis, near the present Utica, Illinois." It is also 
possible that they are the Chaskpe mentioned in another place in 
comiection with the Shawnee and ^* Oabario,'' ^ but still more probable 
that the Chuskpe (or Cheskape) were a part of the Shawnee, since 
they appear on early maps farther north than the Cliiska, near the 

» Alvord and Bidgood, First Expl. Trans-Allc- * Margry, I>^., ii, p. 196. 

gheny Region, p. 155. » Ibid., p. 197. 

■ Ninetocnth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Etlm.,p.l83. • Ibid., p. 318. 

• Alvord and Bidgood, op. cit., pp. 155-156. ' Ibid., p. 314. 


Probably these Yuchi did not remain long at La Salle's fort, but 
from this tune on the tribe appears on numerous maps imder several 
variants of its Algonquian name — ^Tahogalegas, Taogaria, Tongeria, 
Taharea. Covens and Mortier place it on the south side of the 
Ohio just above its jimction with the Wabash. Coxe gives it as one 
of four small tribes located on an island of the same name in Ten- 
nessee River.* Sauvole in a letter of 1701 mentions it, though the 
name has been misprinted ^'Coongalees.'^^ Coxe and most of the 
remaining authorities represent the tribe as located lower down the 
Tennessee than any others except the Chickasaw, who at that time 
had a settlement a few leagues above its mouth. In the fall of the 
year 1700 Father Gravier, of the Society of Jesus, descended the 
Mississippi to the newly established French post in Louisiana, and 
some distance below the mouth of the Ohio he encounted ^'a pirogue 
of Taogria." He has the following to say regarding this adventure: 

These belong to the loup nation, and carry on a considerable trade with the English. 
There were only 6 men in it [the pirogue] with a woman and a child; they were coming 
from the Akandea. He who seemed the most notable among them could speak a few 
words of Illinois and spoke the Chaouanoua tongue. He made me sit in front of his 
traveling cabin, and offered me some sagamit^ to eat. lie afterward told me, as news, 
that Father de Limoges (whom he called Captain Pauiongha) had upset while in his 
canoe, and had lost everything; and that the Kappa akansea had supplied him with 
provisions and a canoe, to continue his voyage. I gave him a knife and half a box of 
vermilion; he made me a present of a very large piece of meat, the produce of hia 

Gravier naturally classified these people with the Algonquians, 
since they were ahle to speak the language of their neighbors, the 
Shawnee, and had themselves an adopted Algonquian name. 

Five Canadians who reached South Carolina via the Tennessee 
River in the summer of 1701 found this town above a town of the 
Chickasaw and below that of the Tali. They estimated the number 
of their men at *^ about 200."^ It is probable that soon after this 
time the Yuchi moved higher up the Tennessee, for the next we hear 
of them they were living close to the Cherokee country. Through 
the South Carolina archives we learn that they had a town there 
named Chestowee or Chestowa. This is a Cherokee word which 
Mooney spells Tsistu'yl, and interprets " Rabbit place.'' ^ May 14, 1712, 
the South Carolina board dealing with Indian trade was informed 
that a band of **Uche or Round Town people" were on the point of 
abandoning their town, and this is probably the band intended.® We 
learn from the same source that in 1714 this town was ''cut off" by 

» French, Hist. Colls. La.. 1856, p. 230. ^ Nineteenth .\nn. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 

* Ibid., 1851, p. 238. 538. 

» J«s. Eel., 'Hiwaites ed., pp. 65, 115. • Proc. Board Dealing with Indian Trade, MS., 

* MS., Lib. La. Hist. Soc.; Correspondence Geiie- p. 34. 
rale, pp. 40;m04. 


the Cherokee in retaliation for the murder of a Cherokee Indian.* 


The documents add that the murder had been committed at the 
instigation of some English traders. The tradition of the event 
remained in the coimtry for a long time, as is evident by the following 
statements of Ramsey. In recoimting the various tribes which 
formerly inhabited Tennessee he says: 

