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ROCK-CUT ELEPHANT ABOVE THE ASOKA INSCRIPTION AT DHAULI, ORISSA

THE EARLY
HISTORY OF INDIA

FROM 600 B.C. TO THE
MUHAMMADAN CONQUEST

INCLUDING THE INVASION
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

VINCENT A. SMITH

M.A. (DUBL.); M.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE;
AUTHOR OF ‘ASOKA, THE BUDDHIST EMPEROR OF INDIA,’ ETC.
EDITOR OF SLEEMAN’s ‘ RAMBLES AND RECOLLECTIONS ’

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1904

HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH

NEW YORK

PREFACE

The plan and limitations of this book have been
explained so fully in the Introduction that little
more need be said by way of preface. The room
for difference of opinion on many of the subjects
treated is so great that I cannot expect my views
on controverted points to meet with universal
acceptance ; and the complexity of my undertaking
forbids me to hope that positive errors, justly open
to censure, have been avoided altogether ; but
1 trust that critics will be prepared to concede the
amount of indulgence which may be granted legi-
timately to the work of a pioneer.

The devotion of a disproportionately large space
to the memorable invasion of Alexander the Great
is due to the exceptional interest of the subject,
which, so far as I know, has not been treated
adequately in any modern book. The extreme
brevity of the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters,
dealing with the mediaeval kingdoms of the north
and the Deccan, which may be open to adverse
criticism, is attributable to the limited interest of
merely local histories. In the final chapter an
attempt has been made to give an intelligible
outline of the history of the South, so far as it
has been ascertained. The story of the Dravidian
nations seems to me deserving of more attention
than it generally receives.

The presentation of cumbrous and unfamiliar

iii

PREFACE

Oriental names must always be a difficulty for a
writer on Indian history. I have endeavoured to
secure reasonable uniformity of spelling without
pedantry. The system of transliteration followed
in the notes and appendices is substantially that
used in the Indian A ntiquary ; while in the text
long vowels only are marked where necessary, and
all other diacritical signs are discarded.

Vowels have values as in Italian ; except the
short a, which is pronounced like u in but, when
with stress, and like A in America, when without
stress. The consonants are to be pronounced as
in English ; and ch, consequently, is represented in
French by tch, and in German by tsch ; similarly,
j is equivalent to the French dj and the German
dscli. The international symbol c for the English
ch, as in church, which has been adopted by the
Asiatic Societies, may have some advantages in
purely technical publications ; but its use results
in such monstra liorrenda as Cac for Chach, and is
unsuitable in a work intended primarily for English
and Indian readers.

I have much pleasure in acknowledging the
receipt of help of various kinds from the following
gentlemen : — M. Edouard Chavannes, Professeur
au College de France; Mr. J. S. Cotton, editor
of the Indian Imperial Gazetteer ; Mr. William
Crooke ; Professor Rhys Davids ; Dr. J. F. Fleet,
C.I.E. ; Dr. Rudolf Hoernle, C.I.E. ; Mr. James
Kennedy; M. SylvainLevi; Professor E. J. Rapson;
and Mr. R. Sewell.

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. 1. Introduction ....... 1

2. The Sources of Indian History ... 7

Appendix A. The Age of the Puranas . . 18

Appendix B. The Chinese Pilgrims . .19

II. The Dynasties before Alexander, 600 to 326 b. c. . 22

Appendix C. Chronology of the Saisunaga and
Nanda Dynasties, from 600 to 321 b. c. . 38

III. Alexander’s Indian Campaign : the Advance, 327-

326 b.c. . . . . . . . .42

Appendix D. Aornos and Embolima . . 68

Appendix E. Alexander’s Camp ; the Passage
of the Hydaspes ; and the Site of the
Battle with Poros . . . . .71

Appendix F. The Date of the Battle of the
Hydaspes . . . . . . .78

IV. Alexander’s Indian Campaign : the Retreat, 326-

324 b. c. . . . . . . .81

Chronology of the Indian Campaign of Alex-
ander the Great . . . . .106

V. Chandragupta Maurya and Bindusara, from 321

to 272 b.c. . . . . . . .108

Appendix G. The Extent of the Cession of
Ariana by Seleukos Nikator to Chandra-
gupta Maurya . . . . . .132

VI. Asoka Maurya, from 272 to 231 b.c. . . .135

Appendix H. The Inscriptions of Asoka ;
Bibliographical Note . . . . .152

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

VII. Asoka Maurya (continued) ; and his Successors, to

184 b.c 155

Chronological Table of the Maurya Dynasty 173

VIII. The Sunga, Kanva, and Andhra Dynasties, from

184 b.c. to 236 a. d. . . . . .175

Appendix I. The Invasion of Menander, and
the Date of Patanjali . . . .192

IX. The Indo-Greek and Indo-Parthian Dynasties,

FROM 250 B. C. TO 50 A. D. . . . . . 194

Appendix J. Alphabetical List of Bactrian
and Indo-Greek Kings and Queens . .214

Appendix K. Synchronistic Table from 280
b.c. to 50 a. d. . . . . . .216

X. The Kushan or Indo-Scythian Dynasty, from 45

to 225 a. d. . . . . . . .217

Approximate Kushan Chronology . . . 242

XI, The Gupta Empire, and the Western Satraps;
Chandra-gupta I to Kumaragupta I, from 320

to 455 a. d. ....... 244

XII. The Gupta Empire (continued); and the White

Huns, from 455 to 606 a. d. . . . 264

Chronology of the Gupta Period . .281

XIII. The Reign of Harsha, from 606 to 648 a. d. . 282

Chronology of the Seventh Century . . 302

XIV. The Mediaeval Kingdoms of the North, from

648 to 1200 a. d. . . . . . . 303

XV. The Kingdoms of the Deccan .... 323
XVI. The Kingdoms of the South .... 333

INDEX

358

ERRATA

Page 3 1 , line 8, for the place of his birth
read his ancestral home
Page 225 note, for 57 b. c. read 57 or 58 b. c.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Rock-cut Elephant above the Asoka Inscription at

Dhauli, Orissa ...... Frontispiece

page

Indian Coins ....... To face 1

Piprawa Inscribed Vase containing Relics of Buddha 14

The Birth-place of Buddha ..... 148

Inscribed Buddhist Pedestal from Hashtnagar . 233

The Martanda Temple of the Sun, Kashmir . . 308

The Rock-cut Kailasa Temple at Elura . . . 327

The Great Temple at Tanjore ..... 345

The Ganesa Ratha at Mamallaipuram . . . 350

MAPS AND PLANS

1. The Battlefield of the Hydaspes . . To face 58

2. Plan of the Battle of the Hydaspes 60

3. Position of the Autonomous Tribes conquered by

Alexander ....... 88

4. The Empire of Asoka, 250 b. c. . . . . 142

5. The Conquests of Samudra Gupta, 340 a. d. ; and the

Gupta Empire, 400 a. d. (Travels of Fa-hien) . 250

6. India in 640 a. d. ; the Empire of Harsha (Travels

of Hiuen Tsang)

287

CONTENTS OF PLATE OF INDIAN COINS
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM

No.

King.

Sophytes.

Obverse.

2 Eukratides.

Menander.

Hermaios.

Kadphises I.

Gondophares.

Sivalakura of
Andhra
dynasty.
Kadphises II.

Kanishka.

Samudragupta.

Chandra-gupta
II, Vikrama-
ditya.

Khttivarman

Chandella.

A Pandya king.

Rajaraja Chola.

A Pallava chief.
A Chera king.

Head of the king r., in close-
fitting helmet, bound with
wreath ; wing on cheek-piece.

Bust of the king r., dia-
demed, and wearing helmet
(kausia), adorned with ear and
horn of bull, and crest.

BAZIAEHZ

ZnTHPol

MENANAPoY.

Bust of the king r., diademed.

BAZI AEflZ
ZftTHPol
EPMAloy.

Bust of the king r., diademed.

XoPANCY ZAooY
KoZoAA
KAAA<PEE.

Head of the king r., diademed,
and closely resembling that of
Augustus.

Greek legend imperfect,

BACIAEON ....
YNAotpEP . . .

Bust^of the king r., diademed.

Raho Mddharlpatasa Sivdla-
kurasa. Strung bow, with
arrow fixed.

BACIAEYC

ooHMo

KAAcPICHC.

Bust of king emerging from
clouds ; helmet and diadem ;
Greek chlamys ; club? in r.
hand.

Standing king in Turk! cos- 1
tume, with spear and sword.
Legend in modified Greek
characters

PAoNANoPAo

KANHPKI

KopANo

( P to be read sh).

King seated, playing lyre.
Legend, mahdrdjudhirdja sri
Samudraguptah; on footstool,
si.

Horse, standing before altar
and sacrificial post. Legend
imperfect; between horse’s
legs, si.

King shooting lion. Legend,
rnahdrdjddhiruja sri.

Legend, srimat Kirttivarm-
vna-deva.

Reverse.

ZfKPYToY

Cock r. ; above, cadu-
ceus.

BAZI AEflZ
METAAoY
EYKPATIAoY.

The Dioskouroi charging
r., holding long lances
and palms.

Not figured.

KharoshthT
tion, maharajasa , &c.
Siva and Indian bull.

mscrip-

Two fishes under an um-
brella, with other symbols.
Standing king.

Lion r.

Seated figure, corrupted.

APAoXPo

(P=s/<). Female deity
with cornucopiae.

Not figured.

Goddess seated on lion.
Legend, Sri Sihha Vi-
kramah.

Four-armed goddess,
seated.

Legend uncertain.

Seated figure. Legend,
Rdjardja.

Vase on stand.

Bow and umbrella.

Reference.

Gardner, Catal. of Greek
and Scythic Kings of
Bactria and, India. PI.

I> 3-

ibid., PI. V, 7.

ibid., PI. XI, 7.

ibid., PI. XV, 4.

ibid., Pi. XXV, 5.

ibid., PI. XXII, 11.

Cunningham, Coins of
A ncient India , p. 109.

Gardner, op.
XXV, 7.

cit.. Pi.

Gardner,
XXVI, 6.

op. cit., PI.

J. R. A. S., 1889, P).
1,5-

ibid., 4.

ibid., PI. II, 6.

Cunningham, Coins of
Mediaeval India, Pi.

VIII, 12.

Elliot, Coins of South-
ern India, PI. Ill, 129.
ibid., PI. IV, 165.

ibid., PI. II, 49.
ibid., PI. Ill, 128.

INDIAN COINS

CHAPTER I

I. INTRODUCTION

The illustrious Elphinstone, writing in 1839, observed Elphin-
that in Indian history ‘ no date of a public event can be fixed Cowelfon
before the invasion of Alexander; and no connected relation the Hindu
of the national transactions can be attempted until after the Penod‘
Mahometan conquest.’ Professor Cowell, when commenting
upon this dictum, twenty-seven years later, begged his readers
to bear it in mind during the whole of the Hindu period ;
assigning as his reason for this caution the fact that ‘it is
only at those points where other nations came into contact
with the Hindus, that we are able to settle any details
accurately V

Although the first clause of Elphinstone’s proposition, if
strictly interpreted, still remains true — no date in Indian
history prior to Alexander’s invasion being determinable with
absolute precision — modern research has much weakened the
force of the observation, and has enabled scholars to fix
a considerable number of dates in the pre-Alexandrine
history of India with approximate accuracy, sufficient for
most purposes.

But when the statement that a connected narrative of Results of
events prior to the Muhammadan conquest cannot be pre- research
pared is examined in the light of present knowledge, the
immense progress in the recovery of the lost history of India
made during the last forty years becomes apparent. The
researches of a multitude of scholars working in various
fields have disclosed an unexpected wealth of materials for
the reconstruction of ancient Indian history ; and the neces-
sary preliminary studies of a technical kind have been carried
so far that the moment seems to have arrived for taking
stock of the accumulated stores of knowledge. It now appears
1 Elphinstone, History of India, ed. Cowell, 5th ed., p. 11.

SMITH B

INTRODUCTION

Political

history.

Kast and
West.

to be practicable to exhibit the results of antiquarian studies
in the shape of a ‘ connected relation ’ ; not less intelligible
to the ordinary educated reader than Elphinstone’s narrative
of the transactions of the Muhammadan period.

The first attempt to present such a narrative of the leading
events in Indian political history for eighteen centuries is
made in this book, which is designedly confined almost ex-
clusively to the relation of political vicissitudes. A sound
framework of dynastic annals must be provided before the
story of Indian literature and art can be told aright.
Although literary and artistic problems are touched on very
lightly in this volume, the references made will suffice,
perhaps, to convince the reader that the key is often to be
found in the accurate chronological presentation of dynastic
facts.

European students, whose attention has been directed
almost exclusively to the Graeco-Roman foundation of
modern civilization, may be disposed to agree with the
German philosopher in the belief that ‘Chinese, Indian, and
Egyptian antiquities are never more than curiosities 1 but,
however well founded that opinion may have been in Goethe’s
day, it can no longer command assent. The researches of
orientalists during the last hundred years have established
many points of contact between the ancient East and the
modern West ; and no Hellenist can now afford to profess
complete ignorance of the Babylonian and Egyptian culture
which forms the bed-rock of European institutions. Even
China has been brought into touch with Europe ; while the
languages, literature, art, and philosophy of the West have
been proved to be connected by innumerable bonds with
those of India. Although the names of even the greatest
monarchs of ancient India are at present unfamiliar to the
general reader, and awaken few echoes in the minds of any
save specialists, it is not unreasonable to hope that an
orderly presentation of the ascertained facts of ancient
Indian history may be of interest to a larger circle than that

1 The Maxims and Reflections of Goethe, No. 325, in Bailey Saunders’s
translation.

ALEXANDER THE GREAT

of professed orientalists, and that, as the subject becomes
more familiar to the reading public, it will be found no less
worthy of attention than more familiar departments of
historical study. A recent Indian author justly observes
that ‘ India suffers to-day in the estimation of the world
more through that world’s ignorance of the achievements of
the heroes of Indian history than through the absence or
insignificance of such achievements1.’ The following pages
may serve to prove that the men of old time in India did
deeds worthy of remembrance, and deserving of rescue from
the oblivion in which they have been buried for so many
centuries.

The section of this work which deals with the invasion Alexander
of Alexander the Great may claim to make a special appeal the Great,
to the interest of readers trained in the ordinary course of
classical studies ; and the subject has been treated ac-
cordingly with much fullness of detail. The existing English
accounts of Alexander’s marvellous campaign, among which
that of Thirlwall may claim, perhaps, the highest place, treat
the story rather as an appendix to the history of Greece
than as part of that of India, and fail to make full use of
the results of the labours of modern geographers and
archaeologists. In this volume the campaign is discussed
as a memorable episode in the history of India, and an
endeavour has been made to collect all the rays of light
from recent investigation and to focus them upon the narra-
tives of ancient authors.

The author’s aim is to present the story of ancient India, The
so far as practicable, in the form of a connected narrative, s

based upon the most authentic evidence available ; to relate
facts, however established, with impartiality : and to discuss
the problems of history in a judicial spirit. He has striven
to realize, however imperfectly, the ideal expressed in the
words of Goethe : — •

‘The historian’s duty is to separate the true from the
false, the certain from the uncertain, and the doubtful from

1 C. N. K. Aiyar, Sri Sankaracharya, his Life and Times, p. iv.

INTRODUCTION

Value of
tradition.

Necessity
for criti-
cism.

that which cannot be accepted. . . . Every investigator must
before all things look upon himself as one who is summoned
to serve on a jury. He has only to consider how far the
statement of the case is complete and clearly set forth by
the evidence. Then he draws his conclusion and gives his
vote, whether it be that his opinion coincides with that of
the foreman or not V

The application of these principles necessarily involves the
wholesale rejection of mere legend as distinguished from
tradition, and the omission of many picturesque anecdotes,
mostly folk-lore, which have clustered round the names of
the mighty men of old in India.

The historian of the remote past of any nation must be
content to rely much upon tradition as embodied in litera-
ture, and to acknowledge that the results of his researches,
when based upon traditionary materials, are inferior in
certainty to those obtainable for periods of which the facts
are attested by contemporary evidence. In India, with very
few exceptions, contemporary evidence of any kind is not
available before the time of Alexander ; but critical examina-
tion of records dated much later than the events referred to
can extract from them testimony which may be regarded with
a high degree of probability as traditionally transmitted
from the sixth or, perhaps, the seventh century b. c.

Even contemporary evidence, when it is available for later
periods, cannot be accepted without criticism. The flattery
of courtiers, the vanity of kings, and many other clouds
which obscure the absolute truth, must be recognized and
allowed for. Nor is it possible for the writer of a history,
however great may be his respect for the objective fact, to
eliminate altogether his own personality. Every kind of
evidence, even the most direct, must reach the reader, when
in narrative form, as a reflection from the mirror of the
writer’s mind, with the liability to unconscious distortion.
In the following pages the author has endeavoured to exclude
the subjective element so far as possible, to make no state-

1 The Maxims and Reflections of Goethe, Nos, 453, 543.

UNITY OF INDIA

ment of fact without authority, and to give the authority,
that is to say, the evidence, for every fact alleged.

But no obligation to follow authority in the other sense
of the word has been recognized, and the narrative often
assumes a form which appears to be justified by the evidence,
although opposed to the views stated in well-known books
by authors of repute. Indian history has been too much the
sport of credulity and hypothesis, inadequately checked by
critical judgement of evidence or verification of fact ; and ‘the
opinion of the foreman,1 to use Goethe’s phrase, cannot be
implicitly followed.

Although this Avork purports to relate the Early History Unity
of India, the title must be understood with certain limita- India-
tions. India, encircled as she is by seas and mountains, is
indisputably a geographical unit, and, as such, is rightly
designated by one name. Her type of civilization, too, has
many features which differentiate it from that of all other
regions of the world, while they are common to the whole
country, or rather continent, in a degree sufficient to justify
its treatment as a unit in the history of human, social, and
intellectual development.

But the complete political unity of India under the control
of a paramount power, wielding unquestioned authority, is
a thing of yesterday, barely a century old. The most
notable of her rulers in the olden time cherished the
ambition of universal Indian dominion, and severally attained
it in a greater or less degree. But not one of them attained
it completely, and this failure implies a lack of unity in
political history which renders the task of the historian
difficult.

The same difficulty besets the historian of Greece still
more pressingly ; but, in that case, Avith the attainment of
unity, the interest of the history vanishes. In the case of
India the converse proposition holds good, and the reader’s
interest varies directly with the degree of unity attained ;
the details of Indian annals being insufferably wearisome
except when generalized by the application of a bond of
political union.

INTRODUCTION

Predomi-

nant

dynasties.

Supre-
macy of
the north.

Isolation
of the
south.

A history of India, if it is to be read, must necessarily be
the story of the predominant dynasties, and either ignore,
or relegate to a very subordinate position, the annals of the
minor states. Elphinstone acted upon this principle in his
classic work, and practically confined his narrative to the
transactions of the Sultans of Delhi and their Moghal
successors. The same principle has been applied in this
book, and attention has been concentrated upon the
dominant dynasties which, from time to time, have attained
or aspired to paramount power.

Twice, in the long series of centuries dealt with in this
history, the political unity of all India was nearly attained ;
first, in the third century b. c., when Asoka’s empire extended
to the latitude of Madras ; and again, in the fourth century
a.d., when Samudragupta carried his victorious arms from
the Ganges to the extremity of the Peninsula. Other princes,
although their conquests were less extensive, yet succeeded
in establishing, and for a time maintaining, empires which
might fairly claim to rank as paramount powers. With the
history of such princes the following narrative is chiefly
concerned, and the affairs of the minor states are either
slightly noticed, or altogether ignored.

The paramount power in early times, when it existed,
invariably had its seat in Northern India — the region of the
Gangetic plain lying to the north of the great barrier of
jungle-clad hills which shut off the Deccan from Hindustan.
That barrier may be defined conveniently as consisting of
the Vindhyan ranges; or may be identified, still more com-
pendiously, with the river Narmada, or Nerbudda, which
falls into the Gulf of Cambay.

The ancient kingdoms of the south, although rich and
populous, inhabited by Dravidian nations not inferior in
culture to their Aryan rivals in the north, were ordinarily
so secluded from the rest of the civilized world, including
Northern India, that their affairs remained hidden from the
eyes of other nations ; and, native annalists being lacking,
their history, previous to the year 1000 of the Christian era,
has almost wholly perished. Except on the rare occasions

SCOPE OF WORK

when an unusually enterprising sovereign of the north either
penetrated or turned the forest barrier, and for a moment
lifted the veil of secrecy in which the southern potentates
lived enwrapped, very little is known concerning political
events in the south during the long period extending from
600 b.c. to 1000 a.d. To use the words of Elphinstone, no
‘ connected relation of the national transactions 1 of Southern
India in early times can be written ; and an early history
of India must, perforce, be concerned mainly with the north.

Strictly speaking, this work is in substance an attempt to Scope of
present in narrative form the history of the ancient dominant this work
dynasties of Northern India ; while it passes lightly over the
annals of the great southern kingdoms, and those of the
minor states in every part of the country. But, in the
fourteenth chapter, the reader will find a summary account
of the more salient events in the story of the mediaeval
kingdoms of the north ; and the two succeeding chapters
are devoted to a brief narrative of the fortunes of the king-
doms of the Deccan tableland and the Peninsula, so far as
they are known, from the earliest times to the Muhammadan
invasion at the beginning of the fourteenth century.

The time dealt with is that extending from the begin-
ning of the historical period in 600 b.c. to the Muham-
madan conquest, which may be dated in round numbers
as having occurred in 1200 a. d. in the north, and a
century later in the south. The earliest political event in
India to which an approximately correct date can be assigned
is the establishment of the Saisunaga dynasty of Magadha
about 600 b.c.

II. SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

The sources of, or original authorities for, the early history Four
of India may be arranged in four classes. The first of these sources-
is tradition, chiefly as recorded in native literature ; the
second consists of those writings of foreign travellers and
historians, which contain observations on Indian subjects ;
the third is the evidence of archaeology, which may be

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Tradition
only in
earliest
period.

The

Kashmir

ehroniele.

The San-
skrit epics.

Incidental

notices.

Jain

books.

subdivided into the monumental, the epigraphic, and the
numismatic ; and the fourth comprises the few works of
native contemporary literature, which deal expressly with
historical subjects.

For the period anterior to Alexander the Great, extending
from 600 b.c. to 326 b.c., dependence must be placed almost
wholly upon literary tradition, communicated through works
composed in many different ages, and frequently recorded in
scattered, incidental notices. The purely Indian traditions
are supplemented by the notes of the Greek authors, Ktesias,
Herodotus, the historians of Alexander, and Megasthenes.

The Kashmir chronicle, composed in the twelfth century,
which is in form the nearest approach to a work of regular
history in extant Sanskrit literature, contains a large body
of confused ancient traditions, which can be used only with
much caution. It is also of high value as a trustworthy
record of local events for the period contemporary with, or
slightly preceding, the author’s lifetime 1.

The great Sanskrit epics, the Mahabharata and Ramayana,
while of value as traditional pictures of social life in the
heroic age, do not seem to contain matter illustrating the
political relations of states during the historical period.

Sanskrit specialists have extracted from the works of
grammarians and other authors many incidental references
to ancient tradition, which collectively amount to a consider-
able addition to historical knowledge. These passages from
Sanskrit literature, so far as they have come to my notice,
have been utilized in this work ; but some references may
have escaped attention.

The sacred books of the Jain sect, which are still very
imperfectly known, also contain numerous historical state-
ments and allusions of considerable value 2.

1 Kalhana's Rajataranginl, a
Chronicle of the Kings of KaJmlr,
translated with an Introduction,
Commentary, and Appendices, by
M. A. Stein (2 vols.. Constable,
1900). This monumental work is
as creditable to the enterprise of
the publishers as it is to the in-

dustry and learning of the trans-
lator, who has also produced a
critical edition of the text.

2 Some of the leading Jain texts
have been translated by Prof.
Hermann Jacobi ( S . B. E., vols.
xxii, xlv).

THE PURANAS

The Jataka, or Birth, stories and other books of the Jataka
Buddhist canon, include many incidental references to the stories-
political condition of India in the fifth and sixth centuries
b.c., which although not exactly contemporary with the
events alluded to, certainly transmit genuine historical tra-
dition h

The chronicles of Ceylon in the Pali language, of which Pali
the Dipavamsa, dating probably from the fourth century of^eyfon
a. d., and the Mahavamsa are the best known, offer several
discrepant versions of early Indian traditions, chiefly con-
cerning the Maurya dynasty. These Sinhalese stories, the
value of which has been sometimes overestimated, demand
cautious criticism at least as much as do other records of
popular and ecclesiastical tradition1 2.

The most systematic record of Indian historical tradition The
is that preserved in the dynastic lists of the Puranas. Five Puranas.
out of the eighteen works of this class, namely, the Vayu,

Matsya, Vishnu, Brahmanda, and Bhagavata contain such
lists. The Brahmanda and Bhagavata Puranas being com-
paratively late works, the lists in them are corrupt, imperfect,
and of slight value. But those in the oldest documents, the
Vayu, Matsya, and Vishnu, are full, and evidently based upon
good authorities. The latest of these three works, the
Vishnu, is the best known, having been completely translated
into English 3 ; but in some cases its evidence is not so good
as that of the Vayu and Matsya. It was composed, probably,
in the fifth or sixth century a. d., and corresponds most
closely with the theoretical definition that a Purana should

1 A complete translation of the
Jatakas by Mr. W. H. D. Rouse
and other scholars is in course of
publication, and four volumes have
appeared (Cambridge University
Press). For the date of the book
see Rhys Davids, Buddhist India,
pp. 189-208.

2 For a favourable view of the
Ceylon chronicles see Rhys Davids,

Buddhist India ; and, on the other
side, Foulkes, ‘ The Vicissitudes of
the Buddhist Literature of Ceylon ’
(Jnd.Ant.KM ii,100); ‘Buddhaghosa’

(ibid, xix, 105) ; Taw Sein Ko,
Kalyani Inscriptions (ibid, xxii, 14);
V. A. Smith, Asoka, the Buddhist
Emperor of India. The Maha-
vamsa exists in more recensions
than one ; but that ordinarily
quoted is the one translated by
Tumour, whose version has been
revised by Wijesimha.

3 By H. H. Wilson, subsequently
edited and improved by F. Hall.
The lists will be found in Duff,
Chronology of India (Constable,
1899).

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Darius,

Ktesias,

Hero-

dotus.

Officers of
Alexan-
der, and
envoys.

deal with ‘the five topics of primary creation, secondary
creation, genealogies of gods and patriarchs, reigns of various
Manus, and the histories of the old dynasties of kings V
The Vayu seems to go back to the middle of the fourth
century a. d., and the Matsya is probably intermediate in
date between it and the Vishnu 1 2.

Modern European writers have been inclined to disparage
unduly the authority of the Puranic lists, but closer study
finds in them much genuine and valuable historical tradition.
For instance, the Vishnu Purana gives the outline of the
history of the Maurya dynasty with a near approach to
accuracy, and the Radcliffe manuscript of the Matsya
is equally trustworthy for Andhra history. Proof of the
surprising extent to which coins and inscriptions confirm the
Matsya list of the Andhra kings has recently been published 3.

The earliest foreign notice of India is that in the in-
scriptions of the Persian king, Darius, son of Hystaspes, at
Persepolis, and Naksh-i-Rustam, the latter of which may be
referred to the year 486 b.c. 4. Herodotus, who wrote late
in the fifth century, contributes valuable information con-
cerning the relation between India and the Persian empire,
which supplements the less detailed statements of the in-
scriptions. The fragments of the works of Ktesias of Knidos,
who was physician to Artaxerxes Memnon in 401 b.c., and
amused himself by collecting travellers’ tales about the
wonders of the East, are of very slight value5.

Europe was practically ignorant of India until the veil
was lifted by Alexander’s operations and the reports of
his officers. Some twenty years after his death the Greek
ambassadors sent by the kings of Syria and Egypt to the
court of the Maurya emperors recorded careful observations

1 Macdonell, History of Sanskrit
Literature, p. 301.

* The relative dates of the Pura-
nas are stated by Bhandarkar in
Early History of the Dekkan, 2nd

ed., p. 162 ( Bombay Gazetteer,

vol. i, part 2). For approximate

actual dates see Appendix A at the
end of this chapter.

3 V. A. Smith, ‘ Andhra History
and Coinage’ (Z. D. M. G., 1902,
1903).

1 Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. ii,
p. 403 ; iv, 207.

6 Translated by McCrindle in
Ind. Ant. x, 296 ; the translation
was also published separately at
Calcutta in 1882.

CHINESE WRITERS

on the country to which they were accredited, which have
been partially preserved in the works of many Greek and
Roman authors. The fragments of Megasthenes are especially
valuable h

Arrian, a Graeco-Roman official of the second century a. d., Arrian,
wrote a capital description of India, as well as an admirable andothei5'
critical history of Alexander’s invasion. Both these works
being based upon the reports of Ptolemy son of Lagos, and
other officers of Alexander, and the writings of the Greek
ambassadors, are entitled to a large extent to the credit of
contemporary documents, so far as the Indian history of the
fourth century b. c. is concerned. The works of Quintus
Curtius and other authors, who essayed to tell the story of
Alexander’s Indian campaign, are far inferior in value ; but
each has merits of its own 1 2.

The Chinese 4 Father of history,’ Ssu-ma-ch’ien, who com- Chinese
pleted his work about 100 b.c., is the first of a long series Qf historians.
Chinese historians, whose writings throw much light upon
the early annals of India. The accurate chronology of the
Chinese authors gives their statements peculiar value 3.

The long series of Chinese Buddhist pilgrims who con- Fa-hien,
tinued for several centuries to visit India, which they regarded Chinese
as their Holy Land, begins with Fa-hien (Fa-hsien); who
started on his travels in 399 a.d., and returned to China
fifteen years later. The book in which he recorded his
journeys has been preserved complete, and translated once
into French, and four times into English. It includes a very
interesting and valuable description of the government and
social condition of the Gangetic provinces during the reign
of Chandra-gupta II, Vikramaditya. Several other pilgrims

1 Edited by Schwanbeek, Bonn,
1846 ; translated by McCrindle.

a The Greek and Roman notices
of India have been collected, trans-
lated, and discussed by Mr.
McCrindle in six useful books,
published between 1882 and 1901,
and dealing with (1) Ktesias, ( 2)
Indika of Megasthenes and Arrian,

(3) Periplus of the Erythraean Sea,

(4) Ptolemy’s Geography, (5)

Alexander’s Invasion, and (6)
Ancient India, as described by
other classical writers.

3 M. Chavannes has published a
translation of Ssu-ma-ch’ien. The
French sinologists have been speci-
ally active in exploring the Chinese
sources of Indian history, and
several of their publications will
be cited in later chapters.

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Hiuen

Tsang.

AlberunT.

left behind them works which contribute something to the
elucidation of Indian history, and their testimony will be
cited in due course.

But the prince of pilgrims, the illustrious Hiuen Tsang,
whose fame as Master of the Law still resounds through all
Buddhist lands, deserves more particular notice. His travels,
described in a work entitled Records of the W estern World ,
which has been translated into French, English, and German,
extended from 629 a.d. to 645 or 646, and covered an
enormous area, including almost every part of India, except
the extreme south. His book is a treasure-house of accurate
information, indispensable to every student of Indian anti-
quity, and has done more than any archaeological discovery
to render possible the remarkable resuscitation of lost Indian
history which has recently been effected. Although the
chief historical value of Hiuen Tsang’s work consists in its
contemporary description of political and social institutions,
the pilgrim has increased the debt of gratitude due to his
memory by recording a considerable mass of ancient tradition,
which would have been lost but for his care to preserve it.
The Life of Hiuen Tsang, composed by his friend Hwui-li,
contributes many details supplemental to the narrative in
the Travels1.

The learned mathematician and astronomer, AlberunT,
almost the only Muhammadan scholar who has ever taken
the trouble to learn Sanskrit, essentially a language of idola-
trous unbelievers, when regarded from a Muslim point of
view, entered India in the train of Mahmud of Ghazni. His
work, descriptive of the country, and entitled ‘ An Enquiry
into India 1 ( Tahkih-i-Hind), which was finished in 1031 a.d.,
is of high value as an account of Hindu manners, science,
and literature ; but contributes little information which can
be utilized for the purposes of political history 2.

1 See Appendix B, The Chinese The author’s full designation was
Pilgrims, at the end of this chapter. Abu-Rihan, Muhammad, son of

2 Edited and translated by Ahmad ; but he became familiarly
Sachau. Major Raverty points out known as the Ustad, or Master,
that the title of Alberunfs work is Bu-Rihan, surnamed Al-Beruni
Tahklkr-, not Tdrikh-i-Hi nd (J. A. (ibid.).

S. B., 1872, part 1, p. 186 note).

INSCRIPTIONS

The visit of the Venetian traveller, Marco Polo, to Southern Marco
India in 1294-5 a.d. just comes within the limits of this Pol°'
volume h

The Muhammadan historians of India are valuable autho- Muhara-
rities for the history of the conquest by the armies of Islam1 2. ^storians

The monumental class of archaeological evidence, considered Monu-
by itself and apart from the inscriptions on the walls of evidence,
buildings, offers little direct contribution to the materials
for political history, but is of high illustrative value, and
greatly helps the student in realizing the power and magni-
ficence of some of the ancient dynasties.

Unquestionably the most copious and important source of Inscrip-
early Indian history is the epigraphic ; and the accurate tl0ns-
knowledge of many periods of the long-forgotten past which
has now been attained is derived mainly from the patient
study of inscriptions during the last seventy years. Inscrip-
tions are of many kinds. Asoka’s edicts, or sermons on
stone, form a class by themselves ; no other sovereign having
imitated his practice of engraving ethical exhortations on
the rocks. Equally peculiar is the record of two Sanskrit
plays on tables of stone at Ajmir3. But the great
majority of inscriptions are commemorative, dedicatory, or
donative. The former two classes comprise a vast variety
of records, extending from the mere signature of a pil-
grim’s name to an elaborate panegyrical poem in the most
artificial style of Sanskrit verse ; and for the most part
are incised on stone. The donative inscriptions — or grants —
on the other hand, are mostly engraved on plates of
copper, the favourite material used for permanent record
of conveyances.

The south of India is peculiarly rich in inscriptions of Southern
almost all kinds, both on stone and copper, some of which
attain extraordinary length. The known southern inscrip-

1 M. Cordier has recently brought
out a new edition of Yule’s version.

1 They are most conveniently
consulted in Elliot’s History of
India as told by its own Historians ;

a valuable work, although not free

from errors, many of which have
been corrected by Major Raverty
in various publications.

3 Kielhorn, Bruchstiicke indisclier
Schauspiele in lnschriften zu Ajmere
(Berlin, 1901).

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Oldest

inscrip-

tion.

Work re-
maining.

Numis-

matics.

tions are believed to number several thousands, and many
must remain for future discovery. But these records, not-
withstanding their abundance, are inferior in interest to the
rarer northern documents, by reason of their comparatively
recent date. No southern inscription earlier than the Christian
era is known, except the Mysore edition of Asoka’s Minor
Rock Edicts and the brief dedications of the Bhattiprolu
caskets1; and the records prior to the seventh century a. d.
are very few.

The oldest northern document is probably the Sakya
dedication of the relics of Buddha at Piprawa, which may
date back to about 450 b. c.2; and the number of inscriptions
anterior to the Christian era is considerable. Records of the
second and third centuries a.d. are rare.

Although much excellent work has been done, infinitely
more remains to be done before the study of Indian inscrip-
tions is exhausted ; and the small body of unselfish workers
at the subject is in urgent need of recruits, content to find
their reward in the interest of the work itself, the pleasure
of discovery, and the satisfaction of adding to the world’s
knowledge 3.

The numismatic evidence is more accessible as a whole
than the epigraphic. Many classes of Indian coins have been
discussed in special treatises, and compelled to yield their
contributions to history ; while a general survey completed by
Mr. Rapson enables the student to judge how far the muse
of history has been helped by her numismatic handmaid.

From the time of Alexander’s invasion coins afford invalu-
able aid to the researches of the historian in every period ; and
for the Bactrian, Indo-Greek, and Indo-Parthian dynasties
they constitute almost the sole evidence 4.

1 Ep. Ind. ii, 323.

2 J. R. A. S„ 1898, p. 586;
Z. D. M. G., 1902, p. 157.

3 See Dr. Fleet’s article in Ind.
Ant., 1901, p. 1. It is impossible
to give a complete list of the publi-

cations in which Indian inscriptions
appear. The properly edited re-
cords will be found mostly in the

Indian Antiquary, Epigraphia In-
dica, South Indian Inscriptions, and
Dr. Fleet’s Gupta Inscriptions ; but
documents, more or less satisfac-
torily edited, will be met with in
almost all the voluminous publica-
tions on Indian archaeology.

4 Some of the principal modern
works on ancient Indian numis-

PIPRAWA INSCRIBED VASE CONTAINING RELICS OF BUDDHA

( lyam sa/Ua nidhane budJiasa bhcigavalc )

CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE

The fourth class of materials for, or sources of, early Contern-
Indian history, namely, contemporary native literature of an literature
historical kind, is of very limited extent, comprising only
two works in Sanskrit, and a few poems in Tamil. None of
these works is pure history ; they are all of a romantic
character, and present the facts with much embellishment.

The best known composition of this class is that entitled
the ‘Deeds of Harsha’ ( Harsha-Charita ), written by Bana,
about 620 a. d., in praise of his master and patron, King
Harsha of Thanesar and Kanauj, which is of high value,
both as a depository of ancient tradition, and a record of
contemporary history, in spite of obvious faults 1. A similar
work called ‘The Deeds of Vikramanka,’ by Bilhana, a poet
of the twelfth century, is devoted to the eulogy of a powerful
king who ruled a large territory in the south and west
between 1076 and 1126 a.d. 2. The earliest of the Tamil
poems alluded to is believed to date from the sixth or
seventh century a. d. These compositions, which are pane-
gyrics on famous kings of the south, appear to contain
a good deal of historical matter 3.

The obstacles which have hitherto prevented the construe- Chrono-
tion of a continuous narrative of Early Indian History are Acuities,
due, not so much to the deficiency of material, as to the lack
of definite chronology referred to by Elphinstone and Cowell.

The rough material is not so scanty as has been supposed.

The data for the reconstruction of the early history of all
nations are very meagre, largely consisting of bare lists of

raatics are : — Rapson, Indian Coins
(Strassburg, 1898) ; Cunningham,
Coins of Ancient India (1891) ;
Coins of Mediaeval India (1894) ;
Von Sallet, Die Nachfolger Alexartr-
ders des Grossen in Baktrien und
Indien (Berlin, 1879) ; P. Gardner,
The Coins of the Greek and Scythic
Kings of Bactria and India in the
British Museum (1886) ; V. A.
Smith, three treatises on ‘ The
Gupta Coinage’ ( J.A.S.B. , vol.
liii, part 1, 1884 ; ibid., vol. briii,
part 1, 1894; J.B.A.S., Jan.,
1889) ; ‘ Andhra History and

Coinage ’ (Z. D.M. G., 1902, 1903).

Minor publications are too nume-
rous to specify. The early essays
by James Prinsep, H. H. Wilson,
and other eminent scholars, are
now mostly obsolete.

1 Translated by Cowell and
Thomas (Or. Transl. Fund, N. S.,
published by R. As. Society, 1897).

2 Fully analysed by Biihler (Ind.
Ant., vol. v (1876), pp. 317, 324;
and criticized by Fleet (ibid., vol.
xxx (1901), p. 12).

3 Analysed by Mr. V. Kanaka-
sabhai Pillai (ibid., xviii, 259 ; xix,
329 ; xxii, 141).

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Numerous

eras.

Greek

synchron-

isms.

names, supplemented by vague and often contradictory tra-
ditions which pass insensibly into popular mythology. The
historian of ancient India is fairly well provided with a
supply of such lists, traditions, and mythology ; which, of
course, require to be treated on the strict critical principles
applied by modern students to the early histories of both
western and eastern nations. The application of those
principles is not more difficult in the case of India than it is
in Babylonia, Egypt, Greece, or Rome. The real difficulty
is the determination of fixed chronological points. A body
of history must be supported upon a skeleton of chronology,
and without chronology history is impossible.

The Indian nations, in so far as they maintained a record
of political events, kept it by methods of their own, which
are difficult to understand, and until recently were not at all
understood. The eras used to date events not only differ
from those used by other nations, but are very numerous
and obscure in their origin and application. Cunningham’s
Book of Indian Eras enumerates more than a score of systems
which have been employed at different times and places in
India for the computation of dates ; and his list might be
considerably extended. The successful efforts of several
generations of scholars to recover the forgotten history of
ancient India have been largely devoted to a study of the
local modes of chronological computation, and have resulted
in the attainment of accurate knowledge concerning most
of the eras used in inscriptions and other documents. Armed
with these results, it is now possible for a writer on Indian
history to compile a narrative arranged in orderly chrono-
logical sequence, which could not have been thought of forty
years ago.

At that time the only approximately certain date in the
early history of India was that of the accession of Chandra-
gupta Maurya, as determined by his identification with
Sandrakottos, the contemporary of Seleukos Nikator, ac-
cording to Greek authors. The synchronism of Chandra-
gupta’s grandson, Asoka, with Antiochos Theos, grandson
of Seleukos, and four other Hellenistic princes, having been

GUPTA ERA

established subsequently ; the chronology of the Maurya
dynasty was placed upon a firm basis, and is no longer open
to doubt in its main outlines.

With the exception of these two synchronisms, and certain
dates in the seventh century a. d., determined by the testi-
mony of the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsang, the whole
scheme of Indian chronology remained indeterminate and
exposed to the caprice of every rash guesser.

A great step in advance was gained by Dr. Fleet’s de- Gupta
termination of the Gupta era, which had been the subject era'
of much wild conjecture. His demonstration that the year
1 of that era is 319-20 a. d. fixed the chronological
position of a most important dynasty, and reduced chaos
to order. Fa-hien’s account of the civil administration of
the Gangetic provinces at the beginning of the fourth
century thus became an important historical document illus-
trating the reign of Chandra-gupta II, Vikramaditya, one
of the greatest of Indian kings. Most of the difficulties
which continued to embarrass the chronology of the Gupta
period, even after the announcement of Dr. Fleet’s discovery
in 1887, have been removed by M. Sylvain Levi’s publication
of the synchronism of Samudragupta with king Meghavarna
of Ceylon (304 to 332 a. d.).

A connected history of the Andhra dynasty has been Andhra
rendered possible by the establishment of synchronisms be- i^^ron
tween the Andhra kings and the Western satraps.

In short, the labours of many scholars have succeeded in Northern
tracing in firm lines the outline of the history of Northern
India from the beginning of the historical period to the settled ;
Muhammadan conquest, with one important exception, that Kushan
of the Kushan or Indo-Scythian period, the date of which
is still open to discussion. The system of Kushan chrono-
logy adopted in this volume has much to recommend it, and
is sufficiently supported to serve as a good working hypo-
thesis. If it should ultimately commend itself to general
acceptance, the whole scheme of North Indian chronology
may be considered as settled, although many details will
remain to be filled in.

SMITH

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Southern

chrono-

logy.

Feasibility
of ‘ con-
nected
relation.’

Wilson’s

erroneous

date.

Evidence

Alberunl.

Bana.

Much progress has been made in the determination of
the chronology of the Southern dynasties, and the dates of
the Pallavas, a dynasty, the very existence of which was un-
known until 1840, have been worked out with special success.

The foregoing review will, I trust, satisfy my readers that
the attempt to write ‘ a connected relation of the national
transactions’ of India prior to the Muhammadan conquest
is now justified by an adequate supply of material facts and
sufficient determination of essential chronological data.

APPENDIX A

The Age of the Pur anas

H. H. Wilson, misunderstanding certain passages in the
Puranas as referring to the Muhammadans, enunciated the
opinion that the Vishnu Parana was composed in or about
1045 a. d. This error was excusable in Wilson’s time ; but un-
fortunately it continues to be repeated frequently, although
refuted by patent facts many years ago. For instance, it has
gained fresh currency by its reappearance in the late Sir William
Hunter’s popular book, A Brief History of the Indian People
(22nd edition, 1897, p. 103), which requires revision in the pages
dealing with ancient history. The persistent repetition of
Wilson’s mistake renders it desirable to bring together a few
easily intelligible and decisive proofs that the Puranas are very
much older than he supposed.

Alberunl, who wrote his scientific account of India in 1030
a. d., gives a list of the eighteen Puranas ‘ composed by the
so-called Rishis,’ and had actually seen three of them. He also
gives a variant list of the eighteen works, as named in the
Vishnu Pur ana It is, therefore, certain that in 1030 a. d. the
Puranas were, as now, eighteen in number, and were regarded
as coming down from immemorial antiquity, when the mythical
Rishis lived.

Bana, the author of the Harsha-Charita, or panegyric on King
Harsha,who wrote about 620 a.d., carries the proof of the antiquity
of the Puranas four centuries further back. When he went home
to his village on the Son river, in the country now known as
the Shahabad District, he listened to Sudrishti, who read ‘with
a chant’ the Vdyu Purdna ( pavanaprokta )1 2. Dr. Fiihrer be<-

1 Sachau’s translation, pp. 130, 3 Cowell and Thomas, transl.,

131, 264. p. 72.

DATE OF PURANAS

lieved that he could prove the use by Bana of the Agni,
Bhagavata, and Markandeya Puranas, as well as the V ayu 1 *.

Independent proof of the existence of the Skanda Purana at Ancient
the same period is afforded by a Bengal manuscript of that work, Bengal
‘ written in Gupta hand, to which as early a date as the middle 1 '

of the seventh century can be assigned on palaeographical
grounds V

The Puranas in some form were well known to the author ‘Ques-
of the 1 Questions of Milinda ’ ( Milindapanha ) as ancient sacred tions of ^
writings grouped with the Vedas and epic poems. Book I of Milinda.
that work, in which the first reference occurs, is undoubtedly
part of the original composition, and was almost certainly
composed earlier than 300 a. d.3

Many other early quotations from, or references to, the Gupta
Puranas have been collected by Biihler, who points out that 4 the dynasty,
account of the future kings in the Vayupurana, Vishnupurana,
Matsyapurana, and Brahmandapurana seems to stop with the
imperial Guptas and their contemporaries4.’

This last observation indicates that the date of the redaction
of the four works named cannot be very far removed from
500 a. d., the imperial Gupta dynasty having ended about
480 a. d. Biihler speaks of 4 future kings,’ because all the
historical statements of the Puranas are given in the form of
prophecy, in order to maintain the appearance of great antiquity
in the books, which in their oldest forms were undoubtedly
very ancient.

The Vayu Purana in its present shape seems to be referred Vayu
to the fourth century a. d. by the well-known passage describing Purana.
the extent of the Gupta dominions, which is applicable only to
the reign of Chandra-gupta I in 320-6 a. d. 5.

The principal Puranas seem to have been edited in their Brah-
present form during the Gupta period, when a great extension manieal
and revival of Sanskrit Brahmanical literature took place 6. This reviva •
phenomenon will be discussed in Chapter XII post.

APPENDIX B

The Chinese Pilgrims

The transliteration of Chinese names presents such difficulties, Chinese
owing to many reasons, that much variation exists in practice, names ;

1 Trans. Vlth Or. Congress, vol.

5 Vishnu Purana, ed. Wilson and
Hall, vol. iv, p. 218; Z.D.M.G.,
1902, p. 654, note.

iii, p. 205.

2 J. R. A. S„ 1903, p. 193.

3 S. B. E., vol. xxxv, pp. 6, 247.

4 Ind. Ant., vol. xxv (1896),

p. 328.

6 Bhandarkar, Early History of
the Bekhan.

SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Fa-hien.

French

version.

Beal’s

versions.

Giles’s

version.

Legge’s

version.

Name of

Hiuen

Tsang.

The name of the first pilgrim is variously spelled as Fa-Hien
(Legge) ; Fa-hian (Laidlay, Beal) ; and Fa-Hsien (Giles). In
this volume Legge’s spelling has been adopted, omitting the
long vowel mark, which is not used by the other scholars named.

Fa-hien’s work, entitled Fo-hvo-ki (or ‘ Record of Buddhistic
Kingdoms ’), covers the period from 399 to 41 <1 a. d. l.

The early French version by Messrs. Remusat, Klaproth, and
Landresse (1836) was translated into English by J. W. Laidlay,
and published anonymously at Calcutta in 1848, with additional
notes and illustrations, which still deserve to be consulted.

Mr. Beal issued an independent version in a small volume,
entitled Buddhist Pilgrims, published in 1869, which was dis-
figured by many errors. His amended and much improved
rendering appeared in the first volume of Buddhist Records of the
Western World (Triibner’s Oriental Series, Boston, 1885); but
the notes to the earlier version were not reprinted in full.

The translation by Mr. Giles, which appeared at London and
Shanghai in 1877, is intermediate in date between Mr. Beal’s
two versions ; and the notes, which are largely devoted to incisive
criticisms on the early work of Mr. Beal, contain little to help
the reader who desires to study the pilgrim’s observations from
an Indian point of view. But Mr. Giles’s little volume is of
value as an independent rendering of the difficult Chinese text
by a highly qualified scholar.

The latest translation, that of Dr. Legge (Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1886), is on the whole the most serviceable; the author
having had the advantage of using his predecessors’ labours.
But the notes leave much to be desired. The final translation
of Fa-hien’s Travels, equipped with an up-to-date commentary
adequately fulfilling the requirements of both Chinese and
Indian scholarship, has not yet appeared ; and the production of
such a work by a single writer is almost impossible.

The proper spelling of Hiuen Tsang’s name has been the
subject of considerable discussion ; and the variation in practice
has been very great2.

The question may be considered as settled, so far as such
matters can be settled, by the ruling of Professor Chavannes
that ‘ deux orthographes sont admissibles : ou bien l’orthographe
scientifique Hiuen-Tsang , ou bien l’orthographe conforme a la
prononciation pekinoise Hiuen-tchoang [ = -chwang in English].’

1 M. Chavannes ( Song Tun, p.
53) agrees with Legge that Fa-hien
began his travels in 399 a. d.

2 Hiouen Thsang (Julien and
Wade), Huan Chwang (Mayers),
Yuen Chwang (Wylie), Hiuen

Tsiang (Beal), Hsiian Chwang
(Legge), Hhiien iTwan (Nanjio),
Y iian Chwang ( Rhys Davids ) . This
list (J. B. A. S., 1892, p. 377) might
be extended.

CHINESE PILGRIMS

It must, of course, be remembered that to a French reader the
initial H is in practice silent. Professor de Lacouperie also held
that Hiuen Tsang was the best mode of spelling the name, and
I have therefore adopted it. Mr. Beal’s spelling, Hiuen Tsiang,
which his books have made more or less familiar to English
readers, is very nearly the same.

M. Stanislas Julien’s great work, which included a French Julien’s
version of both the Life and Travels of Hiuen Tsang (3 vols., anc* ,^ea! s
Paris, 1853-8), has never been superseded; but is now very
scarce and difficult to obtain. Mr. Beal’s English version of the
Travels appeared in 1885 in the volumes already cited ; and was
followed in 1888 by a translation of the Life. The notes were
supplied to a large extent by Dr. Burgess. The student of Indian
history finds himself compelled sometimes to consult both the
French and English versions. The commentary in both is now
out of date ; but the deficiencies will probably be supplied in con-
siderable measure by a work compiled by the late Mr. Watters,
which is now in the press. An adequate annotated translation
of the Life and Travels of Hiuen Tsang would require the co-
operation of a syndicate of scholars.

The small work descriptive of the mission of Song-yun and Song-yun
Hwei-Sang, early in the sixth century, has been translated by ''-'d
Mr. Beal in the first volume of Records. A revised critical ong'
translation in French, fully annotated, has recently been published
by M. Chavannes 1.

The itinerary of U-k’ong (Ou-k’ong), who travelled in the
eighth century a. d., has been translated by Messrs. Sylvain Levi
and Chavannes2.

The latter scholar has published (Paris, 1 894) an admirably Sixty
edited version / of a work by I-tsing (Yi-tsing), entitled pilgrims in
Les Religieux Eminents qui allerent chercher la loi dans les pays
d’ Occident, which gives an account of no less than sixty Chinese
Buddhist pilgrims who visited India in the latter half of the
seventh century a. d.

I-tsing, who died in 713 a. d., at the age of seventy-nine, was I-tsing.
himself a pilgrim of no small distinction. His interesting work,

A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the
Malay Archipelago (671-95 a. d.), has been skilfully translated
by Dr. J. Takakusu (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896). This book,
while invaluable for the history of Buddhism and Sanskrit
literature, contributes little to the materials for political history.

1 Voyage de Song Yun dans ing Che-mong (Tche-mong), who
VUdyana et le Gandhara (518-22, quitted China in 404 a. d., only five
p. C.), in Bull, de VEcole Fr. d'Ex- years later than Fa-hien (p. 53) ;
treme-Orient (Hansi, 1903). This and Fa-yong, who started in 420
excellent work contains notices of a.d.

many other early pilgrims, includ- 2 Journal Asiatique, 1895.

CHAPTER II

History
limited by
chrono-
logy.

Beginning
of histori-
cal period.

THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER
600 b.c. to 326 b.c.

The political history of India begins for an orthodox
Hindu more than three thousand years before the Christian
era with the famous war waged on the banks of the Jumna,
between the sons of Kuru and the sons of Pandu, as related
in the vast epic known as the Mahabharata h But the
modern critic fails to find sober history in bardic tales, and
is constrained to travel down the stream of time much farther
before he comes to an anchorage of solid fact. In order to
be available for the purposes of history, events must be
susceptible of arrangement in definite chronological order,
and capable of being dated approximately, if not exactly.
Facts to which dates cannot be assigned, although they may
be invaluable for the purposes of ethnology, philology, and
other sciences, are of no use to the historian. Modern
research has brought to light innumerable facts of the
highest scientific value concerning prehistoric India, but the
impossibility of assigning dates to the phenomena discovered
excludes them from the domain of the historian, whose vision
cannot pass the line which separates the dated from the
undated.

That line, in the case of India, may be drawn through the
middle of the seventh century b. c. ; a period of progress,
marked by the development of maritime commerce, and the
diffusion of a knowledge of the art of writing. Up to about
that time the inhabitants of India, even the most intellectual
races, seem to have been generally ignorant of the art of

1 The epoch of the Kaliyuga, certain astronomers date the war
3102 b. c., is usually identified with more than six centuries later (Cun-
the era of Yudhisthira, and the ningham, Indian Eras , pp. 6-13).
date of the Mahabharata war. But

PREHISTORIC INDIA

writing, and to have been obliged to trust to highly trained
memory for the transmission of knowledge1.

In those days vast territories were still covered by forest, Sixteen
the home of countless wild beasts and scanty tribes of j^fncka.
savage men ; but regions of great extent in Northern India
had been occupied for untold centuries by more or less
civilized communities of the higher races who, from time to
time, during the unrecorded past, had pierced the mountain
barriers of the north-western frontier. Practically nothing
is known concerning the early history of the possibly equally
advanced Dravidian races who entered India, perhaps from
the valley of the lower Indus, spread over the plateau of the
Deccan, and penetrated to the extremity of the Peninsula.

Our slender stock of knowledge is limited to the fortunes of the
vigorous races, speaking an Aryan tongue, who poured down
from the mountains of the Hindu Kush and Pamirs, filling
the plains of the Panjab and the upper basin of the Ganges
with a sturdy and quick-witted population, unquestionably
superior to the aboriginal races. The settled country between
the Himalaya mountains and the Narbada river was divided
into a multitude of independent states, some monarchies, and
some tribal republics, owning no allegiance to any paramount
power, secluded from the outer world, and free to fight among
themselves. The most ancient literary traditions, compiled
probably in the fourth or fifth century b. c., but looking back
to an older time, enumerate sixteen of such states or powers,
extending from Gandhara, on the extreme north-west of the
Panjab, the modern districts of Peshawar and Rawalpindi, to
Avanti or Malwa, with its capital Ujjain, which still retains
its ancient name unchanged 2.

1 J. Kennedy, ‘The Early Com-
merce of India with Babylon ; 700-
300 b.c.’ (J.R.A.S.,1898, pp. 241-
88) ; Biihler, ‘ Indische Palaeo-
graphie ’ ( Orundriss Indo-Ar. Phil,
und All., Strassburg, 1898); ‘On
the Origin of the Brahma and Kha-
rosthi Alphabets ’ (two papers, in
Sitzb. Akad. Wiss. Wien, 1895 ;

Hoernle, ‘An Epigraphical Note
on Palm-leaf, Paper, and Birch-

bark’ (J. A. S. B., vol. lxix, part
1, 1900). The art of writing was
probably introduced by merchants
on the south-western coast as early
as the eighth century b.c. The
knowledge of the art seems to have
gradually spread to the north,
where it became generally known
during the seventh century.

2 The list will be found in full in
Rhys Davids’s Buddhist India, p.23.

24 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Religion

and

history.

Jainism

and

Buddhism.

The works of ancient Indian writers from which our his-
torical data are extracted do not profess to be histories,
and are mostly religious treatises of various kinds. In such
compositions the religious element necessarily takes the fore-
most place, and the secular affairs of the world occupy a very
subordinate position. The particulars of political history in-
cidentally recorded refer in consequence chiefly to the countries
most prominent in the development of Indian religion.

The systems which we call Jainism and Buddhism had
their roots in the forgotten philosophies of the prehistoric
past ; but, as we know them, were founded respectively by
Vardhamana Mahavlra and Gautama Buddha. Both these
philosophers, who were for many years contemporary, were
born, lived, and died in or near the kingdom of Magadha,
the modern Bihar. Mahavlra, the son of a nobleman of
Vaisali, the famous city north of the Ganges, was nearly
related to the royal family of Magadha, and died at Pawa,
in the modern district of Patna, within the territory of that
kingdom 1.

Gautama Buddha, although born farther north, in the
Sakya territory at the foot of the Nepal hills 2, underwent
his most memorable spiritual experiences at Bodh Gaya in
Magadha, and spent many years of his ministry within the
limits of that state. The Buddhist and Jain books, there-
fore, tell us much about the Vrijjian confederacy, of which
Vaisali was the capital 3, and about Magadha, with its
subordinate kingdom of Anga.

The first two chapters of that work
furnish full references to the Pali
texts which give information about
the clans and states in the fifth and
sixth centuries. Professor Rhys
Davids is inclined to attribute
higher antiquity to the Pali Bud-
dhist scriptures than some other
scholars can admit.

1 The best summary in English
of the early history of Jainism is
that given by Dr. Hoernle in pp.
3-17 of his presidential address to
the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
delivered on February 2, 1898

(Proc. A. S. B., 1898, pp. 39-53).
The tract entitled The Indian Sect
of the Jainas, by Biihler, translated
and edited by Burgess (London,
Luzac & Co.), may also be con-
sulted; it, gives many references.

2 The Sakya territory, to the
north of the modern Bast! and
Gorakhpur Districts, was probably
a dependency of Kosala. ‘ The
Blessed One also is of Kosala ’
(Rockhill, Life of the Buddha,
p. 114).

3 Basar (N. lat. 25° 58' 20", E.
long. 85° IP 30"), and the neigh-

KOSALA

The neighbouring realm of Kosala, the modern kingdom Kosala
of Oudh, was closely connected with Magadha by many ties ; and KaS1,
and its capital Sravasti (Savatthi), situated on the upper
course of the Rapti at the foot of the hills 1, was the reputed
scene of many of Buddha’s most striking discourses.

In the sixth century b.c. Kosala appears to have occupied
the rank afterwards attained by Magadha, and to have
enjoyed precedence as the premier state of Upper India. It
is therefore as often mentioned as the rival power. At the
beginning of the historical period, the smaller kingdom of
KasI, or Benares, had lost its independence, and had been
annexed by Kosala, with which its fortunes were indissolubly
bound up. This little kingdom owes its fame in the ancient
books not only to its connexion with its powerful neighbour,
but also to its being one of the most sacred spots in Buddhist
church history, the scene of Buddha’s earliest public preaching,
where he first ‘ turned the wheel of the Law.’

The reputation for special sanctity enjoyed by both Benares Kings of
and Gaya in Magadha among orthodox Brahmanical Hindus Magadha.
adds little to the detailed information available, which is
mainly derived from the writings of Jains and Buddhists,
who were esteemed as heretics by the worshippers of the old
gods. But the Brahmanical Puranas, compiled centuries
later in honour of the orthodox deities 2, happily include lists
of the kings of Magadha, which had become, before the time
of their compilation, the recognized centre both religious
and political of India ; and so it happens that the Jain,
Buddhist, and Brahmanical books combined tell us much
about the history of Magadha, Anga, Kosala, KasI, and

bouring village of Bakhira, in the
District of Muzaffarpur, situated
about twenty-seven miles a little
west of north from Patna, repre-
sent the ancient Vaisali (V. A.
Smith, ‘ Vaisali,’ J. JR. A. S., 1902,
pp. 267-88). I cannot agree with
Prof. Rhys Davids ( Buddhist India,
p. 40) that its exact site is unknown.

1 The exact site of Sravasti, being
buried in the jungles of Nepal, is
not known, but its approximate

position to the north-east of Nepal-
ganj or Bank!, in about N. lat.
28° 6', and E. long. 81° 50', has
been determined (V. A. Smith,
‘ Kausambi and Sravasti, 'J.It.A. S. ,
1898, pp. 503-31, with map;
‘Sravasti,’ ibid., 1900, pp. 1-24).

2 The oldest of the Puranas, the
Vayu, probably dates from the
fourth century a. d., in its present
form.

26 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Saisunaga

dynasty.

cir. 600

B.C.

Bimbisara
cir. 519

B.C.

Vaisali, while they leave us in the dark concerning the
fortunes of most other parts of India.

In the Puranic lists the earliest dynasty which can claim
historical reality is that known as the Saisunaga, from the
name of its founder Sisunaga.

He was, apparently, the king, or Raja, of a petty state,
corresponding roughly with the present Patna and Gaya
Districts ; his capital being Rajagriha (RajgTr), among the
hills near Gaya. Nothing is known about his history ; and
the second, third, and fourth kings are likewise mere names.

The first monarch about whom anything substantial is
known is Bimbisara, or Srenika, the fifth of his line. He is
credited with the building of New Rajagriha, the lower town
at the base of the hill crowned by the ancient fort ; and
with the annexation of Anga, the small kingdom to the east,
corresponding with the modern District of Bhagalpur, and
probably including Monghyr (Munglr)1. The annexation
of Anga was the first step taken by the kingdom of Magadha
in its advance to greatness and the position of supremacy
which it attained in the following century ; and Bimbisara
may be regarded as the real founder of the Magadhan im-
perial power. He strengthened his position by matrimonial
alliances with the more powerful of the neighbouring states,
taking one consort from the royal family of Kosala, and
another from the influential Lichchhavi clan at Vaisali h
The latter lady was the mother of Ajatasatru, also called
Kunika, or Kuniya, the son who was selected as heir-apparent
and crown prince. If tradition may be believed, the reign
of Bimbisara lasted for twenty-eight years ; and it is said
that, towards its close, he resigned the royal power into the

1 Jacobi, Introd., vol. xx.\i,S.B.E.
RajgTr is situated in N. lat. 25°0'45,/,
E. long. 85° 28', about NE. from
Gaya, and SSE. from Patna. The
very ancient town on the hill is
believed to have been founded by
the mythical king, Jarasandha.
For the antiquities, see Cunning-
ham, Reports, vols. i, iii, viii, and
Caddy, Proc. A. S. B., 1895, p. 160.
These accounts are far from satis-

factory, and Rajglr, like most of
the really ancient sites in India, still
awaits accurate survey and scientific
exploration.

2 The Lichchhavis occupy a very
prominent place in the Buddhist
ecclesiastical legends. The Jains
spell the name as Lechclihaki (Pra-
krit, Lechchhal ) (Jacobi, S. B. E.,
xxii, 266).

DEVADATTA

hands of this favourite son, and retired into private life.

But the young prince was impatient, and could not bear to
await the slow process of nature. Well-attested tradition
brands him as a parricide, and accuses him of having done
his father to death by the agonies of starvation.

Orthodox Buddhist tradition affirms that this hideous Deva-
crime was instigated by Devadatta, Buddha’s cousin, who datta'
figures in the legends as a malignant plotter and wicked
schismatic 1 ; but ecclesiastical rancour may be suspected of
the responsibility for this accusation. Devadatta certainly
refused to accept the teaching of Gautama, and, preferring
that of ‘ the former Buddhas,’ became the founder and head
of a rival sect, which still survived in the seventh century a.d.2.

Schism has always been esteemed by the orthodox a deadly
sin, and in all ages the unsuccessful heretic has been branded
as a villain by the winning sect. Such, probably, is the
origin of the numerous tales concerning the villanies of
Devadatta, including the supposed incitement of his princely
patron to commit the crime of parricide.

There seems to be no doubt that both Vardhamana Maha- Death of
vlra, the founder of the system known as Jainism, and ^ahavira
Gautama, the last Buddha, the founder of Buddhism as Buddha,
known to later ages, were preaching in Magadha during the
reign of Bimbisara.

The Jain saint, who was a near relative of Bimbisara’s

1 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India,
p. 14 ; Rockhill, Life of the Buddha,
pp. 90, 94, from Tibetan sources.

2 These heretics were seen by
Fa-hien at SravastI in or about
405 a. n. ‘ There are also com-
panies of the followers of Deva-
datta still existing. They regu-
larly make offerings to the three
previous Buddhas, but not to
Sakyamuni [soil. Gautama] Bud-
dha 1 ( Travels , ch. xxii, in Legge’s
version. All the versions agree as
to the fact). In the seventh cen-
tury Hiuen Tsang found three
monasteries of Devadatta’s sect
in Karnasuvarna, Bengal (Beal,
Records, ii, 201 ; Life, p. 131).
Detailed legends concerning Deva-

datta will be found in Rockhill’s
Life of the Buddha (see Index), and
the disciplinary rules of his order
on p. 87 of that work. The fact
that Asoka twice repaired the stupa
of Kanakamuni, one of ‘ the pre-
vious Buddhas,’ proves that rever-
ence for those saints was not
incompatible with devotion to the
teaching of their successor, Gau-
tama (Nigliva Pillar inscription, in
Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of
India, p. 146). But very little is
known about the teaching of ‘ the
previous Buddhas.’ Three of them
seem to have been real persons,
namely, Krakuchanda, Kanaka-
muni and Kasyapa.