A small tribe of Uohees once occupied the coxintry near the mouth of Hiwassee. 
Their warriors were exterminated in a desperate battle with the Cherokeea.* 

In another place he adds that this conflict occurred at ''the Uchee 
Old Fields, in what is now Rhea County.*' The site is now in Meigs 
County .3 He also says that the survivors were compelled to retreat 
to Florida, where they became incori)orated with the Seminole, but 
he has evidently brought together two widely separated fragments of 
Yuchi history. It is apparent that the extermination was not as 
complete as he represents, nor did the whole tribe leave the country. 
Mr. Mooney quotes testimony from a Cherokee mixed blood named 
Gans6'' tl, or Rattling-gourd, who was born on Hiwassee River in 
1820 and went west with his people in 1838, to the eflFect that **a 
number of Yuchi lived, before the removal, scattered among the 
Cherokee near the present Cleveland, Tenn., and on Chickamauga, 
Cohutta, and Pinelog Creeks in the adjacent section of Georgia. 
They had no separate settlements, but spoke their own language, 
which he described as 'hard and grunting.' Some of them spoke 
also Cherokee and Creek.'' * As the existence of the northern 
band of Yuchi was not suspected when Mr. Mooney penned tlie above 
he naturally assumed that they had drifted north from the Creek 
country before a boundary had been fixed between the tribes. It is 
now apparent that they were descendants of the Yuchi whose history 
we have been tracing. On Mitchell's map (pi. 6) and several others 
we find **Chestoi O. T.'' (i. e., Chestowee old town) laid down upon 
the Hiwassee a short distance above its mouth. After the removal 
some of these Yuchi probably reunited with the main part of their 
tribe in the Creek Nation; a few are said to be still living in Tennessee, ** 
and there is a modern town named ''Euchee" on Tennessee River, 
near the northern end of Meigs County. 

Before taking up tlie largest Yuchi divisions, those on Savannah 
River, it will be convenient to consider the third branch of the tribe, 
since it did not have the permanency of the Savannah bands, and 
historical information regarding it goes back to an earlier date. This 
third branch was located when we first learn of it in what is now the 
State of Florida, a short distance west of the Choctawhatchee River, 
for which reason the people are called Choctawhatchee Yuchi. 

> Proc. Board Dealing with Indian Trade, MS., * Ibid., p. 84. 
pi. 87. ^Nineteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,p. 385. 

I Ramsey, Annals of Tenn., p. 81. * Infonnation, from T. MichelsoD. 


The following probably refers specifically to the band under con- 
sideration. It is part of a letter written from St. Augustine, August 
22, 1639, to the court by Gov. Damian de la Vega Castro y Pardo 
about various matters connected with the administration of his 

A number of Indians called Ysicas or Chiscas, a warlike people and who take pride 
in this fact, roam through those provinces, free, originating from New Mexico. I 
have tried to gather them, and get them away from the trails, assigning to them a 
place where they could settle, ten leagues from this garrison beyond a river called Rio 
Blanco, near another village of Catholics. It seemed to mc that taking them off the 
trails they could no longer molest the Christian Indians, but would spread out and 
multiply, making a livelihood by hunting and trying to work and cultivate the ground 
with the end of making of them vassals of your Majesty and converting them. Having 
them close by and under supervision it would be easy to pimish any excesses and they 
could be used in helping to search for fugitive Indians, who run away from their doc- 
trinas, which is causing great damage, for the reason that, running away this way loose, 
they join bands of heathens and may apostatize. Furthermore these Ysicas are friends 
of the Spaniards, courageous, and ready to go a^inst any enemies. These Indians 
are good by land and by water, as well as several other tribes who have come to yield 
their obedience to your Majesty two hundred leagues from here. . . ' 

These Yuchi are again mentioned in connection with the irruption 
of a new horde of *^ barbarians'' from the north to be described pres- 
ently. They are represented as perpetual trouble makers for the 
Spaniards, and in 1674 three of them threatened to interfere with the 
labors of the missionaries among the Chatot. They are accused of 
complicity in the outbreak in that tribe one year later, being de^ 
scribed as '*a rebellious people, mountaineers (montaras), reared in 
license without the control of culture or other conventions, attentive 
solely to game, which is their means of livelihood and with wliich 
those lands abound." ^ 

Their meddlesome propensities brought on a war with the Apalachee 
Indians in 1677, of which the following is an account. It is contained 
in a letter written to the King of Spain by Gov. D. Pablo de Hita 
Salazar, and is dated St. Augustine, November 10, 1678. 

Report given to Captain Juan Fernandez de Florenda by the principal military 
chiefs who made war on the Chisca Indians and whose names are: Juan Mendoza, 
Matheo Chuba, the Cacique of Cupayca, Bernardo and Ventura de Ynija,' of San 
Luifl. This report telle how the war against the Chiscas originated, which is in the fol- 
lowing way: Many years ago those Indians used to come on the trails. It was not 
quite certain whether they were Chiscas or Chichutecaa, but they would assault and 
kill the Christians or would carry them off, men, women, and children, and make 
slaves of them. Not until last year, which was 1676, did it become clear that they 
were Chiscas by the deaths they caused at Iluistachuco; and by the killing among the 
Chines at Chachariz and at Cupayca we knew they were Chiscas, and although it is 

1 Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., p. 199. Translated by Mrs. F. Bandelier. 
I Lowery, UBS. 

* In reality Ynija Is probably a native word identical with the Creek bcniha. The heniha was an 
Miiscant to a chief or other leading officer. 


true that they went immediately in pursuit they xould never catch them, because 
their assaults were made at night. 1 1 has been possible to take away from them only 
twice the female slaves which they had taken as well in San Luis as elsewhere, and that 
winter and part of the summer were spent in great anxiety and alarm until they had 
finished their digging. The digging being once finished, and being on armed night 
watch in the cabin of San Luis the said chiefs, Juan Mendoza and Matheo and Benito 
Ynija, discussing the case with other leading men of the settlement of San Luis, they 
proposed to go out and hunt for the enemy. Some of them said, " We need not be 
given leave to go, " while others said, "It could not be denied us, since every day the 
enemy alarms us, and wo are without tranquillity, and every day they kill our rela- 
tives, and what is more they enslave some of them and carry them off and commit all 
kinds of mockery with them; and we are all Christians and vassals of the king whom 
may God protect for many years, and we are unanimous and agree in this matter. " 

They all went and asked leave of the said Captain Juan Fernandez as of their lieu- 
tenant and war captain and the head of said province. Upon being told of their reso- 
lution, he gladly gave them said leave, and he furthermore comforted and animated 
them and promised to help them in every way possible, and they all came into this 
cabin. ^ The chiefs, the caciques, and other leading men were very well satisfied and 
joyous, and they b^:an instantly to prepare their arms, their provisions, and bundles, 
and they sent out messengers to the people of the other places, telling their caciques 
and leading men, that, in case they should want to go and join them, they might be 
able to make their preparations. From San Luis there went 85 men with their arms; 
from the place called San Damian went its cacique, Don Bernardo with seventy men; 
from la Chine, which is a settlement in the district of San Luis, 8 men; from los Cha- 
catoe, which also lies within the boundaries of San Luis, 10 men; from Ayubale, came 
2 men, and 3 from Tomole; also 1 from Azpalaga. These latter came without being 
sent by their caciques, who for some reasons which they gave excused themselves. 
When everything was prepared and in readiness the lieutenant reported it to the 
governor and his excellency approved of it and tlianked the said Indians for their good 
intentions. The captain, Juan Fernandez, all being gathered in this cabin (bujio), 
provided ammunition for all the harquebusiers, and he likewise gave us a small jar of 
powder and a ''sucuche" ^ of bullets, and wo left on the 2nd of September, 1677, after 
the captain, Juan Fernandez, at the meeting in the cabin, had appointed as principal 
chiefs, Juan Mendoza, captain of San Luis; Mateo Chubas, Maese del Campo, chief 
of the camp, or in the field; and Don Bernardo, cacique and captain of the settlement 
of San Damian de Cupayca, and Ventura Ynija of this place, admonishing them to 
behave like united brothers, as well on the journey as on the battlefield. When the 
necessary orders had been given, we departed and went to sleep at the River Lagino, 
which is at a distance of two leagues from here, and where we arrived early. When all 
the people were t(>gether, we counted the men, finding tliat we had thirty firearms — 
15 from this place, San Luis, and 15 from San Damian, and between harquebusiers and 
archers there were 190. The chiefs made speeches to their men, telling them that they 
were men who could defend their homes, their wives, and children, and that with the 
help of God our wishes would be fulfilled and we would see our enemies. As Chris- 
tians, God and His Blessed Mother would favour us. Then they arranged that 12 men 
should explore the country inland as spies, 12 should remain behind, each group being 
protected by several harquebusiers. 