28 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

490 b. c.
Interview
of Buddha
with Aja-
tasatru.

queen, the mother of Ajatasatru, probably passed away very
soon after the close of Bimbisara’s reign, and early in that
of Ajatasatru; while the death of Gautama Buddha occurred
not much later. There is reason to believe that the latter
event took place in or about the year 487 b.c.1.

Gautama Buddha was certainly an old man when Ajata-
satru, or Kunika, as the Jains call him, came to the throne
about 495 or 490 b. c. ; and he had at least one interview
with that king.

One of the earliest Buddhist documents narrates in detail
the story of a visit paid to Buddha by Ajatasatru, who is
alleged to have expressed remorse for his crime, and to have
professed his faith in Buddha, who accepted his confession of
sin. The concluding passage of the tale may be quoted as
an illustration of an ancient Buddhist view of the relations
between Church and State.

‘And when he had thus spoken, Ajatasatru the king said
to the Blessed One : “ Most excellent, Lord, most excellent !
Just as if a man were to set up that which has been thrown
down, or were to reveal that which is hidden away, or were
to point out the right road to him who has gone astray, or
were to bring a lamp into the darkness so that those who
have eyes could see external forms — just even so, Lord, has
the truth been made known to me, in many a figure, by the
Blessed One. And now I betake myself, Lord, to the
Blessed One as my refuge, to the Truth, and to the Order.
May the Blessed One accept me as a disciple, as one who,
from this day forth, as long as life endures, has taken his
refuge in them. Sin has overcome me, Lord, weak and
foolish and wrong that I am, in that for the sake of sovranty,
I put to death my father, that righteous man, that righteous
king ! May the Blessed One accept it of me, Lord, that
I do so acknowledge it as a sin, to the end that in future
I may restrain myself.'”

‘ “ Verily, O king, it was sin that overcame you in acting
thus. But inasmuch as you look upon it as sin, and confess
it according to what is right, we accept your confession as to
that.

1 For the chronology, see Appendix C at the end of this chapter.

PARRICIDE

‘ “ For that, O king, is custom in the discipline of the
noble ones, that whosoever looks upon his fault as a fault,
and rightfully confesses it, shall attain to self-restraint in
future.”

‘When he had thus spoken, Ajatasatru the king said to
the Blessed One, “Now, Lord, we would fain go. We are
busy, and there is much to do.”

‘ “ Do, O king, whatever seemeth to thee fit.”

4 Then Ajatasatru the king, pleased and delighted with
the words of the Blessed One, arose from his seat, and bowed
to the Blessed One, and keeping him on the right hand as he
passed him, departed thence.

‘Now the Blessed One, not long after Ajatasatru the king
had gone, addressed the brethren, and said : “ This king,
brethren, was deeply affected, he was touched in heart. If,
brethren, the king had not put his father to death, that
righteous man, and righteous king, then would the clear and
spotless eye for the truth have arisen in him, even as he sat
here.”

‘ Thus spake the Blessed One. The brethren were pleased
and delighted at his words V

It is difficult to sympathize with the pleasure and delight Comment,
of the brethren. The stern and fearless reprobation of
a deed of exceptional atrocity which we should expect from
a great moral teacher is wholly wanting in Buddha’s words,
and is poorly compensated for by the politeness of a courtier.
Whatever be the reader’s judgement concerning the sincerity
of the royal penitent, or the moral courage of his father
confessor, it is clear from the unanimity of tradition that the
crime on which the story is based really occurred, and that
Ajatasatru slew his father to gain a throne. But when the
Ceylonese chronicler asks us to believe that he was followed
in due course by four other parricide kings, of whom the last
was dethroned by his minister, with the approval of a justly

1 Translated from the Samahna-
phala Sutra, by Prof. Rhys Davids
in Dialogues of the Buddha, 1899.
I have used the ordinary spelling
Ajatasatru instead of Ayatasattu,
as in the Dialogues. Throughout
this work the Sanskrit forms are
generally employed for the sake of
uniformity. The Tibetan version

of the Sutra is translated by Rock-
hill (Life, p. 95, foil.). The visit
is depicted in a bas-relief from the
stupa of Barhut(Bharhut, Bharaut),
executed probably about 200 b. c.
(Cunningham, Stupa of Bharhut,
pi. xvi ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist
India, p. 14, fig. 2).

30 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

War with
Kosala.

Conquest

ofVaisali.

Founda-
tion of
Patali-
putra.

indignant people, too great a demand is made upon the
reader’s credulity 1.

The crime by which he gained the throne naturally in-
volved Ajatasatru in war with the aged king of Kosala,
whose sister, the queen of the murdered Bimbisara, is alleged
to have died from grief. Fortune in the contest inclined, now
to one side, and now to another ; and on one occasion, it is
said, Ajatasatru was carried away as a prisoner in chains to his
opponent’s capital. Ultimately peace was concluded, and a
princess of Kosala was given in marriage to the king of Ma-
gadha. The facts of the struggle are obscure, being wrapped
up in legendary matter from which it is impossible to disen-
tangle them ; but the probability is that Ajatasatru won for
Magadha a decided preponderance over its neighbour of
Kosala. It is certain that the latter kingdom is not again
mentioned as an independent power, and that in the fourth
century b.c. it formed an integral part of the Magadhan
empire.

The ambition of Ajatasatru, not satisfied with the humilia-
tion of Kosala, next induced him to undertake the conquest
of the country to the north of the Ganges, now known as
Tirhut, in which the Lichchhavi clan, famous in Buddhist
legend, then occupied a prominent position. The invasion
was successful ; the Lichchhavi capital, Vaisali, was occupied,
and Ajatasatru became master of his maternal grandfather’s
territory 2. It is probable that the invader carried his
victorious arms to their natural limit, the foot of the
mountains, and that from this time the whole region
between the Ganges and the Himalaya became subject, more
or less directly, to the suzerainty of Magadha.

The victor erected a fortress at the village of Patali on the
bank of the Ganges to curb his Lichchhavi opponents. The
foundations of a city nestling under the shelter of the fortress

1 Mahavamsa, ch. iv. vol. xxii). According to the Tibetan

3 According to the Jains, the Dulva, she was named VasavT, and
mother of Ajatasatru was Chellana, was the niece of Gopala (Rockhill,
daughter of Chetaka, Raja of Life of the Buddha, p. 63).

Vaisali (Jacobi, Introd. S. B. E.,

DARIUS

were laid by his grandson Udaya. The city so founded was
known variously as Kusumapura, Pushpapura, or Pataliputra,
and rapidly developed in size and magnificence ; until, under
the Maurya dynasty, it became the capital, not only of
Magadha, but of India 1.

Buddha, as has been mentioned above, died early in the Massacre
reign of Ajatasatru. Shortly before his death, Kapilavastu,
the place of his birth, was captured by Virudhaka, king of cir. 49o’
Kosala, who is alleged to have perpetrated a ferocious B,c-
massacre of the Sakya clan to which Buddha belonged. The
story is so thickly encrusted with miraculous legend that the
details of the event cannot be ascertained, but the coating
of miracle was probably deposited upon a basis of fact, and
we may believe that the Sakyas suffered much at the hands
of Virudhaka 2.

If the chronology adopted in this chapter be even approxi- Persian
mately correct, Bimbisara and Ajatasatru must be regarded concluests-
as the contemporaries of Darius, the son of Hystaspes,
autocrat of the Persian Empire from 521 to 485 b.c.

Darius, who was a very capable ruler, employed his officers
in the exploration of a great part of Asia by means of various
expeditions.

One of these expeditions was dispatched at some date cir. 500
later than 516 b.c. to prove the feasibility of a passage by E-t‘
sea from the mouth of the Indus to Persia. The commander,

Skylax of Karyanda in Karia, managed somehow to equip
a squadron on the waters of the Panjab rivers in the
Gandhara country, to make his way down to the ocean, and

1 The names Kusumapura and
Pushpapura are synonymous, both
meaning ‘ Flower-town ’ ; pdtali
means ‘ trumpet-flower,’ Bignonia
suaveolens. The story of the fortress
is told in the Buddhist ‘ Book of
the Great Decease ’ ( Maha pari-
nibbana Sutta ), of which the
Tibetan version is summarized by
Rockhill, op. cit., p. 127. The

building of the city by Udaya is
attested by the Vayu Purana.
Asoka made Pataliputra the per-
manent capital (Hiuen Tsang, in

Beal, Records , ii, 85), but it was
already the royal residence in the
time of his grandfather, Chandra-
gupta, when Megasthenes visited it.

® The story is in all the books
about Buddhism. Rhys Davids
[Buddhist India, p. 11) gives refer-
ences to the Pali authorities. For
the site and remains of Kapilavastu,
see Mukherji and V. A. Smith,
Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal
(Calcutta, 1901, being vol. xxvi,
part 1, of Archaeol. Survey Rep.,
Imp. Series).

32 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Thelndian

satrapy.

ultimately to reach the Red Sea. The particulars of his
adventurous voyage have been lost, but we know that the
information collected was of such value that, by utilizing it,
Darius was enabled to annex the Indus valley, and to send
his fleets into the Indian Ocean. The archers from India
formed a valuable element in the army of Xerxes, and shared
the defeat of Mardonius at Plataea.

The conquered provinces were formed into a separate
satrapy, the twentieth, which was considered the richest and
most populous province of the empire. It paid the enormous
tribute of 360 Euboic talents of gold-dust, or 185 hundred-
weights, worth fully a million sterling, and constituting
about one-third of the total bullion revenue of the Asiatic
provinces. Although the exact limits of the Indian satrapy
cannot be determined, we know that it was distinct from
Aria (Herat), Arachosia (Kandahar), and Gandaria (North-
western Panjab). It must have comprised, therefore, the
course of the Indus from Kalabagh to the sea, including the
whole of Sind, and perhaps included a considerable portion of
the Panjab east of the Indus. But when Alexander invaded
the country, nearly two centuries later, the Indus was the
boundary between the Persian empire and India, and both
the Panjab and Sind were governed by numerous native
princes h In ancient times the courses of the rivers were

1 Voyage of Skylax {Herod, iv,
44). The city of Kaspatyros in the
Paktyan land (Ila/cTW/n) 777), from
which Skylax began his voyage, is
called Kaspapyros, a city of the
Gandharians, by Hekataios. The
site cannot be identified, and it is
impossible to say which form of
the name is correct. Gandhara
was the modern Peshawar District
and some adjacent territory. Kas-
patyros, or Kaspapyros, has nothing
to do with Kashmir, as many
writers have supposed (Stein,
Hdjatarabginl, transl. ii, 353).
Satrapies {Herod, iii, 88-106, esp.
94). The Euboic talent weighed
57-6 lb. avoirdupois; 360 talents =
20,736 lb., which, assuming silver
to be worth five shillings (quarter

of a sovereign) an ounce, or £4 per
lb., and the ratio of silver to gold
to be as 13 to 1, would be worth
£1,078,272. If the Euboic talent
be taken as equivalent to 78, not
70, minae , the figures given by
Herodotus will tally. 360 gold
talents = 4,680 talents of silver ;
the total bullion revenue for the
Asiatic provinces (including a small
part of Libya in Africa) was 14,560
silver talents (Cunningham, Coins
of Ancient India, pp. 12, 14, 26, 30).

India is not included in the list
of provinces in the Behistun in-
scription of 516 b. c., but is included
in the lists in the Persepolis and
Naksh-i-Rustam inscriptions. The
last-named record, inscribed on the
sepulchre of Darius, is the fullest

UDAYA

quite different from what they now are, and vast tracts in
Sind and the Panjab, now desolate, were then rich and
prosperous h This fact largely explains the surprising value
of the tribute paid by the twentieth satrapy.

When Ajatasatru’s blood-stained life ended (cir. 459 b.c.), 459 b.c.
he was succeeded, according to the Puranas, by a son named
Darsaka or Harshaka, who was in turn succeeded by his son
Udaya2. The Buddhist books omit the intermediate name,
and represent Udaya as the son and immediate successor of
Ajatasatru. It is difficult to decide which version is correct,
but on the whole the authority of the Puranas seems to be
preferable in this case. If Darsaka or Harshaka was a
reality nothing is known about him.

The reign of Udaya may be assumed to have begun about Udaya,
434 b.c. The tradition that he built Pataliputra is all that ^'’B
is known about him.

His successors, Nandivardhana and Mahanandin, according 401 b. c.
to the Puranic lists, are still more shadowy, mere nominis
umbrae. Mahanandin, the last of the dynasty, is said to
have had by a Sudra, or low-caste, woman a son named
Mahapadma Nanda, who usurped the throne, and so estab-
lished the Nanda family or dynasty. This event may be 361 b.c.
dated in or about 361 b.c.

At this point all our authorities become unintelligible and The
incredible. The Puranas treat the Nanda dynasty as con- Pandas,
sisting of two generations only, Mahapadma and his eight
sons, of whom one was named Sumalya. These two genera-
tions are supposed to have reigned for a century, which

(Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. ii, p.
403, note ; iv, 177, 207).

For the Indian contingent in
Xerxes’ army, clad in cotton gar-
ments, and armed with cane bows
and iron-tipped cane arrows, see
Herod, vii, 65; viii, 13; ix, 91.
The fact that the Indian troops
used iron in 480 b. c. is worth
noting.

1 Raverty, ‘ The Mihran of Sind
and its Tributaries’ (/. A. S. B.,
1892, part 1, esp. pp. 301, 311, 340,
361, 375, 377, 435, 454, 489).

2 The name Udaya has variant
forms, Udayana, Udayasva, &c.,
in the Puranas. The Buddhists
call him Udayi Bhadda (Udayi-
bhadraka), and represent him as
the son of Ajatasatru, whose grand-
son he was, according to the
Puranas ( Mahavamsa , ch. iv ;
Bulva, in Rockhill, Life of the
Buddha, p. 91 ; Rhys Davids,
Dialogues, p. 68). The building of
the city of Pataliputra by Udaya
is asserted by the Vayu Purana.

SMITH

34 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Greek

accounts.

326 b.c.

cannot possibly be true. The Jains, doing still greater
violence to reason, extend the duration of the dynasty to
155 years, while the Buddhist Mahavamsa, Dlpavamsa, and
Asokavadana deepen the confusion by hopelessly muddled
and contradictory stories not worth repeating. Some
powerful motive must have existed for the distortion of the
history of the so-called ‘Nine Nandas’ in all forms of the
tradition, but it is not easy to make even a plausible guess
at the nature of that motive.

The Greek and Roman historians, who derived their
information either from Megastlienes or the companions of
Alexander, and thus rank as contemporary witnesses reported
at second hand, throw a little light on the real history.
When Alexander was stopped in his advance at the Hyphasis
in 326 b.c., he was informed by a native chieftain named
Bhagala or Bhagela, whose statements were confirmed by
Poros, that the king of the Gangaridae and Prasii nations
on the banks of the Ganges was named, as nearly as the
Greeks could catch the unfamiliar sounds, Xandrames or
Agrammes. This monarch was said to command a force of

20.000 horse, 200,000 foot, 2,000 chariots, and 3,000 or

4.000 elephants. Inasmuch as the capital of the Prasii
nation was undoubtedly Pataliputra, the reports made to
Alexander can have referred only to the king of Magadha,
who must have been one of the Nandas mentioned in native
tradition 1. The reigning king was alleged to be extremely
unpopular, owing to his wickedness and base origin. He
was, it is said, the son of a barber, who having become the
paramour of the queen of the last legitimate sovereign, con-
trived the king’s death, and, under pretence of acting as
guardian to his sons, got them into his power, and extermi-
nated the royal family. After their extermination he begot
the son who was reigning at the time of Alexander’s

1 Curtius, bk. ix, ch. 2; Diodorus, often heard in Northern India,
bk. xvii, ch. 93. The interpretation The names of the Gangaridae and
of the name Phegelas in the text Prasii are corrupted in some texts
of Curtius as Bhagala is due to (McCrindle, Alexander, notes Cc
M. Sylvain Levi {Journal As., 1890, and Dd).
p. 239). The name Bhagelu is still

THE NANDAS

campaign, and who, ‘more worthy of his father’s condition
than his own, was odious and contemptible to his subjects1.’

This story confirms the statements of the Puranas that the Indian
Nanda dynasty was of ambiguous origin and comprised only traclltl0ns-
two generations. The Vishnu Purana brands the first Nanda,'
Mahapadma, as an avaricious person, whose reign marked
the end of the Kshattriya, or high born, princes, and the
beginning of the rule of those of low degree, ranking as
Sudras. The Mahavamsa, when it dubs the last Nanda by
the name of Dhana or ‘ Riches,’ seems to hint at the imputa-
tion of avariciousness made against the first Nanda by the
Puranic writer ; and the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang also
refers to the Nanda Raja as the reputed possessor of great
wealth 2.

By putting all the hints together we may conclude with Summary,
tolerable certainty that the Nanda family was really of base
origin, that it acquired power by the assassination of the
legitimate king, and retained possession of the throne for
two generations only. The great military power of the
usurpers, as attested by Greek testimony, was the result of
the conquests effected by Bimbisara and Ajatasatru, and
presumably continued by their successors ; but the limits of
the Nanda dominions cannot be defined, nor can the dates
of the dynasty be determined with accuracy. It is quite
certain that the two generations did not last for a hundred
and fifty-five, or even for a hundred, years ; but it is im-
possible to determine the actual duration ; and the period
of forty years has been assumed as reasonable, and probably
not far from the truth 3.

1 Agrammes ( Curtius , bk. ix,
ch. 2), Xandrames ( Diodorus , bk.
xvii, ch. 93). All the Hindu and
Greek versions of the story are
collected in H. H. Wilson’s Preface
to the Mudra^Edkshasa ( Theatre of
the Hindus , ii, pp. 129-50). The
tales in the Vrihat-Katha and
Mackenzie MSS. are mere folk-lore.

2 The five stupas near Pataliputra

ascribed to Asoka were attributed
by another tradition to Nanda

Raja, and supposed to be his trea-
suries (Beal, ii, 94').

3 Nanda Raja is twice mentioned
by Kharavela, king of Kalinga, in
the long, but unfortunately muti-
lated, history of his reign which he
inscribed on the Hathigumpha Cave
at Udayagiri, in the year 165
current, 164 expired, of the Maurya
Era. If that era ran from 321, the
date of the inscription would be
157 b.c. If the Maurya Era was

36 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Rise of
Chandra-
gupta
Maurya.
321 b. c.

Accession
of Chan-
dragupta.

However mysterious the Nine Nandas may be — if, indeed,
they really were nine — there is no doubt that the last of
them was deposed and slain by Chandragupta Maurya, who
seems to have been an illegitimate scion of the family.
There is no difficulty in believing the tradition that the
revolution involved the extermination of all related to the
fallen monarch, for revolutions in the East are not effected
without much shedding of blood. Nor is there any reason
to discredit the statements that the usurper was attacked by
a confederacy of the northern powers, including Kashmir,
and that the attack failed owing to the Machiavellian in-
trigues of Chandragupta’s Brahman adviser, who is variously
named Chanakya, Kautilya, and Vishnugupta. But it would
not be safe to rely on the details given in our only authority,
a play written centuries after the events referred to ; nor
would there be any use in recounting the wondrous tales,
mostly belonging to the world’s common stock of folk-lore,
which have been recorded in various books, and relate the
miracles attendant upon the birth and youth of Chandragupta,
the first universal monarch of India h

His accession to the throne of Magadha may be dated
with practical certainty in 321 b.c. The dominions of the
Magadha crown were then extensive, certainly including the
territories of the nations called Prasii and Gangaridae by
the Greeks, and probably comprising at least the kingdoms
of Kosala and Benares, as well as Anga and Magadha proper.
Four years before the revolution at Pataliputra, Alexander
had swept like a hurricane through the Panjab and Sind,
and it is said that Chandragupta, then a youth, met the
mighty Macedonian 2. Whether that anecdote be true or

synchronous with the Seleukidan,
the date would be 148 b.c. In the
fifth year of his reign (probably
165 b.c.) Kharavela repaired a
pond ( sattra ) formerly constructed
by Nanda Raja. In his twelfth
year he defeated the king of
Magadha, either Pushyamitra or
Agnimitra Sunga, and in his account
of his proceedings again mentions
Nanda Raja. Unluckily the pas-

sage is nearly all illegible (Bhagwan
Lai IndrajI, Actes du Sixieme
Congres Orient., tome iii, pp.
174-7).

1 The Mudra-Bakshasa play gives
a very interesting and detailed
account of the revolution, but, un-
fortunately, the date of this work is
quite uncertain.

2 Plutarch, Life of Alexander,
ch. lxii.

CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA

not, it is certain that the troubles consequent upon the
death of Alexander in the summer of 323 b.c. gave young
Chandragupta his opportunity. He assumed the command
of the native revolt against the foreigner, and destroyed most
of the Macedonian garrisons. He had thus become the
master of north-western India before he attempted the
revolution in Magadha ; and when that enterprise was ac-
complished, he was undoubtedly the paramount power in
India. But before the story of the deeds of Chandragupta
Maurya and the descendants who succeeded him on the
throne of Magadha can be told, we must pause to unfold
the wondrous tale of the Indian adventure of ‘ Philip’s war-
like son.’

38 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Fixed

data.

Duration
of reigns.

Anterior
limit of
date.

APPENDIX C

Chronology of the Saisunaga and Nanda Dynasties

Although the discrepant traditionary materials available do
not permit the determination with accuracy of the chronology of
the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties, it is, I venture to think, pos-
sible to attain a close approximation to the truth, and to reconcile
many of the traditions. The fixed point from wlpch to reckon
backwards is the year 321 b. c., the date for the accession of
Chandragupta Maurya, which is certainly correct, with a possible
error not exceeding two years \ The second principal datum is
the list of ten kings of the Saisunaga dynasty as given in the
oldest of the Puranas, the Vayu, the general correctness of
which is confirmed by several lines of evidence ; and the third
is the probable date of the death of Buddha.

Although the fact that the Saisunaga dynasty consisted of
ten kings may be admitted, the duration assigned by the
Puranas to the dynasty as a whole, and to some of the reigns,
cannot be accepted. Experience proves that in a long series
an average of twenty-five years to a generation is rarely attained,
and that this average is still more rarely exceeded in a series
of reigns as distinguished from generations.

The English series of ten reigns from Charles II to Victoria
inclusive (reckoning the accession of Charles II from the death
of his father in 1649 a. d.) occupied 252 years, and included the
two exceptionally long reigns of George III and Victoria, aggre-
gating 124 years. The resultant average, 25-2 years per reign,
may be taken as the maximum possible, and consequently 252
years are the maximum allowable for the ten Saisunaga reigns.
The Puranic figures of 362 ( Vishnu ) and 332 [Vayu) years may
be rejected without hesitation as being incredible.

As stated in the text, the traditional periods assigned to the
Nanda dynasty of 100 or 155 years for two generations are abso-
lutely incredible. A reasonable period of forty years may be
provisionally assumed. /We thus get 292 (252 + 40) as the
maximum period for the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties combined ;
and, reckoning backwards from the fixed point, 321 b.c., the year
6l3 b.c. is found to be the earliest possible date for Sisunaga, the
first Icing. But of course the true date may be, and probably is,
somewhat later, because it is unlikely that twelve reigns (ten
Saisunaga and two Nanda) attained an average of 24'33 years.

1 It is quite possible that the which Kharavela of Kalinga dates
coronation or abhisheka of Chan- his inscription, may be identical
dragupta took place some years with the Seleukidan Era beginning
later, and the ‘ Maurya Era,’ in in October, 312 b. c.

DEATH OF BUDDHA

The reigns of the fifth and sixth kings, Bimbisara or Srenika, Probable
and Ajatasatru or Kunika, were well remembered owing to the actual
wars and events in religious history which marked them. We rei£ns-
may therefore assume that the lengths of these reigns were
known more or less accurately, and are justified in accepting
the concurrent testimony of the Vayu and Matsya Puranas, that
Bimbisara reigned for twenty-eight years.

Ajatasatru is assigned twenty-four, twenty-five, or twenty-
seven years by various Puranas, and thirty-two years by Tibetan
and Ceylonese Buddhist tradition. Considering the extensive
conquests attributed to this king, it is not unreasonable to
accept the longer period of thirty-two years as a near approxi-
mation to the truth. Udaya, who is mentioned in the Buddhist
books, and was memorable as the builder of Pataliputra, is
assigned a reign of thirty-three years by the Vayu and Matsya
Puranas, which is credible, and may pass as true. The existence
of his predecessor Darsaka (Harshaka), which rests only on the
authority of the Puranas, and is denied by older Buddhist
writers, is admitted on the principle of accepting the Puranic
list of kings. If he existed, the reign of twenty-five years
allotted to him may be accepted.

The Vayu and Matsya Puranas respectively assign eighty-five
and eighty-three years to the reigns of kings numbers nine and
ten together. These figures are improbably high, and it is un-
likely that the two reigns actually occupied more than forty or
fifty years.

The evidence as far as it goes, and at best it does not amount
to much, indicates that the average length of the later reigns
was in excess of the normal figure. We may assume, therefore,
that the first four reigns, about which nothing is known, were
short, and did not exceed some eighty years collectively. An
assumption that these reigns were longer would unduly prolong
the total duration of the dynasty, the beginning of which must
be dated about 600 b. c.

The existence of a great body of detailed traditions, which Tradi-
are not mere mythological legends, establishes the facts that f

both Mahavira, the Jain leader, and Gautama Buddha were jyjahavli-a
contemporary to a considerable extent with one another and and
with the kings Bimbisara and Ajatasatru \ Gautama.

There is also no apparent reason to doubt that Mahavira pre-
deceased Buddha by a few years, and that both holy men died
early in the reign of Ajatasatru. The deaths of these saints form

1 Jacobi, Introd., S. B. E., vols. and in the Buddhist Dulva (Rock-
xxii, xlv; the visit of Kuniya hill. Life of the Buddha , p. 104).
(Ajatasatru) is alluded to in § 1, Dr. Hoeride has kindly supplied
p. 9, of the Jain Uvasaga Dasao these references.

{Bibl. Ind.,e d. and transl. Hoernle),

40 THE DYNASTIES BEFORE ALEXANDER

Death of
Buddha,
487 b. c.

Fixed

datum

thus

obtained.

well-marked epochs in the history of Indian religion, and are
constantly referred to by ecclesiastical writers for chronological
purposes. It might therefore be expected that the traditional
dates of these two events would supply at once the desired clue
to the dynastic chronology. But close examination of the con-
flicting traditions raises difficulties. The year 527 b.c., the
most commonly quoted date for the death of Mahavlra, is merely
one of several traditionary dates1, while the variety of dates
assigned for the death of Buddha is almost past counting. The
Ceylonese date, 543 b.c., is no better attested than the others,
and is now generally admitted to be erroneous 2.

If, as is almost certain, Biihler and Dr. Fleet are right in
interpreting the figure 256 at the end of Asoka’s Minor Rock
Edicts as intended to express the number of years elapsed since
the date of the death of Gautama Buddha ; and if, as seems
probable. Dr. Fleet is right in his reading and translation of
those edicts 3, then the accepted date for the death of Buddha
in Asoka’s time must have been b.c. 487 approximately. That
date may be confidently accepted as a very close approximation
to the absolute truth, for it is very unlikely that, only two
centuries and a half after the event, Asoka was ignorant of the
true date.

So much being taken as established, the necessary inference
follows that Ajata^atru had begun to , reign before 487 b. c., and
a definite chronological datum for the Saisunaga dynasty is thus
obtained.

From all the foregoing arguments the opposite chronological
table may be constructed : —

1 Burgess, Ind. Ant. ii, 139.
Hoernle (ibid, xx, 360) discusses
the contradictory Jain dates, and
observes that although the Digam-
bara and (svetambara sects agree
in placing the death of Mahavlra
470 years before Vikrama, whose
era begins in 57 b.c., the Digam-
baras reckon back from the birth,
and the Svetambaras from the
accession of Vikrama. The books
indicate that 551, or 543, or 527 b.c.
may be regarded as the traditional
date. See also ibid, ii, 363 ; ix,

158; xi, 245; xiii, 279; xxi, 57;
and xxiii, 169, for further discussion
of J ain chronology. N ote especially
the statements that Sthulabhadra,
ninth successor of Mahavlra, who
was mantrin of the ninth Nanda,

died either 215 or 219 years after

the death of Mahavlra, the same
year in which Nanda was slain by
Chandragupta (ibid, xi, 246). Meru-
tunga dates Pushyamitra, who
came to the throne cir. 184 b.c.,
in the period 323-53 after Maha-
vlra (Weber, Sacred Lit. of the
Jains , p. 133).

2 The variant dates for the death
of Buddha given by the Chinese
and other authorities are too nume-
rous and well known to need
citation. ‘ 1st doch sogar die tra-
ditionelle Datierung des Todes des
Buddha auf 543 v. Chr. ohne
Zweifel falsch ’ (Geiger, Dipavathsa
und Mahdvathsa, p. 2 ; Erlangen
und Leipzig, 1901).

3 J. R. A. S., 1903, p. 829 ; 1904,
pp. 1-26, 355.

CHRONOLOGY (APPROXIMATE) OF SAISUNAGA AND
NANDA DYNASTIES.

Serial

King

Length of Reign.

Probab le

date of
Accession.

Remarks.

No.

( V ay u Pur ana).

Vdyu P.

Assumed.

Saisunaga

B. C.

Dynasty.

Sisunaga . .

40}

600

Sakavarna . .

Kshemadharman

|jl36

1 81

> Nothing known.

Kshattraujas

40 '

)

Bimbisara . .

519

Built New Rajagriha ; an-

nexed Anga ; contempo-
rary with MahavTra and
Gautama Buddha ; voy-
age of Skylax, cir. 500.

Ajatasatru . .

491

Parricide ; death of Ma-

havira, cir. 490 ; death
of Buddha, 487 ; built

fort of Pataliputra ; wars
with Kosala and Vaisali.

Dar^aka . . .

459

Nothing known.

(Harshaka)

Udaya . . .

434

Built city of Pataliputra.

Nandivardhana

Mahanandin

st »

| 40

401

| Nothing known.

Total . .

332

239

Average .

33-2

23-9

Nanda Dynasty.

Mahapadma, &c.

| 100

| 40

361

12 j

9 ; 2 generations

Maurya

Dynasty.

Chandragupta .

321

Bindusara . .

297

Asoka . . .

272

Tibetan tradition reckons

Death of Asoka

End of Maurya

cir. 232

10 reigns from No. 6,
Ajatasatru, to No. 15,

•Is

Asoka, inclusive ; and

Dynasty.

places Asoka’s accession

in 234 a.b. (Rockhill,
Life of the Buddha, pp.
33, 233). He is said to

have visited Khotan in
250 and 254 a. b .{J.A. S.B.
1886, parti, pp. 195, 197).

CHAPTER III

April,

327 b. c.
Passage of
Hindu
Kush.

Alexan-
dria under
the

Caucasus.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN :
THE ADVANCE

Alexander the Great, having completed the subjugation
of Bactria, resolved to execute his cherished purpose of
emulating and surpassing the mythical exploits of Dionysos,
Herakles, and Semiramis by effecting the conquest of India.
Towards the close of spring in the year 327 b.c., when the
sun had sufficiently melted the snows, he led his army, in-
cluding perhaps fifty or sixty thousand Europeans, across
the lofty Khawak and Kaoshan passes of the Hindu Kush,
or Indian Caucasus, and after ten days’ toil amidst the
mountains emerged in the rich valley now known as the
Koh-i-Daman l.

Here, two years earlier, before the Bactrian campaign, he
had founded a town, named as usual, Alexandria, as a strate-
gical outpost to secure his intended advance. The governor
of this town, whose administration had been a failure, was
replaced by Nikanor, son of Parmenion, the king’s intimate
friend ; the population was recruited by fresh settlers from
the surrounding districts ; and the garrison was strengthened
by a reinforcement of veterans discharged from the ranks of
the expeditionary force as being unequal to the arduous
labours of the coming campaign 2.

1 ’Efiywovros f/Srj rov rjpos ( Arrian ) ;
i.e. late in April, or early in May.
For identification of the passes see
Holdich, Report of the Pamir
Boundary Commission , pp. 29, 30.
The height of the Khawak Pass, as
marked on the India Office map of
India, is 13,200 feet. The strength
of the force that crossed the Hindu
Kush is not known. The statement
of Plutarch ( Alexander , ch. Ixvi)
that his hero entered India with

120,000 foot and 15,000 horse may

or may not be correct, and is open
to much variety of interpretation.

2 Alexandria ‘ under the Cau-
casus,’ or ‘ in the Paropanisadai,’
to distinguish it from the numerous
other towns of the same name. The
exact position cannot be deter-
mined, but its site may be marked
by the extensive ruins at Opian or
Houpian, near Charikar, some
thirty miles northward from Kabul.
The old identification with Bamian
is certainly erroneous (McCrindle,

ADVANCE TO INDUS

The important position of Alexandria, which commanded Nikaia.
the roads over three passes, having been thus secured, in
accordance with Alexander’s customary caution, the civil
administration of the country between the passes and the
Kophen, or Kabul, river was provided for by the appoint-
ment of Tyriaspes as satrap. Alexander, when assured that
his communications were safe, advanced with his army to
a city named Nikaia, situated to the west of the modern
Jalalabad, on the road from Kabul to India h

Here the king divided his forces. Generals Hephaistion June or
and Perdikkas were ordered to proceed in advance with three 327^. c.
brigades of infantry, half of the horse guards, and the Hephai-
whole of the mercenary cavalry by the direct road to India perciikkas.
through the valley of the Kabul river, and to occupy
Peukelaotis, now the Yusufzl country, up to the Indus.

Their instructions were couched in the spirit of the Roman
maxim — ‘ Parcere subiectis et debellare superbos 2.’

Most of the tribal chiefs preferred the alternative of sub- August,
mission, but one named Hasti (Astes) ventured to resist. Attitude
His stronghold, which held out for thirty days, was taken of the
and destroyed. During this march eastward, Hephaistion
and Perdikkas were accompanied by the king of Taxila,
a great city beyond the Indus, who had lost no time in
obeying Alexander’s summons, and in placing his services at
the disposal of the invader. Other chiefs on the western
side of the Indus adopted the same course, and, with the
help of these native potentates, the Macedonian generals
were enabled to make satisfactory progress in the task of
bridging the Indus, which had been committed to them by
their sovereign.

Invasion of India by Alexander the
Great, 2nd ed., p. 58, and note A ;
Cunningham, Anc. Geog. India,

pp. 21-6).

1 The rival opinions concerning
the site of Nikaia are collected by
McCrindle (op. cit. note B). I follow
General Abbott, who was clearly
right, as Jalalabad marks the spot
where the division of the army
would naturally take place. Certain

local chiefs, the Sultans of Pich,
claim descent from Alexander
(Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan,
pp. 48-51).

2 The ancient road did not pass
through the Khaibar(Khyber) Pass
(Holdich, The Indian Borderland,
1901, p. 38) ; Foucher, Notes sur la
giograyfhie ancienne du Gandhara
(Hanoi, 1902, in Bull, de VEcoleFr.
d' Extreme Orient).

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

August,
Sep-
tember,
327 b.c.
Alexan-
der’s
flanking
march.

Details of
his route
unknown.

Second
division of
field-force.

Alexander in person assumed the command of the second
corps or division, consisting of the infantry known as hyp-
aspists, the foot guards, the Agrianian or Thracian light
infantry, the archers, the mounted lancers, and the rest of
the horse guards. With this force he undertook a flanking
movement through the difficult hill country north of the
Kabul river, in order to subdue the fierce tribes which
inhabited, as they still inhabit, that region ; and thus to
secure his communications, and protect his army from attacks
on the flank and rear. The difficulties of the operation due
to the ruggedness of the country, the fierce heat of summer,
the bitter cold of winter, and the martial spirit of the hill-
men, were enormous ; but no difficulties could daunt the
courage or defeat the skill of Alexander x.

Although it is absolutely impossible to trace his move-
ments with precision, or to identify with even approximate
certainty the tribes which he encountered, or the strongholds
which he captured and destroyed in the course of some five
months’ laborious marching ; it is certain that he ascended
the valley of the Kunar river for a considerable distance.
At a nameless town in the hills, Alexander was wounded in
the shoulder by a dart ; and the incident so enraged his
troops that all the prisoners taken there were massacred, and
the town was razed to the ground1 2.

Soon after this tragedy, Alexander again divided his
forces, leaving Krateros, ‘ the man most faithful to him, and

1 ’AW’ ovre xti/xuiv tyevero kpnrobwv
airai, ofirc at Svayaip'iat . . . ovSiv
airopov ‘ Ake£avhpcp tuiv irokepiKtuv TjV,
h 6, n oppr/aeie (Arrian, Anab. vii,
15).

2 A list of very speculative iden-
tifications of tribes and places will
be found in Bellew’s Ethnography
of Afghanistan, pp. 64-76 (Woking,
1891). The guesses of Cunning-
ham and other writers are equally
unsatisfactory. I do not agree
with Mr. Pincott that Alexander
went as far north as Chitral
(/. R. A. S„ 1894, p. 681); but at
present it is not possible to deter-
mine the point at which he turned

eastwards, and crossed the moun-
tains into Bajaur. It is, however,
certain that he used one of the
regular passes, which remain un-
changed, and by which alone
Bajaur territory can be entered.
Raverty describes, from native in-
formation, two routes from Kabul
to Bajaur ; and it may well be that
Alexander followed the ‘left-hand,’
or eastern one, which goes through
a village named Kuz Danahi,
where two roads diverge, of which
one leads to Chitral, and the other
to the Shahr, or capital of Bajaur
(Notes, pp. 112-18).

NYSA

whom he valued equally with himself1,’ to complete the
reduction of the tribesmen of the Kunar valley ; while the
king in person led a body of picked troops against the As-
pasians, who were defeated with great slaughter.

He then crossed the mountains and entered the valley Entry into
now called Bajaur, where he found a town named Arigaion, BaJaur-
which had been burnt and abandoned by the inhabitants.

Krateros, having completely executed his task in the Kunar
valley, now rejoined his master; and measures were con-
certed for the reduction of the tribes further east, whose sub-
jugation was indispensable before an advance into India could
be made with safety.

The Aspasians were finally routed in a second great battle, Final
losing, it is said, more than 40,000 prisoners, and 230,000 Aspasians
oxen. The perfection of the arrangements by which Alex-
ander maintained communication with his remote European
base is strikingly illustrated by the fact that he selected the
best and handsomest of the captured cattle, and sent them
to Macedonia for use in agriculture.

A fancied connexion with Dionysos and the sacred Mount Nysa.
Nysa of Greek legend gave special interest to the town and
hill-state called Nysa, which was among the places next
attacked 2. An attempt to take the town by assault having
failed by reason of the depth of the protecting river,
Alexander was preparing to reduce it by blockade when
the speedy submission of the inhabitants rendered further
operations unnecessary. They are alleged to have craved his
clemency on the ground that they were akin to Dionysos and
the Greeks, because the ivy and vine grew in their country,
and the triple-peaked mountain which overshadowed their
town was no other than Mount Meros. Alexander, who
found such fancies useful as a stimulant to his home-sick
troops, did not examine the evidence for the kinship with
Dionysos in too critical a spirit, but was glad to accept the
Nysaean appeals and to exercise a gracious clemency.

In order to gratify his own curiosity, and to give some Revels.

1 Arrian, Anab. vii, 12. render of Nysa before the siege of

2 Curtius (viii, 10) places the sur- Massaga.

ALEXANDER'S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

The Assa-
kenoi and
Massaga.

of his best troops a pleasant holiday, he paid a visit to
the mountain, now known as the Koh-i-Mor, accompanied by
an adequate escort of the companion cavalry and foot guards.
The chants and dances of the natives, the ancestors of the
Kafirs of the present day, bore sufficient resemblance to the
Bacchanalian rites of Hellas to justify the claims made by
the Nysaeans, and to encourage the soldiers in their belief
that, although far from home, they had at last found a
people who shared their religion and might be regarded as
kinsmen. Alexander humoured the convenient delusion and
allowed his troops to enjoy with the help of their native
friends a ten days’ revel in the jungles. The Nysaeans, on
their part, showed their gratitude for the clemency which
they had experienced by contributing a contingent of three
hundred horsemen, who remained with Alexander throughout
the whole period of his advance, and were not sent home
until October, 326 b.c., when he was about to start on his
voyage down the rivers to the sea l.

Alexander now undertook in person the reduction of the
formidable nation called the Assakenoi, who were reported to

1 Arrian, Anab. v, 1, vi, 2;
Curtius, viii, 10 ; Justin, xii, 7 ;
Plutarch, Alex., ch. lviii ; Strabo,
xv, 7-9. The conjectures concern-
ing the identity of Nysa collected
in McCrindle’s Note G are un-
satisfactory. Sir H. T. Holdich,
whose knowledge of the frontier is
unsurpassed, has been more suc-
cessful, and has established the
position of Nysa with tolerable cer-
tainty. ‘ Elsewhere,’ he writes
( Geogr . J. for Jan., 1876), ‘I have
stated my reasons for believing that
the Kamdesh Kafirs who sent hos-
tages to the camp of Ghulam
Haidar are descendants of those
very Nysaeans who greeted Alex-
ander as a co-religionist and com-
patriot, and were kindly treated by
him in consequence. They had
been there, in the Suwat country
bordering the slopes of the Koh-i-
Mor (“ Meros ” of the Classics), from
such ancient periods that the Make-
donians could give no account of

their advent; and they remained
in the Suwat country till compara-
tively recent Buddhist times . . .
The lower spurs and valleys of the
Koh-i-Mor where the ancient city
of Nysa (or Nuson) once stood.
Apparently it exists no longer
above ground, though it may be
found in the maps of thirty years
ago, figuring as rather an important
place under its old name . . .
Bacchanalian processions . . .
chanting hymns, as indeed they
are chanted to this day by certain
of the Kafirs ’ (Holdich, The Indian
Borderland, Methuen, 1901, pp.
270, 342). Properly speaking,

Meros was the name of a single
peak of the triple-peaked mountain
( rpiKopvtpov opos). The other sum-
mits were named Korasibie and
Kondasbe respectively ( Polyainos ,
I, 1 ; p. 7 in ed. Melbar). The
three peaks are visible from Pesha-
war.

MASSAGA

await him with an army of 20,000 cavalry, more than 30,000
infantry, and thirty elephants. Quitting the Bajaur territory,
Alexander crossed the Gouraios (Panjkora) river, with a body
of picked regiments, including, as usual, a large proportion
of mounted troops, and entered the Assakenian territory, in
order to attack Massaga, the greatest city of those parts and
the seat of the sovereign power. This formidable fortress,
probably to be identified with Minglaur or Manglawar, the
ancient capital of Suwat, was strongly fortified both by
nature and art h On the east, an impetuous mountain stream,
the Suwat river, flowing between steep banks, barred access ;
while, on the south and west, gigantic rocks, deep chasms, and
treacherous morasses impeded the approach of an assailing
force. Where nature failed to give adequate protection, art
had stepped in, and had girdled the city with a mighty
rampart, built of brick, stone, and timber, about four miles
(35 stadia ) in circumference, and guarded by a deep moat
(Q- Curtius, viii, 10). While reconnoitring these formidable
defences, and considering his plan of attack, Alexander was
again wounded by an arrow. The wound was not very
serious, and did not prevent him from continuing the active
supervision of the siege operations, which were designed and
controlled throughout by his master mind.

Commanded by such a general the meanest soldier becomes Storm of
a hero. The troops laboured with such zeal that within fortreSs.
nine days they had raised a mole level with the ground
sufficient to bridge the moat, and to allow the movable towers
and other engines to approach the walls. The garrison was
disheartened by the death of their chief, who was killed by
a blow from a missile discharged by an engine, and the

1 Arrian, Anab. iv, 26 ; Indika, 1 ;
Stein, Archaeol. Tour in Buner, p.
53 (Lahore, 1898); Deane, ‘ Note on
Udyana and Gandhara ’ ( J.B.A.S. ,
1896, p. 655) ; Raverty, Notes on
Afghanistan , p. 234-. Minglaur,
which has not been closely ex-
amined by any European visitor
since the days of Alexander, was
still a strong fortress in the six-

teenth century, when it baffled
Babar. It is situated on the Suwat
river, in approximately N. lat.
34° 48', E. long. 72° 28', and is
said to possess extensive ancient
ruins. The Greek and Roman
writers spell the name variously,
as Massaga, Massaka, Mazaga,
and Masoga.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Massacre
of mer-
cenaries.

Comment.

place was taken by storm. Kleophis, the consort of the
slain chieftain, and her infant son were captured, and it is
said that she subsequently bore a son to Alexander 1.

The garrison of Massaga had included a body of 7,000
mercenary troops from the plains of India. Alexander, by
a special agreement, had granted these men their lives on
condition that they should change sides and take service in
his ranks. In pursuance of this agreement, they were allowed
to retire and encamp on a small hill facing, and about nine
miles (80 stadia ) distant from, the Macedonian camp. The
mercenaries being unwilling to aid the foreigner in the sub-
jugation of their countrymen, desired to evade the unwelcome
obligation which they had incurred, and proposed to slip
away by night and return to their homes. Alexander,
having received information of their design, suddenly attacked
the Indians while they reposed in fancied security and
inflicted severe loss upon them. Recovering from their
surprise, the mercenaries formed themselves into a hollow
circle, with the women and children in the centre, and
offered a desperate resistance, in which the women took an
active part. At last, the gallant defenders were overpowered
by superior numbers, and, in the words of an ancient
historian, ‘ met a glorious death which they would have
disdained to exchange for a life with dishonour.’ The
unarmed camp followers and the women were spared 2.

This incident, which has been severely condemned by
various writers, ancient and modern, as a disgraceful breach
of faith by Alexander, does not seem to have been, as
supposed by Diodorus, the outcome of implacable enmity
felt by the king against the mercenaries. The slaughter of

1 Arrian (iv, 27) speaks of ‘ the
mother and daughter of Assake-
nos.’ Q. Curtius (viii, 10) states
that ‘ Assacanus, its previous sover-
eign, had lately died, and his
mother Cleophis now ruled the city
and the realm.’ He adds that ‘ the
queen herself, having placed her

son, still a child, at Alexander’s
knees, obtained not only pardon

. . . at all events she afterwards
gave birth to a son who received
the name of Alexander, whoever
his father may have been.’ Ap-
parently, Kleophis must have been
the widow of the chief who was
killed in the siege, according to
Arrian.

2 Arrian, Anab. iv, 27 ; Diodorus,
xvii, 84 ; Curtius, viii, 10.

AORNOS

the contingent was rather, as represented by Arrian, the
tremendous penalty for a meditated breach of faith on the
part of the Indians, and, if this explanation be true, the
penalty cannot be regarded as altogether undeserved. While
the accession of seven thousand brave and disciplined troops
would have been a welcome addition to Alexander’s small
army, the addition of such a force to the enemy in the plains
would have been a serious impediment to his advance ; and
he was, I think, justified in protecting himself against such
a formidable increase of the enemy’s strength.

Alexander next captured a town called Ora or Nora, and Retire-
occupied an important place named Bazira, the inhabitants to
of which, with those of other towns, had retired to the Aornos.
stronghold of Aornos near the Indus, the great mountain
now known as Mahaban. The desire of Alexander to
capture this position, believed to be impregnable, was based
upon military exigencies, and fired by a legend that the
demi-god, Herakles, whom he claimed as an ancestor, had
been baffled by the defences.

The mountain, which is at least twelve miles in circum- Deserip-
ference, and rises to a height of more than 7,000 feet above Aornos
the sea, or 5,000 above the Indus, is washed on its southern
face by that river, which at this point is of great depth,
and enclosed by rugged and precipitous rocks, forbidding
approach from that side. On the other sides, as at Massaga,
ravines, cliffs, and swamps presented obstacles sufficient to
daunt the bravest assailant. A single path gave access to
the summit, which was well supplied with water, and com-
prised arable land requiring the labour of a thousand men
for its cultivation. The summit was crowned by a steeply
scarped mass of rock, which formed a natural citadel, and,
doubtless, was further protected by art h

1 Arrian, A nab. iv, 28; Diodorus, was 100 stadia, or 11| miles, is
xviii, 85 ; Curtins, viii, 11. Different nearer the truth than Arrian’s esti-
people will necessarily form different mate of 200 stadia. On the other
notions of the circuit of a mountain hand, Arrian guesses the minimum
mass, as they include or exclude elevation as being 11 stadia, or
subsidiary ranges; but the esti- nearly 6,700 feet, which is a more
mate of Diodorus that the circuit accurate figure than the 16 stadia

SMITH

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Prelimi-

nary

opera-

tions.

Recon-

naissance.

Construc-
tion of
approach.

Before undertaking the siege of this formidable stronghold,
Alexander, with his habitual foresight, secured his rear by
placing garrisons in the towns of Ora, Massaga, Bazira, and
Orobatis, in the hills of Suwat and Buner.

He further isolated the fortress by personally marching
down into the plains, probably through the Shahkot pass h
and receiving the submission of the important city of Peuke-
laotis (Charsadda), and the surrounding territory, now known
as the Yusufzl country. During this operation he was
assisted by two local chiefs. He then made his way somehow
to Embolima, the modern Amb, a small town on the Indus,
at the foot of Aornos, and there established a depot under
the command of Krateros. In case the assault should fail,
and the siege be converted into a blockade, this depot was
intended to serve as a base for protracted operations should
such prove to be necessary.

Having thus deliberately made his dispositions for the
siege, Alexander spent two days in careful personal recon-
naissance of the position with the aid of a small force, chiefly
consisting of light-armed troops. Assisted by local guides,
whose services were secured by liberal reward, Ptolemy, the
son of Lagos, secured a valuable foothold on the eastern spur
of the mountain, where he entrenched his men. An attempt
made by the king to support him having been frustrated,
this failure led to a vigorous attack by the Indians on
Ptolemy’s entrenchments, which was repulsed after a hard
fight.

A second effort made by Alexander to effect a junction
with his lieutenant, although stoutly opposed by the be-
sieged, was successful ; and the Macedonians were now in
secure possession of the vantage-ground from which an
assault on the natural citadel could be delivered.

of Diodorus. For proof of the
identity of Aornos with Mahaban,
and of Embolima with Amb-Bali-
mah, see Appendix D.

1 The ancient route, as followed
by Hiuen Tsang, ‘est celle qui
montait de Po-lou-cha au Svat par
la passe de Shahkote, l’Hatthi-lar,

ou “ defile des elephants ” des
indigenes actuels, et le col le plus
important de ces montagnes, avant
qu’en 1895 les Anglais n’eussent
choisi le Malakand pour y faire
passer leur route strategique du
Chitral ’ (Foucher, op. cit., p. 40).

CAPTURE OF AORNOS

The task before the assailants was a formidable one, for
the crowning mass of rock did not, like most eminences,
slope gradually to the summit, but rose abruptly in the form
of a steep cone. Examination of the ground showed that
a direct attack was impossible until some of the surrounding
ravines should be filled up. Plenty of timber being available
in the adjoining forests, Alexander resolved to use this
material to form a pathway. He himself threw the first
trunk into the ravine, and his act was greeted with a loud
cheer signifying the keenness of the troops, who could not
shrink from any labour, however severe, to which their king
was the first to put his hand.

Within the brief space of four days Alexander succeeded Evacua-
in gaining possession of a small hill on a level with the rock, g°"rigon
and in thus securing a dominant position. The success of
this operation convinced the garrison that the capture of the
citadel was merely a question of time, and negotiations for
capitulation on terms were begun.

The besieged, being more anxious to gain time for escape
than to conclude a treaty, evacuated the rock during the
night, and attempted to slip away unobserved in the dark-
ness. But the unsleeping vigilance of Alexander detected
the movement, and partially defeated their plans. Placing
himself at the head of seven hundred picked men, he clam-
bered up the cliff the moment the garrison began to retire
and slew many.

In this way the virgin fortress, which even Herakles had Mace-
failed to win, became the prize of Alexander. The king, garrison
justly proud of his success, offered sacrifice and worship to posted,
the gods, dedicated altars to Athene and Nike, and built
a fort for the accommodation of the garrison which he
quartered on the mountain. The command of this important
post was entrusted to Sisikottos (Sasigupta), a Hindu, who
long before had deserted from the Indian contingent attached
to the army of Bessus, the rebel satrap of Bactria, and had
since proved himself a faithful officer in the Macedonian
service.

Alexander then proceeded to complete the subjugation of Advance

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Bridge at
Ohind.

January,
326 b. c.

February,
326 b. c.

the Assakenians by another raid into their country, and
occupied a town named Dyrta, which probably lay to the
north of Aornos. This town and the surrounding district
were abandoned by the inhabitants, who had crossed the
Indus, and taken refuge in the Abhisara country, in the
hills between the Hydaspes (Jihlam) and Akesines (Chinab)
rivers 1. He then slowly forced his way through the forests
down to the bridge-head at Ohind. Although the direct
distance is not great, the work of clearing a road passable for
an army was so arduous that fifteen or sixteen marches were
required to reach Hephaestion’s camp 2.

Opinions have differed concerning the location of the
bridge over the Indus, and most writers have been inclined
to place it at Attock (Atak), where the river is narrowest.
But the recent investigations of M. Foucher have clearly
established the fact that the bridge, probably constructed of
boats, must have been at Ohind or Und, sixteen miles above
Attock. Having arrived at the bridge-head, Alexander
sacrificed to the gods on a magnificent scale, and gave his
army thirty days of much needed rest, amusing them with
games and gymnastic contests 3.

1 Various attempts to identify
Dyrta have been made without
success. The position of Abhisara,
or ‘ the kingdom of Abisares,’ has
been correctly defined for the first
time by Dr. Stein, who writes that
‘Darvabhisara [i. e. Darva and
Abhisara] comprised the whole
tract of the lower and middle hills
lying between the Vitasta (Jihlam
or Hydaspes) and the Candrabhaga
(Chinab or Akesines) . . . The hill-
state of Raiapurl (Rajauri) was in-
cluded in Darvabhisara . . . One
passage would restrict the applica-
tion of the term to the lower hills.’
The small chieftainship of Rajauri
and Bhimbhar, the ancient Abhi-
sara, is now included within the

limits of the Kashmir State, as
defined in recent times. Abhisara
used to be erroneously identified

with the Hazara District, which
really corresponds with Urasa, or

the kingdom of Arsakes (Stein,
Rajatarangini, transl., Bk. i, 180 ;
v, 217 ; and McCrindle, op. cit.,
p. 375). The line of march from
Aornos (Mahaban) is not known.

2 Curtius (viii, 12) is the authority
for the fifteen or sixteen marches.
His words are : ‘ Having left this
pass [?Ambela], he arrived after
the sixteenth encampment at the
river Indus.’

3 Arrian, v, 3 ; Diodorus, xvii,
86. The ancient road to India
from the Kabul river valley followed
a circuitous route through Puru-
shapura (Peshawar), Pushkalavatl
(Peukelaotis), Hoti Mardan, and
Shahbazgarhi (Po-lu-sha of the
Chinese), to Und or Ohind. The
direct route to Attock has been
made practicable only in modern
times. Und is the pronunciation
of the inhabitants of the town which
is called Ohind by the people of

PASSAGE OF INDUS

At Ohind Alexander was met by an embassy from Ambhi
(Omphis) x, who had recently succeeded to the throne of
Taxila, the great city three marches beyond the Indus.
The lately deceased king had met the invader in the previous
year at Nikaia and tendered the submission of his kingdom.
This tender was now renewed on behalf of his son by the
embassy, and was supported by a contingent of 700 horse and
the gift of valuable supplies comprising 30 elephants, 3,000
fat oxen, more than 10,000 sheep, and 200 talents of silver.

The ready submission of the rulers of Taxila is explained
by the fact that they desired Alexander’s help against their
enemies in the neighbouring states. Taxila was then at war
both with the hill kingdom of Abhisara, and with the more
powerful state governed by the king whom the Greeks called
Poros, which corresponded with the modern districts of
Jihlam, Gujarat, and Shahpur 2.

Spring had now begun, and the omens being favourable,
the refreshed army began the passage of the river one
morning at daybreak ; and, wi th the help of the Taxilan
king, safely effected entrance on the soil of India, which no
European traveller or invader had ever before trodden 3.

A curious incident marked the last day’s march to Taxila.
When four or five miles from the city Alexander was startled
to see a complete army in order of battle advancing to meet

Embassy

from

Taxila.

March,
326 b. c.
Passage
of Indus.

Curious

incident.

Peshawar and Mardan ; the San-
skrit name was Udabhandapura
(Cunningham, Ancient Geography,
p. 52 ; Stein, Rajat, transl. ii, 336 ;
Foucher, op. cit., p. 49, with maps).
Major Raverty considers Uhand to
be the correct spelling, and this
form is the nearest to the Sanskrit.
_ 1 The restoration of the name
Ambhi is due to M. Sylvain Levi
{Journal Asiatique for 1890, p. 234).

2 Curtius, viii, 12. The country
of Poros lay between the Hydaspes
(Jihlam) and the Akesines (Chinab),
and contained 300 towns {Strabo,
xv, 29).

3 The chronology is determined
by Strabo, xv, 17, who states, on
the authority of Aristoboulos, the

companion and historian of Alex-
ander, that ‘ they remained in the
mountainous country belonging to
the Aspasioi and to Assakanos
during the winter. In the begin-
ning of spring they descended to
the plains and the great city of
Taxila, whence they went on to
the Hydaspes and the land of
Poros. During the winter they
saw no rain, but only snow. Rain
fell for the first time while they
were at Taxila.’ The passage of
the Indus must therefore be dated
in March, 326 b. c. The rain at
Taxila must have been due to a
passing storm, because the regular
rainy season does not begin be-
fore June.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Taxila.

Submis-
sion of
Ambhi.

him. He supposed that treacherous opposition was about to
be offered, and had begun to make arrangements to attack
the Indians, when Ambhi galloped forward with a few
attendants and explained that the display of force was
intended as an honour, and that his entire army was at
Alexander’s disposal. When the misunderstanding had been
removed the Macedonian force continued its advance and was
entertained at the city with royal magnificence.

Taxila, now represented by miles of ruins to the north-
west of Rawalpindi, and the south-east of Hasan Abdal, was
then one of the greatest cities of the East, and was especially
famous as the principal seat of Hindu learning in Northern
India, to which scholars of all classes flocked for instruction x.

Ambhi recognized Alexander as his lord, and received
from him investiture as lawful successor of his deceased
father the king of Taxila. In return for the favour shown
to him by the invader, he provided the Macedonian army
with liberal supplies, and presented Alexander with eighty
talents of coined silver1 2 and golden crowns for himself and
all his friends. Alexander, not to be outdone in generosity,
returned the presents, and bestowed on the donor a thousand

1 The name is given as Taxila
(TapXa) by the Greek and Roman
authors, which is a close tran-
scription of the Pali or Prakrit Tak-
kasila. The Sanskrit form is Tak-
shasila. The ruins at Shahdheri,
eight miles south-east of Hasan
Abdal, and in the surrounding vil-
lages, have been roughly surveyed
and described by Cunningham
{Reports, ii, 111-51), but deserve
more systematic and detailed ex-
amination. So far as known, the
remains seem to be Buddhist, but
the vestiges of many pre-Buddhist
edifices probably still remain. The

Buddhist establishments were in a
state of decay when the Chinese
traveller, Hiuen Tsang, visited
them in the seventh century a. d.
(Beal, ii, 136-43), and the kingdom
was then tributary to Kashmir.
The city was still an important
place about 100 b. c., when it was
the capital of a satrap named

Liaka. The Jataka stories are full
of references to the fame of Taxila
as a university town, e. g. vol. ii
(Rouse’s transl.), 2, 32, 59, &c.
The Suslma Jataka places it in the
kingdom of Gandhara, i. e. of
Peukelaotis and Peshawar. Most
of the Jatakas are probably anterior
to Alexander’s time.

2 This ‘coined’ or ‘stamped’
silver ( signatum argentum) probably
consisted of the little flat ingots
known to numismatists as ‘ punch-
marked ’ pieces, because they are
not struck with a die, but are
marked irregularly by small punches
of various patterns applied at dif-
ferent times. For accounts of this
curious coinage, see Rapson, Indian
Coins, §§ 4-6; Cunningham, Coins
of Ancient India, pp. 54-60, pi. I
and II, 1, 2. The early copper
coinage of Taxila is described in
pp. 61-6 of the latter work.

ADVANCE TO HYDASPES

talents from the spoils of war, along with many banqueting
vessels of gold and silver, a vast quantity of Persian drapery,
and thirty chargers caparisoned as when ridden by himself.

This lavish generosity, although displeasing to Alexander’s
Macedonian officers, was probably prompted more by policy
than by sentiment. It purchased a contingent of 5,000 men,
and secured the fidelity of a most useful ally (Q. Curtius,
viii, 12 ; Diodorus, xvii, 86 ; Arrian, v, 8).

While Alexander was at Taxila, the hill chieftain of Raja of
Abhisara, who really intended to join Poros in repelling the ^^Paros
invader ( Diodorus , xvii, 87), sent envoys who professed to
surrender to Alexander all that their master possessed.

This mission was favourably received, and Alexander hoped
that Poros would display complaisance equal to that of his
ally. But a summons sent requiring him to do homage and
pay tribute was met with the proud answer that he would
indeed come to his frontier to meet the invader, but at the
head of an army ready for battle.

Having stayed in his comfortable quarters at Taxila for Advance
sufficient time to rest his army ( Diodorus , xvii, 87), Alex-
ander led his forces, now strengthened by the Taxilan April,
contingent and a small number of elephants, eastward to 326 B- c'
meet Poros, who was known to be awaiting him on the
further bank of the Hydaspes (Jihlam) river. The march
from Taxila to Jihlam on the Hydaspes, in a south-easterly
direction, a distance of about a hundred or a hundred and
ten miles, according to the route followed, brought the army
over difficult ground and probably occupied a fortnight.

The hot season was at its height, but to Alexander all
seasons were equally fit for campaigning, and he led his
soldiers on and on from conquest to conquest, regardless of the
snows of the mountains and the scorching heat of the plains.

He arrived at Jihlam early in May, and found the river May,
already flooded by the melting of the snow in the hills. 326 B- c-
The boats which had served for the passage of the Indus,
having been cut into sections and transported on wagons
to be rebuilt on the bank of the Hydaspes, were again
utilized for the crossing of that river ( Arrian , v, 8).

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Prepara-
tion for
passage of
river.

Provision
of boats.

In spite of the most elaborate preparations, the problem
of the passage of the Hydaspes in the face of a superior force
could not be solved without minute local knowledge ; and
Alexander was compelled to defer his decision as to the best
feasible solution until he should have acquired the necessary
acquaintance with all the local conditions. On his arrival,
he found the army of Poros, fifty thousand strong, drawn
up on the opposite bank. It was obvious that the horses of
the cavalry, the arm upon which the Macedonian commander
placed his reliance, could not be induced to clamber up the
bank of a flooded river in the face of a host of elephants, and
that some device for evading this difficulty must be sought.

Alexander, therefore, resolved, in the words of Arrian, to
‘ steal a passage.’ The easiest plan would have been for the
invader to wait patiently in his lines until October or
November when the waters would subside and the river
might become fordable. Although such dilatory tactics did
not commend themselves to the impetuous spirit of Alex-
ander, he endeavoured to lull the vigilance of the enemy by
the public announcement that he intended to await the
change of season, and gave a colour of truth to the declara-
tion by employing his troops in foraging expeditions and
the collection of a great store of provisions. At the same
time his flotilla of boats continually moved up and down the
river, and frequent reconnaissances were made in search of
a ford. ‘All this,’ as Arrian observes, ‘prevented Poros
from resting and concentrating his preparations at any one
point selected in preference to any other as the best for
defending the passage’ (v, 9). Rafts, galleys, and smaller
boats were secretly prepared and hidden away among the
woods and islands in the upper reaches of the river where it
escapes from the mountains. These preliminaries occupied
six or seven weeks, during which time the rains had broken,
and the violence of the flood had increased. Careful study
of the ground had convinced Alexander that the best chance
of crossing in safety was to be found near a sharp bend in
the river about sixteen miles marching distance above his
camp, at a point where his embarkation would be concealed

NIGHT MARCH

by a bluff and an island covered with forest. Having arrived
at this decision, Alexander acted upon it, not only, as Arrian
justly remarks, with ‘marvellous audacity,’ but with con-
summate prudence and precaution.

He left Krateros with a considerable force, including the Beginning
Taxilan contingent of 5,000 men, to guard the camp near 326
Jihlam, and supplied him with precise instructions as to the Reserve
manner in which he should use this reserve force to support force'
the main attack. Half-way between the standing camp and
the chosen crossing-place three generals were stationed
with the mercenary cavalry and infantry, and had orders
to cross the river as soon as they should perceive the Indians
to be fairly engaged in action. All sections of the army
were kept in touch by a chain of sentries posted along the
bank.

When all these precautionary arrangements had been Night
completed, Alexander in person took command of a picked marc^'
force of about 11,000 or 12,000 men, including the foot
guards, hypaspist infantry, mounted archers, and 5,000
cavalry of various kinds, with which to effect the passage.

In order to escape observation, he marched by night at
some distance from the bank, and his movements were further
concealed by a violent storm of rain and thunder which
broke during the march. He arrived unperceived at the
appointed place and found the fleet of galleys, boats, and
rafts in readiness. The enemy had no suspicion of what was
happening until the fleet appeared in the open river beyond
the wooded island, and Alexander disembarked his force at
daybreak without opposition. But when he had landed, he
was disappointed to find that yet another deep channel lay
in front, which must be crossed. With much difficulty
a ford was found, and the infantry struggled through breast-
deep in the stream, while the horses swam with only their
heads above water. The sole practicable road from the
camp of Poros involved a wide detour, which rendered
prompt opposition impossible, and Alexander was able to
deploy his dripping troops on the mainland before any
attempt could be made to stop him.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

The

battle-

field.

The

Indian

army.

Then, when it was too late, the son of the Indian king
came hurrying up with 2,000 horse and 120 chariots. This
inadequate force was speedily routed with the loss of 400
killed, and of all the chariots. Fugitives carried the
disastrous news to the camp of Poros, who moved out with
the bulk of his army to give battle, leaving a guard to
protect his baggage against Krateros, who lay in wait on the
opposite bank. The Indian army deployed on the only
ground available, the plain now known as Karri, girdled on
the north and east by low hills, and about five miles in
width at its broadest part. The surface was a firm sandy
soil well adapted for military movements even in the rainy
season.

A stately force it was with which the Indian monarch
moved forth to defend his country against the audacious
invader from the west. Two hundred huge elephants,
stationed at intervals of not less than a hundred feet from
one another, and probably in eight ranks, formed the front
in the centre1. The chief reliance of Poros was on these
monsters who would, it was calculated, terrify the foreign
soldiers and render the dreaded cavalry unmanageable.
Behind the elephants stood a compact force of 30,000
infantry with projections on the wings, and files of the
infantry were pushed forward in the intervals between the
elephants, so that the Indian army presented ‘very much
the appearance of a city — the elephants as they stood re-
sembling its towers, and the men-at-arms placed between
them resembling the lines of wall intervening between tower
and tower’ ( Diodorus , xvii, 87). Both flanks were protected
by cavalry with chariots in front. The cavalry numbered
4,000 and the chariots 300. Each chariot was drawn by
four horses, and carried six men, of whom two were archers,
stationed one on each side of the vehicle, two were shield-
bearers, and two were charioteers, who in the stress of battle

1 See plan of the battle. The indebted for it to my son, Lieut,

number of ranks is determined by A. A. Smith, 5th P. I., who has

the limitation of space. The plan plotted the details to scale,
shows exactly 200 elephants. I am

to fobce page 58

fbishire & Stanford., Ltd.,

TheOxforct GeoglInstitLde.

INDIAN EQUIPMENT

were wont to drop the reins and ply the enemy with darts
(Q- Curtius, viii, 14).

The infantry were all armed with a broad and heavy two- Indian
handed sword, and a long buckler of undressed ox-hide. In
addition to these arms each man carried either javelins or
a bow. The bow is described as being

4 made of equal length with the man who bears it. This
they rest upon the ground, and pressing against it with their
left foot thus discharge the arrow having drawn the string
backwards : for the shaft they use is little short of being
three yards long, and there is nothing which can resist an
Indian archer’s shot — neither shield nor breastplate, nor any
stronger defence, if such there be 1 (Arrian, Indika , ch. xvi).

But great as was the power of the Indian bow, it was too
cumbrous to meet the attack of the mobile Macedonian
cavalry. The slippery state of the surface prevented the
archers from resting the end of their weapons firmly on the
gi’ound, and Alexander’s horse were able to deliver their
charge before the bowmen had completed their adjustments
(Q. Curtius, viii, 14). The Indian horsemen, each of whom
carried two javelins and a buckler, were far inferior in per-
sonal strength and military discipline to Alexander’s men
(Arrian, A nab. v, 17).

With such force and such equipment Poros awaited the
attack of the greatest military genius whom the world has
seen.

Alexander clearly perceived that his small force would Alex-
have no chance of success in a direct attack upon the enemy’s tactics!
centre, and resolved to rely on the effect of a vigorous
cavalry charge against the Indian left wing. The generals
in command of the 6,000 infantry at his disposal were
ordered to play a waiting game, and to take no part in the
action until they should see the Indian foot and horse
thrown into confusion by the charge of cavalry under
Alexander’s personal command.

He opened the action by sending his mounted archers, First
a thousand strong, against the left wing of the Indian army, battle °f
which must have extended close to the bank of the river.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Second
stage of
battle.

Third
stage of
battle.

The archers discharged a storm of arrows and made furious
charges. They were quickly followed by the Guards led by
Alexander himself. The Indian cavalry on the right wing
hurried round by the rear to support their hard-pressed
comrades on the left. But meantime two regiments of
horse commanded by Koinos, which had been detached by
Alexander for the purpose, swept past the front of the
immobile host of Poros, galloped round its right wing, and
threatened the rear of the Indian cavalry and chariots.
While the Indian squadrons were endeavouring to effect
a partial change of front to meet the impending onset from
the rear, they necessarily fell into a certain amount of con-
fusion. Alexander, seeing his opportunity, seized the very
moment when the enemy’s horse were changing front, and
pressed home his attack. The Indian ranks on both wings
broke and ‘ fled for shelter to the elephants as to a friendly
wall.’ Thus ended the first act in the drama.

The elephant drivers tried to retrieve the disaster by
urging their mounts against the Macedonian horse, but the
phalanx, which had now advanced, began to take its de-
ferred share in the conflict. The Macedonian soldiers hurled
showers of darts at the elephants and their riders. The
maddened beasts charged and crushed through the closed
ranks of the phalanx, impenetrable to merely human attack.
The Indian horsemen seized the critical moment, and, seeking
to revenge the defeat which they had suffered in the first
stage of the action wheeled round and attacked Alexander’s
cavalry. But the Indians were not equal to the task which
they attempted, and being repulsed, were again cooped up
among the elephants. The second act of the drama was
now finished.

The third and last began with a charge by the Macedonian
massed cavalry which crashed into the broken Indian ranks
and effected an awful carnage. The battle ended at the
eighth hour of the day (Plutarch, Life, ch. 60) in a scene of
murderous confusion, which is best described in the words of
Arrian, whose account is based on that of men who shared in
the fight.

DEFEAT OF POROS

‘ The elephants,’ he writes, 4 being now cooped up within Rout of
a narrow space, did no less damage to their friends than to Indians
their foes, trampling them under their feet as they wheeled
and pushed about. There resulted in consequence a great
slaughter of the cavalry, cooped up as it was within a narrow
space around the elephants. Many of the elephant drivers,
moreover, had been shot down, and of the elephants them-
selves some had been wounded, while others, both from
exhaustion and the loss of their mahouts, no longer kept to
their own side of the conflict, but, as if driven frantic by
their sufferings, attacked friend and foe quite indiscrimin-
ately, pushed them, trampled them down, and killed them in
all manner of ways. But the Macedonians, who had a wide
and open field, and could therefore operate as they thought
best, gave way when the elephants charged, and when they
retreated followed at their heels and plied them with darts ;
whereas the Indians, who were in the midst of the animals,
suffered far more from the effects of their rage.

‘ When the elephants, however, became quite exhausted,
and their attacks were no longer made with vigour, they fell
back like ships backing water, and merely kept trumpeting
as they retreated with their faces to the enemy. Then did
Alexander surround with his cavalry the whole of the enemy’s
line, and signal that the infantry, with their shields linked
together so as to give the utmost compactness to their ranks,
should advance in phalanx. By this means the cavalry of
the Indians was, with a few exceptions, cut to pieces in the
action. Such also was the fate of the infantry, since the
Macedonians were now pressing them from every side.

4 Upon this all turned to flight wherever a gap could be
found in the cordon of Alexander’s cavalry.’

Meanwhile, Krateros and the other officers left on the Capture
opposite bank of the river had crossed over, and with their of ^°ros
fresh troops fell upon the fugitives, and wrought terrible
slaughter. The Indian army was annihilated ; all the
elephants being either killed or captured, and the chariots
destroyed. Three thousand horsemen, and not less than
twelve thousand foot soldiers were killed, and nine thousand
taken prisoners. The Macedonian loss, according to the
highest estimate, did not exceed a thousand.

Poros himself, a magnificent giant, six and a half feet in

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Bouke-

phala.

Nikaia.

height, fought to the last, but at last succumbed to nine
wounds, and was taken prisoner in a fainting condition.

Alexander had the magnanimity to respect his gallant
adversary, and willingly responded to his proud request to be
‘treated as a king1.’ The victor not only confirmed the
vanquished prince in the government of his ancestral terri-
tory, but added to it other lands of still greater extent ; and
by this politic generosity secured for the brief period of his
stay in the country a grateful and faithful friend 2.

The victory was commemorated by the foundation of two
towns ; one named Nikaia, situated on the battlefield ; and
the other, named Boukephala, situated at the point whence
Alexander had started to cross the Hydaspes. The latter
was dedicated to the memory of Alexander’s famous charger,
which had carried him safely through so many perils, and
had now at last succumbed to weariness and old age.
Boukephala, by reason of its position at a ferry on the high
road from the west to the Indian interior, became a place of
such fame and importance as to be reckoned by Plutarch
among the greatest of Alexander’s foundations. It was
practically identical with the modern town of Jihlam(Jhelum),
and its position is more closely marked by the extensive
elevated mound to the west of the existing town.

The position of Nikaia, which never attained fame, is less
certain ; but should probably be sought at the village of
Sukhchainpur to the south of the Karri plain, the scene of
the battle 3.

1 "On 0aai\i/cuis fioi xpr/aai, w ' A\i-
£av5pe.

“ For disputed questions con-
cerning the passage of the river,
and the date and site of the battle

see App. E, F. Opinions differ
concerning the exact nature of the
movement of Koinos ; but to me
the texts seem sufficiently plain.
A mobile cavalry force had no diffi-
culty in riding across the front of an
army like that of Poros ; although,
of course, such a feat would be im-
possible if that army had possessed
rifles and guns. While Arrian’s lucid

description of the battle has been
followed in the main, some details
have been taken from other writers.

3 Arrian (v, 20) gives the true
account of the death of Bouke-
phalos. The site of Boukephala
was determined by Abbott (‘ On
the Sites of Nikaia and Bouke-
phala,’ J.A.S.B., 1852, p. 231).
The mound referred to is known
locally as ‘Pindi,’ or ‘the town,’
and yields large ancient bricks and
numerous Graeco-Bactrian coins.
Boukephala is mentioned in the
Peutingerian Tables, by Pliny

ADVANCE EASTWARDS

Alexander, having performed with fitting splendour the The Glau-
obsequies of the slain, offered the customary sacrifices, and
celebrated games, left Krateros behind with a portion of the
army and orders to fortify posts, and maintain communica-
tions. The king himself, taking a force of picked troops,
largely composed of cavalry, invaded the country of a nation
called Glausai or Glaukanikoi, adjacent to the dominions of
Poros. Thirty-seven considerable towns and a multitude of
villages, having readily submitted, were added to the exten-
sive territory administered by Poros. The king of the lower
hills, who is called Abisares by the Greek writers, finding
resistance hopeless, again tendered his submission. Another
Poros, nephew of the defeated monarch, who ruled a tract
called Gandaris, probably that between the Chinab and Ravi
rivers now known as Gondal Bar, sent envoys promising
allegiance to the invincible invader, and sundry independent
tribes (t£>v avrovopinv ’lvbu>v) followed the example of these
princes.

Alexander, moving in a direction more easterly than Middle
before, crossed the Akesines (Chinab) at a point not specified,
but certainly near the foot of the hills. The passage of the Passage of
river, although unopposed, was difficult by reason of the Akesines.
rapid current of the flooded stream, which was 3,000 yards
(15 stadia ) in width, and of the large and jagged rocks with
which the channel was bestrewn, and on which many of the
boats were wrecked h

The king, having made adequate arrangements for sup- Passage of
plies, reinforcements, and the maintenance of communications, Hydrao-
continued his advance eastwards, probably passing close to
the ancient fortress of Sialkot. The Hydraotes (Ravi) river
having been crossed without difficulty, Hephaistion was sent

(vi, 20), and the author of the
Periplus (ch. 47), as well as by-
Plutarch ( Fortune of Alexander,
Oration I, 9). Cunningham’s identi-
fications of the two towns are neces-
sarily wrong, being based upon the
erroneous theory that the passage
of the river was effected at Jalal-
pur.

1 These particulars given by Ar-

rian (v, 20) clearly prove that the
Akesines was crossed near the foot
of the hills, some twenty-five or
thirty miles above WazTrabad, where
Mr. McCrindle places the crossing.
The Chinab has changed its course
very considerably, and lower down
has wandered over a bed about
thirty miles in breadth (Raverty,
op. cit., 343).

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

back in order to reduce to obedience the younger Poros, who
had revolted owing to feelings of resentment at the excessive
favour shown to his uncle and enemy.

The inde- Alexander selected as the adversaries worthy of his steel
tribes^ the more important confederacy of independent tribes which
was headed by the Kathaioi, who dwelt upon the left or
eastern side of the Hydraotes, and enjoyed the highest repu-
tation for skill in the art of war. Their neighbours, the
Oxydrakai, who occupied the basin of the Hyphasis, and the
Malloi, who were settled along the lower course of the
Hydraotes below Lahore, and were also famous as brave
warriors, intended to join the tribal league, but had not
actually done so at this time. The Kathaioi were now
supported only by minor clans, their immediate neighbours,
and the terrible fate which awaited the Malloi was postponed
for a brief space h

Pimprama On the second day after the passage of the Hydraotes,
Sangala Alexander received the capitulation of a town named Pim-
prama, belonging to a clan called Adrai'stai by Arrian ; and,
after a day’s rest, proceeded to invest Sangala, which the
Kathaioi and the allied tribes had selected as their main
stronghold. The tribes protected their camp, lying under
the shelter of a low hill, by a triple row of wagons, and
offered a determined resistance.

Meantime, the elder Poros arrived with a reinforcement for
the besiegers of five thousand troops, elephants, and a siege
train ; but before any breach in the city wall had been
effected, the Macedonians stormed the place by escalade, and
routed the allies, who lost many thousands killed. Alexan-
der’s loss in killed was less than a hundred, but twelve
hundred of his men were wounded — an unusually large
proportion.

Sangala was razed to the ground, as a punishment for the
stout resistance of its defenders 2.

1 For the correct location of the ( J . R. A. S., Oct., loos'). See the
clans see the author’s paper en- map, reprinted from that paper,
titled ‘ The Position of the Autono- with a slight alteration of the sug-
mous Tribes of the Panjab con- gested position of the altars,
quered by Alexander the Great’ 2 Much nonsense has been written

SPEECH OF KOINOS

Yet another river, the Hyphasis (Bias), lay in the path of Arrival
the royal adventurer, who advanced to its bank, and prepared Hyphasis
to cross, being determined to subdue the nations beyond.

These were reputed to be clans of brave agriculturists,
enjoying an admirable system of aristocratic government, and
occupying a fertile territory well supplied with elephants of
superior size and courage.

Alexander, having noticed that his troops no longer followed Alexan-
him with their wonted alacrity, and were indisposed to proceed f^dress
to more distant adventures, sought to rouse their enthusiasm
by an eloquent address, in which he recited the glories of
their wondrous conquests from the Hellespont to the
Hyphasis, and promised them the dominion and riches of all
Asia. But his glowing words fell on unwilling ears, and
were received with painful silence, which remained unbroken
for a long time.

At last Koinos, the trusted cavalry general, who had led Reply of
the charge in the battle with Poros, summoned up courage to Koinos-
reply, and argued the expediency of fixing some limit to the
toils and dangers of the army. He urged his sovereign to
remember that out of the Greeks and Macedonians who had
crossed the Hellespont eight years earlier, some had been
invalided home, some were unwilling exiles in newly founded
cities, some were disabled by wounds, and others, the most
numerous, had perished by the sword or disease.

Few indeed were those left to follow the standards ; and Septem-
they were weary wretches, shattered in health, ragged, ill- j^r’ 326
armed, and despondent. He concluded his oration by
saying : —

£ Moderation in the midst of success, O king ! is the

about the site of Sangala (XdyyaXa), 'port on Sangala Tibba, News Press,
which was quite distinct from the Lahore, 1896 ; Proc. A. S. B.,

Sakala of Hindu writers and of 1896, p. 81). The position of San-

Hiuen Tsang. The assumption gala, which was razed to the

that the two towns were identical ground, cannot be determined
led Cunningham to identify Alex- with precision, but it was in the

ander’s Sangala with a petty mound Gurdaspur District. Sakala, the

called ‘ Sangala Tibba ’ in the Jhang capital of Mihirakula, was probably
District. The late Mr. C. J. either Chuniot or Shahkot in the

Rodgers conclusively proved this Jhang District,

identification to be erroneous (Re~

SMITH

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

noblest of virtues, for, although, being at the head of so brave
an army, you have naught to dread from mortal foes, yet the
visitations of the Deity cannot be foreseen or guarded against
by man V

Orders for The words of Koinos were greeted with loud applause,
retreat. which left no doubt about the temper of the men. Alex-
ander, deeply mortified, and unwilling to yield, retired
within his tent ; but emerged on the third day, convinced
that further advance was impracticable. The soothsayers
judiciously discovered that the omens were unfavourable for
the passage of the river, and Alexander, with a heavy heart,
gave orders for retreat, in September, 326 b.c.

The altars. To mark the furthest point of his advance, he erected
twelve huge altars, built of squared stone, and each fifty
cubits in height, dedicated to the twelve great gods.
Although the army had not passed the river, these massive
memorials were erected on the farther bank, where they long
remained to excite the wonder and veneration of both
natives and foreigners 2. Traces of them may still exist, and
should be looked for along the oldest bed of the Bias, near
the hills, in one or other of the three districts — Gurdaspur,
Hoshyarpur, or Kangra— where nobody has yet sought them.

The judicious Arrian simply records that :• —

‘ Alexander divided the army into brigades, which he
ordered to prepare twelve altars equal in height to the
loftiest military towers, while exceeding them in breadth ; to
serve both as thank-offerings to the gods who had led him
so far on the path of conquest, and as a memorial of his
achievements. When the altars had been constructed, he
offered sacrifice upon them with the customary rites, and
celebrated gymnastic and equestrian games.1

Worship at The structures thus solemnly dedicated were well designed
Chandra- t° serve their double purpose ; and constituted a dignified
gupta.

1 The address of Koinos, which 2 ‘ Ad Hypasin . . . qui fuit
is given in full by Arrian, seems to Alexandri itinerum terminus,
me to be in substance a genuine exsuperato tamen amne, arisque
report of a real speech, and not in adversa ripa dicatis ’ (Pliny,
merely an appropriate invention of Hist. Nat., Bk. vi, ch. 17).
the historian.

TRAVELLERS’ TALES

and worthy monument of the piety and labours of the
world’s greatest general. Their significance was fully appre-
ciated by the Indian powers which had been compelled to
bend before the Macedonian storm. We are told that
Chandragupta Maurya, the first emperor of India, who suc-
ceeded to the lordship of Alexander’s conquests, and his
successors for centuries afterwards, continued to venerate the
altars, and were in the habit of crossing the river to offer
sacrifice upon them x.

But, if Curtius and Diodorus are to be believed, the Travellers'
noble simplicity of the monumental altars was marred by tales'
a ridiculous addition designed to gratify the king’s childish
vanity. The tale is given in its fullest form by Diodorus,
who gravely informs us that after the completion of the
altars, Alexander caused an encampment to be made thrice
the size of that actually occupied by his army, encircled by
a trench fifty feet wide and forty feet deep, as well as by
a rampart of extraordinary dimensions. 4 He further,’ the
story continues, ‘ordered quarters to be constructed as for
foot-soldiers, each containing two beds four cubits in length
for each man ; and besides this, two stalls of twice the
ordinary size for each horseman. Whatever else was to be
left behind was directed to be likewise proportionately
increased in size.’ We are asked to believe that these silly
proceedings were intended to convince the country people
that the invaders had been men of more than ordinary
strength and stature 1 2.

It is incredible that Alexander could have been guilty of
such senseless folly, and the legend may be rejected without

1 ’A\e£av8pos pev ovv 'Hpaie\ea
TLfiwv ical itakiv ’ AXfavbpov ’ Avbpo-
kottos, iavrovs els to Tipao6ai nporjyov
anb tuiv opiolaiv. ‘ Thus Alexander,
honouring Hercules, and Andro-
kottos [ sell . Chandragupta] again
honouring Alexander, got them-
selves honoured on the same
grounds’ (Plutarch, cir. 90 a. d.,

‘ How One can Praise oneself with-
out exciting Envy,’ § 10, in Morals,

ed. Teubner, and Shilleto’s trans.).
The same author, in his Life of
Alexander, ch. lxii, states that
‘ he also erected altars for the gods
which the kings of the Praisiai
[sell. Magadha] even to the present
day hold in veneration, crossing
the river to offer sacrifices upon
them in the Hellenic fashion.’

a Diodorus, xvii, 95 ; Curtius,
ix, 3.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Three sites
proposed.

Mahaban.

Descrip-
tion by
Abbott.

hesitation as probably based on distorted versions of tales
told by travellers, who had seen the altars.

APPENDIX D

Aornos and Embolima

Three solutions have been proposed for the ‘much vexed
question ’ as to the site of Aornos. General Court and the
Rev. Mr. Loewenthal suggested the castle or fort known as that
of Raja Hodi, opposite Attock. But that suggestion is open to
objections of all sorts, and has now no defenders. Cunningham
preferred to identify the celebrated mountain with the fortress
of Ranigat, sixteen miles north of Ohind, although he confessed
that the identification was ‘incomplete,’ and that he was ‘not
perfectly satisfied with it V Cunningham’s suggestion may be
briefly dismissed with the remarks that the hill at Ranigat is
much too small and low to answer to the descriptions of the
ancient writers, and that it is distant from the Indus.

The third site proposed, the Mahaban mountain, situated
about seventy miles ENE. from Peshawar in approximately
N. lat. 34° 20', was vigorously advocated by General Abbott,
whose conclusions have been so strongly supported by recent
researches that the ‘much vexed question’ may now be re-
garded as definitely settled. In order to prevent the recurrence
of doubts upon the subject, the evidence establishing the
identification may be briefly set forth.

The fanaticism of the tribes inhabiting the mountain and its
neighbourhood is so great that the locality has never been
completely surveyed — in fact, so far as can be ascertained, no
European has ascended the mountain since the days of Alexander.
Our information consequently lacks precision, but nevertheless
enough is known to establish the fact of the identity of Mahaban
with Aornos beyond reasonable doubt. The fullest description
is that given by Abbott, as follows : —

‘ The long-sought rock, Aornos, towers high above all the neighbouring
mountains, its foot washed by the broad flood of the Indus ... its
inexhaustible pastures ... its forests and fastnesses, the refuge of all the
outlaws for hundreds of miles around ; its summit, furrowed by a hundred
ploughs ; its skirts, by perhaps eight hundred more ; a mountain almost
without parallel in the world, and too faithfully described to be mistaken.
There was formerly a fort upon the crest of the mountain, but its very
name is lost, although traces of the wall remain, agreeing exactly, if my
informant correctly describes them, with the site of Aornos. . . . Upon

Cunningham, Reports, ii, 95-110.

AORNOS

the east of Maha Bunn (a name embracing a whole district comprised by
the trunk and ramifications of this mountain, and harbouring some ten
thousand matchlock men) Nadir Shah, the Alexander of Persia, encamped
his army, as the only means of reducing to order the lawless Affacini L.
The mountain is a long isolated ridge, not less, I think, in length at
summit than five miles. The height is upwards of 7,000 feet [7,320 in
India Office map] above the sea’s level, or 5,000 above that of the Indus.
The length at base must be upwards of twelve miles. At the very summit
is a small square Tumulus, apparently from 50 to 100 feet high, and
scarped with precipices. . . . The Maha Bunn agrees to the minutest
particular with the description of Aornos, standing on the right bank of
the Indus, feathered with forests, watered by perennial springs. Its
summit, a plateau capable of holding the camp of a Persian army, and of
employing a hundred ploughs ; its forests and fastnesses the refuge of the
Affacini of the plains and of fugitives from Abisara and Taxila ; its
height, gigantic and pre-eminent ; its position sufficiently near to annoy
Alexander’s columns ; its inhabitants to this day unconquered, paying
neither allegiance nor tribute to any man V

The observations of Colonel Deane, whose official position has
afforded exceptional opportunities for the collection of accurate
information, supplement the description of General Abbott, and
prove that the remains of a fort still exist on the mountain.
The identification of Ptolemy’s Asigramma with the modern
Asgram seems to be certain.

‘ The line of the Indus through the Peshawar District has never been
thoroughly examined. Beginning at Asgram, there are extensive ruins
a little way above where the Indus leaves the hills ; there are more
on a low hill on the bank of the Indus near Gullai, known as Imran ;
many more buried near Jalbai ; and again, others near Jehangira and
Alladher. None of these have ever been systematically explored.

The following brief note has reference to Aornos, which was situated
either in Udyana or Gandhara.

On Mahaban, at the point known as Shahkot, are the very distinct
remains of a large fort, the foundations of which, 360 yards by 180 yards,
with twelve bastions on the north and south faces, five bastions on the
east face (outside which was a ditch some thirty feet wide), and four
bastions on the west face, can still be traced. The road to the fort winds
up the southern face of the hill, and below it on the south is a plateau
about a mile long by 600 yards wide. On the north face is a second
gate, with a steep path leading to springs a little way below. Below the
south-west corner is a large tank protected by three towers. Inside are
remains of two temples and a tank about sixty paces in circumference.
The fort is situated on a vast rock, and is reported as exceedingly difficult
of access.

Close to Panjtar, at the foot of Mahaban, is a group of several old
towns, from which I have obtained many inscriptions. Further down,
towards where the Indus debouches into the plain, are extensive ruins, to
which my attention was first directed by obtaining an inscription from

1 This name is used only by
Abbott.

2 Abbott, ‘The Battle Field of
Alexander and Porus,’ J. A. S. B.,
1848, pp. 627, 628. The same

author’s ‘ valuable and elaborate
article,’ as Grote justly calls it,
entitled ‘ Gradus ad Aornon,’ in
J. A. S. B., 1854, p. 309, may also
be consulted with advantage.

Observa-
tions by
Colonel
Deane.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Dr. Stein’s
notes.

Eraboli-

ma.

them. These ruins are known as Asgram, already mentioned. The
Pathans give this as the name of the ruins, stating that tradition holds
them to be of the same period as Begram and Naugram (Ranigat).
Taking Ptolemy’s map and McCrindle as a guide, we find a hitherto
unidentified place, Asigramma, close to the bank of the river, bearing
the same relative position to Aornos and Pentigramma, as shown on the
map, as Asgram bears to Mahaban and Panjtar h Aornos was above
Asigramma ; and if the identification of Asgram with Asigramma be
accepted, the claims of both Hodi Raja and Ranigat are disposed of, and
there does not remain much, if any, doubt as to Aornos having been on
Mahaban as described above. Another very strong position on Mahaban
is a spur running to the Indus known as Mount Banj. A fort also exists
here, and is very difficult of access1 2.’

The accuracy of the information supplied to Colonel Deane
is vouched for by Dr. Stein, who approached the mountain in
1 898, and made inquiries. His informant, a Malik or headman,
was well acquainted with the ruins of Shahkot which he de-
scribed as situated on a rocky spur near the highest point of
Mahaban, and to the north-east of it. The Malik’s description
of the fort agreed closely with that given by Colonel Deane’s
informant. The ruins appear to be now overgrown with dense
jungle. The slopes of the mountain below Shahkot were de-
scribed as being steep and rocky on all sides, but particularly
so towards the Indus, where the ascent is by a narrow path.
Dr. Stein is convinced of the identity of Mahaban with Aornos,
and shows that Cunningham’s objections are based on erroneous
premisses 3.

The ruined fort of Amb, about sixty miles above Attock, is
situated opposite the town of Darband on the Indus, which is
there crossed by a ferry. It is described by Abbott as ‘ a cele-
brated castle.’ To the west of Amb and on the same spur of
the Mahaban mountain there is a fort named Balimah, and it is
clear that the Greek name Embolima is a transcription of Amb-
Balimah, that is to say, ‘Amb near Balimah4.’ The map of the
Panjab shows a second Amb in the Hoshyarpur district, and

1 Ptolemy (bk. vii, ch. 57) gives

a list of towns on the Indus, of
which the first three are : —
Embolima . long. 124° lat. 31°
Pentagramma ,, 124° ,, 30° 20'
Asigramma . ,, 123° ,, 29° 30'

(Ptolemy’s Geography, translation,
McCrindle, with map, in Ind. Ant.,
xiii, 356. The translation was also
published separately in Calcutta,
1885).

2 J.R. A. 8., Oct., 1896, p. 673.

3 Stein, Detailed Report of an
Archaeological Tour with the Buner

Field Force, pp. 45-8 (Lahore,

Government Press, 1898). An ab-
stract of this report is printed in
Proc. A. S. B„ Mar., 1898.

1 Abbott, ‘The Battle Field of
Alexander and Porus,’ J.A.S.B.,
1848, pp. 627-8, 633; and ‘Gradus
ad Aornon,’ ibid., 1854, p. 344.
The name of the Ambela Pass may
be connected with that of Amb.
The Greek name Aornos is probably
a transcription of the word aranai,
a common name for hill ridges in
those parts (Bellew, An Inquiry
into the Ethnography of Afghani-
stan, p. 68, Woking, 1891).

EMBOLIMA

a third in the Salt Range about fifty miles to the south-east of
Kalabagh \ It was therefore necessary to distinguish the Amb
on the Indus as ‘ Amb near Balimah.’ Similarly, Akbar’s
famous capital Fatehpur is distinguished from the other innu-
merable places of the same name as Fatehpur-Sikri, or Fatehpur
near Sikri. Such double-barrelled names are very common in
India. Curtius erroneously gives the name of Alexander’s depot
as Ecbolima.

Grote, although satisfied that Abbott had made out ‘ a strong Conclu-
case ’ for his thesis of the identity of Mahaban with Aornos, sion.
still felt doubts concerning the applicability of some details in
the lively description of the mountain recorded by Curtius.

That author states that the Indus ‘ washes its roots,’ and relates
how, in the first attack, some of the assailants ‘fell from the
shelving crags, and were engulfed in the river which flowed
underneath.’ But these details need not inspire any doubts.

The Indus does actually ‘ wash the roots ’ of the mountain 2, the
spurs of which descend to the river, and there is no difficulty
in believing that, in the early stages of the siege, while these
spurs were in dispute, some of the attacking force were unlucky
enough to tumble into the stream. The statement of Curtius
that the rock on the summit rises up straight till it terminates
in a sharp pinnacle, like the turning-post ( metci ) of a Roman
circus, may possibly be to some extent a rhetorical exaggera-
tion, but is probably substantially true. We know that the
rocky summit is still very difficult of access. Its inaccessibility
so impressed the ancient writers that they habitually speak
of Aornos as a petra, or ‘rock,’ even when describing its vast
extent.

APPENDIX E

Alexander s Camp ; the Passage of the Hydaspes ; and the Site
of the Battle with Poros

The solution of the problems concerning the sites of Alexander’s Problems
camp on the bank of the Hydaspes, the passage of that river, are
and the battle-field may be attained, I believe, with sufficient soluble,
accuracy by careful and impartial examination of the statements
made by the ancient historians and of the actual topography.

The Hydaspes (Vitasta, Bihat, or Jihlam, commonly called Hydaspes

river.

1 Cunningham, Reports, xiv, p. near its source. Of course, the

33, pi. I. ancients knew nothing about the

2 Strabo (xv, 8) also states that Indus in the upper reaches of
the foot of the mountain or rock of the river, and thought that its
Aornos is washed by the Indus source was in the outer Himalaya.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Jhelum) river has changed its course in a less degree than any
of the other rivers of the Panjab, and in the portion of its
stream above Jalalpur, with which alone the present discussion
is concerned, no material change has occurred. The solution of
the three problems in question is consequently not complicated
to any serious extent by doubts as to the ancient course of the
river \

Taxila. Nor is there any doubt as to the position of Taxila, the great
city from which Alexander started on his march to the Hydaspes.
Although Cunningham’s description of the remains of the city
is in many respects inadequate, his identification of the ruins
at and near Shahdheri with the site of Taxila is certainly
correct. The ruins, which are mere mounds scattered through
the fields, are situated to the north-west of Rawalpindi, and
about nine miles to the south-east of Hasan Abdal village1 2.
Taxila to The distance from the site of Taxila to the town of Jihlam
Hydaspes. (Jhelum) in a direct line, as measured on the map, is about
ninety miles, and the direct distance from Taxila to Jalalpur,
thirty miles lower down the river, is a few miles more. The
northern or upper road from Shahdheri (Taxila) to the town of
Jihlam via Rohtas is ninety-four English miles. Roads or paths
leading from Shahdheri to Jalalpur via Dudhial vary in length
from 109 to 114 miles 3.

Every one is agreed that Alexander must have reached the
bank of the Hydaspes either at Jihlam or Jalalpur ; no other
place can be thought of. Both towns are situated on ancient
lines of road commanding ancient ferries.

Route to The invader’s obvious goal would unquestionably have been
Jihlam. Jihlam, which is appreciably nearer to Taxila, and has a ferry
‘infinitely more convenient, and only one-third the width of
the Jalalpur ferry4.’ The road to either crossing-place is rugged
and difficult, but a large force marching to Jalalpur would be
entangled in the intricate ravines of the Salt Range, and would
encounter more formidable obstacles than those met with on the

1 Greek, 'YSaoiTrjs or B iSaavr/s

(Ptolemy) ; Sanskrit, Vitasta; Pra-
krit, Vidasta ; Kashmiri, Vyatli ;

Panjabi, Bihat or Wihat. Muham-
madan writers refer to the river as

4 the river of Jihlam,’ that is to say,
the river flowing past the town of
Jihlam, where the royal ferry {shah
guzar ) was situated. Modern usage
has abbreviated the Muhammadan
designation into 4 the Jihlam,’ or,
as it is commonly written,4 Jhelum.’
Little deviation has occurred in the
course of the stream, except near

its junction with the Akesines or
Chinab, which has been moved
4 often and considerably ’ (Raverty,
4 The Mihran of Sind and its
Tributaries,’ J. A. S. B., part i,
1892, pp. 318, 329, 332 ; Stein,
transl. JRdjat, ii, 411).

2 N. lat. 33° 48' 56" ; E. long.
72° 44' 41".

3 Cunningham, Archaeol. Survey
Rep., ii, 112, 179.

* Abbott, in /. A. S. B., 1852,
p. 219.

CUNNINGHAM’S THEORY

road to Jihlam. The presumption, therefore, is that Alexander
would have adopted the shorter and easier route and formed
his camp near the town of Jihlam. The opinion that he
followed this natural and obvious course of action has been
advocated by Burnes, Court, and Abbott, who were all well
qualified to express an authoritative opinion in virtue of their
military experience and exact local knowledge.

The rival theory that Alexander’s camp was formed at Jalalpur
Jalalpur, and that the passage of the river was effected a few theoryim-
miles above that town has been maintained by authorities of Pr0 a e‘
equal personal weight — Elphinstone, Cunningham, and Chesney
■ — and these writers, being better known in Europe than their
opponents, have succeeded in winning general assent to the
Jalalpur theory, in spite of its inherent improbability.

This theory has been defended at length by Cunningham, Cunning-
whose arguments would have gained additional force if they had ham’s
been propounded after impartial examination of the site, which view-
Abbott, after careful survey, determined to be that of the
battle-field. If the battle took place in the Karri plain, as
maintained by Abbott, Alexander’s camp must have been at or
close to Jihlam, and the passage of the river must have been
effected above that town. But, unfortunately, Cunningham
never attempted to meet Abbott’s reasoning, nor did he examine
the course of the river above Jihlam. Having formed in 1846
the opinion that Alexander’s camp was at Jalalpur, Cunningham
was content in 1863 to examine the Jalalpur position with a
determination to make the topography fit in with his pre-
conceived decision. He merely alludes to General Abbott’s
paper as ‘an elaborate disquisition,’ and there is nothing to
show that he ever studied it carefully 1.

Cunningham relies on three arguments in favour of the His river-
Jalalpur site for Alexander’s camp. The third of these is that, distance
according to Arrian ( Anab . vi. 2, 4), the fleet when descending argument,
the Hydaspes from Nikaia, the town on the battle-field, reached
the capital of Sophytes, king of the Salt Range, on the third
day. The capital of Sophytes, according to Cunningham, was
at Ahmadabad, ‘which is just three days’ distance for a laden
boat from Jalalpur, but is six days from Jhelum2,’ and, conse-
quently, Jalalpur suits the conditions better than Jhelum. This
argument, on which Cunningham himself laid little stress,
obviously depends on the correct identification of the capital
of Sophytes. Inasmuch as the ‘ identification ’ proposed by

1 Reports, ii, 174. while on p. 37 he makes the same

2 ibid., ii, 37, 38, 180. On assertion concerning Ahmadabad

p. 38 Cunningham makes out that on the opposite bank.

Bhera was the capital of Sophytes,

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Argument

from

Strabo.

Refuted.

Mr.

McCrindle.

Cunningham is a bare guess, quite unsupported by evidence,
the argument based upon it does not demand further con-
sideration.

The second and more important argument is based upon a
passage of Strabo (xv. 32), which states that Alexander’s ‘ route
as far as the Hydaspes was for the most part towards the
south, and thenceforward was more easterly as far as the
Hypanis [= Hyphasis] ; but throughout it kept closer to the foot
of the mountains than to the plains1.’

Inasmuch as Jalalpur is nearly due south, while Jihlam is
approximately south-east from Taxila, the Jalalpur position for
the camp seems at first sight to suit the first clause of Strabo’s
statement better than the Jihlam position.

But in reality either position suits the text equally well. We
do not know the points at which Alexander crossed the suc-
ceeding rivers, the Akesines and the Hydraotes, nor the point
at which he reached the Hyphasis [ = Hypanis]. The assump-
tion commonly made that Alexander crossed the Akesines
(Chinab) at Wazlrabad does not rest on any evidence. Cun-
ningham and the other authors who maintain the Jalalpur
position forget the last clause of Strabo’s statement to the effect
that the whole route kept as close as possible to the foot of the
hills. In another passage (xv. 26) Strabo explains that Alexander
adopted this line of march because the rivers which traversed
it could be crossed with greater facility near their sources than
lower down.

Mr. McCrindle, forgetting this most important general state-
ment, which covers the whole route from Taxila to the Hyphasis,
has constructed a map which represents Alexander as keeping
away from the hills, and marching through the plains of the Panjab
past Jalalpur, Wazlrabad, Lahore, and Amritsar. The real line of
march must have lain much farther to the north. The Hydaspes
must have been crossed close to the spot where it emerges from
the hills above Jihlam, and the army must subsequently have
passed close to Sialkot and Gurdaspur, keeping near the present
frontier of the Kashmir state.

The assumption that Alexander followed this line of march
agrees accurately with every part of Strabo’s statement. A line
drawn from Jihlam to Sialkot, or to the north of that place, is
considerably more easterly in direction than a line drawn from
Taxila to Jihlam.

Cunningham’s second argument in favour of the Jalalpur
position therefore fails, like the third.

1 ‘H fikv ov v pe\Pl T°v 'YSaoirov 'Ynavios' airacra Si rfjs {miupuas paWov
oSos to TrKto v Tjv 67rt ptarjpPpia v ’ rj fj tu/v irtdiaiv ixopti'V’

S' ivOivSt npos tas paWov ptXP‘ rou

TOPOGRAPHY

The argument which Cunningham places first, and on which Argument
he lays most stress, is based on Pliny’s figures for the distance from
from Peukolaitis (Charsadda), via Taxila, to the Hydaspes (vi, 21). Pf>ny-
Pliny gives the distances as (l) from Peukolaitis to Taxila 60
Roman = 55 English miles, and (2) from Taxila to the Hydaspes
1 20 Roman, or 110 English miles ; and Cunningham argues that
these figures suit Jalalpur better than they suit Jihlam. But
it is notorious that the figures in Pliny’s text are often erroneous.

For example, the very passage referred to gives the distance
from the Hydaspes to the Hyphasis as 390 Roman miles, which
is wildly wrong. It is rash, therefore, to rely on the figures in
Pliny’s text as we possess it. Cunningham himself was satisfied
that the actual distance from Peukolaitis to Taxila, via Uhand,
where Alexander crossed the Indus, is greater than that stated
by Pliny, and proposed to correct the text ( Reports , ii, 1 1 2).

But, even if the figure of 120 Roman miles from Taxila to the Refuted.
Hydaspes be accepted as correct, it does not exclude the theory
that Alexander’s camp was at Jihlam. According to Cunningham
( Reports , ii, 179) the distance by an old road is 94 miles. Pliny’s
distance is 1 1 0 English miles, and the difference is only 1 6 miles,
which is insignificant, considering that we have no information
concerning the route taken by Alexander in very difficult
country, and no knowledge of the changes which have occurred
in twenty-two centuries. The argument based on Pliny’s figures
is, consequently, worthless, whether the figures be right or
wrong.

I have thus shown that all Cunningham’s arguments for the
Jalalpur theory fail, and that the Jihlam theory, so far from
being opposed to Strabo’s evidence, is actually supported by it.

The theory of Elphinstone and Cunningham is still more Topo-
strongly opposed by the evidence of topographical facts than by graphy.
that of Strabo.

The statements of Arrian, a critical writer, who had access
to the best contemporary authorities and carefully weighed their
testimony, are extremely clear.

The spot higher up the river to which Alexander marched by
night in order to c steal a passage ’ was situated at ‘ a remarkable
bend ’ in the stream, which helped to conceal his movements h
There is no such bend at the spot above Jalalpur, between the
villages of Mandiala and Kothera, where Cunningham locates
the passage ( Reports , ii, pi. LXVI). But there is such a bend
at Bhuna above Jihlam, where Abbott rightly locates it.

Arrian’s excellent and vivid account (v, 11) clearly implies Night
that Alexander made his night march parallel to the river, march.

' "Aitpa r/v av^xoma rrjs ox^ys tov ‘TSaanov, iva httKapLiTTev 6 worafios
Aoyov d£tais (Arrian, Anab. v, 11).

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Cunning-

ham’s

theory

erroneous.

Descrip-
tion of
river.

Having described the wooded bluff and island near the remark-
able bend of the river, he goes on to say : —

‘Now the bluff and the island were 150 stadia [= about seventeen
English miles] distant from the great camp. But along the whole of the
bank he had posted running sentries at a proper distance for keeping
each other in sight, and readily transmitting along the line any orders
that might be received from any quarter.’

Half-way between the camp and the crossing-place Meleager
and other officers were stationed with a considerable force,
under orders to cross over in detachments as soon as they
should see the Indians fairly engaged in action. The historian
then goes on to state that Alexander marched ‘ at a considerable
distance from the bank so that he might not be seen.’ These
statements prove that Alexander, when making his night march,
kept an approximately straight course, parallel to the river bank,
but sufficiently far from it to escape the enemy’s observation.

They are absolutely inconsistent with the theory of Cun-
ningham, as expressed in his map ( Reports , ii, pi. LXVI), which
represents Alexander as going round three sides of a rectangle
among the ravines of the Salt Range, marching inland from
Jalalpur nearly due north for seven miles, then eastward, and
finally back to the river. The local facts at Jalalpur cannot be
reconciled with the account of the night march as given by
Arrian, and Cunningham’s map is a desperate attempt to re-
concile the irreconcilable, and to bolster up a preconceived
theory based on fallacious premisses.

The descriptions of the river itself at the time when Alexander
crossed it, as given by the ancient historians, are equally incon-
sistent with the Jalalpur theory. All authorities agree that the
river was then in high flood owing to the melting of the snows
in the mountains and the incessant rain. But the width of the
stream was only four stadia or 809 yards, whereas at Jalalpur at
the same season, the end of June or the beginning of July, the
river would have been more than double that width. The
current was interrupted by numerous islands and sunken rocks.
At Jalalpur there are neither rocks nor islands1.

1 During the operations preceding
the battle the soldiers of the oppo-
sing armies used to swim out to
the islands and engage in combat.
The river, confined by high banks,
rushed in a seething torrent over
sunken rocks ( Curtius , viii, 13).
The army during its progress to
the Hyphasis was exposed for
seventy days to violent storms of
rain ( Diodorus , xviii, 94; Strabo,

xv, 27 v«T0at avvfx «s). In July
Elphinstone found the river at
Jalalpur to be one mile, one furlong,
and thirty-five perches wide, and
from nine to fourteen feet deep
(Thornton, Gazetteer, s.v.‘ Jhelum’).
The ferry at Jihlam is only one-
third of the width of that at Jalal-
pur, and there are ‘ no islands ’ at
the latter place (Abbott, J. A. S.B.,
1852, p. 219).

THE BATTLE-FIELD

If the fanciful Jalalpur theory be given up, and Alexander’s The true
camp be located at or near Jihlam, all topographical difficulties theory,
disappear. Alexander’s march by night is then seen to have
taken place at a moderate distance from the west bank of the
river, in a direction nearly parallel to the stream, and to have
been directed to a point situated at a ‘ remarkable bend ’ of the
river, distant from the supposed position of his camp about
thirteen or fourteen miles in a direct line, which distance might
well be estimated as seventeen miles for marching purposes, if
the route actually taken were slightly circuitous. It is, of
course, impossible to define either the exact site of Alexander’s
camp or the precise spot where the army embarked on its
perilous passage, and it is quite possible that two or three miles
should be added to the approximate distance indicated by
General Abbott’s map.

By marching to the vicinity of Bhuna near the ‘remarkable Alexander
bend ’ south-east of Mangla, Alexander gained the advantage on interior
of moving along an interior chord line, while his opponent on ^ne>
the opposite side of the river was compelled to go round the
outside of a curve. If the quicksands were in the same position
in Alexander’s time as they now are, the forces of Poros must
necessarily have covered a long circuit before they could ap-
proach the Macedonian landing-place. In any case, the dis-
tance which the Indians had to traverse was considerably longer
than the chord traversed by Alexander.

When the Macedonian army of about 11,000 men, after sur- Battle-
mounting all the difficulties of the passage, ultimately found held,
itself on the mainland, it entered a considerable plain of
firm soil known as ‘ Karri,’ girdled by low hills on the north and
east. This plain at its widest part is about five miles broad,
and afforded a sufficient, though not excessive, space for the
battle. The river at the crossing -place runs over quartz
boulders, and a still existing island, ‘larger than the rest,’
corresponds closely with that described by the Greek historians
as the place on which Alexander first landed, and may have
continued in existence since his time.

The channel marked ‘ Alexander’s channel,’ now considerably Alexan-
silted up, seems to be that which the Macedonian army forded, der’s
and if not precisely identical, is certainly very close to the channel,
position of the channel crossed by Alexander. General Abbott
is quite justified by his map in saying that ‘ the river is at this
moment [1848] so exactly as described by Alexander’s historian
that the map might seem to be an ancient rather than a modern
production.’ General Abbott’s ‘ elaborate disquisition ’ is based
on a careful survey effected by two days’ hard work from sun-
rise to evening each day, and his observations have never been

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Grote’s

opinion.

Conclu-

sion.

Exact date
doubtful.

Arrian’s

first

statement.

Arrian’s

second

statement.

contradicted or impugned. Cunningham simply took no notice
of them.

Grote, the historian of Greece, is the only author of repute who
has shown due appreciation of Abbott’s labours, and he has ac-
knowledged that the general’s memoir supplies ‘ highly plausible
reasons in support of the hypothesis that the crossing took place
near Jelum.’ Mr. Grote’s opinion would doubtless have become
that of the learned world if General Abbott’s essay had been
published in an easily accessible form. Buried as it is in an
old volume of the Asiatic Society’s Journal, few people have
read it ; whereas the official publications of Sir Alexander
Cunningham are widely known, and his opinions have been too
often accepted without criticism.

I have not the slightest doubt that Alexander marched to the
Hydaspes by the shortest and easiest route open to him ; that
he struck the river at or near Jihlam, where he pitched his
camp ; that he crossed the stream where it was rocky and narrow,
a little below the point where it emerges from the hills ; and
that the battle with Poros was fought in the Karri plain. The
line of march between the Hydaspes and the Hyphasis cannot
be precisely delineated, but it was certainly as close as possible
to the foot of the hills, and must have passed near Sialkot.

APPENDIX F

The Date of the Battle of the Hydaspes

The evidence of the ancient historians concerning the flooded
state of the river, and the continued wet weather before, during,
and after the battle, which has been cited in Appendix E,
establishes beyond doubt that the battle was fought towards the
end of June, or early in July. But certain positive statements
which profess to define the date with greater precision have
also been made, and must be briefly examined. Arrian makes
two such statements, and a third is added by Diodorus.

Arrian’s first statement ( Anab . v, 9) that the battle was fought
after the summer solstice, that is to say later than June 21, is
undoubtedly correct, being in accordance with the evidence as
to the state of the river and with the remark of Diodorus that
when the army reached the Hyphasis it had endured violent
showers of rain for seventy days. The MSS. all read yxera
rpo7ras, and the suggestion made by some editors to substitute
Kara for yuera is unjustifiable.

But the second statement of Arrian {Anab. v, 19) that the
battle was fought ‘in the month of Mounychion of the year

DATE OF THE BATTLE

when Hegemon was Archon in Athens ’ seems to be partially
inaccurate. The assertion of Diodorus (xvii, 87) that the entry
into Taxila, in the spring preceding the battle, occurred during
the year ‘in which Chremes was archon at Athens, and in
which the Romans appointed Publius Cornelius and Aulus
Postumius consuls,’ is apparently altogether erroneous. Neither
the consuls nor the archon named can be accepted as correct.

The original authorities, the Macedonian officers of Alexander’s
army, probably expressed the date in terms of the Macedonian
calendar, and the divergent statements made by the historians
may be due to errors in the conversion of Macedonian into
Attic and Roman dates. As Mr. Hogarth has observed, it is
impossible for a modern scholar to check such conversions,
because our knowledge of the details of the Macedonian calendar
is very imperfect, and little is known of the methods used for
converting Macedonian dates into those expressed in terms of
other calendars 1.

The battle was certainly fought in the year 326 b. c., and the
corresponding Attic year (= Ol. 113, 2) is supposed to have
begun on June 25, 327, and ended on June 15, 326 b. c.2 The
close of Mounychion, the tenth month, even if the aid of an
intercalary month be called in, cannot be brought down later
than June 13. If there were no intercalary month, Mounychion
should have ended on or about May 14. But, as we have seen,
the battle occurred later than June 21, and it seems clear,
therefore, that Arrian has wrongly named the Attic month.
A rash proposal to substitute ‘ Metageitnion ’ for ‘ Mounychion,’
the reading of the MSS. is, as Grote observes, ‘mere conjecture,’
and is, moreover, inconsistent with the statement that Hegemon
was archon.

Chremes certainly succeeded Hegemon as archon ; and if
Unger is right in assigning the end of the Attic year 327-6 b. c.
to June 15, Diodorus, although wrong in ascribing the entry
into Taxila to the archonship of Chremes, would be right if he
meant his readers to understand that the battle occurred after
Chremes had become archon. If, as other authorities suppose,
the archonship of Chremes did not begin until July 18, then
Arrian will be right in stating that the battle was fought while
Hegemon was still archon.

Arrian’s error in naming the month Mounychion may be

Mace-

donian

calendar.

Mouny-

chion.

The

archons.

1 Hogarth , Philip and Alexander
of Macedon (Murray, 1897), Ap-
pendix.

2 Unger, ‘ Zeitrechnung der
Griechen und Romer,’ in Grund-
riss der klass. Alterth., pp. 742-4,
752, 755. But the exactness of

the results of the inquiry appears
to be doubtful. See also Cunning-
ham, Book of Indian Eras , pp. 39,
44, 103 ; and note 1 in McCrindle,
Invasion of India by Alexander the
Great, 2nd ed., p. 274.

Explana-
tion of
error.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Conclu-

sion.

plausibly explained by the supposition that Alexander reached
the river bank in that month, and that by a slight carelessness
the date of his arrival in camp was taken as the date of the
great battle. The king’s elaborate secret preparations for cross-
ing the river must have occupied a long time, at least six or
seven weeks, and if the camp wras formed during Mounychion,
early in May, the battle must have been fought at the very end
of June, or, more probably, early in July.

Exact certitude is not attainable, and it is not possible to go
much beyond the remark of Grote, that ‘as far as an opinion
can be formed, it would seem that the battle was fought about
the end of June, or beginning of July 326 b. c., after the rainy
season had commenced ; towards the close of the archonship of
Hegemon, and the beginning of that of ChremesV I accept
the archonship of Hegemon on the authority of Arrian, and
believe that the battle took place early in July 326 b. c., in the
last month, Skeirophorion, of the Attic year, a few days before
Chremes became archon.

1 History of Greece, v ol. xii, 51, note, ed. 1869.

CHAPTER IV

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN :

THE RETREAT

The retreating army retraced its steps, and arrived again Retreat to
without further adventure on the bank of the Akesines Ak€sines-
(Chinab), where Hephaistion had completed the building
of a fortified town. Voluntary settlers from the neighbour-
ing country and such of the mercenary troops as seemed
unfit for active service were left to occupy and garrison
this post, and Alexander began to prepare for his voyage
down the rivers to the Great Sea.

Envoys bearing tribute from the kings of the lower hills, Appoint-
now known as the chieftainships of Rajauri and Bhimbhar ™^ap?
and the British district of Hazara, were received at this
time. Alexander, who regarded his Indian conquests as
permanent additions to the empire, and evidently cherished
hopes of a return to the country, having accepted the
tenders of submission, solemnly appointed the king of
Abhisara (Bhimbhar and Rajauri) to the office of satrap,
and invested him with authority over the king of Urasa
(Hazara), who is called Arsakes by Arrian.

About the same time a welcome reinforcement of 5,000 Reinforce-
cavalry from Thrace, and 7,000 infantry, sent by the king’s ments'
cousin, Harpalos, satrap of Babylon, arrived, bringing no
less than 25,000 suits of armour inlaid with gold and silver.

The new accoutrements were at once distributed to the
ragged troops, and the old suits were burned x.

Alexander then advanced to the Hydaspes (Jihlam), and Prepara-
encamped on the bank, probably on the site of the camp for

voyage.

1 Curtins, ix, 3. Diodorus (xvii, which must have required an enor-
95) gives higher and less credible mous transport train. Diodorus
figures, namely 30,000 infantry and adds that 100 talents of medicines
6,000 cavalry. Both authors agree were received at the same time,
as to the number of suits of armour.

SUITS

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Promotion
of Poros.

Kingdom
of Sau-
bhuti.

formerly occupied by Poros. Several weeks were now
devoted to the final preparations for the voyage down
the rivers. All available country boats plying on the river
were impressed for the service, and deficiencies were supplied
by the construction of new vessels, for which the forests at
the base of the hills afforded ample facilities. Crews were
provided from the contingents of seafaring nations, Phoeni-
cians, Cyprians, Karians, and Egyptians, who accompanied
the army, and by the end of October, 326 b. c., all was ready.
The fleet, which included eighty galleys of thirty oars each,
and a multitude of horse transports and small craft of all
kinds, probably numbered nearly two thousand vessels 1.

Before the voyage began Alexander convoked an assembly
of his officers and the ambassadors of the Indian powers,
and in their presence appointed Poros to be king of all the
conquered territories lying between the Hydaspes and the
Hyphasis. These territories are said to have been occupied
by seven nations, the Glausai, Kathaioi, and others, and to
have comprised no less than two thousand towns. The
opportunity was seized to effect a reconciliation between
Poros and his old enemy the king of Taxila, and the friend-
ship between the two monarchs was cemented by a matri-
monial alliance. The king of Taxila, who had vied with
his rival in zealous service to the invader, was formally
confirmed in his sovereignty of the country between the
Indus and the Hydaspes.

Alexander, who never neglected to make provision for the
protection of his flank and rear, and for the uninterrupted
maintenance of communications with his distant base in
Europe, instructed Generals Hephaistion and Krateros to

1 Arrian ( Anab . vi, 2), on the
excellent authority of Ptolemy, son
of Lagos, Who became king of
Egypt. The same author in Indika,
ch. xix, probably on the authority
of Nearchos, gives the total strength
as 800 only (vfjts fit al avfj.tra.aai avrw
OKTCLKoaicu ^aav, a'lre fj.au pal Kal oaa
or poyyvXa n\ota, Kal d\Ka Imraywya,
Kal airia ana tj? arpari^ ayovaai).

Curtius and Diodorus estimate the
number of vessels as 1,000. Con-
sidering that 8,000 troops, several
thousand horses, and vast quan-
tities of supplies were carried, the
higher estimate of Ptolemy must
be admitted to be correct. Some
editors arbitrarily change the ‘eight
hundred’ of the Indika into ‘ 1800,’
but the reading is ‘ eight hundred.’

BEGINNING OF VOYAGE

march with all possible speed to secure the capital of King
Saubhuti (Sophytes, or Sopeithes), lord of the fastnesses
of the Salt Range stretching from Jihlam to the Indus,
who submitted without resistance b

The fleet was to be protected by an army of 120,000 men The
marching along the banks, under the generals above named ; generals
Krateros having the command on the right or western bank
of the river, while the larger portion of the army, accom-
panied by two hundred elephants, was led by Hephaistion
along the left or eastern bank. Philippos, satrap of the
countries west of the Indus, had orders to follow three days
later with the rear-guard.

Thus escorted the vast fleet began its memorable voyage. Oct. 326
At daybreak one morning towards the end of October, yoyage
Alexander, having offered libations from a golden bowl to first con-
the river gods, his ancestor Herakles, Ammon, and any fluence-
other god whom he was accustomed to reverence, gave the
signal for starting by sound of trumpet. In stately pro-
cession, without confusion or disorder, the ships quitted
their anchorage, and moved down stream to the astonish-
ment of the crowds of natives lining the banks, who had
never before seen horses on board ship. The plash of
thousands of oars, the words of command, and the chants
of the rowers wakened the echoes, which reverberated from
bank to bank, and enhanced the amazement of the gaping
throngs of spectators. On the third day the fleet reached
the place, perhaps Bhlra, where Hephaistion and Krateros
had been ordered to pitch their camps facing each other
on opposite sides of the river. Here a halt was made for
two days to allow the rear-guard under the command of

1 The position of the kingdom of ( Anc . Geog., p. 155) may or may
Sophytes is fixed by the remark of not be right in placing the capital
Strabo (xv, 30) that it included of Sophytes at Old Bhlra (properly
‘ a mountain composed of fossil salt ‘ Bahran on the west side of the
sufficient for the whole of India.’ Jihlam. For the coins of Sophytes
Curtius (ix, 1) misplaces Sophytes of Greek type see Rapson, Indian
on the west of the Hyphasis, and Coins, § 9, 11. The restoration of
is followed by Mr. McCrindle, the name Saubhuti is due to
whose map shows the kingdom as M. Sylvain Levi (J. A., ser. viii,
lying north of Amritsar, an im- vol, xv, pp. 237-9).
possible position. Cunningham

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Philippos to come up, and that general, on his arrival, was
directed to convert his force into an advance-guard and
proceed along the bank of the river.

Rapids. On the fifth day after leaving the halting-place, the fleet
ai’rived at the first river confluence, where the Hydaspes
met the greater stream of the Akesines. The channel
where the waters of the two rivers then met was so very
narrow that dangerous whirlpools were formed, and much
disorder was occasioned in the fleet. Two of the warships
were sunk with the greater part of their crews, and the
vessel which carried Alexander was in imminent danger of
sharing the same fate. By dint of great exertion on the
part of the king and all concerned the bulk of the fleet was
ultimately brought to a safe anchorage under the shelter of
a headland, and the necessary steps were taken to repair the
damage suffered.

Position It is impossible to determine the spot where these exciting
fluence. incidents occurred. The confluence of the two rivers at
Timmu (N. lat. 31° 10') now takes place quietly, and presents
none of the peculiarities to which Arrian and Curtius devote
so much vivid description. All that can be said is that in
Alexander’s time the confluence must have been situated
much farther to the north.

Courses of Our exact knowledge of the courses of the rivers in the
the rivers. panj^^ an(j Sind begins only from the date of the Arab
invasion in 712 a. d., more than a thousand years subsequent
to the expedition of Alexander. Concerning the changes
which happened during that millennium absolutely nothing
is known. But during the twelve hundred years that have
elapsed since the Arab conquests changes on a stupendous
scale are known to have occurred, and it is certain that
similar effects must have been produced by the ever operating
causes during the thousand years which intervened between
Alexander and Muhammad bin Kasim h During the known
period, earthquakes, floods, changes of level, denudation,

1 Muhammad was the son of ‘ Muhammad Kasim,’ is repeated
Kasim. Elphinstone’s blunder, in most books on Indian history.

CHANGES IN RIVERS

accretion, and alterations of climate have all contributed
to transform the face of the country. The delta of the
Indus has advanced more than fifty miles, and has thus
lengthened the courses of the rivers, while diminishing their
gradients and velocity. One huge river, the Hakra or
Wahindah, which formerly gave life and wealth to the
desert wastes of Bikanlr, Bahawalpur, and Sind has ceased
to exist ; the Bias (Hyphasis) has forsaken its ancient inde-
pendent bed, and become a tributary of the Sutlaj 1 ; while
the other rivers, the Indus, Jihlam (Hydaspes), Chinab
(Akesines), and Ravi (Hydraotes) have all repeatedly changed
their courses and points of junction.

These facts, although indisputably true, have been ignored Futility of
generally in practice by the historians of Alexander, who catj0ns.’
have pretended to trace the line of his river voyage on
modern maps, and to ‘ identify ’ town after town on the
banks of the several rivers. All such identifications are
vain. No man can tell in which of the ancient beds the
Chinab or any of the other rivers named flowed in the time
of Alexander, and, when the positions of the rivers are not
ascertainable, it is clear that we cannot reasonably expect
to identify places on their banks. The most that is possible
is to give general indications of the course of the voyage
and of the location of the principal nations encountered by
Alexander. The sites of the towns and the precise positions
of the confluences and crossing-places mentioned by the
ancient historians cannot be precisely determined. Inasmuch
as the courses of all the rivers were then much shorter than
they now are, all the confluences must have been situated
considerably farther north than at present, and this a priori
inference appears to be fully supported by observation of
the most ancient beds of the streams. The confluence of the
Akesines and Hydaspes, the first of the four confluences
described by Arrian, was probably situated not very far

1 Major Raverty gives as various rarely mentioned by the Greek or
correct spellings, Sutlaj, Sutlaj, Roman authors under the name of
and Shuttlaj. This river, which Hesidrus. The Hypanis of Strabo
was called Satadru in Sanskrit, is is a variant for Hyphasis.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

The Siboi
and

Agalassoi.

from the modern town of Jhang, and approximately in
N. lat. 31° k

Alexander here landed his troops in order to subjugate
the adjoining tribes called Siboi and Agalassoi by Curtius,
and to prevent them from joining the powerful nation of the
Malloi (Sanskrit Malava or Malaya), who dwelt lower down
the river, and were known to be preparing for strenuous
resistance. The Siboi, who are described as rude folk clad
in the skins of wild beasts and armed with clubs, submitted,
and were allowed to retain their freedom. Their neighbours,
the Agalassoi, who were able to muster a force estimated at
40,000 foot and 3,000 horse, ventured to resist, and met
with a terrible fate. Multitudes were put to the sword, and
multitudes sold into slavery. Alexander advanced some
thirty miles into their country, and captured their principal
town. At a second town he met with an obstinate defence,
which cost the lives of many Macedonians. The inhabitants,
said to number 20,000, despairing of ultimate success, set fire
to the town and cast themselves with their wives and
children into the flames. The citadel escaped the fire, and
was garrisoned by a detachment left behind for the purpose.
The lives of 3,000 of its gallant defenders were spared 1 2.

1 The text is mainly based on
Major Raverty’s valuable work.
The ‘ Mihran of Sind and its Tribu-
taries: a Geographical and Historical
Study,’ in J. A. S. B., 1892, Part I,
with numerous maps, which has
not attracted the attention that it
deserves. The defects of form in
this treatise, which is overloaded
with 590 discursive notes, make it
very difficult reading. The obser-
vations on Alexander’s Indian cam-
paign are scattered through the
text and notes, and mixed up with
remarks on the most diverse topics.

For general comments on the
futility of current ‘ identifications ’
see pp. 155, 226,250, 469, note 539,
&c. ; the Hydaspes (Jihlam), pp.
336-52 ; Akesines (Chinab), pp.
336-52 ; Hydraotes (RavT), pp. 352-
71 ; Hyphasis (Bias or Biah), pp.

371-90 ; Sutlaj, pp. 391-418 ;
Hakra, pp. 418-22, 454-66 ; gen-
eral results, pp. 469-508 ; earth-
quakes and floods, pp. 392, 468,
470, &c. ; changes of level, pp. 300,
470 ; alterations of climate, pp. 282,
354, 417 ; extension of coast-line, p.
272 (note 235), ipp. 317, 469,501, &c.
The whole work is deserving of the
most careful study. The author
gives full references, so that his
statements can be readily tested.

2 Arrian, Anab. vi, 5 ; Curtius,
ix, 4 ; Diodorus, xvii, 96. The
Agalassoi are distinguished by Dio-
dorus only, who says that Alex-
ander fired the town. The account
in the text follows Curtius in re-
spect of the voluntary immolation
of the townspeople, an incident
quite in keeping with Hindu char-
acter, and often repeated in later

AUTONOMOUS TRIBES

These events probably took place to the north-east of Voyage to
Jhang, the operations having been undertaken in accordance
with Alexander’s invariable practice, in order to secure his fluenee.
flank and rear.

Information having been received that a confederacy of
the Malloi, Oxydrakai, and other independent tribes occu-
pying the river valleys was being formed with the intention
of offering strenuous resistance to the invasion, Alexander
hastened the movements of his fleet and army with the
object of attacking the confederates severally in detail, before
they could mature their plans and combine their forces. The
fleet and the bulk of the army received orders to assemble at
the next confluence, that of the Hydraotes (Ravi) with the
Akesines (Chinab, including the Hydaspes or Jihlam).

Alexander in person landed with a picked force, largely The allied
composed, as usual, of mounted troops, to operate against the tril3eS-
Malloi, the most formidable of the allied tribes, who occupied
the fertile valley of the Hydraotes, on both banks of the
river. Their neighbours, the Oxydrakai, who dwelt on
the banks of the upper course of the Hyphasis, although
ordinarily at war with the Malloi, had resolved to forget
old enmities and to make common cause against the invader.