As it seemed early yet, we went to sleep on the banks of a small stream two leagues 
distant, called Lapache, which are studded with canes or reed. We placed our 
watches and night patrol, a precaution which was taken at all the places where we 
arrived. This place (Lapache) we left when the sun was high and arrived at noon at 

^ This may mean the guardhoiLse. 

t This is now a nautical term and means a storeroom of a ship. 


a little stream called Y8tol)alaga and went to sleep near another one called Ytaechato 
and there our watches and patrols said they had heard a noise which kept them in 
arms, and the next day we saw tracks of two persons away from the road. We took 
our noonday-rest * at a rivulet, wooded on )x)th banks and from there we sent out 
spicB to go as ^r as the river Santa Cruz. These returned to tell us that there were 
no other tracks but those of the people of Santa Oruz, which lies on the bank of the 
stream, where the cacique Baltasar awaited with about twenty men with canoes to 
ferry us across the river. We arrived at that river and went to the place mentioned, 
which is on the other bank, and there we remained for two days provisioning ourselves. 
From there we despatched twenty-four men to go ahead as spies. When we were 
ready to leave the cacique Baltasar came with six of his men, saying that he was a 
vassal of His Majesty, and that although he was but a new Christian, his heart was in 
God and His Blessed Mother, and that he gladly was coming along to die for God, 
our Lord, for his king, and for his country. We thanked him, telling him that it was 
a great joy to die for Grod. We went to sleep near a lagoon, to one side of the road 
and about four leagues from Santa (^ruz on a plain. The spies came back, telling us 
they had seen a tndl which, although it was not fresh, seemed to show that it was of 
bad people. The next day we departed and arrived at a spring which is called 
Calutoble,' from which flows a river toward the south. From here we went to sleep 
in a great forest ' which is called Chapole. The next morning we prayed and recom- 
mended ourselves to Our Lady, it being her day, that she might help us in everything, 
for she was our patroness and our guide. 

Then we journeyed on and for rest arrived at the deserted site of San Nicolas de los 
CbacatoB. From there we went to San Carlos, which is also abandoned by the said 
Chacatos, smd where we slept to one side of it [the settlement]. The next morning 
early we surrounded the whole place in order to find out whether there were any 
Chiscas in it, since it was their stopping place. We did not take the road which 
heads toward the west because it goes to the region in which the (^hiscas are settled, 
who naturally had their sentinels everywhere, so we went southward without taking 
to a road imtil we found one which led from the sea to the village of the Chiscas and 
which the Chacatos and Panzacolas had opened (built), who had settled by the sea 
and on which we traveled with our spies ahead and behind us, exploring the country 
about. That night we slept by a rivulet with a small growth of wood and the next 
day we departed without food, because our pro\dsions had given out. All we had 
that morning was a handful of "tolocomo," which is made of parched com, and we 
did not eat till the next day. In the evening we arrived at the river Gurani and we 
passed on to Bipar, leaving sentinels, arms in hand, on either bank of the stream. 
On the next day, which was the tenth of the journey since we had left Apalache, 
we lost our way, very soon after starting and without any determined road we traveled 
westward, passing small streams with a big growth of reed, small creeks with many 
obstacles, narrow but very deep. The spies who had gone ahead returned and told 
us that they had seen many tracks and footpaths of bison and therefore we determined 
to rest for the night where they had seen them, trying to kill some with which to 
make our shields and still our hunger, since our provisions had entirely given out. 
The next morning the Chacatos who went with us killed a cow and we dried the skin. 
One of the men fell ill with fever and pain in his side, and some said that several of 
us ought to return with the sick man; others said no, and the patient himself said no, 
that he would prefer that they should carry him, in order that he might die seeing 
his enemies. 

1 ** Sestew" is properly "to take a nap/' 

I Kali, spring. 

* " Monte fnmde" oould also mean a great mountain, but it is evidently a great forest. 


The next day's travel brought ub to a dense forest which we traversed and we slept 
on the other side of it. The next day we traveled in the rain and slept by a spring 
and the day folloi^ing, after about one league's traveling, we arrived at a big river 
called Napa Ubab, which was as thickly wooded on one bank as on the other; we 
crossed it that day and, as our provisions had given out, we slept on the opposite 
bank. While there we heard the Chacatos, who were in our company, say that they 
suffered a great many hardships and privations (hunger), that the Apalachinos although 
great in number, did not know how to fight, and, upf>n seeing the palisades of the 
Chiscas, they most assuredly would run away, while they themselves would perish. 
Therefore they wished to return, but that of course, they would not be allowed to 
return, if they showed themselves on the roads. We, the said chiefs, called them 
and together we said to them, ''Children, we are Christians and we bear all those 
Bufferings with great patience, so you also have patience. We all will have to have 
it until we see our enemies. And should you try to return, we would take you on 
by force until you take us to the place where the palisade of the Chiscas is and you 
shall guide us. Once there, then, you may fight if you so wish to, and if not you can 
stand aside, ' ' which they really did, for only three of them fought beside us. The next 
morning we despatched spies on two different sides, and we traveled all day, night 
overtaking us on a little river, called Oclacasquis, which is Rio Colorado. That night 
some spies came back, telling us that they had seen tracks of bison and people who 
followed them (the bison). We were very anxious, because twelve of the spies 
whom we had sent out did not return all that night. In the morning we called those 
who had seen the tracks and ordered them to go ahead and see if they saw more tracksi 
and we followed them. Very soon they came running back, telling us that they had 
seen the Chiscas curing meat in smoke. We at once distributed our men on two 
wings in order to catch them between our forces and see if we could get them alive, 
but they defended themselves so that it 1>ecame necessary to kill them. There were 
two. We remained there and on that day at about eight o'clock, the twelve men 
who had been misaing fired a shot. We answered with another, and upon arriving 
where we were, they told us that they had lost their way, and they were greatly 
consoled at the sight of ears of com which we had taken from the two Chiscas, con- 
sidering them (the Chiscas) to be near by. 

We continued our journey and on the seventeenth day after our departure from 
Apalache we rested for the night near a small lagoon, traveling the next day, always 
in a westerly direction. We despatched three men ahead to look for the road which 
led to the Chiscas, because the Chacatos had been overheard to say that we must be 
near to judge from the forests (or mountains) which they recognized. A short while 
afterwards the spies came back, telling us that they had found the road which led to 
the Chiscas, and we traveled until at about sunset we were on the said road. Some 
Were of the opinion that we ought to pass the night where we had been when told 
about this place, others that we ought to sleep right here in order to reach the palisade 
early in the morning, but when we were all together the chiefs decided that we were 
not to sleep at all, but to keep right on advancing, and with the help of (jod reach 
the said palisade, because this was the eve of Saint Matthew, the Apostle. After 
having traveled about one league we heard noises and a drum and saw big fires, and 
we noticed that the road was a track greatly beaten by people who returned to the 
palisades of the Chacatos, Panzacolas, and Chiscas who lived near the sea, and we 
retired to a height to prepare ourselves, examine our arms, and fit ourselves up. 
Then all the chiefs gathered and we held a consultation about what was to be done. 
Some proposed to wait until sunrise, others to strike at midnight, still others shortly 
before sunrise. Finally we all agreed to make it a quarter before sunrise. Thus it 
was ordered, and we admonished our men. Then we sent two men ahead of us and 
most courageously followed them, and very soon we reached them, and they told us 