The rival nations cemented the alliance by wholesale inter-
marriage, each giving and taking ten thousand young women
for wives1. But personal jealousies, such as in all ages have
reduced to futility political combinations in India, prevented
the alliance from taking effect. While the allies were dis-
cussing the claims of rival generals to command, Alexander
acted, and with masterly strategy sweeping down upon the
Malloi, extinguished their military power before the Oxy-
drakai could come to their aid. The forces at the command
of the confederacy should have sufficed, if properly handled,
to annihilate the small flying column at Alexander’s dis-
posal ; for they are said to have comprised 80,000 or

times. The Siboi were probably my paper, ‘The Position of the
the ancestors of some of the half- Autonomous Tribes of the Panjab
wild tribes of pastoral Jats, who conquered by Alexander the Great,’
now inhabit the same region. For in J. R. A. S., Oct., 1903.
discussion of the topography, see 1 Diodorus, xvii, 98.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Alexan-

der’s

strategy.

Capture of
towns.

Retreat of
the Malloi.

90,000 fully equipped infantry, 10,000 cavalry, and from
700 to 900 chariots.

The exact strength of the Macedonian field force is not
stated, but it must have been very small, not exceeding a
few thousands h But what it lacked in numbers was com-
pensated for by its perfect mobility and the genius of its
general. The Macedonians were alarmed at the magnitude
of the opposing forces, and a repetition of the mutiny of the
Hyphasis was with difficulty prevented by a stirring address
delivered by the king. By two forced marches across the
waterless uplands, now known as the Bar, which separate
the valleys of the Akesines and Hydraotes, Alexander com-
pletely surprised the Malloi, most of whom were working
unarmed in the fields. Many of the helpless wretches were
ruthlessly cut down, ‘without their even turning to offer
resistance,’ and those who escaped the sword were shut up
in the fortified towns.

One of these towns, with a citadel situated on a com-
manding height, was stormed under Alexander’s personal
direction, and 2,000 of the garrison were slain. Another
town, against which Perdikkas had been sent, was found to
be deserted. The inhabitants fled to the marshes in the
river valley, but, even among the reeds and rushes, they
could not escape the weapons of the Macedonian cavalry.
Alexander then pushed on to the Hydraotes, and caught up
the retreating Malloi at the ford, inflicting severe loss upon
them. He pursued them to the east of the river into the
country now known as the Montgomery District, and took
by mining and escalade a town inhabited by Brahmans. The
king, with his customary disregard of danger, was the first
man to scale the wall. The place was gallantly defended,
but in vain ; ‘ about 5,000 in all were killed, and as they
were men of spirit, very few were taken prisoners.’

The Malloi, being hard pressed, recrossed the Hydraotes,

1 It consisted of the hypaspist the mounted archers, and half of
infantry, the foot-archers, the the companion cavalry, or horse-
Agrianian or Thracian light-horse, guards. The force can hardly have
the foot-guards under Peithon, all exceeded 7,000 men in number.

Darbishire & Stanford ,Ztd

The Oxford GeoglInstUute

ALEXANDER WOUNDED 89

the passage of which they attempted to defend with 50,000
men ; but they were no match for the Europeans, and fled
‘ with headlong speed ’ to the strongest fortified town in the
neighbourhood. This small town, which cannot be identified
precisely, and was situated somewhere near the boundary
of the Jhang and Montgomery Districts, eighty or ninety
miles to the north-east of Multan, was the scene of one of
the most memorable incidents in Alexander’s adventurous
career, admirably described by Arrian from materials supplied
by Ptolemy h

The Macedonians, already masters of the town, were
endeavouring to scale the walls of the citadel, when Alex-
ander, thinking that the men bearing the ladders loitered
too long, snatched one from the man carrying it, and
mounted the wall, followed by only three companions,
Peukestas, Leonnatos, 'and Abreas. Standing on the wall in
his gleaming armour, the king wras a mark for every missile,
and, feeling that he could effect nothing where he was with-
out support, boldly leaped down into the citadel followed
by his three comrades. Abreas soon fell dead. Alexander,
standing with his back to a tree that grew near the wall,
slew the Indian governor and defended himself against all
comers until his breast was pierced by an arrow, and he fell.
Peukestas bestrode him as he lay, covering him with the
sacred shield brought from Ilion, while Leonnatos, although
severely wounded like his surviving comrade, protected him
from side attacks. The ladders having broken, the maddened
Macedonians were for a time powerless to help their king,
but at last a few managed to scramble up the earthen wall,
while others broke in a gate, and so saved Alexander, who
had fainted.

1 The town was a small one
( Strabo , xv, 33). The current asser-
tion that it should be identified
with Multan ( = Mulasthanapura,
see Beal’s Hiuen Tsiang, ii, 274)
is absolutely baseless. The name
Multan has no etymological con-
nexion with the name Malloi, and
Multan is much too far south. The
campaign against the Malloi was

fought in the valley of the Hy-
draotes, where they occupied the
fertile lowlands, corresponding to
the Montgomery District and parts
of Jhang. See Raverty, op. cit.,
p. 364, and my article in J. R. A. S.,
Oct., 1903. Ptolemy himself did
not take part in Alexander’s de-
fence, as some authors say that he
did.

Alexan-

der’s

dangerous

wound.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

His

recovery.

Submis-
sion of
Malloi and
Oxydra-
kai.

Voyage
to conflu-
ence with
the Indus.

The barbed arrow was withdrawn by a bold operation which
involved much bleeding and threatened immediate death, but
gradually Alexander’s strong constitution triumphed, and
the dangerous wound was healed. The infuriated troops
fell upon the unfortunate inhabitants, and slew them all —
sparing neither man, woman, nor child.

When convalescent, Alexander was carried to the Hy-
draotes, and conveyed by boat to the junction with the
Akesines, where he met his fleet and army, under the com-
mand respectively of Nearchos and Hephaistion.

The survivors of the Malloi, whose nation had felt the full
weight of Alexander’s hand, now tendered their humble sub-
mission, and the Oxydrakai, whom fortunate procrastination
had saved, feeling that resistance would be hopeless, pur-
chased the conqueror’s clemency by offers of tribute and the
delivery of valuable gifts. Alexander, stern and even cruel
to those who opposed him, but always courteous and generous
to the submissive, readily accepted the proposals, presents,
and excuses of the tribal envoys. The presents are said to
have included 1,030 four-horsed chariots, 1,000 bucklers of
native manufacture, 100 talents of steel, great store of cotton
goods, a quantity of tortoise-shells, the skins of large lizards,
with tame lions and tigers, in addition to a contingent of
300 horsemen1.

Philippos was then appointed satrap of the conquered
nations ; and the fleet, passing the third confluence, where
the Hyphasis contributed its waters to the stream, continued
its voyage to the fourth confluence, that of the Akesines
(Chinab), including the Hydaspes (Jihlam), Hydraotes (Ravi),

1 These details are taken from
Curtius, ix, 8. Arrian (vi, 14) men-
tions only 500 chariots, but Curtius
probably had good authority for
his statement. The ancient writers
describe Indian cotton as ‘linen,’
which has never been made in
India. Steel of peculiarly excellent
quality has been produced in India
from remote times. Curtius calls
it ferrum candidum. Tortoise-shell
(XfAtur^) was still an article of

Indian trade in the first century
a. d. (Feriplus, in Ind. Ant. viii,
111). The statement of Curtius
(ix, 7) that Alexander imposed
upon the Malloi and Oxydrakai
‘ the tribute which the two paid in
instalments to the Arachosians ’ is
unintelligible ; and the name ‘ Ara-
chosians ’ must be corrupt. Ara-
chosia, the Kandahar country,
cannot possibly have levied tribute
from tribes in the Eastern Panjab.

ADMINISTRATIVE ARRANGEMENTS

and Hyphasis (Bias), with the river which the ancient writers
call the Indus. But it is probable that the ‘lost river of
Sind,’ the Hakra or Wahindah, then existed, and that all
the Panjab rivers, including the Indus, joined it, and formed
one great stream, afterwards known as the Mihran of Sind.

It is absolutely impossible to determine the position of Changes
any of the confluences in Alexander’s time ; but, long after- m nvers-
wards, in the days of the early Arab writers, all the rivers
met at a place called Dosh-i-ab, or ‘the Meeting of the
Waters’ in territory now belonging to the Bahawalpur
State 1. Our complete uncertainty as to the courses of the
rivers, which have ranged, as the old channels indicate, over
a space a hundred and ten miles wide in the region of the
final confluence, deprives the remainder of Alexander’s river
voyage of much of its interest. His course in Upper Sind
cannot be indicated even approximately, and it is impossible
to fix accurately the position of either the towns or the
nations mentioned by the historians.

The confluence of the combined Panjab rivers with the Adminis-
‘ Indus,’ wherever it may have been situated, was appointed arrange-
to be the southern boundary of the satrapy of Philippos, ments.
to whom all the Thracians were made over along with an
adequate force of infantry to form the garrison of his
province. At about the same time the Bactrian nobleman,
Oxyartes, father of Alexander’s wife, Roxana, was deputed
to the Paropanisadae, or the Kabul province, as satrap in
succession to Tyriaspes, whose administration had been un-
satisfactory. A city was founded at the confluence of the
rivers with the ‘Indus,’ which Alexander hoped to become
prosperous and famous. Dockyards also were constructed.

Certain independent tribes, whom Arrian calls Abastanoi,

Xathroi or Oxathroi, and Ossadioi, submitted or were
subjugated, and it is noted that galleys of thirty oars and

1 Raverty, op. cit., p. 473. The
‘ Meeting of the Waters ’ was near
Bhagla or Baghlah, which is
marked on the India Office map of
thirty-two miles to the inch, in ap-
proximately N. lat. 28° 20', E. long.

70° 30'. The four confluences are
correctly enumerated by Arrian in
Anab. vi, 14. The contradictory
and unintelligible passage in the
same author’s Indika, ch. 4, is
hopelessly corrupt.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

transport vessels were built and supplied by the Xathroi h
Although it is impossible to determine accurately either the
correct names or the true positions of the tribes in Northern
Sind mentioned by the various ancient authorities, the region
occupied by the tribes referred to seems to be that lying to
the north and south of N. lat. 28° and between E. long. 69°
and 70° 30'. During this stage of the campaign, Krateros,
who hitherto, from the beginning, had always marched on
the right, or western, bank of each successive river, was
transferred to the left, or eastern bank, which offered greater
facilities for movement and was occupied by tribes less
hostile than those on the other bank 2.

Kingdom Alexander now hurried on in order to surprise the power-

ot Mousi- fu] monarch called Mousikanos by Arrian, who had proudly

KH nos * ' L j

abstained from sending envoys or presents to the invader.

The capital of this stiff-necked king may be probably,

although not certainly, identified with Alor or Aror, the

1 Arrian, Anab. vi, 15. Accord-
ing to Curtius (ix, 7), Alexander
came to a second nation called
Malli (whom Mr. McCrindle con-
founds with the Malloi of the Ravi),
and then to the Sabarcae, a power-
ful tribe with a democratic form of
government and no king. Their
army was said to comprise 60,000
foot, 6,000 cavalry, and 500 chariots,
under the command of three re-
nowned generals. This nation sub-
mitted. The name Xathroi (v. 1.
Oxathroi) looks like a transcription
of the Sanskrit Kshatriya. The
Sabarcae are called Sambastai by
Diodorus, who agrees with Curtius
in his account of the government
and military force of the tribe.
Diodorus (xvii, 102) adds that two
other tribes, the Sodrai and Mas-
sanoi, occupied both banks of the
river, and that a city named Alex-
andria was founded within their
borders, and occupied by a colony
of 10,000 men. The attempts made
by Mr. McCrindle and many other
writers to localize these tribes are
necessarily futile, inasmuch as we
do not know where the river was.
The mention in Anab. vi, 15 of

Oxyartes as the colleague of Pei-
thon, satrap of the Lower Indus, is
evidently, as Chinnock rightly ob-
serves, due to corruption of the
text. The Thracians made over
to Philippos seem to have been
infantry ; for the Agrianian light
cavalry, who were Thracians, took
part in subsequent operations.

2 The words 8ia Trjs 'ApaxwTwv
Kal Apayycuv yrjs in the passage
(Arrian, Anab. vi, 15) describing
the transfer of Krateros from the
right to the left bank were evidently
a blundering marginal note which
has crept into the text. Krateros
was sent from a point above the
head of the Delta ‘ into Karmania
by the route through the Arachotoi
and Zarangoi ' ( tt/v in' ' ApaxaiTunr
Kal Zapayyaiv), as stated in ch. 17.
Mr. McCrindle’s theory that Kra-
teros was sent, as stated in ch. 15,
and subsequently recalled, seems
to me very unsatisfactory. I have
already noted another corruption
in the text of the same chapter,
due probably to the same cause,
the absorption into the text of an
erroneous gloss.

MOUSIKANOS

ancient capital of Sind, now included in the Shikarpur
District, and situated in N. lat. 27° 39', E. long. 68° 59'.

The peculiarities of the people of this kingdom excited
the surprise and admiration of the Macedonians. The
inhabitants were believed to attain the age of a hundred
and thirty years, their longevity being the result of good
health secured by temperance in diet. Although their
country possessed mines of both gold and silver, they refused
to make use of either metal. Unlike the other Indians they
kept no slaves, employing in their stead ‘ young men in the
flower of their age, as the Cretans employ the Aphamiotai,
and the Lacedaemonians the Helots.1 They also resembled
the Lacedaemonians in observing the custom of a public
meal, at which the food served was the produce of the chase.

They declined to study any science save that of medicine,
and were reputed to have no system of civil law, the juris-
diction of the courts being confined to cases of murder and
other violent crime b

King Mousikanos, like the Malloi, being completely sur- Submis-
prised by the rapidity of the movements of Alexander, who ^evoltof
had reached the frontier before his departure from his last Mousi-
camp had been reported, hastened to meet the conqueror,
bringing with him all his elephants and the choicest presents
which India could offer. Alexander, with his habitual
readiness to accept submission, received the king courteously,
expressed much admiration of his capital and realm, and
confirmed him in his sovereignty. But Mousikanos, acting
under the advice of Brahman counsellors, quickly repented
of his ready submission, and revolted. Peithon, the son of
Agenor, who had been appointed satrap of the country to
the south of the territory entrusted to Philippos, was sent

1 Strabo, xv, 34, 54. Strabo,
who writes on the authority of
Onesikritos, points out that other
authors do not seem to be justified
in asserting that slavery was un-
known everywhere in India. Me-
gasthenes, as quoted by Arrian
( Indika , ch. 10), boldly affirmed it

to be a great thing (/xeya) in India
that all the Indians were free, and
that no Indian slave existed (ouSc
r iva 5oV\oi' tTvai ’Iv86v). In reality,
praedial and domestic slavery of a
mild form seems to have been an
institution in most parts of India
from very remote times.

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Oxykanos

and

Sambos.

Krateros

sent

home.

in pursuit of the rebel 1 ; while Alexander in person operated
against the towns, some of which were destroyed, while
others were occupied by garrisons. Mousikanos, having
been captured by Peithon, was crucified along with the
Brahmans who had instigated his defection 2.

Alexander next marched with a flying column against a
chief named Oxykanos, who was taken prisoner. His two
principal cities having been sacked, the other towns in the
neighbourhood surrendered without attempting resistance ;
‘ so much were the minds of all the Indians paralysed with
abject terror by Alexander and the success of his arms3.’
Another chieftain, named Sambos, whose capital was Sindi-
mana 4, and who had fled in terror, surrendered ; and more
Brahmans, who had instigated the revolt of an unnamed
town, were executed. It is said that during this campaign
on the Lower Indus 80,000 of the natives were killed, and
multitudes sold as slaves.

After the execution of Mousikanos, the ruler of the Delta,
which was known to the Greeks as Patalene, from its capital
Patala, arrived in camp and proffered the submission of his
kingdom, which was accepted. He was sent back to his
country to prepare for the reception of the expedition.

About the same time Krateros, one of Alexander’s most
trusted lieutenants, was detached with orders to conduct
a large portion of the army into Karmania by the route
leading through the territories of Arachosia (Kandahar)
and Drangiana (Slstan). The troops entrusted to Krateros
comprised the brigades (rd£is) of Attalos, Meleager, and

1 Peithon was sole satrap of the

Lower Indus, the mention of

Oxyartes as his colleague being
due to corruption of the text ( ante
p. 92, note 1).

2 Kpefiaaai ’A\e£avfipos KeXevei.

Mr. McCrindle translates ‘Alex-
ander ordered the rebel to be

hanged’; Gronovius renders ‘Ale-
xander crucifigi iubet.’

3 Ovtoi Kal 'Ii'Soi Travres e8e$ov\cuvro

Tjbr) rfj 'yvupTi irpos ’A\e£avfipov Tf Kal
rrjs ’ Ake£av5pov riiy Vs- The transla-
tion is Mr. McCrindle’s. Curtius

speaks of ‘ the people known as the
Musicani ’ ; calls Oxykanos by the
name of Porticanus ; and states
that his subjects were the Praesti.
According to him, Porticanus was
slain. The same author states that
the troops of Sambos used poisoned
swords (ix, 8).

4 Sindimana may or may not
have been Sihwan, with which it is
commonly ‘ identified,’ for no better
reason than that both names begin
with S.

PATALA

Antigenes, besides some of the archers, the ‘companions'1
or guards, and other Macedonians unfit for further active
service. The elephants also accompanied this force.

Alexander in person retained the command of the troops Alex-
serving as marines, while Hephaistion was given supreme advance
command of the rest of the army, which advanced on the to Patala.
right bank of the river. Krateros, who had been transferred
to the left bank in Upper Sind, had, of course, been obliged
to recross the stream in order to begin his homeward march.

His place on the left bank was now taken by Peithon, son
of Agenor, who was given a mounted force of lancers and
Agrianians, with instructions to place colonists in certain
fortified towns, to suppress attempts at insurrection, main-
tain order, and ultimately rejoin Alexander at Patala. The
prince ( virapyos ) and people of that city fled in terror, but
were mostly reassured and induced to return to their homes
(Arrian, Anab. vi, 17).

The position of the city of Patala has been much disputed ; Patala.
but the best opinion is that it was at or near the very ancient
site of Bahmanabad, situated in approximately N. lat. 25° 50'
and E. long. 68° 50', some six miles westward from the more
modern city of Mansuriya. The apex of the Delta was
probably near Kalari, about forty miles north of Bahmanabad,
in approximately N. lat. 26° 40' and E. long. 68° 30'. For
the discussion of Alexander’s movements the identity of
Patala and Bahmanabad may be assumed, although it cannot
be fully proved h

1 Bahmanabad, Bahmannih, or
Bahmannu, not Brahmanabad, as
commonly and erroneously written.
Under the name of Bahmanabad it
was founded by Bahman, son of
Isfandiyar, ‘ in the time of Gush-
tasib, ruler of Iran-Zamln.’ But
the site is much more ancient, and
includes extensive prehistoric re-
mains ( Progress Report, Arch,
Survey W. I. for 1896-7, par. 30-50).
The site of Bahmanabad was dis-
covered by Mr. Bellasis in 1854
{Jo. Bo. Br. R. A. S., Jan., 1856).
Mansuriya has been built from, and

partly on, the ruins of the primitive
city. Raverty’s discursive note
105 (op. cit., pp. 196-205) gives
much information. For the posi-
tion of the apex of the Delta, and
the city of Patala, see ibid. pp. 226,
461, 462. General Haig, who
greatly underestimates the growth
of the Delta, is certainly wrong in
placing Patala below the latitude of
Hyderabad (N. lat. 25° 23' 5",
E. long. 68° 24' 51"). The same
writer was not aware of the evi-
dence which leads Major Raverty
to place the most ancient known

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Explora-
tion of
Delta.

Prepara-
tions for
leaving
India.

Alexander, considering Patala to be a position of high
strategical importance, caused Hephaistion to construct a
citadel there and to dig wells in the adjoining region. He
proposed to make a great naval station at the point where
the river divided, and remained sufficiently long on the spot
to see some progress made in the construction of a roadstead
and dockyard. He then resolved to explore personally both
arms of the river down to the sea, and first sailed down the
western or right branch, which probably debouched near or
below Debal, the ancient port of Sind, distant about fifteen
miles from Thathah (Tatta). His sailors, accustomed, to the
tideless waters of the Mediterranean, were thrown into a
state of great alarm and confusion by the ebb and flow of
the tide, but ultimately Alexander succeeded in pushing on
with some of the fastest vessels, and reaching the open sea.
He sailed out a few miles into the deep, sacrificed bulls to
Poseidon, and followed up the sacrifice by a libation, casting
the golden vessels used in the ceremony into the ocean as
a thank-offering 1.

He then returned to Patala, where he found the works
of the new naval station well advanced, and proceeded to
explore the eastern, or left, branch of the river. Near its
mouth he passed through a large lake, apparently that
now known as the Samarah lake to the west of Amarkot,
and again reached the sea-shore in about latitude 25° 2.

apex of the Delta forty miles above
Bahmanabad (The Indus Delta
Country, pp. 1, 129, 135, 136, publ.
by Kegan Paul & Co., 1894).
Most books (e. g. Imperial Gazetteer
and Balfour’s Cyclopaedia ) errone-
ously identify Patala with Hydera-
bad.

1 Curtius (ix, 9) gives a spirited
and detailed account of the voyage
from Patala to the sea. Thatha
(Tatta) is in N. lat. 24° 44', E.
long. 68°. In the seventeenth
century ( Sir Thomas Herbert, The-
venot, <§•<?.) Debal or Dewal was
the southernmost town in Sind,
and a much frequented seaport,
distant fifteen miles from Thathah.

The town has now utterly dis-
appeared ; but it must have stood
very near to the shrine of Plr
Patho, at the foot of the Makkahli
hills, and near the Bhagar branch
of the Indus, which was in those
days a very great stream (Raverty,
op. cit., pp. 317-31, note 315).
But Major Raverty (p. 321) makes
a slip in saying that Herbert landed
at ‘ Diul.’ He landed at ‘ Swalley
Road,’ off Surat ( Travels , ed. 1677,
p. 42). Diul is mentioned by him
on p. 80 as a port.

2 For an account of the Samarah
lake, see Raverty, op. cit., pp. 465,
477. It is marked as Samaro on
the India Office map. In Alex-

ALEXANDER’S PLANS

Having spent three days in reconnoitring the coast and
arranging for the construction of wells, he returned to
Patala. Harbours and docks were built on the shores of
the lake, and furnished with garrisons. Provisions to supply
the forces for four months were collected, and all other
necessary preparations were made for the two bold enter-
prises which he had planned ; the voyage of the fleet
along the coast to the Persian Gulf, and his own march
with the army through Gedrosia in a direction, so far
as might be practicable, parallel to the course of the
fleet.

His plans were conceived upon a comprehensive scale. Alexan-
Nearchos, the admiral who had successfully commanded the ||^nsg
flotilla during the ten months’ voyage from Jihlam to the
sea, was instructed to bring the fleet round the coast into the
Persian Gulf as far as the mouth of the Euphrates, and to
record careful observations of the strange lands and seas
which he should visit. Alexander himself proposed to conduct
the army back to Persia through the wilds of the country
then called Gedrosia, and now known as Mukran, hitherto
untrodden save by the legendary hosts of Semiramis and
Cyrus. The king, who was independent of the winds, started
on his march about the beginning of October, 325 b.c. October,
Nearchos, being obliged to watch for the change of the 325 B,c'

ander’s time the Ran (Runn) of
Cutch (Kachchh) must have been an
estuary of the sea, extending north-
ward to about parallel 25°, where the
eastern arm of the great river fell into
it. Thelakewasonlya short distance
from the mouth of the river (Arrian,
Anab. vi, 20). The coast-line has
extended enormously. The spot
called MughalbTn, where Akbar’s
officer, in Queen Elizabeth’s time,
stood to get a view of the ocean,
is now quite fifty miles from the
sea. Further west, at Sonmiyani,
near the Purali (Arabios) river,
the coast has advanced at least
twenty miles since Alexander’s
time. Most of the land to the
south of Badln, which stands in

about N. lat. 24° 40', has been
formed since the reign of Akbar :
the coast-line had a mean latitude
of about 24° 30' in the eighth century
when the Arab conquest took place.
In Alexander’s time, a thousand
years earlier, the coast-line was, of
course, considerably further north,
but no man can delineate it with
any approach to accuracy. The
parallel of 25° may be taken as an
approximate definition of the coast
reconnoitred by Alexander. The
land at the Kohrai mouth (vulgo
‘ Khori Creek ’) now extends to
about 23° 30'. (See Raverty, op.
eit., pp. 468, 469, 470, 477, &c.,
and Haig, op. cit., pp. 136, 139.)

SMITH

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Gedrosia.

Alexan-

der’s

Haven.

monsoon, did not leave his anchorage in the river until two
or three weeks later b

Although Gedrosia has usually remained outside the
Indian political system, the province, or part of it, has
been included from time to time within the dominions of
the sovereigns of Hind, and its history cannot be regarded
as altogether foreign to the history of India. But the
satrapy of Gedrosia undoubtedly lay beyond the limits of
India proper, and a summary narrative of the adventures
met with by Nearchos on its coasts and his sovereign in its
deserts will be sufficient to complete the story of Alexander’s
Indian campaign.

Nearchos was detained for several days in the river, and,
after much difficulty in making a passage for the ships round
a bar, which obstructed the mouth of the western branch,
ultimately got out to sea1 2. Contrary winds detained him
for twenty-four days in a secure harbour, to which he gave
the name of Alexander’s Haven. The coast-line has been
changed so much by both accretion and denudation that
attempts at detailed identifications of places near the mouth
of the river are waste of time, but it is safe to affirm that
the haven where Nearchos found shelter was not very far
from the modern Karachi (Kurrachee). The admiral then
crept cautiously along the inhospitable coast, his crews often
suffering severely from lack of provisions and fresh water.
After travelling a hundred miles or so (850 stadia), the fleet
reached the mouth of the river Arabis (the Purali), which
formed the boundary between the Arabioi, the last people of
Indian descent settled in this direction, and the Oreitai,

1 Nearchos is said to have started
from his anchorage in the river on

the twentieth day of the Athenian
month Boedromion (Sept.-Oct.),
325 b. c. This date seems to be
correct. Alexander may have begun
his march two or three weeks
earlier. Aristoboulos ( Strabo , xv,
17) is the authority for the descent
of the rivers having lasted ten
months. Patala was reached ‘ about
the rising of the dog-star,’ July-

August. The operations carried
out at, or conducted from, Patala,
must have occupied a considerable
time.

2 ‘ Bar,’ eppa (Jndika, 21). Some
authors base ‘ identifications ’ on
the illegitimate translation of ip pa
by ‘rock.’ Arrian goes on to say
that Nearchos dug a channel
through ‘the softer part of the
bar,’ iva-nep paXdaKov rjv tov epparos.

THE OREITAI

who occupied an extensive territory to the west of the
river 1.

Having traversed an estimated distance of 800 stadia more, The
the fleet reached a place called Kokala, where the wearied u 1 '
crews were allowed to disembark and enjoy much needed
rest. While the sailors were reposing here in a fortified
camp ( Indika , 23), Nearchos came into touch with Leonnatos,
whom Alexander had detached with a field force to subdue
the Oreitai (A nab. vi, 22). News arrived that a great battle
had been fought in which Leonnatos had defeated the natives
with terrible slaughter. The Oreitai are said to have lost

6.000 men and all their leaders out of a total force of

8.000 foot and 300 horse 2. The Macedonian loss, although
numerically small, was noteworthy because it included the
colleague of Leonnatos, Apollophanes, who had recently been
appointed Satrap of the country 3. Communications between
Leonnatos and Nearchos having been established, the fleet
was repaired and victualled, and sailors who had proved
inefficient at sea were drafted into the army, their places
being taken by men selected from the troops under the
command of Leonnatos.

Continuing their voyage westward, the ships passed along The
the coast near the mouth of the river Tomeros 4, which was savafres'
inhabited by a race of savages, ignorant of the use of iron,
and armed only with wooden spears charred at the point to
harden them. These wild men were covered with shaggy
hair all over the body, and had claw-like nails strong enough
to rip up fish and to split the softer kinds of wood. Their
clothing was made of the skins of wild beasts or those of the
larger fishes. After a skirmish with the savages, the fleet

1 The course of the Arabis, or
Arabios, has changed considerably.

2 Curtius, ix, 9.

3 Arrian, Indika, 23. But the
same author asserts in Anabasis,
vi, 27, that Alexander, after his
arrival at the Gedrosian capital,

Poura (mod. Bampur), deposed
Apollophanes from his satrapy,
because he had utterly disregarded

his instructions. Arrian then goes
on to say that Thoas, who was ap-
pointed successor, soon died, and
was succeeded by Sibyrtios. Cur-
tius (ix, 10) asserts that the prede-
cessor of Sibyrtios was Memnon,
who was ‘ cut off by some malady.’
I cannot reconcile these discrepan-
cies.

4 Now the Hingol.

H 2

100

ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

The Ge-
drosioiand
Ichthyo-
phagoi.

En-

chanted

isle.

delayed for five days to effect repairs, and on the sixth day
reached the rocky headland named Malana (now Ras Malin),
the eastern boundary of the Oreitai, who were not savages,
but were dressed and armed like the inhabitants of India,
although differing from them in language and customs h

When the Malana cape had been passed, the inland people
were known as Gedrosioi, and no longer as Oreitai 1 2. The
inhabitants of the coast continued to astonish the voyagers
by their strange manners and customs. ‘These poor wretches,’
we are told, ‘had nothing but fish to live on,’ and so they
were dubbed Ichthyophagoi, or ‘ Fish-eaters,’ by the Greeks
— what the real name of the race may have been is not
known. Whales, which were numerous along this coast,
although very alarming to the sailors of the fleet, were
extremely useful to the natives on shore, and supplied the
materials for the better houses, which were built of whales’
bones, the huge jaws serving as doorways.

The seamen on board the ships of Nearchos, being super-
stitious like the sailors of all ages and countries, were much
frightened at the weird tales told about an uninhabited
island, which Arrian calls Nosala ( Indilca , 31), and is now
known as Astola or Astalu. It lies nearly midway between
Urmera and Pasni headlands, and is to this day as much
an object of dread to the Med fishermen as it was long ago
to the Greek sailors 3.

1 Diodorus agrees that the Oreitai
in most respects closely resembled
the Indians, but adds that they
were in the habit of stripping the
dead and exposing the bodies in
the jungles to be devoured by the
wild beasts.

2 Arrian here uses the term
Gedrosioi in a sense narrower than
that of Strabo, who, when describ-
ing Ariana (xv, eh. ii, 8, 9), seems
to bring Gedrosia as far east as the
Indus. No real discrepancy exists ;
the Satrapy of Gedrosia doubtless
included the country of the Oreitai
and Arabioi, as well as Gedrosia

proper. The Oreitai are supposed
to be now represented by the Lumri

tribes of Las Bela, who claim
Rajput descent. The Gadurs,
one of the Lumri clans, may repre-
sent the Gedrosioi.

3 Holdich, The Indian Border-
land (Methuen, 1901), p. 206. On
the whole, according to this author,
the coast-line of Mukran is not
greatly changed, and most of the
ports and landing-places visited by
Nearchos can be identified, al-
though many islands have been
destroyed by erosion. The name
of the province, which is generally
spelt Mekran, is written Mukran
by Major Raverty, who may be
depended upon for accuracy in
such matters. Holdich’s lecture

END OF THE VOYAGE

101

Thus threading their way through all dangers, real or Arrival of
imaginary, the explorers made their way to a port called Ormuz
Badis, near Cape Jask at the entrance to the Straits of
Ormuz, and so came into touch with the more civilized
province of Karmania. Proceeding through the straits, the
delighted mariners found themselves at Harmozeia (Ormuz),
a charming place, producing everything that they wanted,
except olives. Here the men came ashore and were grate-
fully enjoying their rest, when some of the more adventurous
spirits strolled inland, and were astounded to meet a stranger
wearing Greek clothes and speaking Greek. Tears came to
their eyes as they heard the familiar sounds of home in that
strange and distant land. Explanations having been ex-
changed, the stranger proved to be a straggler from Alex-
ander’s army, and gave the welcome information that the
king was only five days’ march distant.

Nearchos and Archias at once arranged to go inland to Meeting
meet their sovereign, and, after many difficulties, made their °( Near'
way to his presence, but so ragged and unkempt were they, Alexan-
that Alexander at first could not recognize them. When der‘
at last he was convinced of his friends’ identity, he assumed
hastily that they must be the sole miserable survivors from
his lost fleet, and was in despair at the imagined disaster.

But he was soon reassured by Nearchos, who told him that
the ships were safe and sound, hauled up at the mouth of
the Anamis river for repairs.

The admiral, having volunteered to conduct the fleet up Voyage

the Gulf to Susa, returned to the coast, to which he was th.e

7 liffris.

obliged to fight his way, and thence sailed on, with little

adventure, to the mouth of the Euphrates. He then heard

of Alexander’s approach to Susa, and turning back, entered

the Tigris to meet him, and 4 it was thus that the expedition

which had started from the mouths of the Indus was brought

in safety to Alexander’ (Arrian, Indika, 42).

entitled ‘ A Retreat from India ’ modern authority for the details of
(/. United Service Inst. India, 1894, the Gedrosian march,
p. 112, with map) is the best

102 ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Sufferings
of Alex-
ander’s
army.

Revolt in
Panjab.

The difficulties encountered by the army under the com-
mand of Alexander were even greater than those met and
overcome by the fleet under Nearchos. The king seems to
have been ignorant of the existence of the Hala range of
mountains, which terminates in Cape Malin. This great
obstacle, which he was ' obliged to turn, deranged his plans,
and compelled him to penetrate far into the interior, and
for a time to lose touch with the fleet. The army suffered
agonies from thirst, and the unfortunate followers perished
by thousands. 4 The blazing heat and want of water,’ Arrian
tells us, ‘ destroyed a great part of the army, and especially
the beasts of burden, which perished from the great depth
of the sand, and the heat which scorched like fire, while
a great many died of thirst.’ Ultimately, the remnant of
the force worked its way back to the coast, emerging near
the harbour of Pasni, almost on the line where the telegraph
wire now runs, and its sufferings were at an end. But the
soldiers had been obliged ‘ to burn the rich spoils taken from
their enemies, for the sake of which they had marched to the
utmost extremities of the East.’ The success of the general
was the ruin of the private.

While the army was still in Karmania, a report was
received that Philippos, satrap of the Indian provinces north
of the confluence of the Akesines with the Indus, had been
treacherously murdered by his mercenary troops. Although
this disquieting communication was accompanied by the
information that the murderers had been slain by the satrap’s
Macedonian body-guard, Alexander was not then in a posi-
tion to make permanent arrangements, and was obliged to
content himself with sending a dispatch to India directing
Ambhi, king of Taxila, and Eudamos, commandant of a
Thracian contingent on the Upper Indus ( Curtius , x, 1, 11),
to assume the administration of the province until a satrap
could be appointed in due course. The death of Alexander
at Babylon in the following year (June, 323 b.c.) 1 effectually

1 The attempts of German scholars (Hogarth, Philip and Alexander of

to fix the precise day of the month Macedon, Appendix),
are based on insufficient data

THE GENIUS OF ALEXANDER

103

prevented any attempt being made to retain control over
the conquered countries east of the Indus.

When the second partition of the empire was effected at India
Triparadeisos in 321 b. c., Antipater practically recognized the bjr
independence of India by appointing the native kings Poros Mace-
and Ambhi as a matter of form to the charge of the Indus goygrn-
valley and Panjab. Peithon, whom Alexander had appointed ment.
Satrap of the Indus Delta, was transferred to the provinces
4 which bordered on the Paropanisadai,’ i. e. to Arachosia, &c.
west of the Indus, and India was abandoned by the Mace-
donian government in reality, though not in name 1.
Eudamos, alone of the Macedonian officers, retained some
authority in the Indus valley until 317 2.

The Indian expedition of Alexander may be said to have Duration
lasted for three years, from May, 327 b.c., when he crossed
the Hindu Kush, to May, 324 b. c., when he entered Susa, campaign.
Out of this period, about nineteen months were spent in
India east of the Indus, from March, 326 b. c., when he crossed
the bridge at Ohind, until September or October in the
following year, when he entered the territory of the Arabioi.

Looked at merely from the soldier’s point of view, the The
achievements wrought in that brief space of time are
marvellous and incomparable. The strategy, tactics, and ander.
organization of the operations give the reader of the story
the impression that in all these matters perfection was at-
tained. The professional military critic may justly blame
Alexander, as his own officers blamed him, for excessive
display of personal heroism, and needless exposure to danger
of the precious life upon which the safety of the whole army
depended ; but criticism is silenced by admiration, and by

1 Diodorus, xviii, 39 ‘ Antipater
then divided the satrapies anew . . .
and gave India, which bordered on
the Paropanisadai, to Peithon, the

son of Agenor, and of the adjacent
kingdoms he gave that which lay
along the Indus to Poros, and that
along the Hydaspes to Taxiles, for
it was impossible to remove their
kings without royal troops under
the command of some distinguished

general.’ In this passage the
names of Poros and Taxiles (i. e.
Ambhi, king of Taxila) have evi-
dently been transposed. The Indus
valley would naturally fall to the
share of the Taxilan king, rather
than to Poros, whose dominions
lay to the east of the Hydaspes.

2 Arrian ( Anab . vi, 27) writes
EvSiyxos ; Diodorus (xix, 14) writes
Ev5 a/ios.

104 ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

Three

great

enter-

prises.

Substan-
tial suc-
cess.

Asiatic

weakness.

the reflection that the example set by the king’s reckless
daring was of incalculable value as a stimulus and encourage-
ment to troops often ready to despair of success.

The descent of the rivers to the ocean through the terri-
tories of civilized and well-armed nations, admittedly the
best soldiers in the east, and the voyage of Nearchos from
the Indus to the Tigris, may fairly be described as unqualified
successes. The third great enterprise, the retirement of the
army led by Alexander in person through Gedrosia1 would
have been equally prosperous, but for the occurrence of
physical difficulties, which could not be foreseen, owing to
the imperfection of the information at the king’s command.
But even this operation was not a failure. Notwithstanding
the terrible privations endured and the heavy losses suffered,
the army emerged from the deserts as an organized and
disciplined force, and its commander’s purpose was attained.

On the whole, Alexander’s Indian campaign was a success.
It was not really marred by the mutiny at the Hyphasis.
If his soldiers had permitted him to plunge more deeply into
the interior, he would probably have been unable to main-
tain the communication with his European base on which
his safety depended, and his small, isolated force might have
been overwhelmed by the mere numbers of his adversaries.
Koinos and his fellow remonstrants may be credited with
having prevented the annihilation of the Macedonian army.

The triumphant progress of Alexander from the Himalaya
to the sea demonstrated the inherent weakness of the greatest
Asiatic armies when confronted with European skill and
discipline. The dreaded elephants lost their terrors, and
proved to be a poor defence against the Macedonian cavalry.
The unopposed march of Krateros from Sind to Persia
through Slstan opened up an alternative land route and solved
the problem of easy overland communication with Europe.
The circumnavigation of the coast by Nearchos gave Alex-
ander a third line of communication by sea, and, if he had
lived, there is no reason to suppose that he would have

1 Gedrosia ( Strabo and Pliny) ; Gadrosia (TaSputria, Arrian).

INDIA UNCHANGED

105

experienced serious difficulty in retaining his hold upon the
Panjab and Sind.

All his proceedings prove conclusively that he intended Effects of
the permanent annexation of those provinces to his empire,
and the measures which he took for the purpose were ap- death,
parently adequate to ensure success. But Alexander’s pre-
mature death destroyed the fruits of his well-planned and
successful enterprise. Within three years of his departure,
his officers had been ousted, his garrisons destroyed, and all
trace of his rule had disappeared. The colonies which he
founded in India, unlike those established in the other Asiatic
provinces, took no root. The campaign, although carefully
designed to secure a permanent conquest, was in actual effect
no more than a brilliantly successful raid on a gigantic scale,
which left upon India no mark save the horrid scars of
bloody war.

India remained unchanged. The wounds of battle were India un-
quickly healed ; the ravaged fields smiled again as the changed'
patient oxen and no less patient husbandmen resumed their
interrupted labours ; and the places of the slain myriads
were filled by the teeming swarms of a population, which
knows no limits save those imposed by the cruelty of man,
or the still more pitiless operations of nature. India was
not hellenized. She continued to live her life of ‘splendid
isolation,’ and soon forgot the passing of the Macedonian
storm h

1 The astonishing paradox of
Niese to the effect that the whole
subsequent development of India
was dependent upon Alexander’s
institutions is not supported by a
single fact. His words are : ‘ Man
kann daher mit Recht behaupten,
dass von den Einrichtungen Alex-
anders die ganze weitere Entwicke-
lung Indiens abhangig gewesen ist ’
( Geschichte der griecliisclien und

makedonischen Staaten seit der
Schlacht bei Chaeronea, I. Teil, p.
508 ; Gotha, 1893). The often-
quoted lines by Matthew Arnold
( Obermann ) are much more to the
point : —

‘ The East bowed low before the
blast

In patient, deep disdain ;

She let the legions thunder past,
And plunged in thought again.’

106 ALEXANDER’S INDIAN CAMPAIGN

CHRONOLOGY OF THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

From Mat, 327, to May, 324 b.c.

DATE B. C.

EVENT.

327

The Advance.

Early in May .

Passage of Hindu Kush mountains over the Khawak
and Kaoshan passes.

June ....

From Nikaia (Jalalabad), Alexander with picked force
proceeds to the subjugation of the mountains ;
Hephaistion with rest of army advancing to the
Indus through the valley of the Kabul river.

August . . .

Capture of stronghold of Astes (Hasti) by Hephaistion
after thirty days’ siege.

September . .

Alexander subdivides his force, advancing in person
against the Aspasians ; he crosses the Gouraios
(Panjkora) river, captures Massaga of the Assake-
nians (probably Manglaur on Suwat river), and massa-
cres 7,000 Indian mercenaries.

November . .

Siege of Aornos (Mahaban).

December . .

Capture of Aornos (Mahaban).

326

January . . .

Arrival of Alexander at bridge-head at Ohind.

February . .

Halt of army for thirty days.

Passage of Indus ‘in beginning of spring’; halt at
Taxila.

March . . .

April ....

Advance eastward.

May ....

Arrival at the Hydaspes ( Jihlam) river.

Beginning of
July

July ....

Battle of the Hydaspes ; defeat of Poros.

Foundation of Nikaia and Boukephala; passage of
the Akesines (Chinab) river near the foot of the hills.

August . . .

Passage of the Hydraotes (Ravi) river, and conflict
with the Kathaeans.

September . .

Arrival at the Hyphasis (Bias) river ; refusal of army
to proceed further.

The Retreat.

Sept. -October .

Retirement to the Hydaspes (Jihlam) river.

End of October

Commencement of voyage down the rivers, and of
march of army escorting the fleet.

325

January . . .

Collapse of the Mallian power.

Till September.

Voyage continued, fighting with the Sogdoi, Sambos,
Mousikanos, &c.

Beginning of

Departure of Alexander to march through Gedrosia.

October . .

End of October

Nearehos starts on voyage to the Persian Gulf.

CHRONOLOGY

107

DATE B. C.

EVENT.

324

Early in January

January . . .

February

End of April or
beginning of
May

Arrival of Alexander atPoura (Bampur),theGedrosian
capital, sixty days distant from Ora.

Halt of army at Poura.

March through Karmania, about 300 miles.

Arrival at Susa in Persia, after about 500 miles of
marching from western frontier of Karmania.

323

June ....

Death of Alexander at Babylon.

Note. — The time spent by Alexander in India proper, from his passage
of the Indus in March, 326, until his departure for Gedrosia in September,
325, was about nineteen months. The voyage down the river occupied
about ten months out of this period, and the march from India to Susa
was effected in about seven months. The march from the Bactrian
frontier, that is to say, the Hindu Kush to the Indus, and the subjugation
of the mountain tribes on the north-western frontier of India were com-
pleted in ten months.

I. May, 327, to February, 326, inclusive : march from Hindu Kush to
Indus, ten months.

II. March, 326, to September, 325, inclusive : in India proper, nearly
nineteen months.

III. October, 325, to April, 324, inclusive : march to Susa, seven months.

Total duration of expedition, three years.

CHAPTER V

Eudamos.

Peithon,

&c.

CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA AND BINDUSARA,
FROM 321 B.C. TO 272 B. C.

When Alexander quitted the Panjab he posted no Mace-
donian garrisons in that province, making over the care of
his interests to king Poros, who must have been independent
in practice. Ambhi, king of Taxila, was also entrusted with
authority as a colleague of Poros. After the assassination of
Philippos, Alexander had sent orders from Karmania to
Eudamos, commandant of a Thracian garrison on the Indus,
to act as Resident pending the appointment of a satrap,
and to supervise the native princes. But this officer had
no adequate force at his command to enforce his authority,
which must have been purely nominal. He managed, how-
ever, to remain in India, probably somewhere in the basin
of the Indus, until about 31 7 b. c., when he departed to help
Eumenes against Antigonos, taking with him a hundred
and twenty elephants, and a small force of infantry and
cavalry. He had obtained the elephants by treacherously
slaying a native prince, perhaps Poros, with whom he had
been associated as a colleague 1.

The province of Sind, on the Lower Indus, below the great
confluence of the rivers, which had been entrusted by
Alexander to Peithon, son of Agenor, remained under Greek
influence for a period still shorter. At the time of the
second partition of the Macedonian empire in 321 b.c. at
Triparadeisos, Antipater was avowedly unable to exercise
any effective control over the Indian Rajas2, and Peithon

1 ’E« 8e tt/s ’lv8i Krjs EvSapos Trap- tpovr/ffas Tlu/pov [t). 1. vpuirov~\ rov
eykvtro pied’ tnireajv pev nevTaKoa'icav fiaenkea ( Diodorus , xix, 14).

[». 1. TpiaKoa'iMv ], tie (aw Se rpiaxeklaiv 2 Oil yap rpv tovtovs tovs fiamXeis
[v. 1. rptaicoalaiv], eketpavTiuv he exaTuv peraKivijaai XwPli PatnAiKTjs hwapeais
eiKoof rd he 6-qp'ia ravra irapeXa(ie /cai qyepowas emtpavovs ( Diodorus ,
peril tt)v ’ A\e£avopov rekevTrjv , 8oAo- xviii, 39).

NATIVE REVOLT

109

had been obliged already to retire to the west of the Indus.

The Indian provinces to the east of the river were con-
sequently ignored in the partition, and Peithon was content
to accept the government of the regions bordering on the
Paropanisadai, or Kabul country. That country probably
continued to be administered by Roxana’s father Oxyartes,
whom Alexander had appointed satrap. Sibyrtios was
confirmed in the government of Arachosia and Gedrosia;
Stasandros, the Cyprian, was given Aria and Drangiana, and
his countryman Stasanor was appointed governor of Bactria
and Sogdiana1. These arrangements clearly prove that in
321 b.c., within two years of Alexander’s death, the Greek
power, to the east of the Indus, had been extinguished, with
the slight exception of the small territory, wherever it may
have been, which Eudamos managed to hold for some four
years longer.

The insecurity of the Macedonian authority in the newly Native
annexed Indian provinces had been proved by the assassina-
tion of Philippos, the report of which was received while
Alexander was in Karmania, and might be expected to
return some day to the scene of his victories. His death in
June, 323 b.c., dispelled all fears of his return, and the
native princes undoubtedly took the earliest possible oppor-
tunity to assert their independence and exterminate the
weak foreign garrisons. The news of Alexander’s decease
was known in India probably as early as August, but no
serious fighting would have been undertaken by ordinary
commanders until the beginning of the cold season in
October; for Alexander’s indifference to climatic conditions
was not shared by Indian chiefs, who were accustomed to
regulate their military movements strictly in accordance with
precedent. We may feel assured that as soon as the news
of the conqueror’s death had been confirmed beyond doubt,
and the season permitted the execution of military opera-

1 ’A piav Si koll Apayyivrjv ’Sratjav- 9). Mr. McCrindle ( Invasion of
Spai tS> Kv-nplcp- Ti’ju Si Ba/cr piavr/v nai India by Alexander the Great , 2nd
SoySiarrjv 'S.iaoavopi t£> So\ia/, arro ed. p. 411) confounds these two
T7}s avTTjs ovti vqoov ( Diodorus , xviii, officers.

110 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

tions with facility, a general rising took place, and that Mace-
donian authority in India was at an end early in 322 b.c.,
except the small remnant to which Eudamos continued to
cling.

Early life The leader of the revolt against the foreigners was an able
dragupta. adventurer, Chandragupta by name, at that time a young
man, probably not more than twenty-five years of age.
Although he was on the father’s side a scion of the royal
house of Magadha — the principal state in Northern India —
his mother was of lowly origin, and, in accordance with
Hindu law, he belonged to her caste, and had to bear the
reproach of inferior social rank. The family name Maurya,
assumed by the members of the dynasty founded by
Chandragupta, is said to be a derivative from Mura, his
mother’s name. In some way or other young Chandragupta
incurred the displeasure of his kinsman, Mahapadma Nanda,
the reigning king of Magadha, and was obliged to go into
exile b During his banishment he had the good fortune to
see Alexander, and is said to have expressed the opinion that
the Macedonian king, if he had advanced, would have made
an easy conquest of the great kingdom on the Ganges, by
reason of the extreme unpopularity of the reigning monarch 2.
Mahapadma Nanda was reputed to be the son of a barber,
who had secured the affections of the late queen. The
guilty pair had then murdered the king, whose throne was
seized by the barber-paramour. His son, the now reigning
monarch, was avaricious and profligate, and naturally pos-
sessed few friends.

Usurpa- Chandragupta, having collected, during his exile, a for-
throne of midable force of the warlike and predatory clans on the
Magadha. north-western frontier, attacked the Macedonian garrisons
322 b. c. immediately after Alexander’s death, and conquered the

1 ‘ He was born in humble life .. . McCrindle, pp. 327, 405). The
when by his insolent behaviour he Mudrd Raksliasa play lays great
had offended Nandrus [ = Nanda], emphasis on the low-caste origin of
and was ordered by that king to Chandragupta, and on his relation-
be put to death, he sought safety ship to the Nanda king. In these
by a speedy flight’ ( Justin , xv, matters I am convinced that the
4, with Gutschmid’s emendation play is based on genuine tradition,
of Nandrum for Alexandrum, 2 Plutarch, Alexander, ch. 62.

INVASION OF SELEUKOS

111

Panjab. He then turned his victorious arms against his
enemy, the king of Magadha ; and taking advantage of that
monarch’s unpopularity, dethroned and slew him, utterly
exterminating every member of his family. His adviser in
this revolution was a subtle Brahman named Chanakya, by
whose aid he succeeded in seizing the vacant throne. But
the people did not gain much by the change of masters,
because Chandragupta, ‘after his victory, forfeited by his
tyranny all title to the name of liberator, oppressing with
servitude the very people whom he had emancipated from
foreign thraldom.’ He inherited from his Nanda prede-
cessor a huge army, which he increased until it numbered
30,000 cavalry, 9,000 elephants, 600,000 infantry, and a
multitude of chariots. With this irresistible force, all the
Northern States, probably as far as the Narbada, or even
farther, were overrun and subjugated ; so that the dominions
of Chandragupta, the first paramount sovereign or emperor
in India, extended from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian
Sea.

While Chandragupta was engaged in the consolidation of Invasion
his empire, a rival was laying the foundations of his power eleu'
in Western and Central Asia, and preparing to attempt the Nikator.
recovery of Alexander’s Indian conquests. In the course of
the internecine struggle between the generals of Alexander,
two had emerged as competitors for supreme power in Asia —
Antigonos and Seleukos, who afterwards became known as
Nikator, or the Conqueror. Fortune at first favoured
Antigonos, and drove his antagonist into exile ; but, in
312 b.c., Seleukos recovered possession of Babylon, and six312B.c.
years later felt himself justified in assuming the regal style
and title. He is conventionally described as king of Syria,
but was in reality the lord of Western and Central Asia1.

The eastern provinces of his realm extended to the borders
of India ; and he naturally desired to recover the Mace-
donian conquests in that country, which had been practically
abandoned, although never formally relinquished. In pursuit

1 See Mr. Bevan’s work, The House of Seleucus.

112 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

305 b. c.

Treaty
between
Seleukos
and Chan-
dragupta.

303 b. c.

301 b.c.

of this object Seleukos crossed the Indus in 305 b.c., and
attempted to imitate the victorious march of Alexander1.
The details of the campaign are not known, and it is
impossible to determine how far the invading army pene-
trated into the Gangetic valley, if at all, but the result of
the war is certain.

When the shock of battle came, the hosts of Chandragupta
were too strong for the invader, and Seleukos was obliged
to retire and conclude a humiliating peace. Not only
was he compelled to abandon all thought of conquest
in India, but he was constrained to surrender a large part
of Ariana to the west of the Indus. In exchange for the
comparatively trifling equivalent of five hundred elephants,
Chandragupta received the satrapies of the Paropanisadai,
Aria, and Arachosia, the capitals of which were respectively
the cities now known as Kabul, Herat, and Kandahar. The
satrapy of Gedrosia, or at least the eastern portion of it,
seems also to have been included in the cession, and the high
contracting powers ratified the peace by ‘a matrimonial
alliance,’ which phrase probably means that Seleukos gave
a daughter to his Indian rival. This treaty may be dated
in 303 b.c. As soon as it was concluded Seleukos started
on his long march westward to confront Antigonos, whom
he defeated and slew at Ipsos in Phrygia in 301 b.c.2 Ipsos
being distant at least 2,500 miles from the Indus, the march
to it must have occupied a year or more.

1 ‘Transitum deinde in Indiam
fecit,’ &c. ( Justin , xv, 4) ; sal
tov ’lvSdv irepciaas (Troki/j.Tjcrfi' ’A v5po-
kotto) [Chandragupta], Paoukt? tuiv
vepl airov ’luSuiv, /nc'xP1 (piklav ovtoi
Kal icrjSos avvtOtro (Appian, Syr.
55). Strabo (bk. ii, ch. ii, 9) sub-
stitutes for the last two words,

avvdepfvo s einyaniav.

2 Niese’s whimsical notion that
Chandragupta recognized the sove-
reignty of Seleukos ( die Oberhoheit
des Seleukos anerkannte) has no
foundation, except the anecdote
that Chandragupta paid honour to
the altars set up by Alexander at

the Hyphasis. The facts that
Seleukos retired from India, giving
up valuable provinces in exchange
for only 500 elephants out of the
9,000 possessed by Chandragupta,
that he entered into a matrimonial
alliance, and sent an ambassador,
clearly indicate the real nature of
the relations between the sove-
reigns. Megasthenes exhibits the
greatest respect for the Indian
monarch, and never presumed to
regard himself as the Resident at
the court of a feudatory. Concern-
ing the extent of the cession of
Ariana see Appendix G.

MEGASTHENES

113

The range of the Hindu Kush mountains, known to the North-
• • • • western

Greeks as the Paropanisos or Indian Caucasus, in this way frontier.

became the frontier between Chandragupta’s provinces of

Herat and Kabul on the south, and the Seleukidan province

of Bactria on the north. The first Indian emperor, more

than two thousand years ago, thus entered into possession

of that 1 * * 4 scientific frontier ’ sighed for in vain by his English

successors, and never held in its entirety even by the Moghal

monarchs of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

In the course of some eighteen years Chandragupta had Achieve-
expelled the Macedonian garrisons from the Panjab and chandra-
Sind, repulsed and humbled Seleukos the Conqueror, and gupta.
established himself as undisputed supreme lord of at least
all Northern India and a large part of Ariana. These
achievements fairly entitle him to rank among the greatest
and most successful kings known to history. A realm so
vast and various as that of Chandragupta was not to be
governed by weakness. The strong hand which won the
empire was needed to keep it, and the government was
administered with stern severity x. About six years after the
withdrawal of Seleukos, Chandragupta died (297 b.c.), and 297 b.c.
handed on the imperial succession to his son Bindusara,
who is also known by the title of Amitraghata, ‘ Slayer of
foes.’

Soon after the conclusion of peace in 303 b.c., Seleukos had Mega-
sent as his envoy to the court of Chandragupta an officer
named Megasthenes, who had been employed under Sibyrtios,
satrap of Arachosia. The envoy resided for a considerable
time at Pataliputra (now Patna), the capital of the Indian
empire, and employed his leisure in compiling an excellent
account of the geography, products, and institutions of India,
which continued to be the principal authority on the subject

1 Justin, xv, 4, and the details
given by Megasthenes. The pas-

sage in Justin’s compilation is one

of the most important concerning
Chandragupta. The testimonies

of the various Greek and Roman
authors are collected in Mr. McCrin-

dle’s books and in Wilson’s preface
to his translation of the Mudra
Rakshasa. That play, of uncertain
date, undoubtedly embodies a genu-
ine historical tradition, of which I
have made cautious use.

SMITH

114 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Patali-
putra, the
capital.

until modern times. Although often misled by erroneous
information received from others, Megasthenes is a veracious
and trustworthy witness concerning matters which came under
his personal observation, and his vivid account of Chandra-
gupta’s civil and military administration may be accepted
without hesitation as true and accurate1. That account,
although preserved in a fragmentary form, is so full and
detailed that the modern reader is more minutely informed
in many respects concerning the institutions of Chandragupta
than he is about those of any Indian sovereign until the days
of Akbar, the contemporary of Queen Elizabeth.

Pataliputra, the imperial capital, which had been founded
in the fifth century b.c., stood in the tongue of land formed
by the confluence of the Son with the Ganges, on the
northern bank of the former, and a few miles distant from
the latter. The site is now occupied by the large native
city of Patna and the English civil station of Bankipore, but
the rivers changed their courses many centuries ago, and the
confluence is at present near the cantonment of Dinapore,
about twelve miles above Patna. The ancient city, which
lies buried below its modern successor, was, like it, a long,
narrow parallelogram, measuring about nine miles in length
and a mile and a half in breadth. It was defended by a
massive timber palisade, pierced by sixty-four gates, crowned
by five hundred and seventy towers, and protected ex-
ternally by a broad and deep moat, filled from the waters
of the Son 2.

1 The fragments of Megasthenes
have been collected and edited by

Schwanbeck under the title of
Megasthenis Indika (Bonn, 1846) ;
and translated by McCrindle in
Ancient India as described by Mega-
sthenes and Arrian (Triibner, Lon-
don, 1877). Arrian ( Indika , 17)
rightly brackets Nearchos and
Megasthenes as trustworthy per-
sons ( hoKifim avSpe). Strabo, who
was disgusted by some of the
travellers’ tales repeated by Mega-
sthenes, unjustly stigmatizes him as
a liar. The information collected
by Megasthenes was supplemented

by the works of other writers, of
whose books fragments have been
preserved by the authors to whom
we are indebted for our knowledge
of Megasthenes. For a list of these
authors see Schwanbeck, op. cit.,
Index I. Mr McCrindle’s books,
six in number, give a nearly com-
plete collection of the passages in
Greek and Roman authors treating
of ancient India.

2 See Lt.-Col. Waddell’s treatise.
Discovery of the Exact Site of
Asoka's Classic Capital of Pdta-
liputra (Calcutta, 1892), and revised
edition, 1903. Some fragments of

THE COURT

115

The royal palace, although chiefly constructed of timber, Palace,
was considered to excel in splendour and magnificence the
palaces of Susa and Ekbatana, its gilded pillars being
adorned with golden vines and silver birds. The buildings
stood in an extensive park, studded with fish-ponds and
furnished with a great variety of ornamental trees and
shrubs.

Here the imperial court was maintained with barbaric Court,
and luxurious ostentation. Basins and goblets of gold,
some measuring six feet in width, richly carved tables and
chairs of state, vessels of Indian copper set with precious
stones, and gorgeous embroidered robes were to be seen in
profusion, and contributed to the brilliancy of the public
ceremonies. When the king condescended to show himself
in public on state occasions he was carried in a golden
palanquin, adorned with tassels of pearls, and was clothed
in fine muslin embroidered with purple and gold. When
making short journeys he rode on horseback, but when
travelling longer distances he was mounted, like a modern
Raja, on an elephant with golden trappings1. Combats of
animals were a favourite diversion, as they still are at the
courts of native princes, and the king took delight in
witnessing the fights of bulls, rams, elephants, rhinoceroses,
and other animals. Gladiatorial contests between men were
also exhibited. A curious entertainment, which seems not to
be known in the present age, was afforded by ox-races, which
were made the subject of keen betting, and were watched by
the king with the closest interest. The course was one of
thirty stadia, or six thousand yards, and the race was run
with cars, each of which was drawn by a mixed team of
horses and oxen, the horses being in the centre with an ox
on each side2. Trotting oxen are still largely used for

the timber palisade have been
found. The remains of the palace
are buried under the houses and
fields of the village of Kumrahar,
on the south side of the railway
between Bankipore and Patna.
Cunningham was mistaken in be-

lieving that Pataliputra had been
mostly cut away by the rivers.
Patna is in N. lat. 25° 37', E. long.
85° 12'.

1 Curtius, viii, 9 ; Strabo, xv, 69.
3 Aelian, rifpi £u>aiv IStorrjToi, bk.
xiii, ch. 18 ; bk. xv, ch. 15.

116 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Chase.

Habits of
the king.

drawing travelling carriages in many parts of India, but the
breed of racers seems to be extinct.

The principal royal amusement was the chase, which was
conducted with great ceremony, the game in an enclosed
preserve being driven up to a platform occupied by the king,
who shot the animals with arrows ; but, if the hunt took
place in the open country, he used to ride an elephant.
When hunting he was closely attended by armed female
guards, who were obtained by purchase from foreign
countries, and formed an indispensable element in the
courts of the ancient Indian monarchs. The road for the
sovereign’s procession was marked off with ropes, which it
was death, even for a woman, to pass T. The institution of
the Royal Hunt was abolished by Chandragupta’s grandson,
Asoka, in 259 b.c.

As a rule, the king remained within the precincts of the
inner palace, under the protection of his Amazonian body-
guard, and appeared in public only to hear causes, offer
sacrifice, and to go on military or hunting expeditions.
Probably he was expected to show himself to his subjects
at least once a day, and then to receive petitions and decide
disputes in person. Like the modern Indians, Chandragupta
took pleasure in massage or friction of the limbs, and custom
required that he should indulge in this luxury while giving
public audience ; four attendants used to massage him with
ebony rollers during the time that he was engaged in
disposing of cases1 2; In accordance with Persian custom,

1 Megasthenes, Fragm. xxvii.

The Greek is t<5 5e -naptkO&vri evros
ptX.pi yvvaacaiv Oavaros , which Mr.
McCrindie renders ‘ it is death for
man and woman alike to pass the
ropes.’ Muller renders ‘ quodsi
quis interius ad mulieres [scil. to
the female guards] usque accedit,
interficitur.’ But this rendering
would require the text to read ruiv
-yvvaucuiv. The female guards are
mentioned in the Sanskrit plays.
In the Mudra Fdkshasa, Act iii,
Chandragupta is represented as

attended by a girl named Sonottara.
The girls were bought from their
parents (Strabo, xv, 55) ; and good-
looking maidens for the royal
harem (irapOivoi eveiStis irpos irak-
XaKiav) were still regularly imported
in the first century a. d. at Bary-
gaza (Broach), on the western
coast ( Periplus , ch. 49 ; see also
chs. 8, 9, 31, 36 ; transl. McCrindie
in Ind. Ant. viii, 143).

2 Such an attendant ( samvahaka )
is a minor character in the Tog-
cart drama.

THE ARMY

117

which had much influence upon the Indian court and ad-
ministration, the king ceremonially washed his hair on his
birthday, which was celebrated by a splendid festival, at
which the nobles were expected to make rich presents to
their sovereign x.

In the midst of all the gold and glitter, and in spite of Plots,
the most elaborate precautions, uneasy lay the head that
wore the crown. The king’s life was so constantly threatened
by plots that he dared not incur the risk either of sleeping
in the day-time, or occupying the same bedroom two nights
in succession 1 2 *. The dramatist brings vividly before us the
astuteness of the Brahman counsellor who detected the plots
both of the poisoners, and of

‘The brave men who were concealed
In the subterrene avenue that led
To Chandragupta’s sleeping chamber — thence
To steal by night, and kill him as he slept V

The army, to which Chandragupta owed his throne and Militar
empire, was maintained at enormous numerical strength, and strenfrt
so organized, equipped, and administered as to attain a high
degree of efficiency, as measured by an Oriental standard.

It was not a militia, but a standing army, drawing liberal
and regular pay, and supplied by the government with horses,
arms, equipment, and stores 4. The force at the command of
Mahapadma Nanda is said to have numbered 80,000 horse,
200,000 foot, 8,000 chariots, and 6,000 fighting elephants.

This huge force was greatly augmented by Chandragupta,
who raised the numbers of the infantry to 600,000, and also

1 Strabo, xv, 69 ; Herodotus, ix,

110. The fact is mentioned by-

Herodotus in connexion with the

horrible story of the wife of
Masistes. As the Persian hair-
washing festival was celebrated on
the king’s birthday, the Indian
imitation was presumably cele-
brated on the same occasion. The
shaven heads, now favoured by
most Hindus, were not fashionable
in ancient India. The Indians, we

are told, ‘ frequently comb, but
seldom cut, the hair of their head.
The beard of the chin they never
cut at all, but they shave off the
hair from the rest of the face, so
that it looks polished’ {Curtius,
viii, 9).

* Strabo, xv, 55.

s Mudra Rdkshasa, Act ii (Wil-
son, Theatre, ii, 184).

4 Diodorus, ii, 41.

118 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Arms.

Chariots

and

elephants.

Size of
Indian
armies.

War

Office.

had 30,000 horse, and 9,000 elephants, besides chariots, all
permanently enrolled in a regularly paid establishment h

Each horseman carried two lances, resembling the kind
called saunia by the Greeks, and a buckler. All the infantry
carried the broadsword as their principal weapon, and as
additional arms, either javelins, or bow and arrows. The
arrow was discharged with the aid of pressure from the left
foot on the extremity of the bow resting upon the ground,
and with such force that neither shield nor breastplate could
withstand it1 2.