to look inside [the palisade], and that there were a great many people; that the 
incloeure waa very big and spacious, the extent of each wall being over three hun- 
dred paces. They said the Chiscas were not sleeping; on the contrary there was 
much noise and they kept up big fires within and without. When we had all reached 
the place we sat down to watch the palisades and the great fires, and we entered into 
consultation whether it would be advisable to surround the inclosure, but as it was 
80 big and we had few men, we did not dare do that, but determined to attack along 
one wall, and that this attack would be at three o'clock in- the morning. Two cap- 
tains and the Maese do Campo, Matheo Chuba, were to attack in the center, carrying 
the banner with the crucifix on one side and on the other Our Lady of the Rosary; 
the captain Don Bernardo on the east side with his drum and fife; Captain Juan 
Mendoza on the west side. About the time we got up to make the attack we saw a 
great light of the size of a man flame up behind us and then consume itself. In its 
center it had a blue spot. We saw about thirty persons, > and at this instant a Chacato 
who was on sentinel duty cried out that we were there. 

We all attacked at once, giving them a whole charge of harquebus and archery and 
pulling out the sticks [from the palisade], and through the openings the captains 
threw themselves in upon the enemy with their harquebusiers, killing our enemies. 
Within the palisades there were three big houses with their embrasures, where so 
many of the Chiscas retired and shot so many arrows at us from their shelter that it 
looked like a dense smoke. As we carried with us small levers, we destroyed, helped 
by our firearms, many boards, and we killed and wounded so many that the wounded 
began fleeing and threw themselves into the river to drown themselves. Our car- 
tridges set fire to the houses. They killed five of our men and wounded forty. There 
was a tree which had caught fire from our firearms and its burning leaves set fire to 
many houses, and the fact that although it was green it should have caught fire and 
should bum like tinder greatly excited our attention. Wlien the Chiscas saw that 
wonder they threw themselves into the river which is in a ravine there, as well men 
as women with their small babies clasped to their bosoms. Although we wished to 
save them and keep them alive, they were almost dead and drowned. Wo found 
others alive under the com cribs (barbacoas), and we pulled them out, separating the 
dead from the burned (or wounded) ones, and in so doing covered ourselves with 
blood from head to foot. Putting out the fire of the several houses that were burning, 
we found eighteen men and one boy dead. We did not count the women and chil- 
dren, for as they had hidden in sentry boxes and behind or under boarding many of 
them were consumed by the fire. All this lasted from three o'clock in the morning 
until sunrise, when we saw that the Chiscas had all fled and had crossed the river 

We cured our wounded and reinforced our position with the sticks of the palisade 
which had remained, building a small inclosure to guard ourselves against those of 
our enemies still alive, whose loud shrieking on the other side of the river we heard. 
Although within the palisades we had found provisions, they were but scarce, and 
in our chiefs' council we decided to send out thirty men to search the plains for food 
and also to search the forests, for throughout that day we had been shot upon with 
arrows from the river bank, and as the river was but narrow they reached us. But 
we did not allow our men to cross the river, because so many of our men were wounded . 
Thus, our men were to remain on land on this side. As we were sallying forth in a 
little troop, one of the Chiscas shot an arrow from a sentry box and wounded one of 
our men after he had got some provisions. One of our men said he wanted to go back 
to the palisade, and, although he was admonished against it, he did not listen, and, 
traversing the forest, he found some Chiscas in ambush, who killed him. The rest 

> Thar« if evidently something lacking or the published version is poorly copied from the original. 