Each chariot, which might be drawn by either four or two
horses, accommodated two fighting-men besides the driver ;
and an elephant, in addition to the mahout, or driver,
carried three archers 3. The 9,000 elephants therefore
implied a force of 36,000 men, and the 8,000 chariots,
supposing them to be no more numerous than those kept
by Mahapadma Nanda, required 24,000 men to work them.
The total number of soldiers in the army would thus have
been 600,000 infantry, 30,000 horsemen, 36,000 men with the
elephants, and 24,000 with the chariots, or 690,000 in all,
excluding followers and attendants.

These high figures may seem incredible at first sight, but
are justified by our knowledge of the unwieldy hosts used in
war by Indian kings in later ages. For instance, Nunez,
the Portuguese chronicler, who was contemporary with
Krishna Deva, the Raja of Vijayanagar, in the sixteenth
century (1509-30), affirms that that prince led against
Raich ur an army consisting of 703,000 foot, 32,600 horse,
and 551 elephants, besides camp followers 4.

The formidable force at the disposal of Chandragupta, by

1 Pliny, vi, 19 ; Plutarch, Alex.
ch. 62.

2 Arrian, Indika, ch. 16.

3 Strabo, xv, 52 ; Aelian, xiii, 10.
The chariots of Poros in the Panjab

were each ‘ drawn by four horses,
and carried six men, of whom two
were shield-bearers, two, archers
posted on each side of the chariot,
and the other two, charioteers,

as well as men-at-arms, for when
the fighting was at close quarters
they dropped the reins and hurled
dart after dart against the enemy ’
( Curtins , viii, 14; ante, p. 58).

* Sewell, A Forgotten Empire,
p. 147. Many other proofs of the
unwieldy size of Indian armies
might be cited.

CIVIL ADMINISTRATION

119

far the largest in India1, was controlled and administered
under the direction of a War Office organized on an elaborate
system. A commission of thirty members was divided into
six boards, each with five members, to which departments
were severally assigned as follows : — Board No. I, in
co-operation with the admiral — Admiralty ; Board No. II —
Transport, Commissariat, and Army Service, including the
provision of drummers, grooms, mechanics, and grass-cutters ;

Board No. Ill — Infantry ; Board No. IV — Cavalry ; Board
No. V — War-chariots ; Board No. VI — Elephants.

All Indian armies had been regarded from time im- Efficient

memorial as normally comprising the four arms, cavalry, ^fniza’
infantry, elephants, and chariots ; and each of these arms
would naturally fall under the control of a distinct authority ;
but the addition of coordinate supply and admiralty depart-
ments appears to be an innovation due to the genius of
Chandragupta. His organization must have been as efficient
in practice as it was systematic on paper, for it enabled him
not only, in the words of Plutarch, to ‘ overrun and subdue
all India,’ but also to expel the Macedonian garrisons, and to
repel the invasion of Seleukos.

The details recorded concerning the civil administration Civil
of Chandragupta’s empire, if not so copious as we might
desire, are yet sufficient to enable us to realize the system
of government ; which, although, of course, based upon the
personal autocracy of the sovereign, was something better
than a merely arbitrary tyranny.

The administration of the capital city, Pataliputra, was Municipal
regarded as a matter of the highest importance, and was Commis-
provided for by the formation of a Municipal Commission,
consisting of thirty members, divided, like the War Office
Commission of equal numbers, into six Boards or Committees
of five members each. These Boards may be regarded as an
official development of the ordinary non-official panchayat,

1 The powerful Andhra kingdom tractu, potentiam claritatemque
( validior gens ) possessed only antecedunt Prasii, amplissima urbe

100.000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and ditissimaque Palibothra ’ [sell. Pata-

1.000 elephants. ‘ Sed omnium in liputra] {Pliny, vi, 19).

India prope, non modo in hoc

Industrial

arts.

Foreign-

ers.

Vital

statistics.

120 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

or committee of five members, by which every caste and
trade in India has been accustomed to regulate its internal
affairs from time immemorial.

The first Municipal Board, which was entrusted with the
superintendence of everything relating to the industrial arts,
was doubtless responsible for fixing the rates of wages, and
must have been prepared to enforce the use of pure and
sound materials, as well as the performance of a fair day’s
work for fair wages, as determined by the authorities.
Artisans were regarded as being in a special manner devoted
to the royal service, and capital punishment was inflicted on
any person who impaired the efficiency of a craftsman by
causing the loss of a hand or an eye.

The second Board devoted its energies to the case of foreign
residents and visitors, and performed duties, which in modern
Europe are entrusted to the consuls representing foreign
powers. All foreigners were closely watched by officials, who
provided suitable lodgings, escorts, and, in case of need,
medical attendance. Deceased strangers were decently
buried, and their estates were administered by the com-
missioners, who forwarded the assets to the persons entitled
The existence of these elaborate regulations is conclusive
proof that the Maurya empire in the third century b. c. was
in constant intercourse with foreign states, and that large
numbers of strangers visited the capital on business.

The third Board was responsible for the systematic regis-
tration of births and deaths, and we are expressly informed
that the system of registration was enforced for the informa-
tion of the government, as well as for facility in levying the
taxes. The taxation referred to was probably a poll-tax,
at the rate of so much a head annually. Nothing in the
legislation of Chandragupta is more astonishing to the
observer familiar with the lax methods of ordinary Oriental

1 These officials corresponded rangements show no trace of Greek
exactly with the Greek npo£evoi, influence. For a good account of
and it is possible that Chandra- vpo^tvia see Newton’s Essays on
gupta borrowed this institution Art and Archaeology, pp. 121-3.
from Greece. But his other ar-

MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION

121

governments than this registration of births and deaths.

The spontaneous adoption of such a measure by an Indian
native state in modern times is unheard of, and it is im-
possible to imagine an old-fashioned Raja feeling anxious
‘ that births and deaths among both high and low might not
be concealed.’ Even the Anglo-Indian administration with
its complex organization and European notions of the value
of statistical information, did not attempt the collection
of vital statistics until very recent times, and has always
experienced great difficulty in securing reasonable accuracy in
the figures.

The important domain of trade and commerce was the Trade,
province of the fourth Board, which regulated sales, and
enforced the use of duly stamped weights and measures.
Merchants paid a licence tax, and the trader who dealt in
more than one class of commodity paid double.

The fifth Board was responsible for the supervision of Manufac-
manufactures on similar lines. A curious and not easily
intelligible regulation prescribed the separation of new
from old goods, and imposed a fine for violation of the
rule.

The collection of a tithe of the value of the goods sold Tithe on
was the business of the sixth and last Board, and evasion sales‘
of this tax was punishable with death. Similar taxation on
sales has always been common in India, but rarely, if ever,
has its collection been enforced by a penalty so formidable as
that exacted by Chandragupta.

Our detailed information relates only to the municipal General
administration of Pataliputra, the capital, but it is reason-
able to infer that Taxila, Ujjain, and the other great cities tration.
of the empire were governed on the same principles and by
similar methods. The ‘ Provincials’ Edict ’ of Asoka is
addressed to the officers in charge of the city of Tosali in
Kalinga h

In addition to the special departmental duties above
detailed, the Municipal Commissioners in their collective

1 V. A. Smith, Asoka, p. 136.

122 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Viceroys.

News-

writers.

capacity were required to control all the affairs of the city,
and to keep in order the markets, temples, harbours, and,
generally speaking, all public works 1.

The administration of the distant provinces was entrusted
to viceroys, probably, as a rule, members of the royal family.
Chandragupta’s brother-in-law was, as we have seen, Governor
of remote Kathiawar on the western coast. The information
concerning the viceroyalties being more complete for Asoka’s
reign than for that of Chandragupta, the subject will be
referred to again when Asoka’s system of administration is
discussed.

In accordance with the usual practice of Oriental
monarchies, the court kept watch over the more remote
functionaries by means of special agents, or ‘news-writers,’
the akhbar navis of modern times, who are called ‘ overseers ’
and ‘inspectors’ (etyopot, k'nia-Koiroi) by the Greek authors,
and are mentioned in the Asoka Edicts as the king’s ‘ men ’
( pulisani, Pillar Edict VI), or ‘ reporters ’ ( pativedaka, Rock
Edict VI). The duty of these officers was to superintend or
oversee all that occurred in town or country and to make
private reports to the government. Arrian notes that
similar officers were employed by the authorities of the
independent nations as well as by the monarchical govern-
ments of India. They did not disdain to utilize as coadjutors
the courtesans of the camp and city, and must have trans-
mitted at times to their masters strange packets of scandalous
gossip. Arrian’s informants assured him that the reports
sent in were always true, and that no Indian could be accused
of lying ; but it is permissible to doubt the strict accuracy
of this statement 2, although it is certainly the fact that the

1 (Fragment xxxiv in Schwan-
beek, from Strabo, xv, 1, 51 ; trans-
lated by McCrindle in Ancient

India as described by Megastlienes
and Arrian, p. 87, and again (re-
vised) in Ancient India as described
in Classical Literature, p. 54.) But
I doubt the propriety of translating
and <xv<j<TT)fj.ov (twice) as ‘ by public
notice.’ It seems rather to mean

‘with official stamp.’ The har-
bours were those on the Son and
Ganges rivers. The remains of
the brick embankments along the
old course of the Son can still be
traced.

2 The statement that the cour-
tesans were utilized as informers is
in Strabo, xv, 48.

PENAL CODE

123

people of ancient India enjoyed a widespread and enviable
reputation for straightforwardness and honesty 1.

The general honesty of the people and the efficient ad- Penal
ministration of the criminal law are both attested by the co<*e-
observation recorded by Megasthenes, that while he resided
in Chandragupta’s camp, containing 400,000 persons, the
total of the thefts reported in any one day did not exceed
two hundred drachmai, or about eight pounds sterling.

When crime did occur it was repressed with terrible severity.
Ordinary wounding by mutilation was punished by the corre-
sponding mutilation of the offender, in addition to the
amputation of his hand. If the inj ured person happened to
be an artisan devoted to the royal service, the penalty was
death. The crime of giving false evidence was visited with
mutilation of the extremities ; and, in certain unspecified
cases, serious offences were punished by the shaving of the
offender’s hair, a penalty regarded as specially infamous 2.

Injury to a sacred tree3, evasion of the municipal tithe on
goods sold, and intrusion on the royal procession going to
the hunt were all alike capitally punishable. These recorded
instances of severity are sufficient to prove that the code of
criminal law, as a whole, must have been characterized by
uncompromising sternness and slight regard for human life.

The native law of India has always recognized agricultural Land
land as being Crown property, and has admitted the un- revenue*
doubted right of the ruling power to levy a crown rent, or
‘land revenue,’ amounting to a considerable portion, either
of the gross produce or of its cash value. Even the English
laws, which, contrary to ancient custom, recognize private
property in culturable land, insist that the land revenue is
the first charge on the soil, and permit the enforcement of
the charge by sale of the land free of all incumbrances, in

1 The evidence is summarized by affixed to the neck, so inflicting

Max Muller in India, What can it disgrace on the offender’ (Kings-
Teach us ? p. 54. mill, in Athenaeum, July 19, 1902,

2 This was a Persian punishment. quoting a Chinese work of the
‘ Lighter crimes are punished by sixth century, entitled Wei-Slm,
cutting off the nose, or perhaps with reference to the Sassanian
only the hair. Sometimes one-half period).

of the scalp is shaved, and a tablet 3 Curtius, viii, 9.

124 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Irrigation.

The

Sudarsana

lake.

the event of default. The land revenue is still the mainstay
of Indian finance. So it must have been in the days of
Chandragupta. The details of his system of ‘ settlement,1 or
valuation and assessment of the land, have not been pre-
served, and it is not known whether a fresh valuation was
made annually, or at longer intervals. The normal share of
the gross produce taken by the Crown is said to have been
one-fourth ; but in practice, no doubt, the proportion taken
varied largely, as it does to this day, and all provinces could
not be treated alike. Certain other unspecified dues were
also levied. The army being a professional force, recruited
from the fighting castes, the agricultural population was
exempt from military service ; and Megasthenes noted with
surprise and admiration that the husbandmen could pursue
their calling in peace, while the professional soldiers of
hostile kings engaged in battle a.

The proper regulation of irrigation is a matter of prime
importance in India ; and it is much to the credit of
Chandragupta that he maintained a special Irrigation
Department charged with the duty of measuring the lands,
and so regulating the sluices that every one should receive
his fair share of the life-giving: water. The allusion to the
measurement of lands as part of the duty of the Irrigation
Department seems to indicate that a water-rate was levied,
and the reference to sluices implies a regular system of
canals.

The inscription of the Satrap Rudradaman, engraved
about the year 150 a.d. on the famous rock at Girnar in
Kathiawar, on which Asoka, four centuries earlier, had
recorded a version of his immortal edicts, bears direct
testimony to the care bestowed by the central government
upon the question of irrigation, even in the most remote
provinces. Although Girnar is situated close to the Arabian
Sea, at a distance of at least a thousand miles from the

1 Strabo, xv, 40. In this passage correctly states that the land re-
the erroneous statement occurs venue was one-fourth of the gross
that the cultivator received one- produce,
fourth of the produce. Diodorus

IRRIGATION

125

Maurya capital, the needs of the local farmers did not
escape the imperial notice. Chandragupta’s brother-in-law
Pushyagupta, who was viceroy of the western provinces, saw
that by damming up a small stream a reservoir of great value
for irrigation could be provided. He accordingly formed
a lake called Sudarsana, ‘ the Beautiful,’ between the citadel
on the east side of the hill and the ‘ inscription rock ’ further
to the east, but failed to complete the necessary supple-
mental channels. These were constructed in the reign of
Chandragupta’s grandson Asoka under the superintendence
of his representative Tushaspa, the Persian, who was then
governor. These beneficent works constructed under the
patronage of the Maurya emperors endured for four hundred
years, but in the year 150 a.d. a storm of exceptional violence
destroyed the embankment, and with it the lake.

The embankment was rebuilt 4 three times stronger ’ than Rebuild-
before by order of the local Saka Satrap Rudradaman ; who jna^not
has recorded the history of the work in an inscription which
is the only known epigraphic record containing the names of
Chandragupta and Asoka Maurya. Notwithstanding the
triple strength of Rudradaman’s masonry, it too failed to
withstand the fury of the elements, and the dam again burst
at some time unknown. The lake thus finally disappeared,
and its site, buried in deep jungle, was so utterly forgotten
that modern local inquirers have experienced difficulty in
ascertaining its exact position.

The fact that so much pains and expense were lavished Imperial
upon this irrigation work in a remote dependency of the [Ration
empire is conclusive evidence that the provision of water for
the fields was recognized as an imperative duty by the great
Maurya emperors, and is a striking illustration of the
accuracy of Megasthenes’ remark that imperial officers were
wont to ‘measure the land, as in Egypt, and inspect the
sluices by which water is distributed into the branch canals,
so that every one may enjoy his fair share of the benefit V

1 Fragment xxxiv, in Strabo, xv, gess in Reports Archaeol. Survey
1, 50. The antiquities of Girnar TV. I., vol. ii, and the position of
(Junagarh) are described by Bur- the lake is defined by Mr. Cousens

126 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Strict

control.

Riding

regula-

tions.

The central government, by means of local officers,
exercised strict control and maintained close supervision
over all classes and castes of the population. Even the
Brahman astrologers, soothsayers, and sacrificial priests,
whom Megasthenes erroneously described as forming a
separate caste of ‘ philosophers ’ or 4 sophists 1,’ received their
share of official attention, and were rewarded or punished
according as their predictions and observations proved correct
or mistaken. Among the artisans, ship-builders and armour-
makers were salaried public servants, and were not permitted,
it is said, to work for any private person. The wood-cutters,
carpenters, blacksmiths, and miners were subject to special
supervision, of which the nature is not defined.

According to Strabo, no private person was permitted to
keep either a horse or an elephant, the possession of either
animal being a royal privilege. But this assertion is
undoubtedly inaccurate, and is contradicted by the reason-
able and detailed observations of Arrian ( Indika , 17). That
author tells us that the mounts used commonly were horses,
camels, and asses, elephants being used only by the wealthy,
and considered specially appropriate for the service of
royalty. Except as regards asses, which are now looked
upon with contempt, and restricted to the humblest services
as beasts of burden for potters and washermen, the state-
ment of Arrian applies accurately to modern India. To
ride an elephant or camel, or in a four-horsed chariot was,
he says, a mark of distinction, but anybody might ride or
drive a single horse.

in the Progress Report of the same
Survey for 1898-9, par. 49. For
Rudradaman’s inscription see Ind.
Ant. vii, 257.

1 Megasthenes was ill-informed
about the castes, which he reckoned
as seven: (1) the ‘philosophers’
( (pi\6oo<poi ) ; (2) agriculturalists

(ytaipyoi) ; (3) herdsmen, shepherds,
and graziers (vopees, not peves, pov-
k6\oi ) ; (4) artisans and traders (to

Srjpiovpyucov r f Kal fcamjAncoi/ yevos) ;
(5) the military (iroXepnrTai) ; (6)
the overseers (emo/conoi) ; (7) the

councillors (ol vnip rtuv kolvuiv pov-
Xevopevoi opov to; PaoiXei, fj Kara
ttoXicls oaai avrovopoi ovv rrjaiv
dpxT?v‘, Fragm. xxxiii of Schwan-
beck, from Arrian, Indika, 11, 12).
Strabo calls No. 3, irotpevcuv /cal
Qgptvrwv ; No. 4, roiis (pyafapevovs
rds Tt-yi'a? «ai roiis KanrjXacoiis sat oh
and too crdipaTos rj tpyao'ia ; No. 6,
eepopot ; and No. 7, ol ovpPovXoi teal
avvfSpot too @atn\eais. His nomen-
clature for Nos. 1, 2, and 5 agrees
with Arrian’s. The cross-divisions
in this classification are obvious.

STATE OF CIVILIZATION

127

The roads were maintained in order by the officers of the Roads,
proper department ; and pillars, serving as milestones and
sign-posts, were set up at intervals of ten stadia, equivalent
to half a kos according to the Indian reckoning, or 2,022}

English yards. The provision of these useful marks was
made more liberally than it was afterwards by the Moghal
emperors, who were content with one pillar to each kos.

A royal, or grand trunk, road, ten thousand stadia in length,
connected the north-western frontier with the capital h

The foregoing review of the civil and military system of High
government during the reign of Chandragupta proves clearly cmliza-0*
that Northern India in the time of Alexander the Great had tion.
attained to a high degree of civilization, which must have
been the product of evolution continued through many
centuries. Unfortunately no monuments have been dis-
covered which can be referred with certainty to the period
of Chandragupta and his son, and the archaeologist is
unable to bring the tangible evidence afforded by excava-
tion to support the statements of the Greek observers. The
earliest known examples of Indian art and architecture, with
very slight exceptions, still date from the reign of Asoka.

But if the exploration of the sites of Pataliputra, Vaisali,

Taxila, and other cities of high antiquity should ever be
undertaken seriously and on an adequate scale, it is possible
that remains of the early Maurya period, as well as those
of previous ages, may reward the enterprise of the explorer.

It is not likely that the ruins of many recognizable buildings
will be found, because the larger edifices of ancient India
were probably constructed of timber for the most part, brick
being used merely for foundations and plinths. No trace
of stone architecture prior to the age of Asoka has been
detected. Writing was certainly in common use long before
the days of Chandragupta ; when, according to the Greek
authors, the bark of trees and cotton cloth served as writing-
material 1 2, and it is surprising that no inscriptions of his

1 Strabo, xv, 11. The Moghal (Elliot, Suppl. Glossary, s.v. K5s).
kos, the interval between pillars 2 Nearchos is the original autho-

still existing, averages 4,558 yards rity for the use of closely woven

128 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDURA

Success of

Chandra-

gupta.

Absence
of Hel-
lenic

influence.

time have yet been found. But some records either on stone
or metal probably exist, and may be expected to come to
light whenever the really ancient sites shall be examined.

Chandragupta ascended the throne at an early age, and,
inasmuch as he reigned only twenty-four years, must have
died before he was fifty years of age h In this brief space
of life he did much. The expulsion of the Macedonian
garrisons, the decisive repulse of Seleukos the Conqueror,
the subjugation of all Northern India from sea to sea, the
formation of a gigantic army, and the thorough organization
of the civil government of a vast empire were no mean
achievements. The power of Chandragupta was so firmly
established that it passed peaceably into the hands of his
son and grandson, and his alliance was courted by the
potentates of the Hellenistic world. The Greek princes
made no attempt to renew the aggressions of Alexander
and Seleukos upon secluded India, and were content to
maintain friendly diplomatic and commercial relations with
her rulers for three generations 2.

The Maurya empire was not, as some recent writers fancy
that it was, in any way the result of Alexander’s splendid, but
transitory raid. The nineteen months which he spent in India
were consumed in devastating warfare, and his death rendered

[cotton] cloth ( Strabo , xv, 67). The
statement of Megasthenes (ibid. 53)
that the Indians were ‘ ignorant of
writing’ is erroneous. The letter
sent to Augustus by an Indian king
was on parchment ( Strabo , xv, 73).
The bark referred to was that of
the birch ( Betula utilis), but was
used only in Northern India. ‘ The
tender side of the barks of trees
receives written characters like
paper’ ( Curtius , viii, 9). Many of
the apparent discrepancies in the
Greek accounts of India are due to
the fact that different authors refer
to different parts of the country.
General statements about India are
always misleading.

1 He was but a youth when he
saw Alexander in 326 or 325 b.c.
(Plutarch, Alex., ch. 62).

‘This Chandragupta ! yet so young
— so raised

To mighty empire, as the forest
monarch,

Over subjected herds ’

(Mudra Rdkshasa, Act vii ; Wilson,
ii, p. 249).

The statement that he reigned
for thirty-four years is due to a
copyist’s blunder (Turnour, Mahd-
vamsa, p. 411, and Rhys Davids,
Ancient Coins and Measures of
Ceylon, p. 41, note).

s For the curious anecdote about
the powerful aphrodisiac drugs sent
with other gifts by Chandragupta
(Sai'SposvTTos) to Seleukos, see Phyl-
archos and Apollonios Dyskolos,
in Muller, Fragmenta Historicormn
Graecorum, i, 344.

BINDUSARA

129

fruitless all his grand constructive plans. Chandragupta did
not need Alexander’s example to teach him what empire
meant. He and his countrymen had had before their eyes
for ages the stately fabric of the Persian monarchy, and it
was that empire which impressed their imagination, and
served as the model for their institutions, in so far as they
were not indigenous. The little touches of foreign manners
in the court and institutions of Chandragupta, which chance
to have been noted by our fragmentary authorities, are
Persian, not Greek ; and the Persian title of satrap con-
tinued to be used by Indian provincial governors for centuries,
down to the close of the fourth century a.d.1

The military organization of Chandragupta shows no trace Indian
of Hellenic influence. It is based upon the ancient Indian OTganiza-
model, and his vast host was merely a development of the tion.
considerable army maintained by the kingdom of Magadha.

The Indian kings relied upon their elephants, chariots, and
huge masses of infantry ; the cavalry being few in comparison
and inefficient. Alexander, on the contrary, made no use of
elephants or chariots, and put his trust in small bodies of
highly trained cavalry, handled with consummate skill and
calculated audacity. In the art of war he had no successor.

The Seleukidan kings were content to follow the Oriental
system and put their trust in elephants 2.

When Chandragupta died in the year 297 b.c. he was sue- 297 b. c.
ceeded by his son Bindusara. The Greek writers, however, Bin<fusaia'
do not know this name, and call the successor of Chandragupta
by appellations which seem to be attempts to transcribe
the Sanskrit epithet Amitraghata, 4 Slayer of foes 3.’ The

1 The Saka satraps of Surashtra,
or Kathiawar, in Western India
were conquered by Chandra-gupta
(II) Vikramaditya, of the Gupta
dynasty, about 390 a. d.

2 Bevan, The House of Seleucus,
ii, 289.

3 For the Maurya chronology see
Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of
India (Clarendon Press, 1901), pp.

58-6 5. The name Bindusara is
attested by the Hindu Vishnu
Purana, the Jain Parisishtaparvan,

and the Buddhist Mahavamsa and
Dipavarhsa. The variants in other
Puranas seem to be merely clerical
errors. ’EirepcfiOriaav pev yap els ra
TlaXip^odpa, 6 pev Meyaadevys irpos
‘A vSpoKOTTOv, o Se Aytpaxos irpos
’ApirpoxaSrjv rov e/ce'ivov vtov Kara
irpeaPeiav ( Strabo , ii, 1, 9). The
more corrupt form Allitrochades
occurs in some texts. Hegesandros,
quoted by Athenaios (Muller,
Frag. Hist. Graec., vol. iv, p. 421),
writes , Apirpox&Tqs, which is an

SMITH

130 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Corre-

spondence

with

Antiochos

Soter.

Embassy

Dionysios.

Conquest
of the
Deccan.

friendly relations between India and the Hellenistic powers,
which had been initiated by Chandragupta and Seleukos,
continued unbroken throughout the reign of Bindusara, at
whose court Megasthenes was replaced by Deimachos, as
ambassador. The new envoy followed his predecessor’s
example by recording notes on the country to which he was
accredited, but unfortunately very few of his observations
have been preserved. When the aged founder of the
Seleukidan monarchy was assassinated in 280 b.c., his place
was taken by his son and colleague Antiochos Soter, who
continued to follow his father’s policy in regard to India.

The anecdote concerning the correspondence between
Antiochos and Bindusara, although trivial in itself, is worth
quoting as a tangible proof of the familiar intercourse
between the sovereign of India and his ally in Western Asia.
Nothing, we are told, being sweeter than figs, Bindusara
begged Antiochos to send him some figs and raisin wine,
and added that he would like him also to buy and send
a professor. Antiochos replied that he had much pleasure
in forwarding the figs and raisin wine, but regretted that
he could not oblige his cori'espondent with the last-named
article, because it was not lawful for Greeks to sell a
professor h

Ptolemy Philadelpbos, who ruled in Egypt from 285 to
247 b.c., also dispatched an envoy named Dionysios to the
Indian court, who, like his colleagues, wrote an account of
his experiences, which was still available to Pliny in the first
century a.d.2 It is uncertain whether Dionysios presented
his credentials to Bindusara or to his successor, Asoka.

Nothing is recorded concerning the internal policy of

accurate transcription of the sup-
osed Sanskrit original (see
chwanbeck, op. cit.,p. 77). Indian
kings are often known by one or
other epithet, used as a secondary
name.

1 Ovtoj Se ycrav mpiowoiiSaaTai waaiv
dvOpuirots at (tr^aSes (oVrous 7 dp, Kara
tov ’ApiaTocp&vrjv,

‘OvSev yap ovtojs yAvKvrepov twv
io^aScuv ’)

a/s Kal ' PipuTpoxaTyv , tov tuiv 'IvSu/v /3a-
oiKta, ypatpat ' Avtioxq, dgiovvra (<br)&lv
'Hyf]<jav8pos) irepipai avrai yAvKvv Kal
IcrxaSas, Kal <to<(>i<ttt)v ayopdoavra'
Kal tov ‘A vtioxov avTiypaxpai — ‘ ’Iff-
XaSaj pilv Kal yAvKvv d-nouTtAovptv
001 , oo<pi<jTT)v S’ ev " EAAr/aiv ov
vopipov 7tojA ( da Oai ’ (Muller, loc. eit.k
2 Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi, 17. Pliny’s
work is believed to have been
published in 77 a. d.

CONQUEST OF THE DECCAN

131

Bindusara, whose reign lasted for twenty-five years, nor is
any monument or inscription of his time known. But it
is probable that he continued his fathers career of annexa-
tion and conquest within the borders of India. The limits
of the empire ruled by Asoka, son and successor of Bindusara,
are known with sufficient accuracy, and it is certain that his
dominions extended as far south as Madras. The country
south of the Narbada was not conquered by Asoka, whose
only annexation was that of the kingdom of Kalinga, on the
coast of the Bay of Bengal. The twenty-four years of the
reign of Chandragupta seem to be fully occupied with the
great events known to have been crowded into them. It is
difficult to believe that he could have found time to do more
than climb from obscurity to power, expel the Macedonian
garrisons, repel the attack of Seleukos, effect a revolution
and establish a dynasty at Pataliputra, annex a large part
of Ariana, and extend his dominion from the Bay of Bengal
to the Arabian Sea.

The Deccan, or peninsular India, down to approximately Probably
the latitude of Madras, must have been subjugated by either effected
Chandragupta or Bindusara, because it was inherited from the Bindusara,
latter by Asoka.; and it is more probable that the conquest
of the south was the work of Bindusara than that it was
effected by his busy father. But the ascertained outline of
the career of Chandragupta is so wonderful, and implies his
possession of such exceptional ability, that it is possible
that the conquest of the south must be added to the list
of his achievements. With this brief glance the shadowy
figure of Bindusara passes from our view, and the next two
chapters will be devoted to the history of Asoka, who right-
fully claims a place in the front rank of the great monarchs,
not only of India, but of the world.

132 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Extent of
cession.

Mr.

Bevan’s

criticism.

Strabo, I.

Strabo, II.

APPENDIX G

The Extent of the Cession of Ariana hy Seleukos Nikator to
Chandragupta Maurya

The statement in the text that the cession made in 303 b. c.
by Seleukos Nikator to Chandragupta Maurya included the
provinces of the Paropanisadae (Kabul), Aria (Herat), Arachosia
(Kandahar), and probably Gedrosia (Mukran), or a large part of
that satrapy, is in accordance with the views expressed in my
work on Asoka 1, as well as with those of Droysen 2, and several
eminent modern scholars.

But my statement having been adversely criticized recently
by Mr. Bevan, who holds that it f exceeds what is even probable,
not to say proved 3,’ it is necessary to show that the repre-
sentation of the fact as given in the text rests upon solid
grounds. The original authorities are five in number, namely,
Strabo (two passages), Appian, Plutarch, Justin, and Pliny ; and
the relevant extracts, being brief, may be quoted in full, so that
my readers can judge for themselves what is the legitimate
interpretation. All that has been written by modern authors
on the subject is based upon these short extracts.

(I) The two passages from Strabo are as follows : — pa XLcrra
Ik rrj<; 8iatTT?s eSoxet Tore mcrTOTaTa elvai ra inro to v ’Eparo-
cr$eVous ev t<jj Tpt'.Tfjj twv yewypacjnKcbv eKTeOevra K€(f> aA.ata>Su>s Trepl
tt) s Tore vopi£,opivr)<; IcSiktJs, r/vt/ca A \e£avSpos iirrjX6e • Kal yjv 6
’IvSos opiov ravT7]S Se Kal rrj s Apiavijs- rjv icf>e£r) s 7rpos rfj kcnrepa
KCLpevrjv HepcraL Kareiyow vcr repov yap Sr] Kal Trjs ’AptavJjs iroX\r]v
e<x)(ov ol TvSot \a(3 ovres irapa tCjv MaxeSorcDv (bk. xv, ch. i (India),
sec. 10 in Muller and Diibner’s ed.).

(II) 'H 8c rafts T(hv iOvuiv TOLavrr)- irapa pkv tov TvSov ot

TlapoirapLaaSai, wv inrepKeirai 6 Tlapoirapto-og opos, etr Apaywrot
irpos votov, elr irpos votov TeSpwcrrjvol crvv rots dWois 7rpos

1 Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor
of India, p. 66.

2 ‘ Aberdann schloss er [Seleukos]

einen Frieden, in dem die Ero-
berungen Alexanders auch diesseits
des Indus bis zu den Paropamisaden
abgetreten wurden. Das war das
erste, was von dem grossen Alex-
anderreich aufgegeben wurde, die
erste nationale Reaction ’ Gescliichte
des Hellenismus, Hamburg, 1836,
vol. ii, 69). The spelling Paropa-
nisos is more correct than the form

with m.

3 ‘ Mr. V. A. Smith (Asoka,
. 66) quotes Strabo as saying that
eleucus ceded “a large part of
Ariane,” but that Strabo does not
say. In giving Arachosia, the
Kabul [sic], and even Gedrosia to
the new Indian realm Mr. Vincent
[sic], I think, exceeds what is even
probable, not to say proved’ ( The
House of Seteucus, 1902, vol. i, p. 296
note).

CESSION OF ARIANA

133

Tr]V irapaXlav eyoccnv <x7rao"i Se Trapa ra irXd.Tr} ra>v ^wpuov 7rapd-
K€LTOlL 6 IvSoS. TOVTCOV S’ [ €K pApOVs] T(l>V Trap a rov IvSov e^ovcri
Tiva Ivooi, irporepov oVra II cpcrujv. a dc^etAero p.ev 6 AA e^avSpos
tC)v ’Aptavaiv /cat (caro(/aas tStas crwecrr^o'aro, ISoj/ce Se ScA svkos 6
NiKcmop SavSpaKOTTo), crvvdipevos i-m.yap.Lav Kac dvriXafiwv eAe^avras
TrevraKoo'covs (ibid., bk. xv, ch. ii, 9)-

(III) Appian writes — /rai rov TvSov 7repacras [SeAev/cos] £7ro- Appian.

A ipyjcrev ’AvSpoKOTTw, /JacriAei rair 7rept avrov IvSaiv, /xeypi faXtav

avTu> Kal KrjSos cniviOero (Syr. 55).

(IV) Plutarch, arguing that the accounts of the military force Plutarch,
of the Prasii were not exaggerated, says : — -/cat Koperros ov/c r;r

Trept ravra. ’AvSpoKorros yap vcrrepov ov ttoXXlo /3acnXeva-as SeXevKfp
TrevraKocrLOV s iXecfjavTas eSorpyaaro, (cat arparov p.vpidcrLV k^rjKOVTa
tt]v ’IvSiK-r/v hrrjXdev airacrav KaTa<TTpecf)6p.evo<; ’ (Alex. ch. 62).

(V) Justin’s testimony is : — f [Seleucus] transitum deinde in Justin.
Indiam fecit, quae post mortem Alexandri, veluti cervicibus iugo
servitutis excusso, praefectos eius occiderat. Auctor libertatis
Sandrocottus fuerat . . . cum quo facta pactione Seleucus, com-
positisque in oriente rebus, in bellum Antigoni descendit ’

(xv, 4).

(VI) Pliny, when treating of the Indus and the boundary of Pliny.
India, says : — ‘ Etenim plerique ab occidente non Indo amne
determinant, sed adiiciunt quatuor satrapias, Gedrosos, Arachotas,

Arios, Paropamissadas ’ (bk. vi, ch. 20 (al. 23)).

These texts comprise the whole of the direct evidence on Interpre-
the subject. It seems to me self-evident that the two passages tation of
of Strabo refer to the same event ; and that when he says in Strabo,
the first that the Indians received from the Macedonians f a large
part of Ariane,’ which had been under the rule of the Persians
up to the time of Alexander, he briefly alludes to the cession
of the countries west of the Indus, formerly in the possession
of the Persians, which Seleukos ceded to Chandragupta, as
specifically stated in the second extract. I cannot imagine any
sound reason for disputing the assertion that ‘ Strabo informs
us that the cession included a large part of Ariane.’ When
the two passages of Strabo are read together, I maintain that
the assertion is absolutely accurate.

The statements of Appian, Plutarch, and Justin do not deal The other
in terms with the extent of the cession, but are of value as authori-
proving that Seleukos actually crossed the Indus, waged an un- ^les‘
successful war, and was obliged to make peace on conditions
very favourable to his adversary, and very unfavourable to
himself.

The observation of Pliny that numerous ( plerique ) authors The four
include in India the four satrapies of Gedrosia, Arachosia, Aria, satrapies,
and the Paropanisadae must have been based on the fact that

134 CHANDRAGUPTA AND BINDUSARA

Gedrosia.

at some period previous to 77 a. d., when his book was pub-
lished, these four provinces were actually reckoned as part of
India. At what time other than the period of the Maurya
dynasty is it possible that these provinces formed part of India ?
Pliny’s information about the country was mainly drawn from
the writings of Megasthenes and the other contemporaries of
Alexander, Chandragupta and Seleukos ; and the natural inter-
pretation of his observation requires us to believe that the four
satrapies in question were ‘ the large part of Ariane ’ ceded by
Seleukos. Kabul and Kandahar frequently have been held by
the sovereigns of India, and form part of the natural frontier of
the country. Herat (Aria) is undoubtedly more remote, but
can be held with ease by the power in possession of Kabul
and Kandahar.

The satrapy of Gedrosia (or Gadrosia) extended far to the
west, and probably only the eastern part of it was annexed by
Chandragupta.

The Malin range of mountains, which Alexander experienced
such difficulty in crossing, would have furnished a natural
boundary. Whether Chandragupta undertook the administration
of the whole of Gedrosia or not, I have no doubt that Seleukos
abandoned to him all control over the province, and that it
was included by numerous authors in India, along with Aria,
Arachosia, and the Paropanisadae ; because Seleukos, intent
upon the urgent business of crushing Antigonos, was constrained
to surrender the four outlying satrapies named by Pliny, and to
concentrate his strength in Central and Western Asia.

CHAPTER VI

ASOKA MAURYA

According to credible tradition, Asoka-vardhana x, or Asoka as
Asoka, as he is generally called, served his apprenticeship
to the art of government during the lifetime of his father,
Bindusara, as viceroy successively of the North-western
frontier province and of Western India. He was one of
several sons, and was no doubt selected by his father, in
accordance with the usual practice, as Yuvaraja, or Crown
Prince, on account of his ability and fitness for the imperial
succession.

Taxila, the capital of the north-western viceroyalty, Taxila.
which probably included Kashmir, the Panjab, and the
provinces to the west of the Indus, was in those days one
of the greatest and most splendid of the cities of the east,
and enjoyed a special reputation as the head quarters of
Hindu learning. The sons of people of all the upper
classes, chiefs, Brahmans, and merchants, flocked to Taxila,
as to a university town, in order to study the circle of Indian
arts and sciences. The territory surrounding the capital was
rich and populous, and, two generations earlier, had formed
a small independent state, weak enough to be in terror of
its neighbours, and yet strong enough to render Alexander
valuable assistance.

The Greeks, who considered the little state to be well Taxilan
governed, noted with interest, and without disapprobation, CUbtoms-
the local customs, which included polygamy, the exposure of
the dead to be devoured by vultures, and the sale in open
market of maidens who had failed to secure husbands in the
ordinary course 2.

1 Vishnur-Purcina. Exposure of the dead to be de-

3 Strabo, bk. xv, chh. 28, 62. For voured by vultures was, and still is,
the marriage-mart, compare the a Persian (Pars!) custom {Herod..
Babylonian practice {Herod, i, 196). i, 140). It is practised to this day

136

ASOKA MAURY A

Favour-
able
position
the city.

Ujjain.

Asoka’s

peaceful

accession,

The position of the city on the high road from Central
Asia to the interior of India fitted it to be the capital of
the north-western viceroy ; and its strategical advantages
are still recognized. Hasan Abdal, close to its ruins, is
a favourite ground for the manoeuvres of the Indian army ;
and at Rawalpindi, a few miles to the south-east, a huge
cantonment guards the road to India against possible
Alexanders advancing from the north-west.

Ujjain, the capital of Western India, was equally famous,
and equally suitable as the seat of a viceregal government.
Reckoned to be one of the seven sacred cities, and standing
on the road leading from the busy ports of the western coast
to the markets of the interior, it combined the advantages of
a favourite place of pilgrimage with those of a great com-
mercial depot. The city was recognized as the head quarters
of Indian astronomy, and latitudes were computed from its
meridian.

The Ceylonese tradition that Asoka was residing at Ujjain
when he was summoned to the capital by the news of his
father’s mortal illness may well be believed ; but no credence
can be given to the tales which relate that Asoka had a
hundred brothers, ninety-nine of whom he slew, and so forth.
These idle stories seem to have been invented chiefly in
order to place a dark background of early wickedness behind
the bright picture of his mature piety. Asoka certainly
had brothers and sisters alive in the seventeenth year of his
reign1, whose households were objects of his anxious care;
and there is nothing to indicate that he regarded his relatives
with jealousy. His grandfather, Chandragupta, ‘a man of
blood and iron,’ who had fought his way from poverty and
exile to the imperial throne, naturally was beset by jealousies
and hatreds, and constrained to live a life of distrustful
suspicion. But Asoka, who was born in the purple, and
inherited an empire firmly established by half a century of
masterful rule for two generations, presumably was free from

in Tibet, and was in ancient times 1 ‘ Fourteenth year,’ according
the usage of the Lichchhavis of to the inscriptions, reckoning from
Vaisali (Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 233). the coronation.

CONQUEST OF KALINGA

137

the ‘black care’ which haunted his ancestor. His edicts
display no sense of insecurity or weakness from first to
last ; and the probability is that he succeeded peaceably
in accordance with his predecessor’s nomination.

Inasmuch as the reign of Asoka lasted for fully forty 272 b. c.
years, he must have been a young man when, in the year ;^f9c^{ss(ion
272 b.c., he undertook the government of the vast empire Corona-
which had been won and kept by his grandfather and father. tlon'
Nothing is recorded concerning the first eleven years of his
rule, which were spent presumably in the current work of
administration. His solemn coronation did not take place
until the year 269 b. c., about three years after his accession,
and this fact is the only circumstance which supports the
notion that his succession was disputed. The anniversary
of his coronation was always celebrated with ceremony, and
specially marked by the pardon and release of prisoners h

In the twelfth year of his reign, or the ninth, as reckoned 261 b. c.
from the coronation, Asoka embarked upon the one aggressive
war of his life, and rounded off his dominions by the conquest
of the kingdom of Kalinga, the strip of territory extending
along the coast of the Bay of Bengal from the Mahanadl to
the Godavari. The campaign was wholly successful, and
Kalinga became an integral part of the Maurya dominions.

Two special edicts published a few years later show that the
administration of the newly acquired territory caused much
anxiety to the emperor, who, like all sovereigns, sometimes
was not well served by his officers. The royal instructions,
which enjoined just and paternal government, and specially
insisted on sympathetic, tactful treatment of the wilder
tribes, were disregarded at times by officials, who had to be
warned that disobedience of orders was not the way to win
the favour either of heaven or their master.

The kingdom of Kalinga had maintained a considerable Misery
military force, which was estimated by Megasthenes as ^ewar^
numbering 60,000 infantry, 1,000 cavalry, and 700 war

1 For the chronology see my which also gives a summary of the
book, Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor legends, and a complete translation
of India (Clarendon Press, 1901) ; of the inscriptions.

138

ASOKA MAURYA

The

remorse
of Asoka.

Asoka

forswears

war.

Moral

propa-

ganda.

257, 256

B. C.

elephants. The opposition offered to the invaders was so
stubborn that the conquest involved immeasurable suffering.
The victor records with sorrow that 150,000 persons were
carried into captivity, 100,000 were slain, and that many
times that number perished from famine, pestilence, and the
other calamities which follow in the train of armies.

The sight of all this misery and the knowledge that he
alone had caused it smote the conscience of Asoka, and
awakened in his breast feelings of ‘ remorse, profound sorrow,
and regret.’ These feelings crystallized into a steadfast
resolve that never again would ambition lead him to inflict
such grievous wrongs upon his fellow creatures ; and four
years after the conquest he was able to declare that ‘the
loss of even the hundredth or the thousandth part of the
persons who were then slain, carried away captive, or done
to death in Kalinga would now be a matter of deep regret
to His Majesty.’

The king acted up to the principles which he professed,
and abstained from aggressive war for the rest of his life.
About this time he came under the influence of Buddhist
teaching, his devotion to which increased more and more as
the years rolled on. The ‘ chiefest conquest,’ he declares, is
that won by the Law of Piety, and he begs his descendants
to rid themselves of the popular notion that conquest by
arms is the duty of kings ; and, even if they should find
themselves engaged in warfare, he reminds them that they
might still find pleasure in patience and gentleness, and
should regard as the only true conquest that which is
effected through the Law of Piety2.

Asoka from this time forth made it the business of his
life to employ his unlimited autocratic power over a vast
empire in the teaching, propagation, and enforcement of the
ethical system, which he called the Law of Piety ( dharnna ),
and had learned chiefly from his Buddhist instructors.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth years of his reign he
definitely decided upon his line of action, and proclaimed
the principles of his government to his people in a series of
1 Rock Edict XIII.

PILGRIMAGE

139

fourteen edicts engraven upon the rocks, and laid down the
general rules which must guide the conduct of the lieges.

These extraordinary documents were followed by others
specially concerning the conquered province of Kalinga, the
purport of which has been referred to above.

In the year 249 b.c., when he had occupied the throne for 249 b. c.
twenty-three years, Asoka made a solemn pilgrimage to the P%rim-
most sacred spots in the Buddhist Holy Land. Starting &
from Pataliputra, the capital, he advanced northwards along
the royal road, the course of which is marked by five great
monolithic pillars 1, through the districts now known as
Muzaffarpur and Champaran, until he approached the base
of the outer Himalayan range.

Probably he then turned westwards, without crossing the Birth-
hills, and first visited the famous Lumbini Garden — the B^dha
Bethlehem of Buddhism — where, according to the legend,
the pains of travail came upon Maya, and she gave birth
to Buddha as she stood under a tree. At this spot his guide
and preceptor, Upagupta, addressed Asoka and said : 4 Here,
great king ! was the Venerable One born.’ A pillar inscribed
with these words, still as legible as when they were incised,
was set up by Asoka to preserve the memory of his visit, and
stands to this day2.

In due course Saint Upagupta led his royal disciple to Other
Kapilavastu, the home of Buddha’s childhood 3 ; to Sarnath, p°^es
near Benares, the scene of the Master’s first success as a
preacher ; to SravastT, where he lived for many years 4 ; to
the Bodhi tree of Gaya, where he overcame the powers of
darkness ; and to Kusinagara, where he died 5. At all these

1 Bakhira; Lauriya-Araraj (Ra-

dhiah) ; Lauriya-Nandangarh (Ma-
thiah); Rampurwa (2).

3 The latest revised translation is
that by Prof. Pischel in Sitz. kon.
preuss. Akad. Wiss., 1903.

3 Probably Piprawa in the north
of the Basti district (Mukherji and
V. A. Smith, Explorations in the
Nepalese Tarai, Arch. Survey, Imp.

Ser., vol. xxvi, Calcutta, 1897).
The Kapilavastu of Hiuen Tsang

is certainly represented by Tilaura
Kot and neighbouring ruins.

4 On upper course of the Rapti,
near the point where it leaves the
hills (/. R. A. 8., Jan., 1900).

6 In Nepal, beyond the first range
of hills ( J . R. A. S., Jan., 1902).
H.H. General Khadga Shamsher
Jang Bahadur agrees with me in
placing Kusinagara in Nepal, and
believes the site to be at the j unction
of the Little, or Eastern, Rapt!

140

ASOKA MAURYA

holy places the king granted liberal endowments, and set up
memorials, some of which have come to light in these latter
days, after long ages of oblivion.

b. c. In the year 242 b. c., when his reign had lasted for thirty
retrospect, years, Asoka undertook a formal retrospect of all the
measures adopted by him in furtherance of the ethical
reforms which he had at heart, and took the opportunity of
laying down a concise code of regulations concerning the
slaughter and mutilation of animals, practices which he
regarded with abhorrence h

240 b. c. About two years later, Asoka, recognizing fully the
ordination validity of the Buddhist doctrine that no layman could
as a monk, attain nirvana, determined to ensure his final deliverance
from rebirth so far as possible by entering the order of
monks, and actually assuming the yellow robe. He does not
appear to have abdicated at the same time ; for edicts issued
six years later were still published by his authority and with
his sanction ; although it is probable that he withdrew from
active participation in secular affairs, and left the adminis-
tration in the hands of his ministers, and the heir-apparent
or Crown Prince 2. But this supposition is not necessary to
explain his conduct.

His submission to the Ten Precepts, or ascetic rules,
binding upon ordained monks, did not inevitably involve his
withdrawal from the duties of royalty; and he would have
found no difficulty in formally complying with the obligations
of mendicancy by a begging tour within the spacious palace
precincts.

Parallel The case of Asoka is not unique. A perfect parallel is
cases. furnished by Chinese history, which records that Hsiao Yen,

the first emperor of the Liang dynasty, who was a devout
Buddhist, actually adopted the monastic garb, on two
occasions in 527 and 529 a. d.3 A less completely parallel

(Achiravatl) with the Gandak 1 The Seven Pillar Edicts.

(Hiranyavati). His position is. 2 The chronology here is based

further west than that which I upon Dr. Fleet’s papers inJ.H.A. S.,
selected, but almost in the same 1904.

latitude, and is very likely to be 3 Giles, Hist. Chinese Liter. ,1901,
correct ( Pioneer Mail, Allahabad, p. 133; Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 236.
Feb. 26, 1904).

BUDDHIST COUNCIL

141

case is supplied by the story of a Jain king of Western
India in the twelfth century, who assumed the title of ‘ Lord
of the Order,’ and at various periods of his reign bound
himself by vows of continence and abstinence h

Whatever may have been the exact procedure adopted,
there is no doubt that Asoka was formally ordained as a
monk ; and the fact was so notorious that a thousand years
later his statues were still to be seen, vested in monastic garb 2.

The latter years of his reign were undoubtedly devoted in
a special degree to works of piety ; but there is no sufficient
reason for believing the legends which depict the emperor in
his old age as a dotard devotee incapable of administering
the affairs of the empire.

The latest edicts, dated 256 years after the death of 232 or 231
Buddha, that is to say, in the year 232 or 231 b. c., must Death of
have been published very shortly before the emperor’s death ; Asoka.
which is supposed to have occurred at a holy hill near
Raj agriha, the ancient capital of Magadha.

A large body of tradition affirms that a Buddhist church Buddhist
council was held at the capital by the command and under council-
the patronage of Asoka in order to settle the canon of
scripture and reform abuses in monastic discipline. Although
the legendary details of the constitution and proceedings of
the council are clearly unhistorical, the fact of the assembly
may be accepted without hesitation. If it had met before the
thirty-first year of the reign in which the emperor published
the Pillar edicts, recording his retrospect of the measures
taken for the promotion of piety, the council would assuredly
have been mentioned in those documents. But they are
silent on the subject, and the fair inference is that the
council was held at a date subsequent to their publication,
and after the emperor had assumed the monastic robe.

The one document in the whole series of the Asoka Bhabra
inscriptions which is avowedly Buddhist in explicit terms — Eclk-'t
the Bhabra Edict — evidently belongs to the same period
as the council, and is to be interpreted as the address of the
emperor-monk to his brethren of the order.

1 Ind. Ant. vi, 154. 2 Takakusu, I-tsing , ch. xi, p. 73.

142

ASOKA MAURYA

Extent of
empire.

Asoka in
Nepal.

Extent

eastward.

The extent of the enormous empire governed by Asoka
can be ascertained with approximate accuracy. On the
north-west, it extended to the Hindu Kush mountains, and
included most of the territory now under the rule of the
Ameer of Afghanistan, as well as the whole, or a large part,
of Baluchistan, and all Sind. The secluded valleys of Suwat
and Bajaur were probably more or less thoroughly controlled
by the imperial officers, and the valleys of Kashmir and Nepal
were certainly integral parts of the empire. Asoka built a
new capital in the vale of Kashmir, named Srinagar, at a short
distance from the city which now bears that name 1.

In the Nepal valley, he replaced the older capital Manju
Patan, by a city named Patan, Lalita Patan, or Lalitpur,
which still exists, two and a half miles to the south-east of
Kathmandu, the modern capital. Lalita Patan subsequently
became the seat of a separate principality, and it retains the
special Buddhist stamp impressed upon it by Asoka. His
foundation of this city was undertaken as a memorial of
the visit which he paid to Nepal, in 250 or 249 b. c.,
when he undertook the tour of the holy places. He was
accompanied by his daughter Charumatl, who adopted a
religious life, and remained in Nepal, when her imperial
father returned to the plains. She founded a town called
Devapatana, in memory of her husband Devapala Kshattriya,
and settled down to the life of a nun at a convent built
by her to the north of Pasupatinath, which bears her name
to this day. Asoka treated Lalita Patan as a place of
great sanctity, erecting in it five great stupas ; one in the
centre of the town, and four others outside the walls at
the cardinal points. All these monuments still exist, and
differ conspicuously from more recent edifices. Some minor
buildings are also attributed to Asoka or his daughter 2.

Eastwards, the empire comprised the whole of Bengal as

1 Stein, Rajatarangim, transl., modern Srinagar, to which the

vol. i, p. 19; vol. ii, pp. 409, 411. ancient name has been transferred.
The position of Asoka’s capital 2 Oldfield, Sketches from Nipal,
probably is marked by the site ii, 198, 246-52 ; Ind. Ant. xiii,
known as Pandrethan, ‘Old Town,’ 412. The northern stupa at Patan
situated about three miles above is called Ipi Tuda by Mr. Bendall

Ceded

EXTENT OF EMPIRE

143

far as the mouths of the Ganges, where Tamralipti (generally
identified with the modern Tamluk) was the principal port.

The strip of coast to the north of the Godavari river, known
as Kalinga, was annexed in 261 e. c. Further south, the
Andhra kingdom, between the Godavari and the Krishna
(Kistna), appears to have been treated as a protected state,
administered by its own Rajas.

On the south-east, the Palar river, the northern frontier of Extent
the Tamil race, may be regarded as the limit of the imperial ^*rd"
jurisdiction. The Tamil states extending to the extremity of
the Peninsula, and known as the Chola and Pandya kingdoms,
were certainly independent, as were the Keralaputra and
Satiyaputra states on the south-western, or Malabar coast h
The southern frontier of the empire must have nearly coin-
cided with the thirteenth degree of north latitude ; or it
may be described approximately as a line drawn from the
mouth of the Palar river near Sadras on the eastern coast
(N. lat. 12° 13' 15") through Bangalore (N. lat. 12° 58') to
the river Chandragiri on the western coast (N. lat. 13° 15').

The wilder tribes on the north-western frontier and in the Jungle
jungle tracts of the Vindhya mountains separating Northern tribes-
from Southern India seem to have enjoyed a limited autonomy
under the suzerainty of the paramount power. The empire
comprised therefore, in modern terminology, Afghanistan
south of the Hindu Kush, Baluchistan, Sind, the valley of
Kashmir, Nepal, the lower Himalaya, and the whole of India
Proper, except the southern extremity.

The central regions seem to have been governed directly Viceroys,
from Pataliputra under the king’s personal supervision. The
outlying provinces were administered by members of the royal
family, holding the rank of viceroys, of whom, apparently,

(A Journey in Nepal, p. 12). Old-
field writes the name Epi, or Zimpi
Tandu, and the Residency clerk
writes it Impi. This building, al-
though now inside the town, is
outside the old line of walls. The
topography of Patan agrees remark-
ably in some respects with that of
Kusinagara, as described by Hiuen

Tsang, and I have sometimes felt
inclined to identify the two places ;
but the difficulties in the way are
apparently insuperable. Oldfield’s
account of the Asoka stupas is
worth reading, and a detailed
survey of them is much to be de-
sired.

1 Rock Edicts II, XIII.

144

ASOKA MAURYA

there were four. The ruler of the north-west was stationed
at Taxila, and his jurisdiction may be assumed to have
included the Panjab, Sind, the countries beyond the Indus,
and Kashmir. The eastern territories, including the
conquered kingdom of Kalinga, were governed by a viceroy
stationed at Tosali, the exact position of which has not been
ascertained. The western provinces of Malwa, Guzerat, and
Kathiawar were under the government of a prince, whose
head quarters were at the ancient city of Ujjain ; and the
southern provinces, beyond the Narbada, were ruled by the
fourth viceroy h

Buildings. Asoka was a great builder ; and so deep was the impression
made on the popular imagination by the extent and magnifi-
cence of his architectural works that legend credited him
with the erection of eighty-four thousand stupas, or sacred
cupolas, within the space of three years. When Fa-hien, the
first Chinese pilgrim, visited Pataliputra, the capital, at
the beginning of the fifth century a. d., in the reign of
Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya, the palace of Asoka was still
standing, and was deemed to have been wrought by super-
natural agency.

4 The royal palace and halls in the midst of the city, which
exist now as of old, were all made by the spirits which he
employed, and which piled up the stones, reared the walls
and gates, and executed the elegant carving and inlaid
sculpture work, in a way which no human hands of this world
could accomplish.1

These stately buildings have all vanished, and their remains
lie buried for the most part beyond hope of recovery deep
below the silt of the Ganges and Son rivers, overlaid by
the East Indian railway, the city of Patna, and the civil
station of Bankipore. Slight and desultory excavations
have revealed enough to attest the substantial truth of the
pilgrim’s enthusiastic description, and I have myself seen
two huge and finely carved sandstone capitals — one with the
acanthus-leaf ornament — dug up near Bankipore.

1 Minor Rock Edict, No. I order of the prince and magistrates
(Brahmagiri text), was issued ‘by at Suvarnagiri.’ Dr. Fleet holds

MONUMENTS

145

The numerous and magnificent monasteries founded by
Asoka have shared the fate of his palaces, and are ruined
beyond recognition.

The only buildings of the Asokan period which have Sanchi
escaped destruction, and remain in a state of tolerable stui>as-
preservation, are those forming the celebrated group of
stupas, or cupolas, at and near Sanchi, in Central India,
not very far from Ujjain, where Asoka held court as viceroy
of the west before his accession to the throne. The
elaborately carved gateways of the railing round the principal
monument, which have been so often described and figured,
may have been constructed to the order of the great Maurya,
and are certainly not much later than his time.

The massive monolithic sandstone pillars, inscribed and un- Monolithic
inscribed, which Asoka erected in large numbers throughout piUars‘
the home provinces of the empire, some of which are fifty feet
in height, and about fifty tons in weight, are not only worthy
monuments of his magnificence, but also of the highest
interest as the earliest known examples of the Indian stone-
cutter’s art in architectural forms. The style is Persian
rather than Greek, and the mechanical execution is perfect.

The caves with highly polished walls excavated in the Cave-
intensely hard quartzose gneiss of the Barabar hills near dwe^inSs-
Gaya by order of Asoka, for the use of the Ajlvika ascetics,
a penitential order closely connected with the Jains *, recall
Egyptian work by the mastery displayed over intractable
material.

The most interesting monuments of Asoka are his famous Inscrip-
inscriptions, more than thirty in number, incised upon rocks, tlons‘
boulders, cave-walls, and pillars, which supply the only safe
foundation for the history of his reign, and must be briefly
described before I can enter upon the discussion of his
doctrine and policy. The more important documents which
expound fully both his principles of government and his

that Suvarnagiri was one of the 1 The Ajivikas were not Vaish-
hills (Songiri) at Old Rajagriha, to navas, as generally asserted (Bhan-
which Asoka retired after his sup- darkar, ‘ Epigraphic Notes and
posed abdication. Questions,’ in J. Bo. It. A. S., 1902).

SMITH

146

ASOKA MAURY A

system of practical ethics, supply many interesting autobio-
graphical details. The shorter documents include dedications,
brief commemorative records, and other matter ; but all, even
the most concise, have interest and value 1.

Area The area covered by the inscriptions comprises nearly the

byTnscTip- w^ole of India (see map), and extends from the Himalaya
tions. to Mysore, and from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea.
Language. The documents are all written in various forms of Prakrit,
that is to say, vernacular dialects closely allied both to
literary Sanskrit and to the Pali of the Ceylonese Buddhist
books, but not identical with either. They were therefore
obviously intended to be read and understood by the public
generally, and their existence presupposes a fairly general
knowledge of the art of writing. The inscriptions designed
for public instruction were placed either in suitable positions
on high roads or at frequented places of pilgrimage where
their contents were ensured the greatest possible publicity.
Script. Two recensions of the Fourteen Rock Edicts, inscribed on
rocks at places near the north-western frontier of India, were
executed in the script locally current, now generally known
to scholars as the Kharoshthi ; which is a modified form of
an ancient Aramaic alphabet, written from right to left,
introduced into the Panjab during the period of Persian
domination in the fifth and fourth centuries b.c. All the
other inscriptions are incised in one or other variety of the
early Brahml alphabet, from which the Devanagarl and
other forms of the modern script in Northern and Western
India have been evolved, and which is read from left to
right.

Eight The inscriptions readily fall into eight classes, which may

classes. ^ arrange(j approximate chronological order as follows : —

I. The Fourteen Rock Edicts, in seven recensions, dating
from the thirteenth and fourteenth regnal years, as reckoned
from the coronation, corresponding to 257, 256 b. c.

II. The two Kalinga Edicts, issued probably in 256 B.c.,
and concerned only with the newly conquered province.

1 Although the inscriptions are 265), their attribution to Asoka is
anonymous (Ind. Ant., 1903, p. certain.

ROCK EDICTS

147

III. The three dedicatory Cave Inscriptions at Barabar
near Gaya, 257 and 250 b.c.

IV. The two Tarai Pillar Inscriptions, 249 b.c.

V. The Seven Pillar Edicts, in six recensions, 243 and
242 b.c.

VI. The Supplementary Pillar Edicts, about 240 b. c.

VII. The Minor Rock Edicts, dated in the year 256 after
the death of Buddha, 232 or 231 b. c.

VIII. The Bhabra Edict, of about the same date as the
Minor Rock Edicts.

The Fourteen Rock Edicts contain an exposition of The Four-
Asoka’s principles of government and ethical system, each Edicts,
edict being devoted to a special subject. The different
recensions vary considerably, and some do not include all
the fourteen edicts. The whole series, in all its varieties,
is confined to remote frontier provinces, which were under
the government of viceroys. The emperor evidently was of
opinion that in the home provinces, under his immediate
control, it was not necessary to engrave his instructions on
the rocks, other and more convenient methods of publica-
tion being available. But many years later he perpetuated
his revised code in the home provinces also by incising it
upon several of the monolithic monumental pillars which it
was his pleasure to erect in numerous localities 1.

The two Kalinga Edicts are special supplements to the The
series of the Fourteen Rock Edicts intended to fix the Edicts^
principles on which the administration of the newly
conquered province and the wild tribes dwelling on its
borders should be conducted. They were substituted for
certain edicts (Nos. XI, XII, XIII) of the regular series,
which were omitted from the Kalinga recension, as being
unsuitable for local promulgation x.

1 The positions of the Fourteen in the Lower Himalayas, fifteen
Rock Edicts are : (1) Shahbazgarhi, miles west from Mussoorie (Man-
in the Yusufzl country, forty miles suri) ; (4) Sopara, in Thana District,
north-east of Peshawar ; (2) Man- near Bombay ; (5) the Girnar hill,
sera, in Hazara District (Urasa), near Junagarh, in the Kathiawar
Panjab, the Kharoshth! script being peninsula ; (6) near Dhauli, to the
used at both these places ; (3) Kalsi, south of Bhuvanesvar in the Cut-

148

ASOKA MAURY A

Cave In-
scriptions.

Tarai
Pillar In-
scriptions.

The Pillar
Edicts.

The three Cave Inscriptions at Barabar in the Gaya
district are merely brief dedications of costly cave dwellings
for the use of a monastic sect known as Ajlvika, the members
of which went about naked, and were noted for ascetic prac-
tices of the most rigorous kind. These records are chiefly
of interest as a decisive proof that Asoka was sincere in
his solemn declaration that he honoured all sects ; for the
Ajivikas had little or nothing in common with the Buddhists,
and were intimately connected with the Jains.

The two Tarai Pillar Inscriptions, although extremely
brief, are of much interest for many reasons, one of which
is that they prove beyond question the truth of the
literary tradition that Asoka performed a solemn pilgrim-
age to the sacred spots of the Buddhist Holy Land. The
Rummindel, or Padaria, inscription, which is in absolutely
perfect preservation, has the great merit of determining,
beyond the possibility of doubt, the exact position of the
famous LumbinI Garden, where, according to the legend,
Gautama Buddha first saw the light. This determination
either solves, or supplies the key to, a multitude of
problems. The companion record at Nigllva, which is less
perfectly preserved, gives the unexpected and interesting
information that Asoka’s devotion was not confined to
Gautama Buddha, but included in its catholic embrace his
predecessors, the ‘ former Buddhas V

The Seven Pillar Edicts, issued in their complete form
in the year 242 u.c., when Asoka had reigned for thirty
years, and was nearing the close of his career of activity in
worldly affairs, must be read along with the Fourteen Rock
Edicts, to which they refer, and of which they may be

tack (Katak) District, Orissa ; and
(7) at Jaugada in the Ganjam
District, Madras. The last two
places were included in Kalinga ;
and the two Kalinga Edicts are
added as appendices to the Dhauli
and Jaugada texts. See map.

1 The Rummindel ruins he four
miles inside the Nepalese border,
and a little to the west of the Tilar

river, in approximately E. long.
85° 11', N. lat. 25° 58'. Padaria is
a neighbouring village. The Nigllva
pillar, which apparently has been
moved from its original position,
now stands about thirteen miles to
the north-west from Rummindel.
For facsimile of Rummindel in-
scription, see Asoka, plate ii.

THE BIRTH-PLACE OF BUDDHA

(rujimindeI pillar and temple)

MINOR ROCK EDICTS

149

considered an appendix. The principles enunciated in the
earlier instructions are reiterated and emphasized in the
later; the regulations enforcing the sanctity of animal life
are amplified and codified ; and the series closes with the
most valuable of all the documents, Pillar Edict No. VII,
preserved on one monument only, which recounts in orderly
fashion the measures adopted by the emperor in the course
of his long reign to promote ‘ the growth of piety.’

The Supplementary Pillar Edicts are brief dedicatory
records, more curious than important 1.

The Minor Rock Edicts, on the other hand, although of
small bulk, are in some respects the most interesting of the
inscriptions, and until recently presented a puzzling enigma,
or series of enigmas. By the efforts of many scholars, and
especially of Dr. Fleet, the latest interpreter, the problem
has been gradually solved, until little uncertainty as to the
meaning of the documents remains. It now seems to be
fairly well established that these Minor Rock Edicts were
published thirty-eight complete years after Asoka’s corona-
tion, or about forty-one years after his accession, and that
they must therefore be referred either to the year 232 or
231 b.c., the last year of the aged emperor’s life. They are
dated expressly 256 years after the death of Buddha, and
thus fix that event as having occurred in or about the
year 487 b.c., according to the belief current at the court
of Pataliputra, only two centuries and a half after its
occurrence. When thus interpreted these brief documents
gain intense interest as the valedictory address of the dying
emperor-monk to the people whom he loved to regard as his
children 2.