of us went back to our palisade with our provisions, and we spent two days and two 
nights there, taking great precautions, keeping constant watches, and heating our 
war drums morning and night. All that time we heard many screams and shouts, 
and after a consultation among the chiefs we agreed to leave on the third day, setting 
fire to all that had remained. When the Chiscas saw the fire, heard the drums, and, 
besides, saw us come forth in two bodies, carrying our wounded in the center, a troop 
of them came to encounter us in the same road. Captain Bernardo de Cupayca dis- 
charged his gun, and with one shot hit a Chisca so fairly that he fell dead, and the 
Enija * from San Luis, Ventura, fired and killed another one, and our men wanted 
to go and scalp them, which, however, the chiefs did not allow. The Chiscas fled, 
and we continued on our way, enduring great suffering. After about hal f a league we 
reached a clearing, where we found four shells and several pots in which were boiled 
herbs. We asked the Chacatos wliat this might signify, and they told us it was witch- 
craft, in order that we might lose our way and not be able to reach our country, so 
that we might fall into their hands and be killed by them. But it pleased God that 
after eight days we entered the deserted country of the Chacatos very glad, carrying 
our wounded on litters, and on the ninth day we met a troop of people who came from 
Apalache to bring us provisions, which comforted us greatly, and we continued very 
happily, entering Apalache on the fifth day of October of the year 1677, by the favor 
of God and the Virgin of the Rosary. 

I give my oath and tnie testimony, I, Captain Juan Fernandez de Florencia, lieu- 
tenant of this province of Apalache, that there appeared before me the said Juan Men- 
doza, Matheo Chuba, and Don Bernardo, the cacique of Cupayca, and Ventura, Ynija, 
of this place of San Luis, who, in their own language, declared the above stated and 
all that is written down, which I remit in the original to the governor, Don Pablo de 
Hita Salazar, governor and captain general of the garrison of San Agustin and its 
pro\dnces by Ilis Majesty. Made (written) in San Luis de Talimali on the 30th of 

August, 1678. 

Juan Fernandez de Florencia.' 

Later the same incorrigible people are held responsible, jointly 
with the English, for having prevented the establishment of a mis- 
sion among the Apalachicola. 

On the Lamhatty map (1707) these Yuchi appear in approxi- 
mately the same ])osition under the name Ogolatighoo [Hogologel.' 
In 1718 we hear of a *'Rio de los Chiscas," 5 leagues from Pensacola.* 
In the census taken in 1761 we find the "Choctaw Hatchee Euchees" 
included with the Tukabahchce and '^Pea Creek and other planta- 
tions'' under the traders James McQueen and T. Ferryman,* and 
these are probably the Yuchi of the French census of the same 
period located close to the Tukabahchce and said to number 15 
men/ We are to infer from this that they had then settled among the 
Upper Creeks. Their possible connection with the Yuchi reported 
by Hawkins to have united with the Shawnee on Tallapooja River 
has already been mentioned.' We hear nothing more about them 
from this time on, but their name is preserved in Euchee anna, a 
village in Walton County, Florida. 

> See p. 299. Enljft Is another spelling of Ynlja. ^ Ga. Col. Docs., rm, p. 523. 

I Serrano y Sanz, Doc. Hist., pp. 2077216. ' Miss. Prov. Arch., i, p. 95. 

• Amor. Anthrop., n. s. vol. X, p. 671. 'Beep 190. 
« 8m p. 126. 

sWanton] early history OF THE CREEK INDIANS 305 

In 1603 some old soldiers reported to Gov. Ibarra, of Florida, 
"that 20 leagues from Orista [in this ease probably Santa Elena] is 
a rich people so civilized that they have their houses of hewn stone — 
that is, toward the northeast from whence they came, conquering 
those [Indians] of our lands." ^ This may refer to Yuchi, although 
the mention of "hewn stone" houses tends to place the account 
under suspicion. Another possible reference to the influx of this 
band appears in a letter to the king from Gov. D. Alonso de 
Aranguiz y Cotes, dated September 8, 1662. He says: 

In a letter of Nov. 8, of the past year, 1661, 1 recounted to Y. M. how in the province 
of Goale, near this presidio, there had entered some Indians who were said to be 
Chichumecoe which ate human flesh, and if I had not assisted in opposing their design 
they would have destroyed it, as I had had news r^arding others from infidel Indians 
who came fleeing from them, and as I saw that they would retire by the way they came 
I made examinations and inquiries in different dir