1 The Pillar Edicts are found on
two pillars at Delhi, one brought
from Topra near Umballa, and the
other from Meerut (Mlrath) ; at
Allahabad; and at Lauriya-Araraj,
Lauriya-Nandangarh, and Ram-
purwa, in the Champaran District
of Tirhut. Two supplementary
edicts, the Queen’s and the Kau-

sambi, are added on the Allahabad

pillar, which was probably brought
from Kausambi (for site of which see
J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 503; 1904, p. 249).
A document, much mutilated, but
partly identical with the Kausambi
Edict, is inscribed on a pillar at
Sanchi.

2 The first Minor Rock Edict is
known in six recensions, namely,
three in Northern Mysore at locali-

The Minor

Rock

Edicts.

150

ASOKA MAURYA

The

Bhabra

Edict.

Relation
of epigra-
phic and
traditional
evidence.

The

Asokan

legend.

The extremely curious Bhabra Edict, which forms a class
by itself, should be referred apparently to the same period
as the Minor Rock Edicts, that is to say, to the closing
years of Asoka’s life ; when, although still retaining his
imperial dignity, he had assumed the monastic robe and
rule, and had abandoned the active direction of worldly
affairs to others. This document, recorded, close to a
recension of one of the Minor Rock Edicts, at a lonely
monastery in the Rajputana hills, is an address by Asoka,
as king of Magadha1, to the Buddhist monastic order
generally, directing the attention of monks and nuns, as
well as of the laity, male and female, to seven passages of
scripture deemed by the royal judgement to be specially
edifying. But, while earnestly recommending devout medita-
tion upon and profound study of these particular texts, the
princely preacher is careful to add the explanation that ‘ all
that has been said by the Venerable Buddha has been well
said,1 whereas the selection of texts is merely the work of
the king’s individual judgement. The importance of this
edict in the history of Buddhism cannot be easily overrated.

The foregoing summary exposition will perhaps suffice to
enable the reader to form some notion of the extraordinary
interest attaching to the unique series of inscriptions issued
by Asoka between the years 257 and 231 b.c., which is the
only safe foundation on which to build a history of his
momentous reign. But tradition has its value as a secondary
source of information, and a few words in explanation of the
character of the traditional evidence for the Asokan history
are indispensable.

The rank growth of legend which has clustered round the
name of Asoka bears eloquent testimony to the commanding

ties near one another, called Sidda-
pura, Jatinga-Ramesvara (N. lat.
14° 50', E. long. 76° 48'), and Brah-
magiri ; at Sahasram in Western
Bengal ; Rupnath in the Central
Provinces ; and Bairat in Rajputana.
The second Minor Rock Edict is
added to the Mysore texts only.
The Bhabra Edict is incised on a

boulder found on the top of the
Bairat hill, at the foot of which the
Minor Rock Edicts were engraved.
For bibliography of the Asoka
inscriptions see Appendix H at end
of this chapter.

1 The adjective Magadlie is in the
nominative, and must be construed
as in the text (Dr. Bloch).

LEGENDS

151

influence of his personality. In the Buddhist world his fame
is as great as that of Charlemagne in mediaeval Europe,
and the tangle of mythological legend which obscures the
genuine history of Asoka may be compared in mass with
that which drapes the figures of Alexander, Arthur, and
Charlemagne. The Asokan legend is not all either fiction
or myth, and includes some genuine historical tradition ;
but is no better suited to serve as the foundation of
sober history than the stories of the Morte d’ Arthur or
Pseudo-Kallisthenes are adapted to form the bases of
chronicles of the doings of the British champion or
the Macedonian conqueror. This obvious canon of criticism
has been forgotten by most writers upon the Maurya
period, who have begun at the wrong end with the late
legends, instead of at the right end with the contemporary
inscriptions.

The legends have reached us in two main streams, the Two
Ceylonese and the North-Indian. The accident that the °f

Ceylonese varieties of the stories happen to be recorded in
books which assume the form of chronicles with a detailed
chronology, and have been known to European readers for
seventy years, has given to the southern tales an illusory air
of authenticity. The earliest of the Ceylonese chronicles,
the Dlpavamsa, which was probably compiled late in the
fourth century a. d., is some six centuries posterior to the
death of Asoka, and has little claim to be regarded as a
first-rate authority.

The North-Indian legends are at least as old ; but being Higher
recorded in fragments scattered through many books, Indian,

Nepalese, Chinese, and Tibetan, have received scant con- northern
sideration. All legendary material must of course be used leSends-
with extreme caution, and only as a supplement to authentic
data; but a moment’s consideration will show that legends
preserved in Northern India, the seat of Asoka’s imperial
power, are more likely to transmit genuine tradition than
those which reached the distant island of Ceylon in transla-
tions brought nobody knows how, when, or whence, and
subsequently largely modified by local influences. This

152

ASOKA MAIJRYA

Les In-
scriptions
de Piya-
dasi.

Collected

transla-

tions.

Need of

new

edition.

presumption is verified when the two groups of legends are
compared ; and then it clearly appears that in certain matters
of importance where they differ, the Northern version is
distinctly the more credible.

APPENDIX H

The Inscriptions of Asoka ; Bibliographical Note

The only edition purporting to give Asoka’ s edicts and mis-
cellaneous inscriptions as a whole is the work published by
M. Pmile Senart in 1881 and 1886, which included all the
documents known up to the latter date. But since then many
new inscriptions have been discovered, and perfect reproduc-
tions of those known to M. Senart only in extremely faulty copies
have been prepared and published, with the result that M.
Senart’ s book, Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi, is now mostly obsolete,
notwithstanding its many merits.

The only complete collection of translations into any language
is that given in my little book, Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of
India (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1901); the versions in which
were based upon Biihler’s renderings, and now require revision
in some passages.

A competent scholar could not be better employed than in
producing a thoroughly satisfactory edition of the texts, accom-
panied by a complete translation, and equipped with adequate
notes and dissertations, dealing with the palaeography, vocabu-
lary, grammar, history, both political and religious, and all the
other topics suggested by a minute study of these wonderful
records ; which may assert a reasonable claim to rank as the most
remarkable and interesting group of inscriptions in the world.

I. The Fourteen Rock Edicts.

Senart — Inscriptions de Piyadasi, vol. i ; Bidder — edition and
transcription, with facsimiles, of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Man-
sera, and Kalsi recensions, with translation of the Shahbazgarhi
text, in Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 447-7 2. The same scholar
published a special edition, transcription, and translation, with
facsimile, of the Shahbazgarhi text of Edict XII in Epigr. Ind.,
vol. i, p. 16 ; and edited, transcribed, and translated, with fac-
similes, the Dhauli and Jaugada recensions in Burgess’s Amaravati
{Arch. Survey S. /.), pp. 114-25. The Girnar text is well re-
produced by a photograph and a series of collotype plates from
paper-casts in Burgess’s Kathiawar and Kachh {Arch. S. W. I.,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

153

vol. ii), pp. 93-127 ; but the translations there given are
obsolete.

II. The Kalinga Edicts.

Senart — op. cit., vol. ii, ch. iii ; and revised transcript, edition,
and translation in Ind. Ant., vol. v (1890), pp. 82-102 ; Biihler,
edited, transcribed, and translated them, with facsimiles, in
Burgess’s Amaravati, pp. 125-31.

III. The Cave Inscriptions.

Biihler — edited, transcribed, and translated them, with fac-
similes, in Ind. Ant., vol. xx, p. 361. This, the only good
edition, includes the Da^aratha inscriptions in the Nagarjuni
caves.

IV. The Tarai Pillar Inscriptions.

Photographic facsimile of impression of the Rummindei inscrip-
tion in Asoka, pi. ii ; facsimile and transcript in J.R.A. S. for 1 897,
p. 618. Both inscriptions edited by Biihler in Epigr. Ind., vol. v,
p. 4. See also Report on Explorations in the Nepalese Tarai in
Reports Archaeol. S. India, Imp. S., 1900. Prof. Pischel has pub-
lished a revised, and possibly final translation of the Rummindei
(Padariya) inscription in Sitzungsb. d. kon. preuss. Akad. d. Wis-
senschaften, 1903.

V. The Seven Pillar Edicts.

Senart — revised edition, transcript, and translation, without
facsimiles, in Ind. Ant., vol. xvii, pp. 303-7 ; vol. xviii, pp. 1,
73, 105, 300. Biihler edited, transcribed, and translated the
whole series, with facsimiles of some recensions, in Epigr. Ind.,
vol. ii, pp. 245-74. Translations by Kern of Nos. II, IV, VI
in Ind. Ant., vol. v, pp. 247, 273.

VI. Supplementary Pillar Edicts.

Biihler edited, transcribed, and translated the Sanchi Edict,
with facsimile, i nEpigr. Ind., vol. ii, p. 87, and revised it, ibid. p. 367.
Senart gave revised transcript and translation of the Queen’s
Edict in Ind. Ant., vol. xviii (1889), p. 308 ; and transcribed the
imperfect Kausambi Edict, ibid. p. 309- Modified facsimiles
of both these inscriptions are given by Cunningham, Corpus,
pi. xxii.

VII. The Minor Rock Edicts.

Biihler edited, transcribed, and translated the Siddapura re-
censions, with facsimiles and references to earlier publications,
in Epigr. Ind., vol. iii, pp. 135-42. He also edited, transcribed,

154

ASOKA MAURYA

Casts and
photo-
graphs.

and translated, with facsimiles, the Sahasram, Rupnath, and
Bairat recensions in Ind. Ant., vol. vi, p. 155, and xxii, p. 299-
Both these articles must be read together. See also ibid, xxvi,
334. Important changes in reading and translation have been
proposed by Dr. Fleet in J. R. A. S., 1903, p. 829, and ibid.,
1904, pp. 1-26, 355.

VIII. The Bhabra Edict.

Senart — revised edition, transcription, and translation in Ind.
Ant., vol. xx, p. 165 ; facsimile, prepared by Burgess, in Journal
Asiatique for 1897. Kern— transcription and translation in Ind.
Ant., vol. v (1876), p. 257- See also J. R. A. S. for 1898, p. 639 ;
1901, pp. 314, 577.

For list of casts of the inscriptions in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta, see Asoka, Appendix, p. 196. Mr. Caddy describes
the tour undertaken for the purpose of preparing those casts in
Proc. A. S. B. for 1895, pp. 152-69-

For photographs in Indian Museum, Calcutta, and India
Office, London, see List of the Photographic Negatives, published
by Superintendent of Government Printing, India (Calcutta,
1900).

CHAPTER VII

ASOKA MAURY A (continued) ; AND HIS
SUCCESSORS

The edicts are devoted mainly to the exposition, inculca- Dhamma,
tion, and enforcement of a scheme of practical ethics, or rule pjjj^ w of
of conduct, which Asoka called Dhamma. No English word
or phrase is exactly equivalent to the Prakrit dhamma
(Sanskrit dharma), but the expression Law of Piety, or
simply Piety, comes tolerably close to the meaning of the
Indian term. The validity of this Law of Piety is assumed
in the edicts, and no attempt is made to found it upon any
theological or metaphysical basis. Theological ideas are
simply ignored by Asoka, as they were by his master,
Gautama ; and the current Hindu philosophy of rebirth,
inaccurately called metempsychosis, is taken for granted,
and forms the background of the ethical teaching.

The leading tenet of Asoka’s Buddhism, as of the cognate Sanctity
Jain system, and some varieties of Brahmanical Hinduism, [||^aninial
was a passionate, uncompromising belief in the sanctity of
animal life. The doctrine of the absolute, unconditional
right of the meanest animal to retain the breath of life
until the latest moment permitted by nature, is that of the
edicts ; and was based upon the belief that all living
creatures, including men, animals, gods, and demons, form
links in an endless chain of existence, or rather of
4 becoming V

The being that is now a god in heaven may be reborn in Doctrines
the course of aeons as an insect ; and the insect, in its turn,
may work up to the rank of a god. This belief, associated karma,

1 The first of the three ‘ eharac- second, that they are all misery ;
teristic ’ doctrines of Buddhism is and the third, that they are lacking
that ‘ all the constituents of being in an Ego (Warren, Buddhism in
are transitory’ (i«ni /Set) ; the Translations, p. xiv).

156

ASOKA MAURY A

Compara-
tive dis-
regard of
human
life.

Early
practice
of Asoka.

with the faith that the mode of rebirth is conditioned by
the karma, the net ethical result, or balance of good or
evil of the life of each creature at the moment of its
termination, lies deep down at the roots of Indian thought,
and is inseparably bound up With almost every form of
Indian religion. Sometimes it is combined with theories
which recognize the existence of a personal soul, but it is
also firmly held by persons who utterly deny all forms of
the soul theory.

It is easy to understand that believers in ideas of this
kind may be led logically to regard the life of an insect as
entitled to no less respect than that of a man. In practice,
indeed, the sanctity of animal was placed above that of
human life ; and the absurd spectacle was sometimes wit-
nessed of a man being put to death for killing an animal,
or even for eating meat. The most pious Buddhist and
Jain kings had no hesitation about inflicting capital punish-
ment upon their subjects, and Asoka himself continued to
sanction the death penalty throughout his reign. He was
content to satisfy his humanitarian feelings by a slight
mitigation of the sanguinary penal code inherited from his
stern grandfather in conceding to condemned prisoners three
days’ grace to prepare for death h

In early life Asoka is believed to have been a Brahmanical
Hindu, specially devoted to Siva, a god who delights in
bloody sacrifices ; and he had consequently no scruple about
the shedding of blood. Thousands of living creatures used
to be slain on the occasion of a banquet ( samaja ) to supply
the kitchens of the overgrown royal household with curries
for a single day. As he became gradually imbued with the
spirit of Buddhist teaching, this wholesale daily slaughter
became abominable in his eyes, and was stopped ; only three
living creatures at the most, namely, two peacocks and one
deer, being killed each day ; and in 257 b. c., even this limited
butchery was put an end to 1 2.

1 Pillar Edict IV. graphic Notes and Questions '{J.Bo.

2 Rock Edict I. Mr. D. R. R. A. S., 1902) deserve attention.
Bhandarkar’s comments in ‘ Epi-

SANCTITY OF ANIMAL LIFE

157

Two years earlier, in 259 b.c., Asoka had abolished the Abolition
royal hunt, which formed such an important element in the ^oyaf
amusements of his grandfather’s court. * In times past,’ hunt,
he observes,’ ‘ their Majesties were wont to go out on pleasure-
tours, during which hunting and other similar amusements
used to be practised.’ But His Sacred and Gracious Majesty
no longer cared for such frivolous outings, and had substi-
tuted for them solemn progresses devoted to inspection of
the country and people, visits and largess to holy men, and
preaching and discussion of the Law of Piety 1.

As time went on, Asoka’s passionate devotion to the Code of
doctrine of the sanctity of animal life grew in intensity ; and, B-c‘
in 243 b. c., resulted in the production of a stringent code
of regulations applicable to all classes of the population
throughout the empire, without distinction of creed. Many
kinds of animals were absolutely protected from slaughter in
any circumstances ; and the slaying of animals commonly
used for food by the flesh-eating population, although not
totally prohibited, was hedged round by severe restrictions.

On fifty-six specified days in the year, killing under any
pretext was categorically forbidden ; and in many ways the
liberty of the subject was very seriously contracted2. While
Asoka lived, these regulations were, no doubt, strictly
enforced by the special officers appointed for the purpose ;
and it is not unlikely that deliberate breach of the more
important regulations was visited with the capital penalty.

The second cardinal doctrine inculcated and insisted on by Rever-
Asoka was that of the obligation of reverence to parents, ence‘
elders, and preceptors. Conversely, superiors, while receiving
their due of reverence, were required to treat their inferiors,
including servants, slaves, and all living creatures, with
kindness and consideration. As a corollary to these obliga-
tions, men were taught that the spirit which inspires
reverence on the one side, and kindness on the other, should
further induce them to behave with courteous decorum to

1 Rock Edict VIII. The formula, ‘ His Sacred and Gracious Majesty,’
is a fair equivalent of devanampiya piyadasi.

2 Pillar Edict V.

158

ASOKA MAURYA

Truthful-

ness.

Tolera-

tion.

Asoka’s

practice.

Limita-

tions.

relatives, ascetics, and Brahmans, and likewise to practise
liberality to the same classes, as well as to friends and
acquaintances.

The third primary duty laid upon men was that of truth-
fulness. These three guiding principles are most concisely
formulated in the Second Minor Rock Edict, which may be
quoted in full : —

‘Thus saith His Majesty :

“ Father and mother must be obeyed ; similarly, respect
for living creatures must be enforced ; truth must be spoken.
These are the virtues of the Law of Piety which must be
practised. Similarly, the teacher must be reverenced by the
pupil, and proper courtesy must be shown to relations.

This is the ancient standard of piety — this leads to length
of days, and according to this men must act.” 1

Among secondary duties, a high place was given to that
of showing toleration for and sympathy with the beliefs and
practices of others ; and a special edict, No. XII of the
Rock series, was devoted to the exposition of this topic.
The subjects of the imperial moralist were solemnly warned
to abstain from speaking evil of their neighbours’ faith ;
remembering that all forms of religion alike aim at the
attainment of Self-control and purity of mind, and are thus
in agreement about essentials, however much they may differ
in externals. In connexion with these instructions, men were
admonished that all ‘ extravagance and violence of language ’
should be carefully avoided x.

Asoka openly avowed his readiness to act upon these
latitudinarian principles by doing reverence to men of all
sects, whether ascetics or householders, by means of donations
and in other ways. The Cave Inscriptions, which record
costly gifts bestowed upon the Ajlvikas, a sect of self-
mortifying ascetics, more nearly allied to the Jains than
the Buddhists, testify that Asoka, like many other ancient
kings of India, really adopted the policy of universal
toleration and concurrent endowment.

But his toleration, although perfectly genuine, must be

1 Rock Edict III.

TRUE CHARITY

159

understood with two limitations. In the first place, all
Indian religions, with which alone Asoka was concerned, had
much in common, and were all alike merely variant ex-
pressions of Hindu modes of thought and feeling. There was
no such gap dividing them as that which yawns between Islam
and Puranic Brahmanism. In the second place, the royal
toleration, although perfect as regarding beliefs, did not
necessarily extend to all overt practices. Sacrifices involving
the death of a victim, which are absolutely indispensable for
the correct worship of some of the gods, were categorically
prohibited, at least at the capital, from an early period in
the reign 1 ; and were further restricted, in all parts of the
empire, by the code promulgated later in the Pillar Edicts.

The conscientious objector was not permitted to allege his
conscience as a justification for acts disapproved on principle
by the government. Men might believe what they liked, but
must do as they were told.

While almsgiving was commended, the higher doctrine True
was taught that ‘ there is no such charity as the charitable charity*
gift of the Law of Piety ; no such distribution as the dis-
tribution of piety V The sentiment recurs in curiously
similar language in Cromwell’s earliest extant letter. He
wrote from St. Ives : — ‘ Building of hospitals provides for
men’s bodies ; to build material temples is judged a work of
piety ; but they that procure spiritual food, they that build
up spiritual temples, they are the men truly charitable,
truly pious 3.’

Asoka cared little for ritual, and was inclined to look with True cere-
some scorn upon ordinary ceremonies, which are, as he rnonia*-
observes, ‘ of doubtful efficacy.’ Just as true charity
consists in a man’s efforts to diffuse a knowledge of the Law
of Piety among his fellow creatures, so true ceremonial con-
sists in the fulfilment of that law, which ‘ bears great fruit ’ ;
and includes kind treatment of slaves and servants, honour
to teachers, respect for life, and liberality to ascetics and

1 Rock Edict I.

1 Rock Edict XI.

3 Letter dated Jan. 11, 1635, in
Carlyle’s edition.

160

ASOKA MAURYA

Virtues in-
culcated.

Official

propa-

ganda.

Censors.

Brahmans. These things, with others of the same kind, are
called ‘the ceremonial of piety1.’

The preacher looked to men’s hearts rather than to their
outward acts, and besought his congregation, the inhabitants
of a vast empire, to cultivate the virtues of ‘ compassion,
liberality, truth, purity, gentleness, and saintliness.’ He
hoped that the growth of piety would be promoted by the
imperial regulations devised for that purpose ; but, while
enforcing those regulations with all the power of an autocrat,
he relied more upon the meditations of individuals, stimu-
lated by his teaching. ‘ Of these two means,’ he says,
‘pious regulations are of small account, whereas meditation
is of greater value 2.’

Notwithstanding his avowal of the comparative powerless-
ness of regulations, the emperor did not neglect to provide
official machinery for the promulgation of his doctrine, and
the enforcement of his orders. All the officers of State,
whom, in modern phraseology, we may call Lieutenant-
Governors, Commissioners, and District Magistrates, were
commanded to make use of opportunities during their
periodical tours for convoking assemblies of the lieges, and
instructing them in the whole duty of man. Certain days
in the year were particularly set apart for this duty, and
the officials were directed to perform it in addition to their
ordinary work 3.

A special agency of Censors was also organized for the
purpose of enforcing the regulations concerning the sanctity
of animal life, and the observance of filial piety, in the
most extended sense. These officers were expressly en-
joined to concern themselves with all sects, and with every
class of society, not excluding the royal family ; while
separate officials were charged with the delicate duty of
supervising female morals4. In practice, this system must
have led to much espionage and tyranny ; and, if we may
judge from the proceedings of kings in later ages, who under-

1 Rock Edict IX. Edicts.

3 Pillar Edict VII. 4 Rock Edicts V, XII ; Pillar

3 Rock Edict III ; the Kalinga Edict VII.

CENSORS

161

took a similar task, the punishments inflicted for breach of
the imperial regulations must have been terribly severe.

It is recorded by contemporary testimony that in the
seventh century King Harsha, who obviously aimed at
copying closely the institutions of Asoka, did not shrink
from inflicting capital punishment without hope of pardon
on any person who dared to infringe his commands by slaying
any living thing, or using flesh as food in any part of his
dominions h

In the twelfth century, Kumarapala, king of Gujarat in
Western India, after his conversion to Jainism in 1159 a.d.,
took up the doctrine of the sanctity of animal life with
the most inordinate zeal, and imposed savage penalties upon
violators of his rules. An unlucky merchant, who had com-
mitted the atrocious crime of cracking a louse, was brought
before the special court at Anhilwara, and punished by the
confiscation of his whole property, the proceeds of which
were devoted to the building of a temple. Another wretch,
who had outraged the sanctity of the capital by bringing
in a dish of raw meat, was put to death. The special court
constituted by Kumarapala had functions similar to those of
Asoka’s Censors, and the working of the later institution
sheds much light upon the unrecorded proceedings of the
earlier one 1 2.

More modern parallels to Asoka’s Censors are not lacking.
In 1876, when a pious Maharaja was in power in Kashmir,
breaches of the commandments of the Hindu scriptures were
treated by the State as offences, and investigated by a special
court composed of five eminent pundits, belonging to
families in which the office was hereditary, who determined
appropriate penalties 3.

Up to the middle of the nineteenth century, and possibly
until a later date, similar hereditary Brahman officers

Similar
action of
Harsha,

and of
Kumara-
pala.

Censors in
Kashmir,

and in the
Deccan.

1 Beal, Records, i, 214. 42) is instructive as a commentary

8 Biihler, Ueber das Leben des on the Asoka edicts.

Jaina Monclies Hemachandra, Wien, 3 Biihler, ‘ Report of a Tour,’ &c.,
1889, p. 39. The whole story of in J. Bo. R. A. S. (1876), vol. xii,
Kumarapala’s conversion (pp. 29- Extra No., p. 21.

SMITH

162

ASOKA MAURY A

Almoner’s

depart-

ment.

Provision

for

travellers.

Relief of
sick.

exercised jurisdiction over offenders charged with breaches
of caste rules in Khandesh, the Deccan, and some parts of
the Konkan, and imposed suitable expiation in the shape
of fine, penance, or excommunication l.

These cases, ancient and modern, are sufficient to prove
that when Asoka made an innovation by appointing Censors,
officers who ‘ had never been appointed in all the long ages
past,1 the new departure was in accordance with Hindu
notions, and was consequently readily imitated in later times
by rulers of various religions.

The practical piety of Asoka was exhibited in many works
of benevolence, on which he dwells with evident pleasure and
satisfaction. His theory of true charity did not hinder him
from bestowing liberal alms. The distribution of the charit-
able grants made by the sovereign and members of the royal
family was carefully supervised both by the Censors and
other officials, who seem to have been organized in a Royal
Almoner’s department 2.

Special attention was devoted to the needs of travellers,
which have at all times evoked the sympathy of pious
Indians. The provision made for wayfarers, including the
dumb animals, who were never forgotten by Asoka, is best
described in the monarch’s own words : — 4 On the roads,’ he
says, 4 1 have had banyan-trees planted to give shade to man
and beast ; I have had groves of mango-trees planted ; and
at every half kos I have had wells dug ; rest-houses have
been erected ; and numerous watering-places have been pre-
pared here and there for the enjoyment of man and beast 3.’
Distances were carefully marked by pillars erected at con-
venient intervals, ever since Chandragupta’s time.

The lively sympathy of Asoka with his suffering fellow
creatures, human and animal, also found expression in the
extensive provision of relief for the sick. Arrangements
for the healing of man and beast were provided not only
throughout all provinces of the empire, but also in the friendly

1 Calcutta Review (1851), vol. xv, 2 Rock Edicts V, XII ; Pillar

p. xxv ; quoted in Ind. Ant. (1903), Edict VII ; Queen’s Edict,

vol. xxxii, p. 365. 3 Pillar Edict VI I ; Rock Edict II.

ANIMAL HOSPITAL

163

independent kingdoms of Southern India and Hellenistic
Asia ; medicinal herbs and drugs, wherever lacking, being
planted, imported, and supplied as needed h

The animal hospitals, which existed recently, and may Animal
still exist, at Bombay and Surat, may be regarded as either SQ^at^ dt
survivals or copies of the institutions founded by the Maurya
monarch. The following account of the Surat hospital, as
it was maintained late in the eighteenth century, would
probably have been applicable with little change to the
prototype at Pataliputra.

‘The most remarkable institution in Surat is the Banyan
Hospital, of which we have no description more recent than
1780. It then consisted of a large piece of ground enclosed
by high walls, and subdivided into several courts or wards
for the accommodation of animals. In sickness they were
attended with the greatest care, and here found a peaceful
asylum for the infirmities of old age.

‘ When an animal broke a limb, or was otherwise disabled,
his owner brought him to the hospital, where he was received
without regard to the caste or nation of his master. In
1772, this hospital contained horses, mules, oxen, sheep,
goats, monkies, poultry, pigeons, and a variety of birds ; also
an aged tortoise, which was known to have been there
seventy-five years. The most extraordinary ward was that
appropriated for rats, mice, bugs, and other noxious vermin
for whom suitable food was provided V

The active official propaganda carried on by various Foreign
agencies throughout the empire and protected states did not |anda.
satisfy the zeal of Asoka ; who burned with a desire to
diffuse the blessings of both his ethical system and distinctive
Buddhist teaching in all the independent kingdoms with
which he was in touch ; and with this purpose organized an
efficient system of foreign missions worked under his personal
supervision, the results of which are visible to this day. His
conception of the idea of foreign missions on a grand scale

1 Rock Edict II. are divided between the Jain and

2 Hamilton, Description of Hirv- Vaishnava religions, both of which
dostan (1820), vol. i, p. 718, quarto vie with Buddhism in an exaggera-
ed. The ‘Banyan,’ or mercantile ted regard for the sanctity of animal
castes, who supported the hospital, life.

M 3

164

ASOKA MAURYA

was absolutely original, and produced a well-considered and
successful scheme, carried out with method and thoroughness
in conjunction and harmony with his measures of domestic
propaganda.

Extent of Before the year 256 b.c., when the Rock Edicts were
missions, published collectively, the royal missionaries had been dis-
patched to all the protected states and tribes on the frontiers
of the empire, to the independent kingdoms of Southern
India, to Ceylon, And to the Hellenistic monarchies of Syria,
Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia, and Epirus, then governed
respectively by Antiochos Theos, Ptolemy Philadelphos,
Magas, Antigonos Gonatas, and Alexander. The missionary
organization thus embraced three continents, Asia, Africa,
and Europe.

Protected The protected states and tribes brought in this way within
states and ^ j

tribes. the circle of Buddhist influence included the Kambojas of

Tibet with other Himalayan nations ; the Gandharas and
Yavanas of the Kabul valley and regions still further west;
the Bhojas, Pulindas, and Pitenikas dwelling among the hills
of the Yindhya range and Western Ghats1 2 ; and the Andhra
kingdom between the Krishna and Godavari rivers.

Southern The Dravidian peoples of the extreme south, below the
kingdoms, thirteenth degree of latitude, being protected by their
remoteness, had escaped annexation to the northern empire.
In Asoka’s time their territories formed four independent
kingdoms, the Chola, Pandya, Keralaputra, and Satiyaputra.
The capital of the Chola kingdom was probably Uraiyur, or
Old Trichinopoly, and that of the Pandya realm was doubt-
less Korkai in the Tinnevelly District. The Keralaputra
state comprised the Malabar coast south of the Chandragiri
river, and the Satiyaputra country may be identified with the
region where the Tulu language is spoken, of which Manga-
lore is the centre. With all these kingdoms Asoka was on

1 Nepalese tradition applies the the Narmada, or perhaps towards

name Kamboja-desa to Tibet the Konkan coast (Bomb. Gaz., vol.
(Foucher, Iconograpliie bouddhique, i, part ii, p. 277) ; Pulindas, among
p. 134). the Vindhya hills near the Nar-

2 Pitenikas, probably at Paithan mada (ibid., p. 138).
on Upper Godavari ; Bhojas, nearer

CONVERSION OF CEYLON

165

such friendly terms that he was at liberty to send his mis-
sionaries to preach to the people, and even to found monas-
teries in several places. One such institution was established
by his younger brother Mahendra in the Tanjore District,
where its ruins were still visible nine hundred years later x.

An ancient Chinese writer assures us that 4 according to Princes as
the laws of India, when a king dies, he is succeeded by his monks-
eldest son ( Kumararaja ) ; the other sons leave the family
and enter a religious life, and they are no longer allowed
to reside in their native kingdom V This compulsory with-
drawal from secular affairs did not necessarily imply the
disappearance of the younger brother into obscurity. The
church in India, especially Buddhist India, as in Roman
Catholic Europe, offered a career to younger sons, and the
able ecclesiastic sometimes attained higher fame than his
royal relative. Mahendra’s assumption of the yellow robe,
in accordance with the rule above stated, was, in the first
instance, probably due to political necessity rather than to
free choice ; but, whatever motive may have led him to adopt
the monastic life, he became a devout and zealous monk and
a most successful missionary.

When Asoka determined to extend his propaganda to Mahendra
Ceylon, he selected as head of the mission his monk brother, in Ceylon,
who probably was already settled at his monastery in
Southern India, and thence crossed over to Ceylon with his
four colleagues. The teaching of the preachers, backed as
it was by the influence of a monarch so powerful as Asoka,
was speedily accepted by King Tissa of Ceylon and the
members of his court, and the new religion soon gained
a hold on the affections of the people at large. Mahendra
spent the rest of his life in Ceylon, and devoted himself to
the establishment and organization of the Buddhist church
in the island, where he is revered as a saint. His ashes rest
under a great cupola or stupa at Mihintale, one of the most
remarkable among the many notable Buddhist monuments
which are the glory of Ceylon.

1 Beal, Records, ii, 231.

a Ma-twan-lin, cited in Ind. Ant. ix, 22.

166

ASOKA MAURYA

Sinhalese

legend.

Alleged
mission to
Pegu.

The Mahavamsa chronicle, which gives a list of Asoka’s
missionaries and the countries to which they were deputed,
makes no mention of the missions to the Tamil kingdoms of
Southern India. This reticence is probably to be explained
by the fierce hostility between the Sinhalese and the Tamils
of the mainland, which lasted for centuries. If I am right
in believing that Mahendra migrated from his monastery
near Tanjore to the island ; this fact would have been most
distasteful to the monks of the Great Vihara, who could not
bear to think that they were indebted to a resident among
the hated Tamils for instruction in the rudiments of the
faith, and much preferred that people should believe their
religion to have come direct from the Holy Land of
Buddhism. Some motive of this kind seems to have
originated the Sinhalese legend of Mahendra, who is repre-
sented as an illegitimate son of Asoka, and is said to have
been followed by a sister named Sanghamitra (‘ Friend of the
Order ’), who did for the nuns of Ceylon all that her brother
did for the monks. This legend, which is overlaid by many
marvellous inventions, is fiction h The true version, repre-
senting Mahendra as the younger brother of Asoka, was
well remembered at the imperial capital Pataliputra, where
Fa-hien, at the beginning of the fifth century, was shown
the hermitage of Asoka’s saintly brother ; and it was still
the only version known to Hiuen Tsang in the seventh
century. Even when the latter pilgrim took down the
Sinhalese legends from the lips of the island monks whom
he met at Kanchl, he applied the stories to the brother, not
to the son of Asoka 2.

The Mahavamsa seems also to err in attributing to Asoka
the dispatch of missionaries to Pegu ( Sovanabliumi ). No such
mission is mentioned in the inscriptions, and it is very im-
probable that Asoka had any dealings with the countries
to the east of the Bay of Bengal. His face was turned
westwards towards the Hellenistic kingdoms. The Ceylon
form of Buddhism appears to have been introduced into
Burma and Pegu at a very much later date ; and there is

1 See Ind. Ant., vol. xxxii (1903), p. 364. 2 Beal, Records, ii, 246.

FOREIGN MISSIONS

167

reason to believe that the earliest Burmese Buddhism was of
the Tantric Mahayana type, imported direct from Northern
India many centuries after Asoka’s time 1.

Unfortunately no definite l'ecord has been preserved of Missions
the fortunes of the Buddhist missions in the Hellenistic i°nistic
kingdoms of Asia, Africa, and Europe ; nor are the names kingdoms,
of the missionaries known. The influence of Buddhist
doctrine on the heretical Gnostic sects appears to be un-
doubted ; and many writers have suspected that more
orthodox forms of Christian teaching owe some debt to
the lessons of Gautama ; but the subj ect is too obscure for
discussion in these pages.

It is, however, certain that Asoka, by his comprehensive Buddhism
and well-planned measures of evangelization, succeeded in a

transforming the doctrine of a local Indian sect into one of religion,
the great religions of the world. The personal ministry
of Gautama Buddha was confined to a comparatively small
area, comprising about four degrees of latitude and as many
of longitude, between Gaya, Allahabad, and the Himalaya.

Within these limits he was born, lived, and died. When
he died, about 487 b.c., Buddhism was merely a sect of
Hinduism, unknown beyond very restricted limits, and with
no better apparent chance of survival than that enjoyed by
many other contemporary sects now long-forgotten.

The effective organization of the monastic system by the
Buddhists was probably the means of keeping their system
alive and in possession of considerable influence in the
Gangetic valley for the two centuries and a quarter which
elapsed between the death of Gautama and the conversion
of Asoka. His imperial patronage, gradually increasing as
his faith grew in intensity, made the fortune of Buddhism,
and raised it to the position which enables it still to dispute
with Christianity the first place among the religions of the
world, so far as the number of believers is concerned.

Asoka did not attempt to destroy either Brahmanical The work
Hinduism or Jainism; but his prohibition of bloody sacri- of Asoka'

1 Temple, ‘ Notes on Antiquities in Ramannadesa ’ (Jnd. Ant., vol. xxii
(1893), p. 3591.

168

ASOKA MAURY A

Compari-
son with
Constan-
tine.

Upagup-

ta.

fices, the preference which he openly avowed for Buddhism,
and his active propaganda undoubtedly brought his favourite
doctrine to the front, and established it as the dominant
religion both in India and Ceylon. It still retains that
position in the southern island, but has vanished from the
land of its birth, and has failed to retain its grasp upon
many of its distant conquests.

Still, notwithstanding many failures, fluctuations, develop-
ments, and corruptions, Buddhism now commands, and will
command for countless centuries to come, the devotion of
hundreds of millions of men. This great result is the work
of Asoka alone, and entitles him to rank for all time with
that small body of men who may be said to have changed
the faith of the world.

The obvious comparison of Asoka with Constantine has
become a commonplace, but, like most historical parallels,
it is far from exact. Christianity, when the emperor adopted
it as the state creed, was already a power throughout the
Roman Empire, and Constantine’s adherence was rather an
act of submission to an irresistible force than one of
patronage to an obscure sect. Buddhism, on the contrary,
when Asoka accorded to it his invaluable support, was but
one of many sects struggling for existence and survival, and
without any pretension to dictate imperial policy. His
personal action, probably prompted and directed by his
teacher Upagupta, was the direct cause of the spread of
the doctrine beyond the limits of India ; and, if a Christian
parallel must be sought, his work is comparable with that
of Saint Paul, rather than with that of Constantine.

Upagupta, to whom the conversion of Asoka is ascribed,
is said to have been the son of Gupta, a perfumer, and to
have been born either at Benares or Mathura. Probably he
was a native of the latter city, where the monastery built
by him still existed in the seventh century. Tradition also
associated his name with Sind, in which country he is said
to have made frequent missionary journeys1.

1 Beal, Records, i, 182 ; ii, 88, p. 142 ; Cunningham, Reports, xx,
273; Growse, Mathura, 3rd ed„ 32. The identity of Tissa, son of

CHARACTER OF ASOKA

169

The vigorous and effective action taken by Asoka to Asoka’s
propagate his creed and system of morals is conclusive proof energy’
of his absolute honesty of purpose, and justifies the modern
reader in giving full credence to the devout professions
made by him in the edicts. ‘Work I must,’ he observed,

‘ for the public benefit 1 ; and work he did. The world still
enjoys the fruit of his labours ; and his words, long lost, but
now restored to utterance, ring with the sound of sincerity
and truth.

Asoka was a hard-working king, as unwearied in business and in-
as Philip II of Spain, ready to receive reports ‘ at any hour ^ustry'
and any place,1 and yet dissatisfied with the outcome of his
industry. ‘ I am never,1 he laments, ‘ fully satisfied with my
exertions and dispatch of business.1 Probably he worked
too hard, and would have effected still more if he had done
less. But his ideal of duty was high, and like the Stoic
philosopher, he felt bound to obey the law of his nature,
and to toil on, be the result success or failure.

The character of Asoka must be deduced from his words. Character
The style is of the man, and I firmly believe that the edicts of ^soka‘
express his thoughts in his own words. They are written in
a style far too peculiar and distinctive to be the work of
a Secretary of State, and are alive with personal feeling.

No secretary would have dared to put in his master’s mouth
the passionate expressions of remorse for the misery caused
by the Kalinga war, leading up to the resolve to eschew
aggressive warfare for the rest of his life, and the declaration
that ‘ although a man do him an injury, His Majesty holds
that it must be patiently borne, as far as it possibly can be
borne V

The edicts reveal Asoka as a man who sought to combine
the piety of the monk with the wisdom of the king, and to
make India the kingdom of righteousness as he conceived it,
a theocracy without a God ; in which the government should

Moggali, the hero of the Ceylon p. 70). There is no reason to iden-
tales, with the real personage Upa- tify Tissa with the Mogaliputa of
gupta has been demonstrated by the Safichi relic caskets ( Bliilsa
Lt.-Col. Waddell (J. A. S. B., 1897, Topes, pp. 115, 120).
part i, p. 76 ; Proc. A. S.B., 1899, 1 Rock Edict XIII.

170

ASOKA MAURYA

Asoka’s

queens.

Legend

Kunala.

Legend

Jalauka.

act the part of Providence, and guide the people in the
right way. Every man, he maintained, must work out his
own salvation, and eat the fruit of his deeds. ‘The fruit
of exertion is not to be obtained by the great man only ;
because even the small man by exertion can win for himself
much heavenly bliss ; and for this purpose was given the
precept — “ Let small and great exert themselves 1.” ’ The
government could point out the road, but each man must
travel it for himself.

Reverence, compassion, truthfulness, and sympathy were
the virtues which he inculcated ; irreverence, cruelty, false-
hood, and intolerance were the vices which he condemned.
The preacher was no mere sermon-writer. He was a man
of affairs, versed in the arts of peace and war, the capable
ruler of an immense empire, a great man, and a great king.

Asoka, like all Oriental monarchs, was a polygamist, and
had at least two consorts, who ranked as queens. The name
of the second of these ladies, Karuvakl, is preserved in a
brief edict signifying the royal pleasure that her charitable
donations should be regarded by all officials concerned as
her act and deed, redounding to her accumulation of merit.
She is described as the mother of Tivara, who may be con-
sidered as a favourite child of the aged emperor at the time
the edict was issued, late in his reign.

Tradition avers that his faithful chief queen for many
years was named Asandhimitra, and that when she died, and
Asoka was old, he married a dissolute young woman hamed
Tishyaraksliita ; concerning whom and her step-son Kunala,
the old folk-lore tale, known to the Greeks as that of
Phaedra and Hippolytus, is related with much imaginative
embellishment. But folk-lore is not history, and the
pathetic story of the blinded Kunala must not be read or
criticized as matter-of-fact narrative. The legend appears
in diverse forms with various names.

? Another son of Asoka, named Jalauka, who plays a large
part in Kashmir tradition, although rather a shadowy per-

1 Minor Rock Edict I (Rupnath)

DASARATHA

171

sonage, has more appearance of reality than Kunala. He
was reputed to have been an active and vigorous king of
Kashmir, who expelled certain intrusive foreigners, and
conquered the plains as far as Kanauj. He was hostile to
Buddhism and devoted to the worship of Siva and the
Divine Mothers, in whose honour he and his queen, Isana-
devl, erected many temples at places which can be identified.

But the story of Jalauka, notwithstanding the topographical
details, is essentially legendary, and no independent corro-
boration of the Kashmir tradition has been discovered 1.

Tlvara, the son mentioned in the Queen’s Edict, is not Dasara-
heard of again, and may have predeceased his father. t^ia'
Dasaratha, the grandson of Asoka, who is described in the
Vishnu Purana as the son of Suyasas, or Suparsva, was
certainly a reality, being known from brief dedicatory in-
scriptions on the walls of cave-dwellings at the Nagarjuni
Hills, which he bestowed upon the Ajlvikas, as his grand-
father had done in the neighbouring Barabar Hills. The
script, language, and style of Dasaratha’s records prove that
his date was very close to that of Asoka, whom probably
he directly succeeded. Assuming this to be the fact, the
accession of Dasaratha may be dated in 231 b. c. His reign
appears to have been short, and is allotted (under other
names) eight years in two of the Puranas.

The whole duration of the Maurya dynasty according to Decline
Puranic authority was 137 years, and if this period be of the'*
accepted and reckoned from the accession of Chandragupta Maurya
in 321 b. c., the dynasty must have come to an end in dynastJr-
184 b. c., which date is certainly approximately correct.

Four princes who succeeded Dasaratha, and each reigned
for a few years, are mere names 2. The empire seems to
have broken up very soon after Asoka’s death, his descen-
dants, whose names are recorded in the Puranic lists, retain-

1 Stein, transl. Rdjataranginl, Satadhanvan. The existence of

bk. i, vv. 108-52. One of the con- ^alisuka is confirmed by the early
fused Tibetan traditions assigns astronomical work, the Gargi
eleven sons to Asoka (Schiefner, Samhita, which alludes to him in
Taranath, p.,48). the well-known historical passage,

2 Sangata, Salisuka, Somasarman, quoted post, p. 193.

172

ASOKA MAURYA

Local

Maurya

Rajas.

ing only Magadha and the neighbouring home provinces.
The Andhra protected state between the Krishna and
Godavari rivers was among the earliest defections, and
rapidly grew into a powerful kingdom, stretching right
across India, as will be narrated in the next chapter. The
last king of the imperial Maurya line, a weak prince
named Brihadratha, was treacherously assassinated by his
commander-in-chief, Pushyamitra.

But descendants of the great Asoka continued as local
Rajas in Magadha for many centuries ; the last of them
being Purna-varman, who was nearly contemporary with the
Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsang, in the seventh century h

Petty Maurya dynasties, probably connected in some way
with the imperial line, ruled in the Konkan, between the
Western Ghats and the sea, and some other parts of
Western India, during the sixth, seventh, and eighth
centuries, and are frequently mentioned in inscriptions3.

1 Beal, Records, ii, 118, 174. rese Districts,’ 2nd ed., in Bombay

2 Fleet, ‘ Dynasties of the Kana- Gazetteer, vol. i, part ii, pp. 282-4.

173

THE MAURYA DYNASTY

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

Year b.c.

Event.

326 or 325 .

Chandragupta Maurya in his youth met Alexander the
Great.

Sept. 325

Feb. 324 . .

Alexander quitted India.

Alexander, while in Karmania, received news of the

June, 323 .

Oct. 323-322
321 ...

murder of his _satrap Philippos, in India ; and placed
Eudamos and Ambhi, king of Taxila, in charge of the
Indian provinces.

Death of Alexander at Babylon.

Revolt of Panjab under Chandragupta Maurya.
Destruction of Nanda dynasty of Magadha ; accession
of Chandragupta Maurya as emperor of India.

321 ...

315 ...

Second partition of Alexander’s empire at Triparadeisos.
Seleukos Nikator compelled by Antigonos to retire to
Egypt.

qi a

Oct. 1, 312 .
306 ...

305 or 304 .

303 ...

Recovery of Babylon by Seleukos.

Establishment of Seleukidan era.

Assumption by Seleukos of title of king.

Invasion of India by Seleukos.

Defeat of Seleukos by Chandragupta ; treaty of peace ;
cession of a large part of Ariana by Seleukos.

303-301 . .
302 . . i

301 ...

297 . . .

circa 296 . .

285 ...

280 ...

March of Seleukos against Antigonos.

Megasthenes ambassador of Seleukos at Pataliputra.
Defeat and death of Antigonos at Ipsos in Phrygia.
Accession ofBindusara Amitraghata as emperor of India.
Deimachos ambassador of Seleukos at Pataliputra.
Ptolemy Philadelphos, king of Egypt, acc.

Seleukos Nikator, king of Syria, d. ; Antiochos Soter, his

278 or 277 .

son, acc.

Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedonia, grandson of
Antiochos I, acc.

272 ...

Alexander, king of Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, and opponent
of Antigonos Gonatas, acc.

272 ...
269 ...

264 ...

261 ...

Accession of Asoka-vardhana as emperor of India.
Coronation ( abhisheka ) of Asoka.

Outbreak of First Punic War.

Conquest of Kalinga by Asoka ; Antiochos Theos, king
of Syria, son of Antiochos Soter, acc.

259 ...

Asoka abolished hunting, instituted tours devoted to
works of piety, and dispatched missionaries.

258 ...

Magas, king of Cyrene, half-brother of Ptolemy Phila-
delphos, died ; (?) Alexander, king of Epirus, died.

257 ...

Rock Edicts III and IV of Asoka, who instituted quin-
quennial official progresses for propagation of Law
of Piety ( dliarma ), and dedicated cave-dwellings at
Barabar for the use of the Ajivikas.

174

ASOKA MAURYA

Year b.c.

Event.

256

255

? 254
250

249

247 . .

247 or 246

243 . .

242 . .

242 or 239

241 . .

? 240 . .

? 232-231

Publication of complete series of Fourteen Rock Edicts,
and of the Kalinga Borderers’ Edict by Asoka, who
appointed Censors of the Law of Piety ( dharmamaha- -
mdtrah).

Asoka enlarged for the second time the stupa of Konaka-
mana Buddha near Kapilavastu.

Publication by Asoka of the Kalinga Provincials’ Edict.

Dedication by Asoka of a third cave-dwelling at Barabar
for the use of the Ajlvikas.

Pilgrimage of Asoka to Buddhist holy places ; erection of
pillars at Lumbini Garden and a stupa of Konakamana ;
(?) his visit to Nepal, and foundation of Lalita Patan ;
his daughter Charumatl becomes a nun.

Ptolemy Philadelphos, king of Egypt, died.

Antiochos Theos, king of Syria, grandson of Seleukos
Nikator, died; revolt about this time of Diodotos
(Theodotus), and separation of Bactria from the
Seleukidan empire.

Composition by Asoka of Pillar Edict VI, confirming the
Rock Edicts.

Publication by Asoka of complete series of Seven Pillar
Edicts.

Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedonia, died.

Close of First Punic War ; rise of the kingdom of
Pergamum.

Supplementary Pillar Edicts of Asoka.

Publication of Minor Rock Edicts and Bhabra Edict ;

? 224 . .

? 216 . .
? 206 . .

? 199 . .

? 191 . .

184 . .

Asoka died ; Dasaratha (Kusala, Vdyu P.), emperor of
India, acc., and dedicated Nagarjuni caves to the
Ajlvikas ; break-up of Maurya empire began.

Sangata Maurya, king (Bandhupalita, Vdyu P.).

Sali£uka Maurya, king (Indrapalita, Vdyu P.).
Somasarman Maurya, king (Dasavarman, or Devavarman
{Vdyu P.).

Satadhanwan Maurya, king (Satadhara, Vdyu P.).
Brihadratha Maurya, king (Brihadasva, Vdyu P.).
Pushyamitra Sunga, ace., having slain Brihadratha ;
final destruction of Maurya Empire h

1 The names of the successors of
Asoka are taken from the Vishnu
Purana, omitting Suyasas, for the
reasons given in the text. The
Vdyu, which is probably the oldest
of the Puranas ( Early Ilist. of the
DeJckan, 2nd ed., p. 162), gives only
nine names for the dynasty, as in
brackets, and also states the dura-
tion of each reign. The dates given
are assigned accordingly, on the
assumption that the reign of Asoka
lasted for about forty years. Its

duration, according to the Vdyu
Purana, was thirty-six, and, accord-
ing to the Mahavamsa, thirty-seven
years, both of which periods should
probably be reckoned from the coro-
nation. The Puranas agree in as-
signing 137 years to the Maurya
dynasty, but the total of the lengths
of reigns, according to the Vdyu
Purana, is only 133. The difference
of four years may be accounted for
by the interval between the acces-
sion and the coronation of Asoka.

CHAPTER VIII

THE SUNGA, KANVA, AND ANDHRA DYNASTIES,
184 B.C. TO 236 A.D.

The Sunga Dynasty

Pushyamitra, the commander-in-chief, having slain his 184 u. c.
master Brihadratha Maurya, and imprisoned the minister, ^oncf*'
usurped the vacant throne, and established himself as Pushya-
sovereign of the now contracted Maurya dominions 1 ; thus gunga
founding a dynasty known to history as that of the Sungas 2.

The capital continued to be, as of old, Pataliputra, and Extent of
probably all the central or home provinces of the empire Sunga ^ g
recognized the usurper’s authority, which extended to the
south as far as the Narmada river 3, and presumably embraced
the territories in the Gangetic basin, corresponding with the
modern Bihar, Tirhut, and the United Provinces of Agra and
Oudh. It is unlikely that either the later Mauryas or the
Sungas exercised any jurisdiction in the Panjab. Wilson’s

1 The Puranic account of Pushya-
mitra’s usurpation is confirmed by
Bana (seventh century), who evi-
dently had access to documents
now lost. His text is : Pratijna
durbalam cha baladarSanavyapa-
dusar-dar&itd&esha-sainyah senanlr
anaryo Mawryam Brihadratham
pipesha Pushpamitrah svdminam |J
Biihler {hid. Ant. ii, 363) trans-
lates : ‘ And reviewing the whole
army, under the pretext of showing
him his forces, the mean general
Pushpamitra crushed his master,
Brihadratha the Maurya, who was
weak of purpose.’ The rendering
by Cowell and Thomas ( Harsa-
carita, transl. p. 193) differs but
slightly. They translate the first
clause : ‘ having displayed his

whole army on the pretext of mani-
festing his power.’ Biihler’s ver-

sion is to be preferred.

2 Manuscripts usually read Push-
pamitra, but Pushyamitra is the
correct form (Biihler, Ind. ,Ant. ii,
362). The dynastic name Sunga is
attested by the Puranas, Bana
(p. 193), and the Barhut (Bharhut)
inscription beginning with Suganarh
raje, ‘ during the reign of the
Sungas’ {Arch. S. W. I. v, 73 ; Ind.
Ant. xiv, 138, with facsimile).

3 ‘ The Queen [of Agnimitra,
son of Pushyamitra] has a brother
of inferior caste, Yirasena by name,
he has been placed by the king in
command of a frontier fortress on
the banks of the MandakinI ’
(Introd. to Malavikagnimitra).
Mr. Tawney (transl., p. 6) notes
that ‘ the MandakinI here probably
means the Narmada (Nerbudda).
One of the Bombay manuscripts
reads the Prakrit equivalent of
Narmada.’

176

THE SUNGA DYNASTY

155-3 b. c.
Invasion
of Me-
nander.

Invasion
of Khara-
vela.

Repulse
of Me-
nander.

belief that the arms of Pushyamitra reached the Indus was
due to a misunderstanding 1.

During the latter years of his reign, the usurper was
threatened by serious dangers menacing from both east and
west. Menander, a relative of the Bactrian monarch Eukra-
tides, and king of Kabul and the Panjab, formed the design
of emulating the exploits of Alexander, and advanced with
a formidable force into the interior of India. He annexed
the Indus delta, the peninsula of Surashtra (Kathiawar),
and some other territories on the western coast ; occupied
Mathura on the Jumna ; besieged Madhyamika (now Nagarl
near Chitor) in Rajputana ; invested Saketam in southern
Oudh ; and threatened Pataliputra, the capital.

About the same time, or a little earlier, Kharavela, king
of Kalinga on the coast of the Bay of Bengal, invaded
Magadha. He claims to have won some successes, and to
have humbled his adversary, but whatever advantage he
gained would seem to have been temporary, or to have
affected only the eastern frontier of the Magadhan kingdom 2.

The more formidable invasion of Menander was certainly
repelled after a severe struggle, and the Greek king was
obliged to retire to his own country, but probably retained
his conquests in Western India for a few years longer 3.

1 Wilson, Theatre of the Hindus,
ii, 353 ; Cunningham, Num. Cliron.,
1870, p. 227.

2 The inscription of Kharavela,
king of Kalinga (Orissa), incised
on the rock of the Hathigumpha
cave in the Udayagiri hill, nineteen

miles south of Katak (Cuttack),
although sadly mutilated, is one of
the most interesting epigraphic
monuments of India. It recounts
the history of the reign up to the
thirteenth year, and is dated in the
year 164 expired, and 165 current,
of the Maurya era. No other
reference to that era is known.
Assuming that the Maurya era
was reckoned from the corona-
tion of Chandragupta Maurya, and
that that event occurred in 321 b.c.,
the date is equivalent to (321-164)

157 b.c. If the Maurya era was
identical with the Seleukidan, the
date of the inscription will be nine
years later. Kharavela in his fifth
year repaired a work constructed
by Nanda Raja. In his twelfth
year he advanced to the Ganges
(158 b.c.)* and claims to have
humbled the king of Magadha, sell.
Pushyamitra. Nanda Raja is then
again mentioned. Kharavela was
himself a Jain, but, like Asoka,
honoured all sects ( savapasanda-
pujako). The translation in Cun-
ningham’s Corpus, Inscriptions of
Asoka, p. 132, is not to be depended
on. The only authentic version is
that by Bhagwan Lai Indraji
( Actes du Sixierne Congrbs Or.,
tome iii, pp. 174-7, Leide, 1885).

3 See Appendix I at end of this

HORSE-SACRIFICE

177

Thus ended the last attempt by a European general to India and
conquer India by land. All subsequent invaders from the EuroPe-
western continent have come in ships, trusting to their
command of the sea, and using it as their base. From the
repulse of Menander in 153 b. c. until the bombardment of
Calicut by Vasco da Gama in 1502 a.d. India enjoyed im-
munity from European attack ; and it is unlikely that the
invasion of India by land will be seriously undertaken ever
again.

During the progress of these wars the outlying southern Agnimi-
provinces extending to the Narmada river were administered war
by the Crown Prince, Agnimitra, as viceroy, who had his Vidarbha.
capital at Vidisa, the modern Bhllsa on the Betwa in Sin-
dhia’s territory. Agnimitra’s youthful son Vasumitra was
employed on active service under the orders of the king, his
grandfather. Pushyamitra, who at this time must have been
advanced in years, resolved to crown his military successes by
substantiating and proclaiming a formal claim to the rank
of Lord Paramount of Northern India. His pretensions
received confirmation by the success of Agnimitra in a local
war with his southern neighbour, the Raja of Vidarbha
(Berar), which resulted in the complete defeat of the Raja,
who was obliged to cede half of his dominions to a rival
cousin ; the river Varada ( Warda) being constituted the
boundary between the two principalities.

Pushyamitra determined to revive and celebrate with
appropriate magnificence the antique rite of the horse-
sacrifice ( aivamedha ), which, according to immemorial tradi-
tion, could only be performed by a paramount sovereign,
and involved as a preliminary a formal and successful
challenge to all rival claimants to supreme power, delivered
after this fashion : —

‘ A horse of a particular colour was consecrated by the Afoame-
performance of certain ceremonies, and was then turned h^se-1
loose to wander for a year. The king, or his representative, sacrifice,
followed the horse with an army, and when the animal

this chapter, ‘The Invasion of Menander, and the Date of Patan-
jali.’

SMITH

178

THE SUNGA DYNASTY

Yavanas.

Celebra-
tion of the
sacrifice.

entered a foreign country, the ruler of that country was
bound either to fight or to submit. If the liberator of the
horse succeeded in obtaining or enforcing the submission of
all the countries over which it passed, he returned in triumph
with all the vanquished Rajas in his train ; but, if he failed,
he was disgraced, and his pretensions ridiculed. After his
successful return, a great festival was held, at which the
horse was sacrificed V

The command, at least nominally, of the guard attendant
on the consecrated steed liberated by Pushyamitra was
entrusted to his young grandson, Vasumitra, who is said to
have encountered and routed a band of certain Yavanas, or
western foreigners, who took up the challenge on the banks
of the river Sindhu, which now forms the boundary between
Bundelkhand and the Rajputana states 2. These disputants
may have been part of the division of Menander’s army
which had undertaken the siege of Madhyamika in Rajpu-
tana.

The Yavanas and all other rivals having been disposed of
in due course, Pushyamitra was justified in his claim to rank
as the paramount power of Northern India, and straightway
proceeded to announce his success by a magnificent celebration
of the sacrifice at his capital. The dramatist, who has so
well preserved the traditions of the time, professes to record
the vei’y words of the invitation addressed by the victorious
king to his son the Crown Prince, as follows : —

‘ May it be well with thee ! From the sacrificial enclosure
the commander-in-chief Pushpamitra sends this message to
his son Agnimitra, who is in the territory of Vidisa, affec-
tionately embracing him. Re it known unto thee that I,
having been consecrated for the Rajasuya [i. e. asvamedha ]
sacrifice, let loose free from all check or curb a horse which
was to be brought back after a year, appointing Vasumitra
as its defender, girt with a guard of a hundred Rajputs.
This very horse wandering on the right [or “south”] bank
of the Sindhu was claimed by a cavalry squadron of the
Yavanas. Then there was a fierce struggle between the two
forces. Then Vasumitra, the mighty bowman, having over-

1 Dowson, Classical Diet., s. v. Asvamedha.

s Not the Indus.

ALLEGED PERSECUTION

179

come his foes, rescued by force my excellent horse, which they
were endeavouring to carry off. Accordingly, I will now
sacrifice, having had my horse brought back to me by my
grandson, even as Ansumat brought back the horse to
Sagara. Therefore, you must dismiss anger from your mind,
and without delay come with my daughters-in-law to behold
the sacrifice V

The performance of the solemn rite was probably witnessed Patanjali.
by the celebrated grammarian Patanjali, who alludes to the
event in terms which imply that it occurred in his time.

The exaggerated regard for the sanctity of animal life, Beginning
which was one of the most cherished features of Buddhism, man[c;d
and the motive of Asoka’s most characteristic legislation, had reaction,
necessarily involved the prohibition of bloody sacrifices, which
are essential to certain forms of Brahmanical worship, and
were believed by the orthodox to possess the highest saving
efficacy. The memorable horse-sacrifice of Pushyamitra
marked the beginning of the Brahmanical reaction, which
was fully developed five centuries later in the time of Samu-
dragupta and his successors.

But the revival of the practice of sacrifice by an orthodox Pushya-
Hindu ruler did not necessarily involve persecution of Jains per_
and Buddhists who abhorred the rite. There is no evidence secutor.
that any member of those sects was ever compelled to sacrifice
against his will, as, under Buddhist and Jain domination, the
orthodox were forced to abstain from ceremonies regarded
by them as essential to salvation. Pushyamitra has been
accused of persecution, but the evidence is merely that of
a legend of no authority 1 2.

1 Malavikaynimitra, ‘ The Story
of Malavika and Agnimitra,’ Act v,
transl. Tawney, p. 78, with the
substitution of the word ‘ forces ’
for ‘ hosts,’ which is not suitable.
Abstracts of the plot are given by
Wilson ( Theatre of the Hindus , vol.
ii, pp. 345-53, and Sylvain Levi,

Theatre Indien, pp. 165-70). It has
been translated into Latin by Juil-
berg (Bonn, 1840), into English by
Tawney (Calcutta, 1875), into Ger-
man by Weber (Berlin, 1856), and

twice into French by Foucaux and
Victor Henry (Paris, 1877, 1889).
The historical tradition seems to be
authentic. Kalidasa, the author, pro-
bably lived during the Gupta period
in the fifth, or possibly, the fourth
century. For the Sagara legend see
Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s. v.

3 Divyavadana in Burnouf, Intro-
duction, pp. 433, 434. The same
romance is responsible for the fiction
that Asoka offered a reward for the
head of every Brahman ascetic.

180

THE SUNGA DYNASTY

Persecu- But, although the alleged proscription of Buddhism by
India!" Pushyamitra is not supported by evidence, and it is true
that the gradual extinction of that religion in India was due
in the main to causes other than persecution ; it is also true
that from time to time fanatic kings indulged in savage
outbursts of cruelty, and committed genuine acts of persecu-
tion directed against Jains or Buddhists as such. Well-
established instances of such proceedings will be met with in
the course of this history, and others, which do not come
within its limits, ai’e on record. That such outbreaks of
wrath should have occurred is not wonderful, if we consider
the extreme oppressiveness of the Jain and Buddhist pro-
hibitions when ruthlessly enforced, as they certainly were by
some Rajas, and probably by Asoka. The wonder rather is
that persecutions were so rare, and that as a rule the various
sects managed to live together in harmony, and in the
enjoyment of fairly impartial official favour1.

148 b.c. When Pushyamitra, some five years subsequent to the

The later re}-reaj- Qf Menander, died, after a long and eventful reign,
Sungas. ’ ’ ° ..

he was succeeded by his son the Crown Prince, Agnnmtra,

who had governed the southern provinces during his father’s

lifetime. He reigned but a few years, and was succeeded

by Sujyeshtha, probably a brother, who was followed seven

years later by Vasumitra, a son of Agnimitra, who as a youth

had guarded the sacrificial horse on behalf of his aged

grandfather. The next four reigns are said to have been

abnormally short, amounting together to only seventeen

years. The inference that the extreme brevity of these reigns

Taranath, as interpreted by Vassi-
lief (Le Bouddisme, p. 50), does not
impute the guilt of persecution to
Pushyamitra.

1 The reality of religious persecu-
tion of Buddhism in India, denied
by Rhys Davids (/. Pali Text Soc.,
1896, pp. 87-92), is affirmed by
Hodgson, Sewell, and Watters
(ibid., pp. 107-10). The instance of
Sasanka, described by the nearly
contemporary Hiuen Tsang (Beal,
Records, i, 212; ii, 42, 91, 118, 121),
is fully proved. The case against

Mihirakula is almost as strong. In
ancient times Tibet and Khotan
were closely connected with India.
Tibetan history records a persecu-
tion of Buddhism by king Glang
Darma, about 840 a.d. (Rockhill,
Life of the Buddha, p. 226), and a
similar event is recorded in Khotan
annals (ibid., pp. 243-5). A ter-
rible persecution of the cognate
religion Jainism occurred in
Southern India (Elliot, Coins of
Southern India, p. 126).

DEVABHUTI

181

indicates a period of confusion during which palace revolu-
tions were frequent is strongly confirmed by the one incident
of the time which has survived in tradition. Sumitra, another
son of Agnimitra, who was, we are told, inordinately devoted
to the stage, was surprised when in the midst of his favourite
actors by one Mitradeva, who ‘severed his head with a
scimitar, as a lotus is shorn from its stalk V The ninth
king, Bhagavata, is credited with a long reign of twenty-six
years, but we know nothing about him. The tenth king,
Devabhuti or Devabhumi, was, we are assured, a man of
licentious habits, and lost his life while engaged in a
discreditable intrigue. The dynasty thus came to an un-
honoured end after having occupied the throne for a hundred
and twelve years 1 2.

The Kanva or Kanvayana Dynasty.

The plot which cost the royal debauchee, Devabhuti, his 72 b.c.
throne and life was contrived by his Brahman minister
Vasudeva, who seems to have controlled the state even
during the lifetime of his nominal master 3. Mitradeva,
the slayer of Prince Sumitra, probably belonged to the same
powerful family, which is known to history as that of the
Kanvas, or Kanvayanas. There is reason to believe that
the later Sunga kings enjoyed little real power, and were
puppets in the hands of their Brahman ministers, like the
Mahratta Rajas in the hands of the Peshwas. But the

1 Bana, Harsa-carita, ch. vi ;
Cowell and Thomas, transl., p. 193.

2 The ‘ Mitra ’ coins, of several
kinds, found in Oudh, Rohilkhand,
Gorakhpur, &c., sometimes assumed
to belong to the Sungas, cannot be
utilized safely as documents for
that dynasty. Only one name on
the coins, that of Agnimitra, agrees
with the Puranic lists. For detailed
descriptions see Carlleyle and
Rivett-Carnac, J. A. S. B., 1880,
part i, pp. 21-8, 87-90, with plates;
Cunningham, Coins of Ancient
India, pp. 69, 74, 79, 93.

3 ‘These are the ten Sungas,

who will govern the kingdom for
a hundred and twelve years. Deva-
bhati, the last Sunga, being addicted
to immoral indulgences, his minister,
the Kanwa, named Vasudeva, will
murder him, and usurp the king-
dom ’ ( Vishnu Purdna, ed. Wilson
and Hall, vol. iv, p. 192).

‘ In a frenzy of passion the over-
libidinous (jluiiga was at the in-
stance of his minister Vasudeva
reft of his life by a daughter of
Devabhuti’s slave-woman disguised
as his queen ’ (Bana, Harsa-carita,
ch. vi, transl. Cowell and Thomas,
p. 193).

182

THE KANVA DYNASTY

63-27 b. c,

The later
Kanvas.

Identity
of the
Andhra
king.

distinct testimony of both the Puranas and Bana that
Devabhuti, the tenth and last Sunga, was the person slain
by Vasudeva the first Kanva, forbids the acceptance of
Professor Bhandarkar’s theory that the Kanva dynasty
should be regarded as contemporary with the Sunga x.

Vasudeva seized the throne rendered vacant by his crime,
and was succeeded by three of his descendants. The whole
dynasty, comprising four reigns, covers a period of only
forty-five years. The figures indicate, as in the case of the
Sungas, that the times were disturbed, and that succession
to the throne was often effected by violent means. Nothing
whatever is known about the reigns of any of the Kanva
kings. The last of them was slain in 27 b.c. by a king of
the Andhra or Satavahana dynasty, which at that time
possessed wide dominions stretching across the tableland
of the Deccan from sea to sea. Although no coins or
monuments directly connecting the Andhra monarchy with
Pataliputra the ancient imperial capital have yet been dis-
covered, it is probable that the Andhra kings for a time
controlled the kingdom of Magadha. The most ancient
coins of the dynasty at present known are of northern type,
and bear the name of Sata, who may have been the slayer
of Susarman, the last Kanva. The Andhra coinage from
first to last has many affinities with the mintages of the
north, which may be readily explained, if the dynasty really
held Magadha as a dependency for a considerable period 1 2.

The Puranas treat the whole Andhra dynasty as following
the Kanva, and consequently identify the slayer of the last
Kanva prince with Simuka or Sipraka, the first of the
Andhra line. But, as a matter of fact, the independent
Andhra dynasty had begun about 220 b.c., long before the
suppression of the Kanvas in 27 b.c., and the Andhra king
who slew Susarman cannot possibly have been Simuka. It

1 E. Hist, of Dekkan, 2nd ed. in ‘Andhra Coinage’ in Z. T>. M. G.t

Bomb. Gaz., vol. i, part ii, p. 163. 1903, pp. 605-27. The coins with
I adopted this theory in my ‘Andhra the legend Sri Sdtasa ( Sara Satasa,
Dynasty’ ( Z . D. M. G., 1902, p. without vowel marks) are published
658) — but now reject it. and figured for the first time on

2 See the author’s paper on the p. 615.

RISE OF ANDHRA DYNASTY

183

is impossible to affirm with certainty who he was, because
the dates of accession of the various Andhra princes are not
known with accuracy. The intermediate dates inserted in
the chronological table at the end of this chapter are merely
rough approximations to the truth, being based upon the
lengths of reigns as stated in the Puranas, which are known
to be untrustworthy. In three cases (kings Nos. 23, 24, 27)
where the Puranic lengths of the reigns can be checked by
inscriptions, the Puranas are proved to be in error. All
that can be affirmed at present is that the slayer of
Susarman, the last Kanva, must have been one of three
Andhra kings, namely No. 12, Kuntala Satakarni, No. 13,

Sata Satakarni, or No. 14, Pulumayi I, whose reigns
collectively are assigned a period of forty years. The year
27 b.c. may be accepted as the true date of the extinction
of the Kanva dynasty ; because it depends, not on the
duration assigned to each several reign, but on the periods
of 112 and 45 years respectively allotted to the Sunga and
Kanva dynasties, which seem worthy of credence ; and this
date, 27 b. c., apparently must fall within the limits of one
or other of the three reigns named.

Andhra Dynasty.

Before proceeding to narrate the history of the Andhra Earliest
kings after the extinction of the Kanva dynasty we must ofth^01*
cast back a glance to the more distant past, and trace the Andhras.
steps by which the Andhra kingdom became one of the
greatest powers in India.

In the days of Chandragupta Maurya and Megasthenes 300 b. c.
the Andhra nation, probably a Dravidian people, now repre-
sented by the large population speaking the Telugu language,
occupied the deltas of the Godavari and Krishna (Kistna)
rivers on the eastern side of India, and was reputed to
possess a military force second only to that at the command
of the king of the Prasii, Chandragupta Maurya. The
Andhra territory included thirty walled towns, besides
numerous villages, and the army consisted of 100,000

184

THE ANDHRA DYNASTY

infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 1,000 elephants 1. The capital
of the state was then Sri Kakulam, on the lower course of
the Krishna 2.

256 b. c.
Andhras
tributary
to Asoka,

220 b.c.
Kings
Sirauka
and

Krishna.

The nation thus described was evidently independent, and
it is not known at what time, in the reign either of Chandra-
gupta or Bindusara, the Andhras were compelled to submit
to the irresistible forces at the command of the Maurya
kings and recognize the suzerainty of Magadha.

When next heard of in Asoka’s edicts (256 b.c.) they were
enrolled among the tribes resident in the outer circle of the
empire, subject to the imperial commands, but doubtless
enjoying a considerable degree of autonomy under their own
Raja3. The withdrawal of the strong arm of Asoka was
the signal for the disruption of his vast empire. While the
home provinces continued to obey his feeble successors upon
the throne of Pataliputra, the distant governments shook
off the imperial yoke and reasserted their independence.

The Andhras were not slow to take advantage of the
opportunity given by the death of the great emperor, and
very soon after the close of his reign, set up as an inde-
pendent power under the government of a king named
Simuka. The new dynasty extended its sway with such
extraordinary rapidity that, in the reign of the second king
Krishna (Kanha), the town of Nasik, near the source of the
Godavari in the Western Ghats, was included in the Andhra

dominions, which thus stretched across India.

168 b. c. A little later, either the third or fourth kina:, who is

rpi j| o O'

Kham/ 1 described as Lord of the West, was able to send a force

vela.

1 Pliny, Hist. Nat., book vi, 21,
22, 23, from information probably
supplied by Megasthenes. The
passage is fully discussed in the
author’s monograph, ‘ Andhra His-
tory and Coinage’ ( Z . D. M. G.,

1902, 1903), to which reference may
be made by readers desirous of
examining in detail the sources of
Andhra history.

3 Burgess, ‘ The Stupas of Ama-
ravati and Jaggayapeta, ’ A . S. S. /.,
p. 3 (referring to Wilson, Mackenzie
MSS., vol. i, introd. p. cxvii, and

Campbell, Telugu Grammar, introd.
p. ii). The site of the ancient town
(N. lat. 20° 28', E. long. 85° 55') has
been cut away by the river (Rea,
Proc. Govt. Madras, Public, No.
423, dated June 18, 1892).

3 ‘And likewise here, in the
king’s dominions, among the Yonas
and Kambojas, in (?) Nabhaka of
the Nabhitis, among the Bhojas and
Pitinikas, among the Andhras and
Pulindas, everywhere men follow
the Law of Piety as proclaimed by
His Majesty’ (Rock Edict XIII).

KING HALA

185

of all arms to the aid of his ally, Kharavela, king of Kalinga
in the east, which kingdom had also recovered its indepen-
dence after the death of Asoka 1.

Nothing more is heard of the Andhra kings until one of 27 b.c.
them, as above related, in 27 b. c., slew the last of the ^Kahva1
Kanvas, and no doubt annexed the territory, whatever it dynasty,
was, which still recognized the authority of that dynasty.

The Andhra kings all claimed to belong to the Satavahana
family, and most of them assumed the title of Satakarni.

They are consequently often referred to by one or other of
these designations, without mention of the personal name of
the monarch, and it is thus sometimes impossible to ascertain
which king is alluded to. As already observed, the real
name of the slayer of Susarman Kanva is not known.

The name of Hala, the seventeenth king, by virtue of its 68 a. n.
association with literary tradition, possesses special interest Hala
as marking a stage in the development of Indian literature. Prakrit
In his time, the learned dialect elaborated by scholars, in *iterature'
which the works of Kalidasa and other famous poets are
composed, had not come into general use as the language
of polite literature ; and even the most courtly authors did
not disdain to seek royal patronage for compositions in the
vernacular dialects. On such literature the favour of King
Hala was bestowed, and he himself is credited with the
composition of the anthology of erotic verses, called the
‘ Seven Centuries,’ written in the ancient Maharashtrl
tongue. A collection of tales, entitled the ‘ Great Story-
book,’ written in the Paisachl dialect, and a Sanskrit
grammar, arranged with special reference to the needs of
students more familiar with the vernacular speech than with
the so-called ‘ classical ’ language, are attributed to his
ministers 2.

1 ‘ In the second year, Satakarni,
protecting the west [ abhitayita Scl-
takani pachimadisam], sent a nu-
merous army of horses, elephants,
men, and chariots [ scil . a force of
all arms, apparently as an ally] ’

(Hathigumpha inscr. in Actes,

Sixiitme Congres Or,, tomeiii, p. 174,
Leide, 1885).

2 The Saptaiataka, Brihat-kathd,
and Kdtantra grammar, of which
notices will be found in the histories
of Sanskrit literature. The latest
leading authority on the relations

186

THE ANDHRA DYNASTY

84 A.D.
Vilivaya-
kura I.

85-138 a.d.
Sivalakura
and

Vilivaya-
kura II.

The

Sakas.

The next kings, concerning whom anything is known, are
those numbered 21 to 23 in the dynastic list, who form a
group, distinguished by peculiar personal names and a dis-
tinctive coinage, and are commemorated by a considerable
number of inscriptions and coins. Vilivayakura I, the first
of the group, whose accession would seem to indicate a break
in the continuity of the dynasty, perhaps due to the
ambition of a junior branch, obtained power in 84 a.d.,
and, according to the Puranas, enjoyed it only for half a
year. Some rare coins struck in his western dominions are
his sole memorial.

He was succeeded by Sivalakura, presumably his son, who, ;
after a reign of twenty-eight years, transmitted the sceptre
to Vilivayakura II, who bore his grandfather’s name, in
accordance with Hindu custom. His reign of about twenty-
five years was distinguished by successful warfare against his
western neighbours, the Sakas, Pahlavas, and Yavanas of
Malwa, Gujarat, and Kathiawar x. The names of these
foreign tribes demand some explanation.

The Sakas, the Se (Sek) of Chinese historians, were a
horde of pastoral nomads, like the modern Turkomans,
occupying territory to the west of the Wu-sun horde,
apparently situated between the Chu and Jaxartes rivers,
to the north of the Alexander mountains2. About 160 b.c.,

between the vernacular language
and the ‘ classical,’ or ‘ secondary,’
Sanskrit is Professor Otto Franke’s
book, Paliund Sanskrit (Strassburg,
1902). The learned author uses the
term Pali to designate the ancient
Aryan speech of Ceylon and the
whole of India below the Himalaya.
Sanskrit was not thoroughly estab-
lished in the south and west during
the first millennium a. d., although
it was in general use in an incorrect
form by the end of the fourth
century (p. 74).

1 The personal names are ascer-
tained from coin legends. The
inscriptions denote these kings by
epithets indicating the family names
of their mothers, a practice perhaps
determined by a system of matriar-

chal descent. Vilivayakura I is de-
scribed as Vasishtfputra, the son of
the lady belonging to the VdMshta-
gotra or clan-section. Similarly,
Sivalakura is called Madharlputra,
and Vilivayakura II is called Gau-
tamiputra. The later king Yajna
Sri was also a Gautamiputra, and
three other kings were Vasishthi-
putras. Writers on Andhra history
have produced much confusion by
using these metronymics instead of
the personal names.

2 The approximate position of the
Sakas is fixed by M. Chavannes’
determination of ‘ 1’ancien territoire
des Ou-suen [Wu-sun], c’est-a-dire
les vallees des rivieres Konges,
Tekes, et Ili’ ( lures Occidentaux,
p. 263). The Konges and Tekes

THE PAHLAVAS

187

they were expelled from their pasture grounds by another
similar horde, the Yueh-chi, and compelled to migrate
southwards. They ultimately reached India, but the road
by which they travelled is not known with certainty.

Princes of Saka race established themselves at Taxila in ^rikfis in
the Panjab and Mathura on the Jumna, where they dis- *ndia>
placed the native Rajas, and ruled principalities for several
generations, assuming the ancient Persian title of satrap x.
Probably they recognized Mithradates I (174-136 b.c.) and
his successors, the early kings of the Parthian or Arsakidan
dynasty of Persia, as their overlords.

Another branch of the horde advanced further to the 6akas in
south, presumably across Sind, which was then a well- w- India-
watered country, and carved out for themselves a dominion
in the peninsula of Surashtra, or Kathiawar, and some of the
neighbouring districts on the mainland 2.

The Pahlavas seem to have been Persians, in the sense The
of being Parthians of Persia, as distinguished from the Pahlavas-
Parsikas, or Persians proper. The name is believed to be
a corruption of Parthiva, ‘ Parthian,1 and is almost certainly
identical with Pallava, the designation of a famous southern
dynasty, which is frequently mentioned in inscriptions during
the early centuries of the Christian era, and had its capital
at Kanchl, or Conjeeveram in the Chingleput district,

Madras 3.

The word Yavana is etymologically the same as ‘ Ionian,1 The
and originally meant ‘ Asiatic Greek,1 but has been used Havanas,
with varying connotation at different periods. In the third
century b. c. Asoka gave the word its original meaning,
describing Antiochos Theos and the other contemporary

are southern tributaries of the Ili
and to the north and north-west of
Kucha (Koutcha). I did not know
this when I dealt with the Saka
migration in J. R. A. S., 1903. See
post, pp. 200-2, and 218.

1 The word occurs twice in the
great inscription at Behistun (Raw-
linson, Herodotus, ii, 399, note).

2 The Saka migration will be
treated more fully in the next

chapter.

3 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese
Districts, 2nd ed., p. 316 {Bomb.
Gaz., vol. i, part ii). The donors
commemorated in Karl! inscription.
No. 21, bore pure Persian names,
Harapharana or Holofernes, and
Setapharana or Sitaphernes ( A . S.
W. I. iv, 113, note). For further
notice of the Pallavas, see chapter
xvi, post.

188

THE ANDHRA DYNASTY

Hellenistic kings as Yavanas. In the second century a.d.
the term had a vaguer signification, and was employed as
a generic term to denote foreigners coming from the old
Indo-Greek kingdoms on the north-western frontier h
100 a.d. These three foreign tribes, Sakas, Pahlavas, and Yavanas,
the^Ksha- time settled in Western India as the lords of a

harata. conquered native population, were the objects of the hostility
of Vilivayakura II. The first foreign chieftain in the west
whose name has been preserved is Bhumaka the Kshaharata,
who attained power at about the beginning of the second
century a.d., and was followed by Nahapana, who aggran-
dized his dominions at the expense of his Andhra neighbours.
The Kshaharata clan seems to have been a branch of the
126a. d. Sakas. In the year 126 a.d. the Andhra king, Vilivaya-
kura II, recovered the losses which his kingdom had suffered
at the hands of the intruding foreigners, and utterly
destroyed the power of Nahapana. The hostility of the
Andhra monarch was stimulated by the disgust felt by all
Hindus, and especially by the followers of the orthodox
Brahmanical system, at the outlandish practices of foreign
barbarians, who ignored caste rules, and treated with
contempt the precepts of the holy shastras. This disgust
is vividly expressed in the long inscription recorded in
144 a. d. by the queen-mother BalasrI, of the Gautama
family, in which she glorifies herself as the mother of the
hero who ‘ destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas . . .
properly expended the taxes which he levied in accordance
with the sacred law . . . and prevented the mixing of the
four castes V

Chash- After the destruction of Nahapana, the local government
tana. Df the West was entrusted to one Chashtana, who seems to
have been a Saka, and to have acted as viceroy under the

1 In one of the early Junnar
inscriptions a person bearing the
Hindu name Chandra (Chanda)
describes himself as a Yavana (A.
S. W. I. iv, 95).

2 Inscr. No. 17 of Karli, in great
cliaitya cave ; ed. and transl. Biih-
ler {A. S. W. I. iv, 109). The

inscriptions of the times of the
western satraps and the Andhra
kings are collected in the volume
cited, pp. 98 seqq. The discovery
of the name of Bhumaka is due
to Mr. Rapson (J. R. A. S., 1904,
p. 373).

WAR WITH RUDRADAMAN

189

Andhra conqueror. Chashtana, whose capital was at Ujjain
in Malwa, is mentioned by his contemporary, Ptolemy the
geographer, under the slight disguise of Tiastanes. From
him sprang a long line of satraps, who retained the govern-
ment of Western India with varying fortune, until the last
of them was overthrown at the close of the fourth century
by Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya.

In the year 138 a. d. Vilivayakura II was succeeded on 138 a. d.
the Andhra throne by his son Pulumayi II, the Siro j^jracUu
Polemaios of Ptolemy ; and about the same time, the man.
satrap, Rudradaman, grandson of Chashtana, assumed
the government of the western provinces. His daughter,
Dakshamitra, was married to Pulumayi, but this relation-
ship did not deter Rudradaman, who was an ambitious and
energetic prince, from levying war upon his son-in-law. The
satrap was victorious, and when the conflict was renewed,
success still attended on his arms (145 a. d.). Moved by 145 a. d.
natural affection for his daughter, the victor did not pursue
his advantage to the uttermost, and was content with the
retrocession of territory, while abstaining from inflicting
utter ruin upon his opponent.

The peninsula of Kathiawar or Surashtra, the whole of Provinces
Malwa, Kachchh (Cutch), Sind, and the Konkan, or terri- Rudrada-
tory between the Western Ghats and the sea, besides some man.
adjoining districts, thus passed under the sway of the
satraps, and were definitely detached from the Andhra
dominions.

Although Pulumayi II was a son of Vilivayakura II \ his Pulumayi
accession seems to mark a dynastic epoch, emphasized by
a transfer of the capital, and the abandonment of the
peculiar type of coinage, known to numismatists as the
‘ bow and arrow,’ favoured by the Vilivayakura group. The

1 This fact is proved by Queen the line, beginning with Pulumayi
Balasrfs inscription already cited. II, do not seem to be the subject of
The Mcitsya Purana (E. Hist. Dek- the remark, because Pulumayi was
kan, 2nd ed., p. 167) has a statement the son of his immediate predeces-
that seven Andhra kings sprang sor ; and it is not easy to apply the
from the servants of the original observation to any other group of
dynasty, of which the meaning is seven kings in the long list,
obscure. The last seven kings of

190

THE ANDHRA DYNASTY

170 A. D.

Siva Sri
and Siva
Skanda.

184 a. n.
Yajna Sri.

213-36

A. D.

The last

three

kings.

western capital, which in the time of Vilivayakura II
(Baleokouros) had been at a town called Hippokoura by
Ptolemy, probably the modern Kolhapur, was removed by
Pulumayi II to Paithan, or Paithana, on the upper waters
of the Godavari, two hundred miles further north. Pulu-
mayi II enjoyed a long reign over the territories diminished
by the victories of his father-in-law, and survived until
170 A. D.

The next two kings, Siva Sri and Siva Skanda, who are
said to have reigned each for seven years, seem to have been
brothers of Pulumayi II. Nothing is known about them,
except that the former struck some rude leaden coins in his
eastern provinces.

The most important and powerful of the last seven
kings of the dynasty evidently was Yajna Sri, who reigned
from 184 to 213 a. d. for twenty-nine years. His rare
silver coins, imitating the satrap coinage, certainly prove a
renewal of relations with the western satraps, and probably
point to unrecorded conquests. It would seem that Yajna
Sri must have renewed the struggle in which Pulumayi II
had been worsted, and recovered some of the provinces lost
by that prince. The silver coins would then have been struck
for circulation in the conquered districts, just as similar coins
were minted by Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya when he finally
shattered the power of the Saka satraps. The numerous
and varied, although rude, bronze and leaden coins of Yajna
Sri, which formed the currency of the eastern provinces, con-
firm the testimony of inscriptions by which the prolonged
duration of his reign is attested 1. Some pieces bearing the
figure of a ship probably should be referred to this reign,
and suggest the inference that Yajna Sri’s power was not
confined to the land.

His successors, Vijaya, Vada Sri, and Pulumayi III, with
whom the long series of Andhra kings came to an end about
236 a.d., are mere names ; but the real existence of Vada Sri

1 Prof. Bhandarkar’s notion that The evidence shows that all the
the Andhra dynasty comprised two kings held both the western and
distinct lines of kings, one western eastern provinces,
and one eastern, is not tenable.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE SUNGA, KANVA, AND ANDHRA DYNASTIES.

Scnga Dynasty.

Kanva Dynasty.

Andhra Dynasty.

Andhra Dynasty (continued).

Length of Reign.

No.

King.

Acces-

No.

lung.

Acces-

No.

Acces-

No.

King.

Traditional.

Assu-

med.

sion.

Traditional.

Assn-

med.

sion.

Traditional.

Assu-

med.

sion.

Traditional.

Assu-

med.

sion.

Pushyamitra (v. 1.

60 ( Vdyu ) ; 36

B.C.

184

Simuka {v. 1. Sisuka,

23 ( Vdyu and

B. C.

220

Mandalaka {v. 1. Man-

5 ( Vciyu and

a. n.
74

Pushpamitra)

{Mat si/ a) ; 30

&c.)

Matsya)

talaka, &c.)

Matsya)

{Jain)

Krishna ....

18 {Matsya) ;

197

Purlndrasena {v. 1.

5 {Matsya); 21

Agnimitra ....

8 {Brahma-

148

? 10 or 18

Purlsha§ena, &c.)

( Vayu)

n da, and Vciyu ,

Sri Malla Satakarni

( Vayu)

Sundara Satakarni .

1 {Matsya) ; 3

sons of P., un-

56 ( Vciyu ) ; 18

179

( Vayu)

named)

{Matsya)

Vilivayakura I (Va-

1 ( Vdyu and

Sujyeshtha . . .

7 ( Vciyu and

140

Purnotsanga [omit-

18 {Vciyu and

169

sishthfputra = Cha-

Matsya)

Matsya )

ting &rlvasvani or

Matsya)

l^ora or Rajada

Vasumitra . . .

8 ( Vdyu) ; 10

133

Skandastambhi of

Satakarni)

{Matsya)

Matsya R. onlyj
— Satakarni . . .

Sivalakura (Madha-

28 ( Vdyu and

Andraka(?\/.Antaka,

2 ( Vdyu and

125

56 {Matsya and

151

rlputra Sakasena

Matsya)

&c.)

Matsya)

? Vayu)

(duration

= Siva Satakarni

Pulindaka ( v . 1. Ma-

3 ( Vdyu and

123

Lambodara . . .

18 ( Vciyu and

111

(-svati)

dhunandana, &c.)

Matsya )

Matsya)

Vilivayakura II(Gau-

21 ( Vdyu and

25 1

113

Ghoshavasu ( v . 1.

3 ( Vdyu and

120

Apitaka {v. 1. Apl-

12 ( Vdyu and

tamlputra Sri 6ata-

Matsya)

Magha ?)

Matsya )

laka, &e.)

Matsya)

karni)

Vajramitra {v. 1. Vi-

1 4 ( Vdifu) ; 9

117

Sangha {v. /. Megha-

18 {Matsya)

Pulumayi 11 /Vasi-

28 ( Vdyu and

138

kramitra ?)

{Matsya)

svati, &c.)

shthlputra Sri P.

Matsya)

Bhagavata . . .

32 {Vdyu and

108

— , Satakarni {v. 1.

18 {Matsya)

, Satakarni)

Matsya)

Satasvati)

Siva Sri (VasishthI-

7 {Matsya)

170

Devabhumi {v. 1.

10 {Vayu and

Skandasvati, i. e.

7 {Matsya)

, putra) ,

7 {Matsya) {v.l.

Kshemabhumi,&c.)

Matsya)

Skanda Satakarni
Mrigendra Satakarni

Siva Skanda Sata-
karni

Yajna Sri (GautamI-

177

3 {Matsya)

112

20 {Matsya)

29 2

184

B. C.

Kuntala Satakarni .

8 {Matsya)

putra SvamI Sri Y.

{v.l. 9); 19

End of Dynasty .

Vasudeva .

9 ( Vdyu and

Sata Satakarni . .

Satakarnj)

{Vayu)

Mat si/ a)

1 {Matsya)

Vijaya (Sri Sata-

6 ( Vdyu and

213

Bhuinimitra

14 (ditto) . .

karni)

Matsya)

Narayana .

12 (ditto) . .

Pulumayi I {v. 1. cor-

36 {Matsya) ;

Vada Sri (VasishthI-

10 (j Valm/a) ;

219

Susarman .

10 (ditto) . .

rupt forms)

Megha Satakarni .

24 ( Vdyu)

(duration

adjusted),

A. D.

putra Sri V. Sata-
karni)

Pulumayi III . . .

3 ( Vayu)

38 {Matsya)

7 {Vdyu and

229

End of

Dynasty . .

Arishta Satakarni

25 ( Vdyu and

Matsya)

(v. 1. Nemikrishna,
&c.)

Matsya)

End of dynasty . .

156 i3

236

Hala

5 {Matsya) ; 1

( Vdyu )

1 Nos. 21-23 form a distinct group, with peculiar names, and ‘ bow and arrow ’ coins. 2 True length of reign of Nos. 23, 24, 27 determined approximately by inscriptions,

:i 30 kings, according to Vishnu Purana, reigning for 456‘i years.

Smith's India. To follow p. 190]

THE LAST OF THE ANDHRAS

191

is attested by the discovery of a few leaden coins bearing his
name. Research will probably detect coins struck by both
his next predecessor and immediate successor.

The testimony of the Puranas that the dynasty endured Duration
for 456| years, or, in round numbers, four centuries and dynasty,
a half, appears to be accurate. The number of the kings also
appears to be correctly stated as having been either thirty or
thirty-one. The following dynastic list has been constructed
on the assumption that the Vishnu Purana is right in fixing
the number of kings as thirty, and therefore omits the fifth
king of the list in the Radcliffe manuscript of the Matsya
Purana , who is there called Srlvasvani, or Skandastambhi,
and credited with a reign of eighteen years. The other
Puranic authorities agree in omitting this king, and it is
suspicious that the Radcliffe manuscript assigns to him a
reign of eighteen years, exactly the same as is assigned to his
immediate predecessor, Purnotsanga h It seems probable that
mere titles or epithets of Purnotsanga have been accidentally
converted into a separate king by the copyists of the Rad-
cliffe manuscript, and that in reality there were only thirty
kings in the dynasty, as affirmed by the Vishnu Purana.

At present nothing is known concerning the causes which The last
brought about the downfall of this dynasty, which had Andhras
succeeded in retaining power for a period so unusually pro-
longed. The fall of the Andhras happens to coincide very
closely with the death of Vasudeva, the last of the great
Kushan kings of Northern India, as well as with the rise
of the Sassanian dynasty of Persia (226 a. d.) ; and it is
possible that the coincidence may not be merely fortuitous.

But the third century a. d. is one of the dark spaces in the
spectrum of Indian history, and almost every event of that
time is concealed from view by an impenetrable veil of
oblivion. Vague speculation, unchecked by the salutary
limitations of verified fact, is, at the best, unprofitable ; and
so we must be content to let the Andhras pass away in the
darkness.

1 In the author’s paper in the MS.) list was followed, and thirty-
Z. D. M. G. the Matsya (Radcliffe one kings were enumerated.

192

THE SUNGA DYNASTY

Authori-

ties.

Strabo.

Madhya-

mika.

Saketam.

Date of
Patanjali.

APPENDIX I

The Invasion of Menander, and the Date of Patanjali.

The authorities for the invasion of Menander are Strabo, who
alone gives the Greek king’s name (bk. xi, sec. xi, 1 ; xv, sec. ii,
3); Patanjali, the contemporary Hindu grammarian ; the Sanskrit
astronomical work, the Gargi Samhita, of early but uncertain
date ; and Taranath, the Tibetan historian of Buddhism.

Strabo’s informant, Apollodoros of Artemita, testifies that
Menander crossed the Hypanis (Hyphasis, Bias) river at which
Alexander’s advance had been arrested ; penetrated to ‘Isamus,’
which has not been identified ; and ultimately subjugated Pata-
lene, or the Indus delta, the kingdom of Saraostos (Surashtra, or
Kathiawar), and a territory on the western coast named Sigerdis.
This statement is supported by the observation of the writer of
the Periplus, who noticed towards the close of the first cen-
tury a. d. that Greek coins of Apollodotos and Menander were
still current at the port of Barygaza (Broach, Bharoch). This
curious observation suggests the inference, that although
Menander was compelled to retire quickly from the Gangetic
valley, his rule continued for a considerable number of years in
the territories on the western coast.

The sieges of Saketam and Madhyamika by the Yavana, that
is to say Menander, are referred to by the grammarian Patanjali
in terms which necessarily imply that those events occurred
during the writer’s lifetime. The proof that Madhyamika is the
correct reading and to be interpreted as the name of a city is
due to Prof. Kielhom (fnd. Ant. vii, 266). The identity of
Madhyamika with the ancient town of Nagari, one of the oldest
sites in India, about eleven miles to the north of Chitor in
Rajputana, is established by the coins found at Nagari, and not
elsewhere, with the legend Majhimiltaya sibjanapadasa, ‘[Coin] of
Majhimika (Madhyamika) in the Sibi country ’ (Cunningham,
Reports, vi, 201 ; xiv, 146, pi. XXXI).

Saketam, or Saketa, was probably a town in southern Oudh,
but was not identical with Ajodhya, as it is often asserted to be.
There were several places of the name (Weber, in Ind. Ant.
ii, 208). The identifications of the Sha-che of Fa-hien with the
Visakha of Hiuen Tsang and with Saketam, as made by Cun-
ningham, are equally unsound (J. R. A. S., 1898, p. 522; 1900,
p. 3). At present the position of Saketam cannot be deter-
mined precisely.

The words of Patanjali, in which he alludes to the horse-
sacrifice of Pushyamitra (iha Pushpamitram yajayamali), when
read with other relevant passages, permit of no doubt that the

PUSHYAMITRA

193

grammarian was the contemporary of that king as well as of
the Greek invader Menander. The question of Patanjali’s date
was the subject of prolonged controversy between Weber on
one side, and Goldstiicker and Bhandarkar on the other. Ulti-
mately Weber was constrained to admit the substantial validity
of his opponents’ arguments {Hist. Ind. Lit., 2nd ed., Trtibner,

1882, p. 224, note) ; and no doubt now remains that the date of
Patanjali is fixed to 150-140 b.c. in round numbers. References
are : Goldstiicker, Panini, His Place in Sanskrit Literature,
pp. 228-38 ; Ind. Ant. i, 299-302 ; ii, 57, 69, 94, 206-10, 238,

362 ; xv, 80-4; xvi, 156, 172 (the Maurya passage).

The passage in the Gargl Sarhhita is to the following effect : —

‘ After speaking of the kings of Pataliputra (mentioning Salisuka, the Gargl
fourth successor of Asoka [cir. 200 b.c.] by name), the author adds : Samhita-
“ That when the viciously valiant Greeks, after reducing Saketa (Oude),
the Panchala country [probably the Doab between the Jumna and
Ganges], and Mathura, will reach Kusumadhvaja, that is, the royal
residence of Pataliputra, and that then all provinces Will be in disorder ” ’

(Max Muller, India, What can it Teach us ?, p. 298 ; and Cunningham,

Num. Chron., 1870, p. 224).

The evidence of Taranath (1608 a. d., resting on old works) Taranath.
is differently interpreted bySchiefner and Vassilief. The former
makes out that Pushyamitra was the ally of the foreign un-
believers, and himself burnt monasteries and slew monks : —

‘ Es erhob der Brahmanenkonig Puschjamitra sammt den iibrigen
Tirthja’s Krieg, verbrannte von Madhyade§a bis Dschalandhara eine
Menge von Vihara’s, &c. ’ (p. 81).

Vassilief, on the other hand, makes out the foreigners to be
the enemies of Pushyamitra and responsible for the burnings
and slaughter. In Pushyamitra’s time occurred —

‘La premiere invasion d’etrangers qui furent nommes Tirtika ou
heretiques. Apres avoir commence la guerre contre Poucheiamitra, ils
brulerent une quantite de temples, dit-on, en eommengant depuis
Djalandara (dans les environs de Cachemire) jusqu’a Magada, &e.’

This latter version seems to be the correct one {Le Bouddisme,
p. 50). Both translators agree that, five years later, Pushyamitra
died in the north.

Assuming that Pushyamitra died in 148 b.c., after a reign of
thirty-six years, the invasion of Menander may be assigned to
the years 155-153 b.c., a date fully in accordance with the
numismatic evidence. Coins of Menander are common in India,
both in the Panjab and further east. Forty of his coins were
found in the Hamirpur district to the south of the Jumna in
1877, and brought to the author, who was then on duty in that
district. They were associated with coins of Eukratides, Apollo-
dotos Soter, and Antimachos Nikephoros, and were in good
condition {Ind. Ant., 1904).

RMItH

CHAPTER IX

Hindu
Kush the
Maurya
frontier.

Effects of

Asoka’s

death.

THE INDO-GREEK AND INDO-PARTHIAN
DYNASTIES, 250 B.C. TO 50 A.D.

The story of the native dynasties in the interior must
now be interrupted to admit a brief review of the fortunes
of the various foreign rulers who established themselves in
the Indian territories once conquered by Alexander, after the
sun of the Maurya empire had set, and the north-western
frontier was left exposed to foreign attack. The daring
and destructive raid of the great Macedonian, as we have
seen, had effected none of the permanent results intended.
The Indian provinces which he had subjugated, and which
Seleukos had failed to recover, passed into the iron grip
of Chandragupta, who transmitted them to the keeping of
his son and grandson. I see no reason to doubt that the
territories west of the Indus ceded by Seleukos to his Indian
opponent continued in possession of the successors of the latter,
and that consequently the Hindu Kush range was the frontier
of the Maurya empire up to the close of Asoka’s reign.

But it is certain that the unity of the empire did not
survive Asoka, and that when the influence of his dominating
personality ceased to act, the outlying provinces shook off
their allegiance and set up as independent states ; of some
of which the history has been told in the last preceding
chapter. The regions of the north-western frontier, when
no longer protected by the arm of a strong paramount
native power in the interior, offered a tempting field
to the ambition of the Hellenistic princes of Bactria and
Parthia, as well as to the cupidity of the warlike races on
the border, which was freely exploited by a succession of
invaders. This chapter will be devoted, so far as the very
imperfect materials available permit, to a sketch of the
leading events in the annals of the Panjab and trans-Indus

BACTRIA

195

provinces from the close of Asoka’s reign to the establish-
ment of the Indo-Scythian, or Kushan, power.

The spacious Asiatic dominion consolidated by the genius 261 b.c.
of Seleukos Nikator passed in the year 262 or 261 b. c. into Theos^°s
the hands of his grandson Antiochos, a drunken sensualist,
miscalled even in his lifetime Theos, or ‘the god,’ and,
strange to say, worshipped as such 1. This worthless prince
occupied the throne for fifteen or sixteen years ; but towards
the close of his reign his empire suffered two grievous losses,
by the revolt of the Bactrians, under the leadership of
Diodotos, and of the Parthians, under that of Arsakes.

The loss of Bactria was especially grievous. This province, Bactria.
the rich plain watered by the Oxus (Amu Darya) after its
issue from the mountains, had been occupied by civilized
men from time immemorial ; and its capital, Zariaspa or
Balkh, had been from ancient days one of the most famous
cities of the East. The country, which was said to contain
a thousand towns2, had been always regarded, during the
time of the Achaemenian kings, as the premier satrapy, and
reserved as an appanage for a prince of the blood. When
Alexander shattered the Persian power and seated himself
upon the throne of the Great King, he continued to bestow
his royal favour upon the Bactrians, who in return readily
assimilated the elements of Hellenic civilization. Two years
after his death, at the final partition of the empire in
321 b. c., Bactria fell to the share of Seleukos Nikator, and
continued to be one of the most valuable possessions of his
son and grandson.

The Parthians, a race of rude and hardy horsemen, with The
habits similar to those of the modern Turkomans, dwelt
beyond the Persian deserts in the comparatively infertile

1 Antiochos Soter died between
July 262 and July 261, at the age
of sixty-four ; and was succeeded
by his son Antiochos Theos, then
aged about twenty-four years, who
put his brother Seleukos to death

(Bevan, House of Seleucus, i, 168,
171, citing Eusebius, i, 249). The
inscription found at Durdurkar
proves that the second Antiochos

was worshipped as a god during his
life, and that priestesses were also
appointed to conduct the worship
of his queen Laodike.

2 ‘ Eukratides had a thousand
cities which acknowledged his au-
thority ’ ( Strabo , bk. xv, sec. ii, 3).
‘ Bactriana is the ornament of all
Ariana’ (ibid., bk. xi, sec. xi, 1).

196

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

regions to the south-east of the Caspian Sea. Their country,
along with the territories of the Chorasmioi, Sogdioi, and Arioi
(Khwarizm, Samarkand, and Herat), had been included in
the sixteenth satrapy of Darius ; and all the tribes named,
armed like the Bactrians, with cane bows and short spears,
supplied contingents to the host of Xerxes 1. In the time
of Alexander and the early Seleukidae, Parthia proper and
Hyrkania, adjoining the Caspian, were combined to form
a satrapy. The Parthians, unlike the Bactrians, never
adopted Greek culture ; and, although submissive to their
Persian and Macedonian masters, retained unchanged the
habits of a horde of mounted shepherds, equally skilled in
the management of their steeds and the use of the bow 2.
dr. 250 b.c. These two nations, so widely different in history and
revolt°of Planners — the Bactrians, with a thousand cities, and the
Bactrians Parthians, with myriads of moss-troopers — were moved at
Parthians ahnost the same moment, about the middle of the third
century b. c., to throw off their allegiance to their Seleukidan
lord, and assert their independence. The exact dates of
these rebellions cannot be determined, but the Bactrian
revolt seems to have been the earlier ; and there is reason to
believe that the Parthian struggle continued for several years,
and was not ended until after the death of Antiochos Theos
in 24 <6 b. c., although the declaration of Parthian autonomy
seems to have been made in 248 b. c.3
Diodotosl. The Bactrian revolt was a rebellion of the ordinary Oriental
type, headed by Diodotos, the governor of the province, who

1 Herod, iii, 93, 117 ; vii, 64-6.

2 For a full account of Parthia
see Canon Rawlinson’s Sixth Orien-
tal Monarchy, or his more popular
work, The Story of Parthia, in the
Story of the Nations series.

3 The leading ancient authority
is Justin, bk. xli, ch. 4 ; but the
consuls whom he specifies to fix the
date of the Parthian revolt are not
correctly named. He calls the
Bactrian leader Theodotus, and
says that he revolted ‘ at the same
period. ’ The details of the evidence
for the dates of the two rebellions

have been repeatedly examined by
Cunningham, Rawlinson, Bevan,
and other writers, with the result
stated in the text. The date 248 is
supposed by Prof. Terrien de La-
couperie to mark the beginning of
the Arsakidan era. He agrees
with Mr. Bevan in believing that
the struggle for Parthian indepen-
dence lasted for several years (Sur
Deux ires inconnues, reprint, p. 5).
Mr. Bevan thinks that Justin in-
tended to indicate the year 250-
249 b.c. as that of the Parthian
revolt ( House of Seleucus, i, 286).

PARTHIAN REVOLT

197

seized an opportunity to shake off the authority of his
sovereign and assume the royal state. The Parthian move-
ment was rather a national rising, led by a chief named
Arsakes, who is described as being a man of uncertain origin
but undoubted bravery, and inured to a life of rapine.

Arsakes slew Andragoras, the Seleukidan viceroy, declared
his independence, and so founded the famous Arsakidan
dynasty of Persia, which endured for nearly five centuries
(248 b. c. to 226 a. d.). The success of both the Bactrian
and Parthian rebels was facilitated by the war of succession
which disturbed the Seleukidan monarchy after the death of
Antiochos Theos.

The line of Bactrian kings initiated by Diodotos was cir. 24 5 b.c.
destined to a briefer and stormier existence than that enj oyed Diodotos
by the dynasty of the Arsakidae. Diodotos himself wore his
newly won crown for a brief space only, and after a few years
was succeeded (cir. 245 b. c.) by his son of the same name,
who entered into an alliance with the Parthian king 1.

Diodotos II was followed (cir. 230 b.c.) by Euthydemos, cir. 230 b.c.
a native of Magnesia, who seems to have belonged to a jV^'and
different family, and to have gained the crown by successful Antiochos
rebellion. This monarch became involved in a long-contested the ^reat'
war with Antiochos the Great of Syria (223-187 b. c.), which
was terminated (cir. 208 b. c.) by a treaty recognizing the cir. 208 b.c.
independence of the Bactrian kingdom. Shortly afterwards
(cir. 206 b.c.) Antiochos crossed the Hindu Kush, and cir. 206b. c.
compelled an Indian king named Subhagasena, who probably
ruled in the Kabul valley, to surrender a considerable number

1 ‘ Arsaces . . . made himself
master of Hyrcania, and thus,
invested with authority over two
nations, raised a large army, through
fear of Seleucus and Theodotus,
king of the Bactrians. But being
soon relieved of his fears by the
death of Theodotus, he made peace
and alliance with his son, who was
also named Theodotus ; and not
long after, engaging with king
Seleucus [Kallinikos], who came to
take vengeance on the revolters, he

obtained a victory; and the Par-
thians observe the day on which it
was gained with great solemnity,
as the date of the commencement
of their liberty’ ( Justin , bk. xli,
ch. 4). This explicit testimony
outweighs the doubts expressed by
numismatists concerning the exis-
tence of the second Diodotos. All
the extant coins seem to belong to
Diodotos II ; his father probably
did not issue coins in his own
name.

198

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

cir.190 b.c.
Demetrios
king of
the

Indians.

cir. 175.B.C.

Eukra-

tides.

dr. 160-
1.56 b. c.
His Indian
wars.

of elephants and large treasure. Leaving Androsthenes of
Cyzicus to collect this war indemnity, Antiochos in person led
his main force homeward by the Kandahar route through
Arachosia and Drangiana to Karmania h

Demetrios, son of Euthydemos, and son-in-law of Antiochos,
who had given him a daughter in marriage when the inde-
pendence of Bactria was recognized, repeated his father-in-
law’s exploits with still greater success, and conquered a
considerable portion of Northern India, presumably including
Kabul, the Panjab, and Sind (cir. 190 b.c.)2.

The distant Indian wars of Demetrios necessarily weakened
his hold upon Bactria, and afforded the opportunity for
successful rebellion to one Eukratides, who made himself
master of Bactria about 175 b. c., and became involved in
many wars with the surrounding states and tribes, which he
carried on with varying fortune and unvarying spirit.
Demetrios, although he had lost Bactria, long retained his
hold upon his eastern conquests, and was known as 6 King of
the Indians 1 ; but after a severe struggle the victory rested
with Eukratides, who was an opponent not easily beaten.
It is related that, on one occasion when shut up for five
months in a fort with a garrison of only three hundred men,
he succeeded in repelling the attack of a host of sixty
thousand under the command of Demetrios 3 * *.

1 Polybius, xi, 34. The name of
the Indian king is given as Sopha-
gasenas by the historian, which
seems to represent the Sanskrit

Subhdgasena.

2 ‘ The Greeks who occasioned
its [Bactria’s] revolt, became so
powerful by means of its fertility
and [the] advantages of the country,
that they became masters of Ariana
and India, according to Apollodoros
of Artemita. Their chiefs, particu-

larly Menander (if he really crossed
the Hypanis to the east and reached

Isamus), conquered more nations

than Alexander. These conquests

were achieved partly by Menander,
partly by Demetrios, son of Euthy-
demos, king of the Bactrians. They

got possession not only of Patalene
but of the kingdoms of Saraostos
and Sigerdis, which constitute the
remainder of the coast. Apollodoros,
in short, says that Bactriana is the
ornament of all Ariana. They ex-
tended their empire even as far as
the Seres and Phrynoi ’ (Strabo, bk.
xi, sec. xi, 1, in Falconer’s version).
The last clause may point to a
temporary Greek occupation of the
mountains as far to the east as the
XiOivos nvpyos of Ptolemy, that is to
say, Tashkurghan in Sarikol, ‘ the
emporium on the extreme western
frontier of Serike, i. e. the central
Chinese dominions’ (Stein, Sand-
buried, Ruins of Khotan, p. 72).

3 Justin, xli, 6.

DEATH OF EUKRATIDES

199

But the hard-won triumph was short-lived. While Eukra- cir.156 u.c.
tides was on his homeward march from India attended by his
son Apollodotos, whom he had made his colleague in power,
he was barbarously murdered by the unnatural youth, who
is said to have gloried in his monstrous crime, driving his
chariot wheels through the blood of his father, to whose
corpse he refused even the poor honour of burial x.

The murder of Eukratides shattered to fragments the Heliokles,
kingdom for which he had fought so valiantly. Another son, &c‘
named Heliokles, who assumed the title of ‘the Just,’ perhaps
as the avenger of his father’s cruel death, enjoyed for a brief
space a precarious tenure of power in Bactria. Strato, who
also seems to have belonged to the family of Eukratides, held
a principality in the Panjab for a few years, and was perhaps
the immediate successor of Apollodotos. Agathokles and
Pantaleon, whose coins are specially Indian in character, were
earlier in date, and contemporary with Euthydemos and Deme-
trios. It is evident from the great variety of the royal names in
the coin-legends, which are nearly forty in number, that both
before and after the death of Eukratides, the Indian border-
land was parcelled out among a crowd of Greek princelings,
for the most part related either to the family of Euthydemos
and Demetrios or to that of their rival Eukratides. Some
of these princelings, among whom was Antialkidas, were
subdued by Eukratides, who, if he had lived, might have
consolidated a great border kingdom. But his death in the
hour of victory increased the existing confusion, and it is
quite impossible to make a satisfactory territorial and
chronological arrangement of the Indo-Greek frontier kings
contemporary with and posterior to Eukratides. Their
names, which, with two exceptions, are known from coins
only, will be found included in the list appended to this
chapter (Appendix J).

One name, that of Menander, stands out conspicuously cir.155 b.c.
amid the crowd of obscure princes. He seems to have ^”an~

1 Justin, xli, 6. All the leading pp. 241-3) shows good reasons invasion ot
numismatic authorities agree that for believing that the parricide was India.
Heliokles was a son of Eukratides. Apollodotos, the eldest son of the
Cunningham ( Num . Chron., 1869, murdered king.

200

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

Menan-
der’s fame.

The last
Greek
king of
Bactria.

Expulsion

of Sakas
by Yueh-
ehi.

belonged to the family of Eukratides, and to have had his
capital at Kabul, whence he issued in 155 b. c. to make the
bold invasion of India described in the last chapter. Two
years later he was obliged to retire and devote his energies
to the encounter with dangers which menaced him at home,
due to the never-ending quarrels with his neighbours on the
frontier.

Menander was celebrated as a just ruler, and when he
died was honoured with magnificent obsequies. He is
supposed to have been a convert to Buddhism, and has
been immortalized under the name of Milinda in a cele-
brated dialogue, entitled ‘ The Questions of Milinda,’ which
is one of the most notable books in Buddhist literature h

Heliokles, the son of Eukratides, who had obtained
Bactria as his share of his father’s extensive dominion, was
the last king of Greek race to rule the territories to the
north of the Hindu Kush. While the Greek princes and
princelings were struggling one with the other in obscure
wars which history has not condescended to record, a deluge
was preparing in the steppes of Mongolia, which was destined
to sweep them all away into nothingness.

A horde of nomads, named the Yueh-chi, whose move-
ments will be more particularly described in the next
chapter, were driven out of north-western China in the year
165 b.c., and compelled to migrate westwards by the route to
the north of the deserts1 2. Some years later, about 160 b.c.,
they encountered another horde, the Sakas or Se, who seem
to have occupied the territories lying to the north (or, possibly,
to the south) of the Alexander mountains, between the Chu
and Jaxartes (Syr Darya) rivers, as already mentioned3.

1 The obsequies are described by

Plutarch {Reipubl. ger. praecepta,
quoted textually in Num. Chron.,

1869, p. 229). The ‘Questions’
have been translated by Rhys
Davids in S.B.E., vols. xxxv, xxxvi.
For identification of Milinda with
Menander, doubted by Waddell,
see Garbe, Beitrdge zur indischen
Kulturgeschichte, Berlin, 1903, p,

109, note : Tarn, ‘ Notes on Hellen-
ism in Bactria and India ’ (/. Hell.
Soc., 1902, p. 272).

2 165 b.c. is the date commonly
given by Chinese scholars; but M.
Chavannes ( Turcs Occidentaux, p.
134, note) says : — ‘C’estvers l’annee
140 av. J.-C. que les Hioung-nou
vainquirent les Ta Yue-tche.

3 Ante, p. 186.

THE SAKAS

201

The Sakas, accompanied by cognate tribes, were forced to Saka
move in a southerly direction, and in course of time entered of

India, possibly by more roads than one. This flood of barbarian and India,
invasion burst upon Bactria in the period between 140 and
130 b. c., finally extinguishing the Hellenistic monarchy,
which must have been weakened already by the growth of
the Parthian or Persian power. The last Graeco -Bactrian
king was Heliokies, with whom Greek rule to the north of
the Hindu Kush disappeared for ever h

The Saka flood, still pouring on, surged into the valley of Sakaoccu-
the Helmund (Erymandrus) river, and so filled that region,
the modern Sistan, that it became known as Sakastene, or
the Saka country.

Other branches of the barbarian stream which penetrated
the Indian passes, deposited settlements at Taxila in the
Panjab and Mathura on the Jumna, where Saka princes,
with the title of satrap, ruled for more than a century,
seemingly in subordination to the Parthian power.

Another section of the horde, at a later date, pushed on
southwards and occupied the peninsula of Surashtra or
Kathiawar, founding a Saka dynasty which lasted for
centuries.

Strato I, a Greek king of Kabul and the Panjab, who Satraps of
was to some extent contemporary with Heliokles, seems to M^thurT^
have been succeeded by Strato II, probably his grandson ;
who, again, apparently, was displaced at Taxila by the Saka
satraps. The satraps of Mathura were closely connected
with those of Taxila, and belong to the same period, a little
before and after 100 b. c.1 2

1 MaAicrra 5e yvdipipoi yeyivacn
t&iv vopabaiv 04 tous "EKk-qvae a<p(\6-
fievoi rf/v ’BaKTpiavqv , " Aaioi , teal I7a-
ciavoc, teal Toxa-poi, real ~S.anapav\oi,
real dpprjdevTiS atro tt?s irepalas rod
’I a£aprov, rrjs Kara 2a«as real 20781a-
vovs, fjv nareixov Xarcai ( Strabo , xi,
8, 2). The attempts of various
writers to identify the Asioi and
othertribes namedare unsuccessful.

2 The first known satrap of Taxila
was Liaka, whose son was Patika.

In the year 78 (?= 99 b.c.) Liaka was
directly subordinate to king Moga,
who is generally supposed to ,be
Maues or Mauas of the coins. So-
dasa, satrap of Mathura in the year
72 (? — 105 b.c.), was the son of
satrap Rajuvula, whose later coins
imitate those of Strato II. Raj uvula
succeeded the satraps Hagana and
Hagamasha (? brothers), who dis-
placed the native Rajas, Gomitra,
Ramadatta, &c., of whom coins are

202

INDO-PARTHIAN DYNASTY

£aka

subordina-
tion to
Parthia.

Maues.

The movements of the Sakas and allied nomad tribes were
closely connected with the development of the Parthian or
Persian power under the Arsakidan kings. Mithradates I,
a very able monarch (174 to 136 b. c.), who was for many
years the contemporary of Eukratides, king of Bactria,
succeeded in extending his dominions so widely that his
power was felt as far as the Indus, and possibly even to
the east of that river. The Saka chiefs of Taxila and
Mathura would not have assumed the purely Persian title
of satrap, if they had not regarded themselves as subordi-
nates of the Persian or Parthian sovereign ; and the close
relations between the Parthian monarchy and the Indian
borderland at this period are demonstrated by the appear-
ance of a long line of princes of Parthian origin, who now
enter on the scene 1.

The earliest of these Indo- Parthian kings apparently was
Maues or Mauas who attained power in the Kabul valley
and Panjab about 120 b. c., and adopted the title of ‘Great
King of Kings 1 (/3a<ri,Aea>? /3onriAeW peyaAou), which had
been used for the first time by Mithradates I. His coins
are closely related to those of that monarch, as well as to
those of the unmistakeably Parthian border chief, who
called himself Arsakes Theos. The king Moga, to whom
the Taxilan satrap was immediately subordinate, was almost
certainly the personage whose name appears on the coins as
Mauou in the genitive case 2.

extant. Mr. Rapson’s numismatic
researches are expected to throw
more light on these matters.

1 The exact limits of the reign of
Mithradates I are not known ; the
dates in the text are those adopted
by Canon Rawlinson. Justin (xli,

6) states that ‘ almost at the same
time that Mithradates ascended the
throne among the Parthians, Eu-
kratides began to reign among the
Bactrians ; both of them being
great men.’ Von Gutschmid, re-
ferring to Orosius (v, 4) and Dio-
dorus, attributes to Mithradates
the annexation of the old kingdom

of Poros, without war ( Encyl . Brit.,
9th ed., s. v. Persia, p. 591).

2 Von Sallet, Nachfolger, p. 140.
Von Gutschmid compares the name
Maues or Mauas with that of
Mauakes (v. 1. Mabakes), who com-
manded the Saka contingent of
mounted archers in the army of
Darius at Gaugamela or Arbela
(Arrian, Anab. iii, 8). The chrono-
logy is discussed in J. B. A. S.,
1903, p. 46. If M. Chavannes is
right in dating the expulsion of the
Yueh-chi from China ‘about u. c.
140,’ the dates in the text will
require some modification.

GONDOPHARES

203

Vonones, or Onones, whose name is unquestionably Vonones,
Parthian, was probably the immediate successor of Maues
on the throne of Kabul. He was succeeded by his brother
Spalyris, who was followed in order by Azes, or Azas, I,

Azilises, Azes II, and Gondophares. The princes prior to
the last named are known from their coins only. Gondo-
phares, whose accession may be dated with practical
certainty in 21 a. d., and whose coins are Parthian in style,
enjoyed a long reign of some thirty years, and is a more
interesting personage. He reigned, like his predecessors, in
the Kabul valley and the Panjab 1.

The special interest attaching to Gondophares is due to Gondo-
the fact that his name is associated with that of St. Thomas, an^St
the apostle of the Parthians, in very ancient Christian Thomas,
tradition. The belief that the Parthians were allotted as
the special sphere of the missionary labours of St. Thomas
goes back to the time of Origen, who died in the middle
of the third century, and is also mentioned in the Clementine
Recognitions, a work of the same period, and possibly some-
what earlier in date. The nearly contemporary Acts of St.

Thomas, as well as later tradition, generally associate the
Indians, rather than the Parthians, with the name of the
apostle, but the terms 4 India ’ and ‘ Indians ’ had such vague
signification in ancient times that the discrepancy is not
great. The earliest form of the tradition clearly deserves
the greater credit, and there is no apparent reason for
discrediting the statement handed down by Origen that
Thomas received Parthia as his allotted region. According
to the Clementine Recognitions, the apostolic preaching
brought about very desirable reforms in the morals and
manners of the Medes and Persians, who were induced to
abandon scandalous practices, forbidden by religion, although
sanctioned by immemorial usage 2 *.

1 The order of succession of the 2 Book ix, ch. 29 ‘ Denique apud

Indo-Parthian kings from Vonones Parthos, sicut Thomas, qui apud
has been determined by the Messrs. illos Evangelium praedicat, scripsit,

Bhandarkar ; but their view as to non multi iam erga plurima matri-
the date of Maues cannot be ac- monia diffunduntur, nec multi apud

cepted. Medos canibus obiiciunt mortuos

204

INDO-PARTHIAN DYNASTY

The

legend.

The legend connecting St. Thomas with king Gondophares
appeal's for the first time in the Syrian text of the Acts of
St. Thomas , which was composed at about the same date
as the writings of Origen. The substance of the long story
may be set forth briefly as follows : —

‘ When the twelve apostles divided the countries of the
world among themselves by lot, India fell to the share of
Judas, surnamed Thomas, or the Twin, who showed un-
willingness to start on his mission. At that time an Indian
merchant named Habban 1 arrived in the country of the
south, charged by his master, Gundaphar2, king of India,
to bring back with him a cunning artificer able to build a
palace meet for the king. In order to overcome the apostle’s
reluctance to start for the East, our Lord appeared to the
merchant in a vision, sold the apostle to him for twenty
pieces of silver, and commanded St. Thomas to serve king
Gundaphar and build the palace for him.

‘ In obedience to his Lord’s commands, the apostle sailed
next day with Habban the merchant, and during the voyage
assured his companion concerning his skill in architecture
and all manner of work in wood and stone. Wafted by
favouring winds their ship quickly reached the harbour of
Sandaruk 3. Landing there, the voyagers shared in the
marriage feast of the king’s daughter, and used their time
so well that bride and bridegroom were converted to the
true faith. Thence the saint and the merchant proceeded
on their voyage, and came to the court of Gundaphar, king
of India. St. Thomas promised to build him the palace
within the space of six months, but expended the monies
given to him for that purpose in almsgiving ; and, when
called to account, explained that he was building for the
king a palace in heaven, not made with hands. He preached

suos, neque Persae matrum con-
iugiis aut filiarum incestis matri-
moniis delectantur, nec mulieres
Susides licita ducunt adulteria ; nec
potuit ad crimina genesis com-
pellere, quos religionis doctrina
prohibebat’ ( Ind . Ant., 1903, p. 10).
One rather early writer, St. Paulinus
of Nola ( b . 353, d. 431), ascribes the
conversion of Parthia to the apostle
Matthew, in the line — ‘ Parthia
Matthaeum complectitur, India

Thomam.’

1 Syriac — Habban ; Greek — ’A/3-
P avrjs ; Latin — Abban or Abbanes.

2 Syriac — Gundaphar, or Gud-
naphar ; Greek — Vowocupopos, row-
Siafopoi, or Towracpopos ; Latin —
Gundaforus, or Gundoforus.

3 Syriac — Sandaruk, or Sanadruk ;
Greek — ’ AvSparroMs ; Latin — Andra-
nopolis, Andranobolys, Androno-
polis, or Adrianopolis.

LEGEND OF ST. THOMAS

205

with such zeal and grace that the king, his brother Gad x,
and multitudes of the people embraced the faith. Many
signs and wonders were wrought by the holy apostle.

4 After a time, Sifur1 2, the general of king Mazdai 3, arrived,
and besought the apostle to come with him and heal his
wife and daughter. St. Thomas hearkened to his prayer,
and went with Sifur to the city of king Mazdai, riding in
a chariot. He left his converts in the country of king
Gundaphar under the care of deacon Xanthippos4. King
Mazdai waxed wroth when his queen Tertia 5 and a noble
lady named Mygdonia6 were converted by St. Thomas, who was
accordingly sentenced to death and executed by four soldiers,
who pierced him with spears on a mountain without the city.
The apostle was buried in the sepulchre of the ancient kings ;
but the disciples secretly removed his bones, and carried them
away to the W est 7.’

Writers of later date, subsequent to the seventh century,
profess to know the name of the city where the apostle
suffered martyrdom, and call it variously Kalamina, Kala-
mita, Kalamena, or Karamena, and much ingenuity has been
expended in futile attempts to identify this city. But the
scene of the martyrdom is anonymous in the earlier versions
of the tale, and Kalamina should be regarded as a place in
fairyland, which it is vain to try and locate on a map. The
same observation applies to the attempts at the identification
of the port variously called Sandaruk, Andrapolis, and so
forth. The whole story is pure mythology, and the geography
is as mythical as the tale itself. Its interest in the eyes of
the historian of India is confined to the fact that it proves
that the real Indian king, Gondophares, was remembered

1 Syriac and Latin — Gad ; Greek

— rdS. Other relatives of the king
are also mentioned.

3 Syriac — Sifur ; Greek — Xupaip,
Sitpup, 2 L<popos , Sifpdipas, or Sr/pcpopos ;
Latin — Saphor, Saphyr, Sapor, Si-
forus, Sephor, Siforatus, Sinforus,
Sinfurus, or Symphoras.

3 Syriac — Mazdai ; Greek — M«r-
8 afos, or MurSeos ; Latin — Misdeus,
Mesdeus, or Migdeus.

4 Syriac — Xanthippos ; Greek —

sievoipwv ; Latin — omitted.

5 Syriac — Tertia; Greek — Tepria,
Tepfimanj, or TfpTiavr) ; Latin —
Treptia, Tertia, Trepicia, or Tri-
plicia.

6 Syriac — Mygdonia ; Greek —
Mu-ySoida ; Latin — Mygdonia, or
Migdonia.

7 Sokrates Scholastikos (fifth cen-
tury) and other writers testify that
the relics were enshrined at Edessa
in Mesopotamia, where a magnificent
memorial chinch was erected.

Martyr-
dom of St.
Thomas.

Criticism
of the
legend.

206

INDO-PARTHIAN DYNASTY

Alleged
mission to
S. India.

Successors
of Gondo-
phares.

two centuries after his death, and was associated in popular
belief with the apostolic mission to the Parthians. Inasmuch
as Gondophares was certainly a Parthian prince, it is reason-
able to believe that a Christian mission actually visited the
Indo-Parthians of the north-western frontier during his
reign, whether or not that mission was conducted by
St. Thomas in person. The traditional association of the
name of the apostle with that of king Gondophares is in no
way at variance with the chronology of the reign of the
latter as deduced from coins and an inscription x.

The alleged connexion of the apostle with Southern India
and the shrine near Madras dubbed San Thome by the
Portuguese stands on a different footing. The story of the
southern mission of St. Thomas first makes its appearance
in Marco Polo’s work in the thirteenth century, and has no
support in either probability or ancient tradition. It may
be dismissed without hesitation as a late invention of the
local Nestorian Christians, concocted as a proof of their
orthodox descent1 2.

The coins of Abdagases, the son of Gondophares’ brother,
are found in the Panjab only, while those of Orthagnes
occur in Kandahar, Slstan, and Sindh. It would seem that

1 The coins and inscription give
the king’s name in sundry variant
forms (in the genitive case)— as
Gondophares. Guduphara, Guda-
phara, &c. The inscription, which
was found at Takht-i-Bahi, NE. of
Peshawar, is dated in the 26th
year of the Maharaya Guduphara,
in the year 103 of an unspecified
era. The archaeological evidence
for the reign is discussed by Von
Sallet ( Nachfolger Alexanders des
Grossen) ; Percy Gardner (B. M.
Catal. Coins of Greek and Scytliic
Kings of India ; Senart ( Notes d'ipi-
graphie indienne, No. iii, p. 11) ;
V. A. Smith (‘The Kushan Period of
Indian History’ in J. R.A. S., 1903,
p. 40); and many other writers.

2 The story in the text and the
references to early Christian writers
in the notes are taken from the
valuable and almost exhaustive

essay by Mr. W. R. Philipps,
entitled ‘ The Connection of St.
Thomas the Apostle with India’ ( lnd .
Ant.,v ol. xxxii, 1903, pp. 1-15, 145-
60) ; which supersedes most of the
earlier publications on the subject.
The Anglo-Indian reader requires to
be specially cautioned against the
serious blunders made by Sir Alex-
ander Cunningham in his abstracts
of the ecclesiastical legends {Arch.
Hep. ii, 60 ; v, 60). The fiction of
the mission of St. Thomas to
Southern India is probably due in
part to a confusion between the
apostle and Thomas the Mani-
chaean, who admittedly visited
India in 233 a.d. One Thomas of
Jerusalem is said also to have
visited the southern Christians in
345 a. d. {Ind. Ant. iv, 182 ; ix,
313).

PARTHIAN CHIEFS ON INDUS

207

the Indo-Parthian princes were gradually driven south-
ward by the advancing Yueh-chi, who had expelled the
last of them from the Panjab by the end of the first century

A. D.1

In the latter part of that century the author of the Parthian
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea found the valley of the jn^Us m
Lower Indus, which he called Scythia, under the rule of delta.
Parthian chiefs, engaged in unceasing internecine strife.

The Indus at that time had seven mouths, of which only
the central one was navigable. The commercial port, known
to the traveller as Barbarikon, was situated upon this
stream ; and the capital, Minnagar, lay inland. The ex-
tensive changes which have occurred in the rivers of Sind
during the course of eighteen centuries preclude the pos-
sibility of satisfactory identifications of either of these
towns 2.

1 The successors of Gondophares
seem to have followed in this
order : — Abdagases, Orthagnes,
Arsakes, Pakores, Sanabares.

2 Periplus, ch. 38. The excel-
lent annotated translation by Mr.
McCrindle of this valuable anony-
mous work is printed in Ind. Ant.
viii, pp. 108-51 ; and has also been
published separately. The treatise
used to be ascribed to Arrian. Its
date has been much debated. Mr.
McCrindle places it between 80 and
89 a.d. M. Reinaud ( Memoires de
TAcad. des Inscr., tome xxiv, partii;
transl. Ind. Ant. viii, 330) inclined
to date the final redaction of the
work in the year 246 or 247 a.d.,
during the reign of the emperor
Philip. But several statements of
the author point to a much earlier
date. He says that ‘ the Bactrians
are a most warlike race, governed
by their own independent sove-
reigns.’ These words maybe rightly
applied to the period of Yueh-chi
rule in Bactria, for a Greek author
would regard the Scythian Yueh-chi
residing there as natives ; but they
would not be equally applicable to
the period of Sassanian domination,
which began in 226 a.d. The re-

ference to ‘ Petra, the residence of
Malikhas, the king of the Naba-
taeans ’ (ch. 19) indicates a date
prior to 105 a.d., when the Naba-
taean monarchy was destroyed by
the Romans. The curious obser-
vation (ch. 47) that the silver
drachmae of the Bactrian kings,
Apollodotos and Menander ( circa
150 b. c.), were still current at
Barygaza (Broach) would be in-
credible if applied to M. Reinaud’s
date, for small silver coins could not
have remained in circulation for 370
years ; they would have been worn
away. It is remarkable that they
should have lasted for two centuries
and a half. The book apparently
was not used by Pliny, and is
therefore presumably later than the
publication of his Natural History
in 77 a.d. It may be dated with
some confidence between 77 and
105 a. d. The allusion to the Par-
thian chiefs in the delta of the
Indus harmonizes admirably with
this conclusion. The ‘ Indus’ should
no doubt be understood to mean
the ‘ Mekran of Sind,’ including
the Indus properly so called, as
explained by Major Raverty.

208

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

The later
Indo-
Greek
princes.

cir. 30-50

A.D.

Hermaios;
Kadphi-
ses I.

Meaning
of numis-
matic
record.

Contact

between

Greece

and India.

For a period of some two centuries after the beginning of
the Saka and Parthian invasions, the northern portions
of the Indian borderland, comprising probably the valley of
the Kabul river, the Suwat valley, and some neighbouring
districts to the north and north-west of Peshawar, remained
under the government of local Greek princes ; who, whether
independent, or subject to the suzerainty of a Parthian
overlord, certainly exercised the prerogative of coining silver
and bronze money.

The last of these Indo- Greek rulers was Hermaios, who
succumbed to the Yueh-chi chief, Kadphises I, about 50 a.d.,
when that enterprising monarch added Kabul to the growing
Yueh-chi empire1. The Yueh-chi chief at first struck coins
jointly in the name of himself and the Greek prince, retaining
on the obverse the portrait of Hermaios with his titles in
Greek letters. After a time, while still preserving the familiar
portrait, he substituted his own name and style in the legend.
The next step taken was to replace the bust of Hermaios by
the effigy of Augustus, as in his later years, and so to do
homage to the expanding fame of that emperor, who, without
striking a blow, and by the mere terror of the Roman name, had
compelled the Parthians to restore the standards of Crassus
(20 b. c.), which had been captured thirty-three years earlier.

Still later probably are those coins of Kadphises I, which
dispense altogether with the royal effigy, and present on the
obverse an Indian bull, and on the reverse a Bactrian camel,
devices fitly symbolizing the conquest of India by a horde of
nomads.

Thus the numismatic record offers a distinctly legible
abstract of the political history of the times, and tells in
outline the story of the gradual supersession of the last out-
posts of Greek authority by the irresistible advance of the
hosts from the steppes of Central Asia.

When the European historian, with his mind steeped in
the conviction of the immeasurable debt owed to Hellas by

1 An outline of the approximate at the end of this chapter. Only
chronology will be found in the the more important names are in-
Synchronistic Table, Appendix K, eluded in the table.

NIESE’S OPINIONS

209

modern civilization, stands by the side of the grave of Greek
rule in India, it is inevitable that he should ask what was the
result of the contact between Greece and India. W as Alexander
to Indian eyes nothing more than the irresistible cavalry
leader before whose onset the greatest armies were scattered
like chaff, or was he recognized, consciously or unconsciously,
as the pioneer of western civilization and the parent of model
institutions ? Did the long-continued government of Greek
rulers in the Panjab vanish before the assault of rude
barbarians without leaving a trace of its existence save coins,
or did it impress an Hellenic stamp upon the ancient fabric
of Indian polity ?

Questions such as these have received widely divergent Niese’s
answers ; but undoubtedly the general tendency of European °Pinions-
scholars has been to exaggerate the hellenizing effects of
Alexander’s invasion and of the Indo-Greek rule on the
north-western frontier. The most extreme ‘ Hellenist ’ view
is that expressed by Herr Niese, who is convinced that all
the later development of India depends upon the institutions
of Alexander, and that Chandragupta Maurya recognized
the suzerainty of Seleukos Nikator. Such extravagant
notions are so plainly opposed to the evidence that they
might be supposed to need no refutation, but they have been
accepted to a certain extent by English writers of repute ;
who are, as already observed, inclined naturally to believe
that India, like Europe and a large part of Asia, must have
yielded to the subtle action of Hellenic ideas.

It is therefore worth while to consider impartially and Slight
without prejudice the extent of the Hellenic influence upon
India from the invasion of Alexander to the Kushan or Indo- ander on
Scythian conquest at the end of the first century of the India-
Christian era, a period of four centuries in round numbers.

The author’s opinion that India was not hellenized by the
operations of Alexander has been expressed in the chapter
of this work dealing with his retreat from India x, but it is
advisable to remind the reader of the leading facts in con-
nexion with the more general question of Hellenic influence
1 Ante, p. 105.

SMITH

210

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

Failure of

Seleukos

Nikator.

Maury a
empire.

upon Indian civilization during four hundred years. In
order to form a correct judgement in the matter it is
essential to bear dates in mind. Alexander stayed only
nineteen months in India, and however far-reaching his plans
may have been, it is manifestly impossible that during those
few months of incessant conflict he should have founded
Hellenic institutions on a permanent basis, or materially
affected the structure of Hindu polity and society. As a
matter of fact, he did nothing of the sort, and within two
years of his death, with the exception of some small garrisons
under Eudamos in the Indus valley, the whole apparatus of
Macedonian rule had been swept away. After the year
316 b. c. not a trace of it remained. The only mark of
Alexander’s direct influence on India is the existence of a
few coins modelled in imitation of Greek types which were
struck by Saubhuti (Sophytes), the chief of the Salt Range,
whom he subdued at the beginning of the voyage down the
rivers.

Twenty years after Alexander’s death, Seleukos Nikator
attempted to recover the Macedonian conquests east of the
Indus, but failed, and more than failed, being obliged, not
only to forgo all claims on the provinces temporarily
occupied by Alexander, but to surrender a large part of
Ariana, west of the Indus, to Chandragupta Maurya. The
Indian administration and society so well described by
Megasthenes, the ambassador of Seleukos, were Hindu in
character, with some features borrowed from Persia, but
none from Greece 1. The assertion that the development of
India depended on the institutions of Alexander is a grotesque
travesty of the truth.

For eighty or ninety years after the death of Alexander
the strong arm of the Maurya emperors held India for the
Indians against all comers, and those monarchs treated their
Hellenistic neighbours on equal terms. Asoka was much

1 The duties of the officers main- ( rrpogevoi ), and it is possible, though
tained by Chandragupta to ‘ attend not proved, that the Indian institu-
te the entertainment of foreigners ’ tion was borrowed from the Greek
( Strabo , xv, 1, 50-2) were identical (Newton, Essays on Art and Ar-
with those of the Greek proxenoi cha,eology, p. 121).

EXTENT OF GREEK INFLUENCE

211

more anxious to communicate the blessings of Buddhist
teaching to Antiochos and Ptolemy than to borrow Greek
notions from them. Although it appears to be certainly
true that Indian plastic and pictorial art, such as it was,
drew its inspiration from Hellenistic Alexandrian models
during the Maurya period, the Greek influence merely
touched the fringe of Hindu civilization, and was powerless
to modify the structure of Indian institutions in any essential
respect.

For almost a hundred years after the failure of Seleukos Invasion
Nikator no Greek sovereign presumed to attack India. Then ^os'the"
Antiochos the Great ( cir . 206 b.c.) marched through the hills Great,
of the country now called Afghanistan, and went home by
Kandahar and Slstan, levying a wrar indemnity of treasure
and elephants from a local chief1. This brief campaign can
have had no appreciable effect on the institutions of India,
and its occurrence was probably unknown to many of the
courts east of the Indus.

The subsequent invasions of Demetrios, Eukratides, and Subse-
Menander, which extended with intervals over a period of
about half a century (190-153 b.c.), penetrated more deeply invasions,
into the interior of the country ; but they too were transient
raids, and cannot possibly have affected seriously the ancient
and deeply rooted civilization of India. It is noticeable that
the Hindu astronomer refers to Menander’s Greeks as the
4 viciously valiant Yavanas.’ The Indians were impressed by
both Alexander and Menander as mighty captains, not as
missionaries of culture, and no doubt regarded both those
sovereigns as impure barbarians, to be feared, but not imitated.

The East has seldom shown much readiness to learn from
the West ; and when Indians have condescended, as in the
cases of relief sculpture and the drama, to borrow ideas from
European teachers, the thing borrowed has been so cleverly
disguised in native trappings that the originality of the
Indian imitators is stoutly maintained even by acute and
learned critics2.

1 Ante, p. 197. that Weber and Windisch are right

2 The author is firmly convinced in tracing the Indian drama to a

212

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

Greek
occupa-
tion of
Panjab.

Absence
of Greek
architec-
ture.

The Panjab, or a considerable part of it, with some of the
adjoining regions, remained more or less under Greek rule for
nearly two centuries and a half, from the time of Demetrios
(190 b. c.) to the overthrow of Hermaios by the Kushans
(cir. 50 a. d.), and we might reasonably expect to find clear
signs of hellenization in those countries. But the traces of
Hellenic influence even there are surprisingly slight and
trivial. Except the coins, which retain Greek legends on the
obverse, and are throughout mainly Greek in type, although
they begin to be bilingual from the time of Demetrios and
Eukratides, scarcely any indication of the prolonged foreign
rule can be specified. The coinage undoubtedly goes far to
prove that the Greek language was that used in the courts of
the frontier princes, but the introduction of native legends
on the reverses demonstrates that it was not understood by
the people at large. No inscriptions in that tongue have yet
been discovered, and the single Greek name, Theodore, met
with in a native record, comes from the Suwat valley, and is
of late date, probably 56 a. o.1

There is no evidence that Greek architecture was ever
introduced into India. A temple with Ionic pillars, dating
from the time of Azes (either Azes I, 50 b. c., or Azes II,
some fifty years later), has been discovered at Taxila; but
the plan of the building is not Greek, and the pillars of
foreign pattern are merely borrowed ornaments 2. The
earliest known example of Indo-Greek sculpture belongs to
the same period, the reign of Azes 3, and not a single speci-

Greek origin. See Weber, Hist.
Ind. Liter. (Triibner, p. 217), and
Windisch, Her griechische Einjluss
im indischen Drama, Berlin, 1882.
The contrary proposition is main-
tained by M. Sylvain Levi (Theatre
Indien, pp. 343-66). The Alexan-
drian origin of the Indian bas-reliefs
of the Asoka period has been
discussed briefly by the author in
his chapter on Archaeology con-
tributed to the historical volume of
the revised Imperial Gazetteer.

1 J. Ind. Art, Jan. 1900, p. 89 ;
/. R. A. S., 1903, p. 14.

3 Cunningham, Arch. Rep. ii.

129; v, 69-72, 190, PI. XVII, XVIII:
V. A. Smith, ‘ Graeco-Roman In-
fluence on the Civilization of
Ancient India’ ( J.A.S . B., 1889, vol.
lviii, part i, pp. 115, 116). Mr.
Growse found a fragment of sculp-
ture in the Mathura district, ‘ where
a niche is supported by columns
with Ionic capitals ’ ( Mathura , 3rd
ed„ p. 171).

3 The statuette in the pose of
Pallas Athene (J. A. S. B. ut supra,
p. 121, PI. VII). Dr. Burgess
points out that the figure seems to
have been intended to represent a
YavanI doorkeeper.

INDIA SLIGHTLY AFFECTED

213

men can be referred to the times of Demetrios, Eukratides,
and Menander, not to speak of Alexander. The well-known
sculptures of Gandhara, the region round Peshawar, are
much later in date, and are the offspring of cosmopolitan
Graeco-Roman art.

The conclusion of the matter is that the invasions of Conelu-
Alexander, Antiochos the Great, Demetrios, Eukratides, and S10n‘
Menander were in fact, whatever their authors may have in-
tended, merely military incursions, which left no appreciable
mark upon the institutions of India. The prolonged occu-
pation of the Panjab and neighbouring regions by Greek
rulers had extremely little effect in hellenizing the country.

Greek political institutions and architecture were rejected,
although to a small extent Hellenic example was accepted
in the decorative arts, and the Greek language must have
been familiar to the officials at the kings’ courts. The
literature of Greece was probably known more or less to
some of the native officers, who were obliged to learn their
masters’ language for business purposes, but that language
was not widely diffused, and the impression made by Greek
authors upon Indian literature and science is not traceable
until after the close of the period under discussion. The
later Graeco-Roman influence on the civilization of India
will be noticed briefly in the next chapter.

214

INDO-GREEK DYNASTIES

APPENDIX J

Alphabetical List of Bactrian and Indo-Greek Kings
and Queens 1

Serial

No.

Name.

Greek title or
epithet.

Remarks.

Agathokleia .

Theotropos .

Queen, or mother, of Strato I.

Agathokles .

Dikaios . .

Probably succeeded Pantaleon, No.
28, and contemporary with Euthy-
demos I or Demetrios.

Amyntas . .

Nikator . .

A little earlier than Hermaios.

Antialkidas .

Nikephoros .

Contemporary with early years of
Eukratides, cir. 170 b. c.

Antimachos I

Theos . . .

Probably succeeded Diodotos II,
No. 13, in Kabul.

Antimachos 1 1

Nikephoros .

Later than Eukratides, No. 17, or
possibly contemporary.

Apollodotos .

Soter, Megas,
Philopator 2

Probably son of Eukratides, and
king of entire Indian frontier.

Apollophanes

Soter . . .

Probably contemporary with Strato
I or II.

Archebios . .

Dikaios, Nike-
phoros

Aniketos . .

Probably connected with Heliokles.

Artemidoros .

Later than Menander.

Demetrios

Aniketos . .

Son of Euthydemos I, No. 18.

Diodotos I

—

No coins known.

Diodotos II .

Soter . . .

Son of No. 12.

Diomedes . .

Soter . . .

Apparently connected with Eukra-
tides, No. 17.

Dionysios . .

Soter . . .

Later than Apollodotos.

Epander . .

N ikephoros .

Probably later than Eukratides, No.
17.

Contemporary with Mithradates I.

Eukratides .

Megas . . .

Euthydemos I

Subsequent to Diodotos II, No. 13.

EuthydemosII

—

Probably son of No. 11.

Heliokies . .

Dikaios . .

Son of No. 17 ; last of Bactrian

Hermaios . .

Soter . . .

dynasty.

Last Indo-Greek king.

Probably succeeded Apollodotos.

Hippostratos

Soter, Megas

Kalliope . .

—

Queen of Hermaios.

Laodike . .

—

Mother of Eukratides 3.

1 Based on Von Sallet’s lists, and
brought up to date. The geogra-
phical and chronological position of
many of the rulers named is so
uncertain that an alphabetical list
is the best.

2 Cunningham ( Num . Chron.,

1870, p. 81), Gardner {B. M. Catal.,

p. 34 ~) distinguishes A. Soter from
A. Philopator, and Mr. Rapson is
disposed to accept this view.

3 Gardner ( B.M . Catal., p. 19).
Heliokies seems to have been the
name of the father, as well as of
the son of Eukratides.

LIST OF KINGS AND QUEENS

215

Serial

No.

Name.

Greek title or
epithet.

Remarks.

Lysias . . .
Menander. .

Aniketos . .

Predecessor of Antialkidas, No. 4.

Soter, Dikaios

Later than Eukratides, invaded
India about 155 b. c,

Nikias . . .

Soter . . .

Later than Eukratides.

Pantaleon . .

Contemporary with Euthydemos I
or Demetrios, probably preceded
Agathokles, No. 2.

Peukelaos

Dikaios, Soter

Contemporary with Hippostratos
(J. A. S. B., 1898, part i, p. 131).

Philoxenos .

Aniketos . .

Probably succeeded Antimachos II,
No. 6.

Plato . . .

Epiphanes

165 b. c., contemporary with Eukra-
tides, No. 17 J.

(?) Polyxenos

Epiphanes,

Soter

Num. C/tron.,1896, p. 269: Mr.Rapson
doubts the genuineness of the
unique coin described.

Strato I . .

Soter, Epipha-
nes, Dikaios

Contemporary with Heliokies.

Strato II . .

Soter . . .

Son, or grandson, of No. 33.

Telephos . .

Euergetes . .

J. A. S. B., 1898, part i, p. 130.

Theophilos .

Dikaios . ;

J. A. S. B., 1897, part i, p. 1 ; con-
nected with Lysias.

Zoilos . . .

Soter, Dikaios

Apparently later than Apollodotos.

1 The letters on Plato’s coin year 147 of the Seleukidan era,

are interpreted as signifying the equivalent to 165 b. c.

APPENDIX K. Synchronistic Table, 280 b.c. to 50

CHAPTER X

THE KUSHAN OR INDO-SCYTHIAN DYNASTY
FROM 45 TO 225 A. D.

The migrations of the nomad nations of the Mongolian 165 b. c.
steppes, briefly noticed in the last preceding chapter, pro- yueh-chi
duced on the political fortunes of India effects so momentous migration,
that they deserve and demand fuller treatment.

A tribe of Turk! nomads, known to Chinese authors as
the Hiung-nu, succeeded in inflicting upon a neighbour-
ing and rival horde of the same stock a decisive defeat
about the middle of the second century b. c. The date
of this event is fixed as 165 b. c. by most scholars, but
M. Chavannes puts it some twenty or twenty-five years
later. The Yueh-chi were compelled to quit the lands
which they occupied in the province of Kan-suh in north-
western China, and to migrate westwards in search of fresh
pasture-grounds. The moving horde mustered a force of
bowmen, estimated to number from one hundred to two
hundred thousand ; and the whole multitude must have
comprised, at least, from half a million to a million persons
of all ages and both sexes h

In the course of their westward migration in search of Defeat of
grazing-grounds adequate for the sustenance of their vast Wu'
numbers of horses, cattle, and sheep, the Yueh-chi, moving
along the route past Kucha (N. lat. 41° 38', E. long. 83° 25'),
to the north of the desert of Gobi, came into conflict with

1 M. Chavannes gives the date of but were probably of Turk! race,
the Yueh-chi defeat as ‘vers l’annee The Yueh-chi, too, were not snub-
140 av. J.-C.’ (Turcs Occidentaux, nosed Mongols, but big men with
p. 134 note). The Hiung-nu were pink complexions and large noses,
not Huns, as supposed by De resembling the Hiung-nu in manners
Guignes, nor Ephthalites, as sup- and customs (Kingsmill, J.R. A. S.,
posed by Kingsmill (Specht, in J. 1882, p. 7, of reprint of Intercourse
A., 1883 ; Ind. Ant., 1886, p. 19); of China with Eastern Turkestan).

218

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

Defeat of
the Sakas.

rir.

140 b.c.3
Defeat
of the
Yueh-chi.

a smaller horde, named Wu-sun, which occupied the basin
of the Ili river and its southern tributaries, the Tekes and
Konges1. The Wu-sun, although numbering a force of
only ten thousand bowmen, could not submit patiently to
the devastation of their lands, and sought to defend them.
But the superior numbers of the Yueh-chi assured the
success of the invaders, who slew the Wu-sun chieftain, and
then passed on westwards, beyond Lake Issyk-kul, the Lake
Tsing of Hiuen Tsang, in search of more spacious pastures.
A small section of the immigrants, diverging to the south,
settled on the Tibetan border, and became known as the
Little Yueh-chi ; while the main body, which continued the
westward march, was designated the Great Yueh-chi.

The next foes encountered by the Yueh-chi, were the
Sakas, or Se, who probably included more than one horde ;
for, as Herodotus observes, the Persians were accustomed
to use the term Sakai to denote all Scythian nomads. The
Sakas, who dwelt to the west of the Wu-sun, probably in
the territory between the Jaxartes (Syr Darya) and Chu
rivers, also attempted to defend their lands ; but met with
even worse success than the Wu-sun, being compelled to
vacate their pasture-grounds in favour of the victorious
Yueh-chi, who occupied them. The Sakas were forced to
migrate in search of new quarters, and, ultimately, as stated
in the last preceding chapter, made their way into India
and Slstan 2.

For some fifteen or twenty years the Yueh-chi remained
undisturbed in their usurped territory. But meantime their
ancient enemies, the Hiung-nu, had protected the infant son

1 Chavannes, Turcs Occidentaux,
p. 263.

2 In the time of Darius, son of
Hystaspes (500 b. c.), the Sakai,
with the Caspii, formed the fifteenth
satrapy ; and, in the army of Xerxes,
they were associated with the Bac-
trians under the command of Hy-
staspes, the son of Darius and
Atossa (Herod, iii, 93 ; vii, 64);
Now that the position of the Wu-
sun has been determined, and the
line of the Yueh-chi migration thus

fixed, the approximate location of
the Sakai must be as stated in the
text. Strabo clearly states that the
Sakai and allied tribes came from
the neighbourhood of the Jaxartes.
Canon Rawlinson’s opinion that
they occupied the Kashgar and
Yarkand territory in the days of
Darius (Herod, transl., vol. ii, 403 ;
iv, 170) is no longer tenable.

3 If M. Chavannes is right, this
date must be altered to ‘ about 120,
or 125 B;C.’

YUEH-CHI MIGRATION

219

of the slain Wu-sun chieftain, who had grown to man-
hood under their care. This youth, with Hiung-nu help,
attacked the Yueh-chi, and avenged his father’s death by
driving them from the lands which they had wrested from
the Sakas. Being thus forced to resume their march, the
Yueh-chi moved into the valley of the Oxus, and reduced
to subjection its peaceful inhabitants, known to the Chinese
as Ta-hia. The political domination of the Yueh-chi was
probably extended at once over Bactria, to the south of the
Oxus, but the head quarters of the horde continued for many
years to be on the north side of the river, and the pastures
on that side sufficed for the wants of the new comers.

In the course of time, which may be estimated at two orTheYueh-
three generations, the Yueh-chi lost their nomad habits ;
and became a settled, territorial nation, in actual occupation
of the Bactrian lands south of the river, as well as of
Sogdiana to the north, and were divided into five princi-
palities. As a rough approximation to the truth, this
political and social development, with its accompanying
growth of population, may be assumed to have been com-
pleted about 70 b.c. 70 b.c.

For the next century nothing is known about Yueh-chi Unifica-
history ; but more than a hundred years after the division Yueh-chi
of the nation into five territorial principalities situated to kingdom,
the north of the Hindu Kush, the chief of the Kushan
section of the horde, who is conventionally known to
European writers as Kadphises I, succeeded in imposing his
authority on his colleagues, and establishing himself as sole
monarch of the Yueh-chi nation. His accession as such
may be dated in the year 45 a. d., which cannot be very far 4.5 a.d.
wrong 1.

1 For the arguments in favour of
the chronology as stated in the
text, see the author’s paper, ‘ The
Kushan, or Indo-Scythian, Period of
Indian History,’ in J. R.A. 8., 1903,
which gives full references to autho-
rities. Most books antedate the
unification of the Kushan monarchy
by some seventy years, in conse-

quence of a misunderstanding of
a condensed version of the history
given in Ma-twan-lin’s Chinese en-
cyclopaedia of the thirteenth cen-
tury, The publication of trans-
lations of the original texts which
the encyclopaedist abstracted has
made the true meaning plain, al-
though exact dates are not known.

220

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

The Yueh-
chi cross
the
Hindu
Kush.

Empire of
Kad-
phises I.

Extinction
of Indo-
Greek and
Indo-
Parthian
power.

The pressure of population upon the means of subsistence
which had impelled the Yueh-chi horde to undertake the
long and arduous march from the borders of China to the
Hindu Kush, now drove it across that barrier, and stimu-
lated Kadphises I to engage in the formidable task of
subjugating the provinces to the south of the mountains.

He made himself master of Ki-pin (? Kashmir) as well as
of the Kabul territory and, in the course of a long reign,
consolidated his power in Bactria, and found time to attack
the Parthians. His empire thus extended from the frontiers
of Persia to the Indus, and included Sogdiana, now the
Khanate of Bukhara, with probably all the territories
comprised in the existing kingdom of Afghanistan. The
complete subjugation of the hardy mountaineers of the
Afghan highlands, who have withstood so many invaders
with success, must have occupied many years, and cannot
be assigned to any particular year, but 60 a. d. may be
taken as a mean date for the conquest of Kabul.

The Yueh-chi advance necessarily involved the suppression
of the Indo-Greek and Indo-Parthian chiefs of principalities
to the west of the Indus ; and in the last preceding chapter
proof has been given of the manner in which the coinage
legibly records the outline of the story of the gradual super-
session by the barbarian invaders of Hermaios, the last Greek
prince of Kabul.

The general correctness of the
chronology in the text is not de-
pendent on the validity of the
theory that certain inscriptions are
dated in the Laukika era. Even if
it should hereafter be proved that
the inscriptions of Kanishka and
his successors are dated in a special
era, the soundness of the chrono-
logical scheme adopted in this
chapter would not be seriously
affected. The king called Kad-
phises I in the text is the Kieu-
tsieu-k’io of the Chinese, and the
Kozolakadaphes,Kozoulokadphises,
and Kujulakarakadphises of various
coins. The exact meaning of these
names or titles is unknown.

1 The Chinese texts, as M. Sylvain

L^vi has proved conclusively, dis-
tinguish Ki-pin from Kao-fu, or
Kabul. The signification of Ki-pin
has varied. In the seventh century,
in the time of the Tang dynasty,
it meant Kapisa, or north-eastern
Afghanistan. In the time of the
Han and Wei dynasties the term
ordinarily meant Kashmir. The
period referred to in the text being
that of the later Han dynasty, Ki-
pin should perhaps be interpreted
as meaning Kashmir (Sylvain Levi,
in J. A., tome vii, ser. ix, p. 161 ;
tome x, pp. 526-31 : Chavannes,
Turcs Occidentaux, pp. 52, 276, and
Addenda, p. 307, at top ; Voyage de
Song Yun, p. 54). But the Kapisa
signification would suit better.

RELATIONS WITH CHINA

221

The final extinction of the Indo-Parthian power in the
Panjab and the Indus valley was reserved for the reign of
the successor of Kadphises I, who is most conveniently
designated as Kadphises II.

At the age of eighty Kadphises I closed his victorious dr. 85 a. d.
reign, and was succeeded, in or about 85 a. d., by his son ^adPhlses
Kadphises II 1. This prince, no less ambitious and enter-
prising than his father, devoted himself to the further
extension of the Yueh-chi dominion, and even ventured to
measure swords with the Chinese emperor.

The embassy of Chang-kien in 125-115 b. c. to the Relations
Yueh-chi, while they still resided in Sogdiana to the north
of the Oxus, had brought the western barbarians into
touch with the Middle Kingdom, and for a century and
a quarter the emperors of China kept up intercourse with
the Scythian powers. In the year 8 a. d. official relations
ceased, and, when the first Han dynasty came to an end
in 23 or 24 a. d., Chinese influence in the western countries
had been reduced to nothing. Fifty years later Chinese
ambition reasserted itself, and for a period of thirty years,
from 73 to 102 a. d., General Pan-chao led an army from 73-102
victory to victory as far as the confines of the Roman A D-
empire 2. The king of Khotan, who had first made his
submission in 73.a. d., was followed by several other princes,
including the king of Kashgar, and the route to the west
along the southern edge of the desert was thus opened to
the arms and commerce of China. The reduction of Kuche
and Kharachar in 94 a. d. similarly threw open the northern
road.

The steady advance of the victorious Chinese evidently 90 a.d.
alarmed Kadphises II, who regarded himself as the equal of
the emperor, and had no intention of accepting the position

1 Yen-kao-ching of the Chinese ; of the Caspian Sea’ {China, in Story
Wema (Ooemo) Kadphises, &c., of of Nations Series, p.,18). M. Sylvain
the coins. Levi, referring to Mailla, Histoire

a Prof. Douglas says that ‘an g &nir ale de la Chine, says — ‘jusqu’-
army under General Pan-c’hao auxconfinsdumonde greco-romain ’
marched to Khoten, and even car- {Notes sur les Indo-Scythes, p. 50).
ried their country’s flag to the shores

cir. 95 a.d.
Conquest
of NW.
India.

222 THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

of a vassal. Accordingly, in 90 a. d., he boldly asserted his
equality by demanding a Chinese princess in marriage.
General Pan-chao, who considered the proposal an affront
to his master, arrested the envoy and sent him home.
Kadphises II, unable to brook this treatment, equipped a
formidable force of 70,000 cavalry under the command of
his viceroy Si, which was dispatched across the Tsung-ling
range, or Taghdumbash Pamir, to attack the Chinese. The
army of Si probably advanced by the Tashkurghan pass,
some fourteen thousand feet high x, and was so shattered
by its sufferings during the passage of the mountains, that
when it emerged into the plain below, either that of
Kashgar or Yarkand, it fell an easy prey to Pan-chao, and
was totally defeated. Kadphises II was compelled to pay
tribute to China, and the Chinese annals record the arrival
of several missions bearing tribute at this period1 2.

This serious check did not crush the ambition of the
Yueh-chi monarch, who now undertook the easier task of
attacking India.

Success in this direction compensated for failure against
the power of China, and the Yueh-chi dominion was gradually
extended (90 to 100 a.d.) all over North-Western India, with
the exception of southern Sind3, probably as far east as
Benares 4. The conquered Indian provinces were adminis-
tered by military viceroys, to whom apparently should be
attributed the large issues of coins known to numismatists
as those of the Nameless King. These pieces, mostly copper,

1 For an account of Tashkurghan
in the Sarlkol tract of the moun-
tains, see Stein , Preliminary Report
of Exploration in Chinese Turkestan ,
pp. 11—13 ; or Sand-buried Ruins of
Khotan, ch. v. It seems to be the
XiOivos irupyos of Ptolemy, the em-
porium on the extreme western
frontier of Serike, i. e. the Central
Chinese dominions.

2 ‘ In the time of the Emperor

Hwa (89-105) they [the Indians]
often sent messengers to China and

presented something, as if it were
their tribute. But afterwards those

of the western regions rebelled
(against the emperor of China),
and interrupted their communica-
tion, until the second year of the
period Yen-hsi (159) in the reign of
the Emperor Kwan (147-167) ’ ( An-
nals of Later Han Dynasty, as
translated by Prof. Legge for Max
Muller in India, What can it Teach
us ?, p. 277).

3 Parthian chiefs still ruled over
the Indus delta at the end of the
first century a.d. ( Periplus , ch. 38).

4 This statement is based upon
the distribution of the coins.

RELATIONS WITH ROME

but including a few in base silver, are certainly contemporary
with Kadphises II, and are extremely common all over
Northern India from the Kabul valley to Benares and
Ghazlpur on the Ganges x.

The Yueh-chi conquests opened up the path of commerce Roman
between the Roman empire and India. Kadphises I, who >nfluence-
struck coins in bronze or copper only, imitated, after his
conquest of Kabul, the coinage either of Augustus in his
latter years, or the similar coinage of Tiberius (14 to
38 a. d.). When the Roman gold of the early emperors
began to pour into India in payment for the silks, spices,
gems, and dye-stuffs of the East, Kadphises II perceived the
advantage of a gold currency, and struck an abundant issue
of orientalized aurei, agreeing in weight with their proto-
types, and not much inferior in purity. In Southern India,
which, during the same period, maintained an active mari-
time trade with the Roman empire, the local kings did not
attempt to copy the imperial aurei ; which were themselves
imported in large quantities, and used for currency purposes,
just as English sovereigns now are in many parts of the
world.

The Indian embassy, which offered its congratulations to Embassy
Trajan after his arrival in Rome in 99 a. d., was probably to R°me-
dispatched by Kadphises II to announce his conquest of
North-Western India1 2.

1 The proof that the Nameless
King, ^cuttip Meyaj, was contem-
porary with Kadphises II is given
in detail by Cunningham ( Num .

Chron., 1892, p. 71). The use of
the participle BAXIAETUN on the
coins of the Nameless King seems to
be an indication of his subordinate
rank. His title is Basileus basileudn
soter meg as, whereas Kadphises II
calls himself basileus basileon, ‘ king
of kings,’ or, on the gold coins,
simply basileus. The one silver
coin of Kadphises II adds the
epithet megas ; the legends of the
copper coins give him the title soter
megas.

2 For weights and assays of

Kushan coins, see Cunningham
( Coins Med. India, p. 16). The
opinions expressed by Von Sallet
( Naclifolger Alexander's, pp. 56, 81)
that the close resemblance between
the heads of Kadphises I and
Augustus is due to fortuitous coin-
cidence, and that there is no reason
to connect the weight of the Kushan
coins with that of the imperial
aurei, can only be regarded as a
strange aberration of that distin-
guished numismatist. The one
silver coin of Kadphises II which
is known, weighs 56) grains, and
thus agrees in weight, as Cunning-
ham observed, with a Roman silver
denarius. For an account of large

224

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

The temporary annexation of Mesopotamia by Trajan in
116 a. d. brought the Roman frontier within six hundred
miles of the western limits of the Yueh-chi empire. Although
the province beyond the Euphrates was retroceded by
Hadrian the year after its annexation, there can be no doubt
that at this period the rulers of Northern and Western
India were well acquainted with the fame and power of the
great western empire, and were sensibly influenced by its
example.

Duration The victorious reign of Kadphises II was undoubtedly
Kadphises Pr°l°nged> an(l may be supposed to have covered a space
II. of thirty-five or forty years, from about 85 to 120 or

125 A.D.1

cir. Kadphises II was succeeded by Kanishka, who alone

Kantshka amonS the Kushan kings has left a name cherished by
ace. tradition, and famous far beyond the limits of India. His
name, it is true, is unknown in Europe, save to a few
students of unfamiliar lore, but it lives in the legends of
Tibet, China, and Mongolia, and is scarcely less significant
to the Buddhists of those lands than that of Asoka himself.
Notwithstanding the widespread fame of Kanishka, his
authentic history is scanty, and his chronological position
strangely open to doubt. Unluckily no passage in the works
of the accurate Chinese historians has yet been discovered
which synchronizes him with any definite name or event in
the well-ascertained history of the Middle Kingdom. The
Chinese books which mention him are all, so far as is yet
known, merely works of edification, and not well adapted
to serve as mines of historic fact. They are, in truth,

finds of Roman coins in India, see
Thurston, Coin Catal. No. 2 of
Madras Museum. The testimony
of Pliny {Hist. Nat. xii, 18) to the
drain of Roman gold in exchange
for Indian and Chinese luxuries is
well known : — ‘ Minimaque compu-
tatione milies centena milia sester-
tium annis omnibus India et Seres
peninsulaque ilia imperio nostro
adimunt. Tanto nobis deliciae et
feminae constant. Quota enim

portio ex illis ad deos quaeso iam
uti ad inferos pertinet.’ The em-
bassy is mentioned by Dion Cassius,
ix, 58.

1 No definite proof of the length
of this reign can be given, but the
extent of the conquests made by
Kadphises II and the large volume
of his coinage are certain indications
that his reign was protracted. Cun-
ningham assigned it a duration of
forty years.

DATE OF KANISHKA

225

translations or echoes of Indian tradition, as are the books
of Tibet and Mongolia, and no student needs to be told
how baffling are its vagaries. Kanishka and his proximate
successors certainly are mentioned in an exceptionally large
number of inscriptions, of which more than a score are
dated ; and it might be expected that this ample store of
epigraphic material would set at rest all doubts, and estab-
lish beyond dispute the essential outlines of the Kushan
chronology. But, unfortunately, the dates are recorded in
such a fashion as to be open to most various interpretations,
and eminent scholars are still to be found who place the
accession of Kanishka in 57 b.c., as well as others who date
that event in 278 a.d.1

I have no doubt whatever that the numismatic evidence His date,
alone — a class of evidence unduly depreciated by some
historical students — proves conclusively that Kanishka lived
at a time considerably later than the Christian era, subse-
quent to both Kadphises I and Kadphises II, and was exposed
to the influence of the Roman empire. Many other lines
of evidence, which are of great collective force when brought
together, lead to the conclusion that Kanishka was the
contemporary of Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius, and came
to the throne about 120 or 125 a. d., directly succeeding
Kadphises II.

Kanishka unquestionably belonged to the Kushan section
of the Yueh-chi nation, as did the Kadphises kings, and there
does not seem to be sufficient reason for believing that he
was unconnected with them. The coins both of Kadphises II
and Kanishka frequently display in the field the same four-
pronged symbol, and agree accurately in weight and fineness,
besides exhibiting a very close relationship in the obverse
devices. The inevitable inference is that the two kings were
very near in time to one another — in fact, that either im-
mediately followed the other. Now Kadphises II (Yen-kao-
ching) was beyond doubt not only the successor, but the

1 Dr. Fleet maintains the 57 b.c. A full list of the dated inscriptions
date, and the Messrs. Bhandarkar will be found in the author’s paper on
have advocated the late date, 278. theKushan period, cited ante, p.219.

SMITH

226

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

120-5 A.D.
Extent of
his Indian
dominion.

Conquest
of Kash-
mir.

son of Kadphises I (Kieu-tsieu-k’io), who died at the age
of eighty after a long reign. It is quite impossible to bring
Kanishka into close association with Kadphises II, except on
the generally admitted assumption that Kanishka was his
immediate successor. Without further pursuing in detail
a tedious archaeological argument, it will suffice to say here
that ample reason can be shown for holding that the great
majority of Indianists are right in placing the Kanishka
group directly after that of the Kadphises kings. Our
knowledge is so limited that difficulties remain, whatever
theory be adopted, but the ordinary arrangement of the
royal names appears to be strictly in accordance with the
history of other nations, and with the phenomena of artistic,
literary, and religious development.

Kanishka then may be assumed to have succeeded
Kadphises II, to whom he was presumably related, in or
about 120 or 125 a. d. Tradition and the monuments and
inscriptions of his time prove that his sway, like that of his
predecessor, extended all over North-Western India, probably
as far south as the Vindhyas 1, His coins are found
constantly associated with those of Kadphises II from
Kabul to Ghazlpur on the Ganges, and their vast number
and variety indicate a reign of considerable length. His
dominions included Upper Sind 2, and his high reputation as
a conqueror suggests the probability that he extended his
power to the mouths of the Indus, and swept away the petty
Parthian princes who still ruled that region at the close
of the first century a. d., but are heard no more of afterwards.

He probably completed the subjugation and annexation
of the secluded vale of Kashmir, and certainly showed a
marked preference for that delightful country, in which he
erected numerous monuments, and founded a town, which,

1 The statement of Ptolemy (150 2 Inscription at Sue Vihar, near

A-DOthatthedominionof Kaspeiria, Bahawalpur, ed. Hoernle, J. A.,
or Kashmir, extended to the Vin- x, 324, dated in the year 11 in the
dhyas is interpreted most naturally reign of maharaja rajatirdja devar-
as referring to the contemporary putra Kanishka, on the 28th day of
Kushan kings of Kashmir and the month Daisies of the Mace-
Gandhara (see Stein, Rajatar., donian calendar,
transl. vol. ii, p. 351).

KANISHKA’S CAPITAL

although now reduced to a petty village, still bears his
honoured name1.

Tradition affirms that he carried his arms far into the Attack on
interior,- .and attacked the king residing at the ancient ^alipu’
imperial city of Pataliputra. It is said that he carried off
from that city a Buddhist saint named Asvaghosha 2. But
little dependence can be placed upon ecclesiastical traditions
which connect the names of famous saints with those of
renowned kings, and all such traditions need confirmation.

Kanishka’s capital was Purushapura, the modern Pesha- His
war, the city, which then guarded, as it now does, the capita1'
main road from the Afghan hills to the Indian plains.

There, in his latter days, when he had become a fervent
Buddhist, he erected a great relic tower, which seems to
have deserved to rank among the wonders of the world.

The superstructure of carved wood rose in thirteen storeys
to a height of at least four hundred feet, surmounted by a
mighty iron pinnacle. When Song-yun, a Chinese pilgrim,
visited the spot at the beginning of the sixth century, this
structure had been thrice destroyed by fire, and as often rebuilt
by pious kings. A monastery of exceptional magnificence
stood by its side. Faint traces of the substructures of these
buildings may even now be discerned at the ‘ King’s Mound 1
(Shdhji-ki-Dherl) outside the Lahore gate of Peshawar3.

1 Stein, Rdjat., transl. bk. i, 168-
72. Kanishkapura is now repre-
sented by the village of Kanispor,

74° 28' E. long., 34° 14' N. lat.,
situated between the Vitasta (Bihat)
river and the high road leading
from Varahamula (Baramula) to
Srinagar.

3 Chinese translation, made in
472 a.d., of, a lost Sanskrit work
called the Sri Dharmapitaka-sam-
pradaya-nidana (?), in Levi, Notes
sur les Indo-Scythes, p. 36. Vassi-
lief, Le Bouddisme, transl. La
Comme, p. 210. According to a
Tibetan tradition, Kanishka sent
a friendly invitation to Asvaghosha,
who, being unable to accept it on
account of age and infirmities, sent
his disciple Jnana Yasa in his stead

(transl. of Sumpdhi Ch'oijung in J.
Buddhist Text Soc., 1893, part iii,
p. 18). A variant version is given in
Schiefner’s Taranath, ch. xii.

3 For the topography of Gan-
dhara, the region around Peshawar,
the only trustworthy authority is
M. Foucher’s admirable treatise,
Notes sur la giographie ancienne
du Gandhara (Hanoi, 1902). Tara-
nath ( Schiefner , ch. xiii, p. 62) men-
tions the neighbouring town of
Pushkalavatl as a royal residence
of Kanishka’s son. The fullest
description of the great relic tower
is that by Song-yun (Beal, Records ,
vol. i, p. ciii, and in M. Chavannes’
recently published revised version,
Hanoi, 1903). It is mentioned by
Fa-hien (ch. xii) and Hiuen Tsang

Q 2

228

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

The monastery was still flourishing as a place of Buddhist
education as late as the ninth or tenth century when Prince
Vlra Deva of Magadha was sent there to benefit by the
instruction of the resident teachers, who were famous for
their piety x. The final demolition of this celebrated esta-
blishment was undoubtedly due to the Muhammadan in-
vasions of Mahmud of Ghazni and his successors. Muslim
zeal against idolatry was always excited to acts of destruc-
tion by the spectacle of the innumerable images with which
Buddhist holy places were crowded.

Parthian The ambition of Kanishka was not confined by the limits
of India. He engaged in successful war with the Parthians,
having been attacked by the king of that nation, who is
described by the tradition as 1 very stupid and with a violent
temper2.’ The prince referred to may be either Chosroes
(Khusru), or one of the rival kings who disputed the pos-
session of the Parthian throne between 108 and 130 a.d.
Conquest The most striking military exploit of Kanishka was his
gar^Y^r conc[uest °f Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan, extensive pro-
kand, and vinces lying to the north of Tibet and the east of the
Khotan. Pamirs, and at that time, as now, dependencies of China.

Kadphises II, when he attempted the same arduous adven-
ture in 90 a. d., had failed ignominiously, and had been
compelled to pay tribute to China. Kanishka, secure in the
peaceful possession of India and Kashmir, was better pre-
pared to surmount the appalling difficulties of conveying an
effective army across the passes of the Taghdumbash Pamir,
which no modern ruler of India would dare to face ; and he
had no longer General Panchao to oppose him. Where his
predecessor had failed, Kanishka succeeded ; and not only
freed himself from the obligation of paying tribute to China,
but compelled the defeated kings to surrender hostages,
including a son of the Han emperor of China, who built

(bk. ii, Beal, i, 99). Even so late to M. Foucher (op. cit., pp. 9-13,
as 1030 a.d. Alberuni alludes to the with view and plan).

Kanik-chaitya (Sachau, transl. ii, 1 Cunningham, Arch. Reports, ii,
11). The monastery is described 89, quoting Ghosrawa inscription in
by Hiuen Tsang {Beal, i, 103). J. A. S. B., 1849, i, 494.

The identification of the site is due 2 Levi, op. cit., p. 40.

CHINESE HOSTAGES

a Buddhist shrine at the place of his detention in the
province of Kapisa1.

These hostages were treated, as beseemed their rank, with Chinese
the utmost consideration, and were assigned suitable resi- h°sta£es-
dences at different Buddhist monasteries for each of the

three seasons — the hot, the cold, and the rains. During the
time of the summer heats when the burning plains are not
pleasant to live in, they enjoyed the cool breezes at a
monastery in the hills of Kapisa beyond Kabul, which was
erected specially for their accommodation. The Chinese
prince deposited a store of jewels as an endowment for this
establishment before his return home, and was gratefully
remembered for centuries. When Hiuen Tsang visited the
place in the seventh century he found the walls adorned
with paintings of the prince and his companions attired in
the garb of China, while the resident monks still honoured the
memory of their benefactor with prayers and offerings. The
residence of the hostages during the cold season was at an
unidentified place in the eastern Panjab, to which the name
of Chlnapati was given in consequence. The situation of
their abode during the rains is not mentioned. An in-
cidental result of the stay of the hostages in Kanishka’s
dominions was the introduction of the pear and peach, both
of which had been previously unknown in India 2.

1 ‘ According to tradition, Ka-
nishka Raja of Gandhara in old
days having subdued all neigh-
bouring provinces, and brought into
obedience people of distant coun-
tries, he governed by his army a
wide territory, even to the east of
the Tsung-ling mountains. Then
the tribes who occupy the territory
to the west of the [Yellow] river,
fearing the power of his arms, sent
hostages to him ’ (Hiuen Tsang, in
Beal, Records, i, 57). The detail
about the son of the emperor is due
to Hiuen Tsang’s biographer (Beal,
Life of Hiuen Tsang, p. 54). The
statement that Kanishka’s domin-
ions included remote Yarkand,
which was accepted by Mr. Rockhill
{Life of the Buddha, p. 240), is con-
firmed by Dr. Stein’s remarkable

discoveries at Rawak of sculptures
closely related to those of Gandhara,
and associated with Chinese coins
of the second Han dynasty (25-220
a.d.) {Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan,
1903, pp. 460-5). The Rawak ruins
are situated to the NE. of the
town of Khotan, at a marching
distance of about ninety-five miles.
According to Dr. Franke, China
lost Khotan in 152 a.d.

2 Hiuen Tsang, bk. i, iv, in
Beal, Records, pp. 57, 173, and
Life of Hiuen Tsang (Beal, p. 54).
The site of Chlnapati is not known ;
Cunningham’s attempt at identific-
ation {Arch. Reports, xiv, 54) being
manifestly erroneous. It lay to the
south-west of Jalandhar, not far
from Firozpur.

230

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

Story of
the

treasure.

Introduc-
tion of
Buddhism
into
China.

The biographer of Hiuen Tsang tells a curious story about
the treasure deposited by the Chinese prince as an endow-
ment for the ChTnapati shrine ; which was known to be
buried under the feet of the image of Vaisravana, the Great
Spirit King, at the south side of the eastern gate of the
hall of Buddha. An impious Raja who tried to appropriate
the hoard was frightened away by portents which seemed
to indicate the displeasure of its guardian spirit, and when
the monks endeavoured to make use of it for the purpose
of repairing the shrine, in accordance with the donor’s
intention, they too were terrified by similar manifesta-
tions.

While Hiuen Tsang was lodging at the shrine during the
rainy season, the monks besought him to use his influence
with the spirit to obtain permission to expend the treasure
on urgently needed repairs of the steeple. The pilgrim
complied, burned incense, and duly assured the guardian
spirit that no waste or misappropriation would be permitted.
The workmen who were set to dig up the spot then suffered
no molestation, and at a depth of seven or eight feet found
a great copper vessel containing several hundredweight of
gold and a quantity of pearls h The balance of the treasure
left after the repairs to the steeple has doubtless been
appropriated long since by excavators less scrupulous than
the pious Master of the Law.

The monks of the Chinapati monastery were followers of
the ancient form of Buddhism, known as the Hinayana, or
Lesser Vehicle, and the narrative implies that the Chinese
prince belonged to the same sect. If he was really a
Buddhist, it is of interest to speculate whether he brought
his creed with him or learned it in India. The stories
dating from the seventh century which narrate the arrival
of Buddhist missionaries in China in 217 b. c., although
favourably regarded by Professor Terrien de Lacouperie 2,

1 ‘ Several hundred catties of gold, China , reprint, May, 1891. Prof,

and several scores of pearls ’ (Beal). de Lacouperie fancied that mis-
The catty is a Chinese weight equal sionaries reached China even in
to about 1^ lb. avoirdupois. 219 b.c.

2 How in 219 b.c. Buddhism entered

BUDDHISM IN CHINA

231

are generally disbelieved and highly improbable. The mis-
sionaries dispatched by Asoka in the middle of the third
century b. c. were directed to the south and west, not to the
east, and there is little or no evidence of intercourse between
India and China before the time of the Yueh-chi invasion.

The statement that the emperor Ming-ti sent for Buddhist
teachers in or about 64 a.d., although rejected by Wassiljew x,
has been accepted by most writers ; but even those authors
who admit the fact that Buddhist missionaries reached China
at that date, allow that their influence was very slight and
limited. The effective introduction of Buddhism into China
appears not to have taken place until the reign of Hwan-ti,
about the middle of the second century, when ‘ the people of
China generally adopted this new religion, and its followers
augmented greatly 1 2.’ This development of Chinese Buddhism
was apparently the direct result of Kanishka’s conquest of
Khotan, and it is consequently improbable that the Han
prince brought his Buddhist creed with him. It may be
assumed that he adopted it during his stay in India, and
that when he returned home he became an agent for its
diffusion in his native land. Wassiljew’s view that the
Buddhist religion did not become widely known in China
until the fourth century is not inconsistent with the belief
that the Indian system was effectively introduced to a limited
extent two centuries earlier.

The stories told about Kanishka’s conversion and his Echoes of
subsequent zeal for Buddhism have so much resemblance to ^gends
the Asoka legends that it is difficult to decide how far they
are traditions of actual fact, and how far merely echoes of
an older tradition. The Yueh-chi monarch did not record
passages from his autobiography as Asoka did, and when we
are informed in the pages of a pious tract that his con-
version was due to remorse for the blood shed during his

1 ‘ Die Nachricht iiber die erste Schiefner’s Tarandth, p. 313).
EinfiihrungdesBuddhismusin China a Ma-twan-lin, the encyclopae-

im J. 64 nach Ch. G. ist eine Erfin- dist of the thirteenth century, as
dung; der Buddhismus begann erst translated in J. A. S. B„ vol. vi
im4. Jahrhundert sich auszubreiten’ (1837), pp. 61-75. The date is
(note by Wassiljew (Vassilief ), in given as 147-67 a.d.

232

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

The con-
version of
Kanishka.

Buddha
as a deity.

wars, it is impossible to check the statement h Probably it
is merely an echo of the story of Asoka, as told by
himself.

Just as the writers of edifying books sought to enhance
the glory of Asoka’s conversion to the creed of the mild
Sakya sage by blood-curdling tales of his fiendish cruelty
during the days of his unbelief, so Kanishka was alleged
to have had no faith either in right or wrong, and to
have lightly esteemed the law of Buddha during his earlier
life1 2. The most authentic evidence on the subject of his
changes of faith is afforded by the long and varied series
of his coins, which, like all ancient coinages, reflect the
religious ideas of the monarch in whose name they were
struck. The finest, and presumably the earliest, pieces bear
legends, Greek both in script and language, with effigies of
the sun and moon personified under their Greek names,
Helios and Selene 3. On later issues the Greek script is
retained, but the language is a form of old Persian, while
the deities depicted are a strange medley of the gods wor-
shipped by Greeks, Persians, and Indians 4. The rare coins
exhibiting images of Buddha Sakyamuni with his name in
Greek letters are usually considered to be among the latest
of the reign, but they are well executed, and may be earlier
in date than is generally supposed5. It is impossible to
fix the exact date of Kanishka’s conversion, but the event
evidently did not occur until he had been for some years on
the throne.

The appearance of the Buddha among a crowd of hetero-
geneous deities would have appeared strange, in fact would
have been inconceivable to Asoka, while it seemed quite

1 ‘Comme il avait en maintes
occasions tue a la guerre plus de
trois cent mille hommes, il sentit

que sa faute devait etre infaillible-
ment punie dans l’avenir. Il fut
pris au coeur d’angoisse ; aussitot

il confessa sa faute, se repentit, fit

la charite, observa les defenses, fit

elever un monastere et donner de
la nourriture auxmoines’ ( Conte 16,
Samyukta-ratnapitaka, in Levi,

Notes sur les Indo-Scythes, p. 34).

2 Beal, Records, i, 99.

3 Spelt Salene on the coins.

4 Besides the technical numis-
matic works, see Dr. Stein’s re-
markable paper on ‘ Zoroastrian
Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins ’
(Or. and Babyl. Record, August,
188T).

6 Von Sallet, Nachfolger, p. 195.

INSCRIBED BUDDHIST PEDESTAL FROM HASHTNAGAR, DATED 384

GANDHARA SCULPTURES

233

natural to Kanishka. The newer Buddhism of his day,
designated as the Mahay ana, or Great Vehicle, was largely
of foreign origin, and developed as the result of the complex
interaction of Indian, Zoroastrian, Christian, Gnostic, and
Hellenic elements, which was made possible by the conquests
of Alexander, the formation of the Maurya empire in India,
and, above all, by the unification of the Roman world under
the sway of the earlier emperors. In this newer Buddhism
the sage Gautama became in practice, if not in theory, a
god, with his ears open to the prayers of the faithful, and
served by a hierarchy of Bodhisattvas and other beings
acting as mediators between him and sinful men. Such a
Buddha rightly took a place among the gods of the nations
comprised in Kanishka’s widespread empire, and the monarch,
even after his ‘conversion,’ probably continued to honour
both the old and the new gods, as, in a later age, Harsha
did alternate reverence to Siva and Buddha.

The celebrated Gandhara sculptures, of which the best Gandhara
examples date from the time of Kanishka and his proximate
successors, give vivid expression in classical forms of con-
siderable artistic merit to this modified Buddhism, a religion
with a complicated mythology and well-filled pantheon h
The florid Corinthian capitals and many other characteristic
features of the style prove that the Gandhara school was
merely a branch of the cosmopolitan Graeco-Roman art of
the early empire.

In Buddhist ecclesiastical history the reign of Kanishka Buddhist
is specially celebrated for the convocation of a council, countil'
organized on the model of that supposed to have been
summoned by Asoka. Kanishka’s council, which is ignored
by the Ceylonese chroniclers, who probably never heard of
it, is known only from the traditions of Northern India, as
preserved by Tibetan, Chinese, and Mongolian writers. The
accounts of this assembly, like those of the earlier councils,
are discrepant, and the place of meeting is named variously

1 This fact, which was not recog- M. Foucher. The sculptures include
nized until recently, has been es- innumerable figures of Bodhi-
tablished by Prof. Grtinwedel and sattvas.

234

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

as the Kundalavana Vihara, somewhere in Kashmir ; the
Kuvana monastery at Jalandhar in the north of the Panjab ;
or Kandahar. According to some authorities, the assembly,
like its predecessors, was concerned with the compilation
and expurgation of the scriptures, purporting to be the very
words of Buddha; while, according to others, its business
was restricted to the preparation of elaborate commentaries
on all the three pitakas, or main divisions, of the pre-existing
canon. Comparison of the different authorities may be held
to justify the conclusion that the council was a reality ;
that it met first somewhere in Kashmir, and adjourned to
Jalandhar (or possibly, met first in Jalandhar, and adjourned
to Kashmir), where it completed its sittings ; and that it set
the stamp of its approval on certain commentaries prepared in
accordance with the teaching of the Sarvastivadin school, and
its derivative, the Vaibashika. If it be true, as Hiuen Tsang
was told, that the works authorized by the council were
engraved on copper plates, and deposited in a stupa, it is
possible that they may yet be revealed by some lucky chance.
But the vagueness of the statements concerning the locality
of the council precludes the possibility of deliberate search
for the alleged records of its decisions. The assembly is said
to have been convened by the king on the advice of a saint
named Parsvika, and to have sat under the presidency of
Vasumitra h

1 Hiuen Tsang, the leading au-
thority {Beal, i, 117, 151), states
that the council was convened in
Kashmir under the presidency of
Vasumitra, by Kanishka, king of
Gandhara, acting on the advice of
Parsva or Parsvika, in order ‘ to
arrange the teaching of the three
pitakas of Buddha according to the
various schools.’ After the council
assembled, ‘ the king desired to go
to his own country, as he suffered
from the heat and moisture of this
country.’ The members complied
with the royal wish, and moved to
another place not named, and
there ‘ founded a monastery, where
they might hold an assembly {for

the purpose of arranging) the scrip-
tures, and composing the Vibhasha
&astra' [or, alternative translation —
‘ On this, he went with the Arhats
from that place and came {to a place
where) he founded a monastery, and
collected the three Pitakas. Being
qbout to compose the Vibhasha
Sastra,' &c.]. The members are
said to have actually composed
three authoritative commentaries,
the Upadeia, Vinagar- Vibhasha, and
Abhidharmor- Vibhasha, feastras on
the three pitakas. These works
were then engraved on copper-
plates, and deposited in a stupa, at
a place not named. The king then
went home, leaving the Kashmir

DEATH OF KANISHKA

235

The legends published by M. Sylvain Levi include a
strange tale professing to relate the end of Kanishka, which
possibly may be founded on fact.

‘The king,’ so runs the story, ‘had a minister named
Mathara, of unusual intelligence. He addressed Kanishka
in these words : “ Sire, if you wish to follow the advice of
your servant, your power will assuredly bring the whole
world into subjection. All will submit to you, and the
eight regions will take refuge in your merit. Think over
what your servant has said, but do not divulge it.” The
king replied : “Very well, it shall be as you say.” Then the
minister called together the able generals and equipped a
force of the four arms. Wherever the king turned, all men
bowed before him like herbage under hail. The peoples of
three regions came in to make their submission ; under the
hoofs of the horse ridden by king Kanishka everything either
bent or broke. The king said : “ I have subjugated three

valley by ‘the western gate,’ that
is to say, the Baramula Pass. The
pilgrim’s account of Jalandhar (ibid,
p. 176) makes no allusion to the
council, and there is no doubt that
he believed the session to have been
held somewhere in Kashmir, pre-
sumably at or near the capital.

, Vasumitra’s work, Mahdvibhashd
Sastra (No. 1263 of Nanjio’s Catal.),
ascribed to the time of Kanishka,
was an elaborate commentary on
the Jnanaprasthana Sdstra, the
fundamental work of the Sarvasti-
vadin school (Takakusu ; I-tsing,
Buddhist Practices, p. xxi).

The Mongolians represent the
council as engaged in the collection
of the sayings of Buddha. It met
at Jalandhar, which was in Kash-
mir, according to the Sastra Chin-
gola kereglegchi, and in the kingdom
of Gatchiin Kunasana, according
to the history of Sanang Setsen
(Klaproth, in Laidlay’s Fce-hian,
p. 249).

The Tibetan Kcs-gyur represents
the work of the council as being
the third compilation of the doctrine
of Buddha (Csoma Korosi, As. Res.,
vol. xx, quoted in Eastern Monar-
chism, p. 188).

Taranath notes that some authors
aver that the council met in the Kun-
dalavana Vihara in Kashmir, while
others locate it in the Kuvana monas-
tery at J alandhar ; observing that
the balance of authority favours
the latter view. The council settled
the strife between the eighteen
schools, which were all recognized
as orthodox ; and the three pitakas
were now either for the first time
reduced to writing, or, so far as
previously written, were purified
from error. All kinds of Mahayana
texts appeared about this time
{Schiefner, p. 58).

Wassiljew ( Schiefner , p. 298)
observes that the Bv^ston refuses
to acknowledge Kanishka’s council ;
that the Tangyur describes the
council in 400 anno Buddhae (one
of the traditional dates of Kanishka),
as having been led by Vatsiputra,
and devoted to the doctrines of his
school ; while a Chinese account
locates the assembly at Kandahar.

For criticism of the legends of
the earlier councils see the author’s
paper, ‘ The Identity of Piyadasi
with Asoka Maurya, and some
connected Problems’ (/. R. A. S.,
Oct., 1901).

Legend of
Kanish-
ka’s death.

236

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

Huvishka.

regions ; all men have taken refuge with me ; the region of
the north alone has not come in to make its submission.
If I subjugate it, I shall never again take advantage of an
opportunity against any one, be he who he may ; hut I do
not yet know the best way to succeed in this undertaking.”
The king’s people, having heard these words, took counsel
together, and said : “ The king is greedy, cruel, and un-
reasonable ; his campaigns and continued conquests have
wearied the mass of his servants. He knows not how to be
content, but wants to reign over the four quarters. The
garrisons are stationed on distant frontiers, and our relatives
are far from us. Such being the situation, we must agree
among ourselves, and get rid of him. After that we may be
happy.” As he was ill, they covered him with a quilt, a
man sat on top of him, and the king died on the spot1.’

The reign of Kanishka appears to have lasted some twenty-
five or thirty years, and may be assumed to have terminated
about 150 a. d.

Very little is known about the successors of Kanishka.
He was immediately followed by Huvishka, or Hushka, who
was probably his son, and appears to have retained un-
diminished the great empire to which he succeeded. His
dominions certainly included Kabul2, Kashmir, Gaya3, and
Mathura. At the last-named city, a splendid Buddhist
monastery bore his name, and no doubt owed its existence
to his munificence 4 ; for, like Kanishka, he was a liberal
patron of Buddhist ecclesiastical institutions. But he also
resembled his more famous predecessor in an eclectic taste
for a strange medley of Greek, Indian, and Persian deities.
The types on the coins of Huvishka include Herakles,
Sarapis, Skanda with his son Visakha, Pharro, the fire-god,
and many others, but the figure and name of Buddha are
wanting. It would seem that the Buddhist convictions of
these old Turkish kings were not very deeply seated, and it is

1 Sri-Dharmar-pitaka, &c., in
Notes , p. 43 ; and an English version
in Ind. Ant., 1903, p. 388.

2 Inscription on vase from War-

dak, thirty miles west from Kabul

(Cunningham, Arch. Rep. ii, 67 :
Prinsep’s Essays, ed. Thomas, i.

162, PI. X).

3 Inscription dated 64 on statue
of Buddha, apparently associated
with a medal of Huvishka (Cun-
ningham, Arch. Rep. xvi, p. iv ;
Num. Chron., 1892, p. 49).

1 Cunningham, Arch. Rep. i, 238.

HUSHKAPURA

237

probably justifiable to hold that the royal favour was granted
to the powerful monastic organization of the Buddhists as
much as to their creed. No prudent monarch in those days
could afford to neglect the wealthy and influential order,
which had spread its ramifications all over the empire.

The town of Hushkapura founded by Huvishka in Kash- Hushka
mir occupied a position of exceptional importance just pura'
inside the Baramula Pass, then known as the ‘western
gate1 of the valley, and continued for centuries to be a
place of note. When Hiuen Tsang visited Kashmir about
631 a.d., he enjoyed the liberal hospitality of the Hushka-
pura monastery for several days, and was escorted thence with
all honour to the capital, where he found numerous religious
institutions, attended by some five thousand monks. The
town of Hushkapura is now represented by the small village
of Ushkiir, at which the ruins of an ancient stupa are
visible x.

The reign of Huvishka was undoubtedly prolonged, but Length
all memory of its political events has perished. His abun- of reign
dant and varied coinage is little inferior in interest or artistic
merit to that of Kanishka, with which it is constantly associ-
ated, and, like the contemporary sculpture, testifies to the
continuance of Hellenistic influence. A few specimens of
the gold coinage present well executed and characteristic
portraits of the king, who was a determined looking man,
with strongly marked features, large, deep-set eyes, and aqui-
line nose 2. So far as appears, the Kushan power suffered no
diminution during his reign 3.

1 Stein, Rcijatar., transl. bk. i,

1. 168 ; vol. ii, p. 483 : Beal, Life of
Hiuen Tsiang, p. 68.

1 Gardner, B. M. Catal. Greek
and Indo-Scythic Kings, PI. XXVII,

9, XXVIII, 9.

3 The text of the Kashmir
chronicle (loc. cit.) is as follows : —

‘ Then there were in this land three
kings called Hushka, Jushka, and
Kanishka, who built three towns
named after them. That wise king
Jushka, who built Jushkapura with

its Vihara, was also the founder of
Jayasvamipura [not identified!.
These kings, who were given to
acts of piety, though descended from
the Turushka race, built at Sushka-
letra and other places mathas,
chaitgas, and similar [structures].’
V asushka (? V asashka or Vasishkai,
mentioned in an inscription found
at Sanchi in Central India, is usually
identified with Jushka of the
chronicle and Vasudeva or Vasu-
deva of the coins and Mathura

238

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

Reign of Iluvishka was succeeded by Vasudeva, whose thoroughly
' Indian name is a proof of the rapidity with which the foreign
invaders had succumbed to the influence of their environ-
ment 1. Testimony to the same fact is borne by his coins,
almost all of which exhibit on the reverse the figure of the
Indian god Siva, attended by his bull Nandi, and accom-
panied by the noose, trident, and other insignia of Hindu
iconography. The inscriptions of Vasudeva, mostly found
at Mathura, certainly range in date from the year 74 to the
year 98 of the era used in the Kushan age, and indicate a
reign of not less than twenty-five years. If the Sanchi
inscription bears the date 68, the reign would have lasted
about thirty-five years.

Decay of It is evident that the Kushan power must have been
power n decadent during the latter part of the long reign of Vasu-
deva ; and apparently before its close, or immediately after
that event, the vast empire of Kanishka obeyed the usual
law governing Oriental monarchies, and broke up into frag-
ments, having enjoyed a brief period of splendid unity.

inscriptions. But Dr. Fleet (.7. R.
A. S., 1903, p. 329), holding that the
date of the Sanchi record should be
read as 28, not as 78, maintains
that Vasashka is an unrecognized
king, who ought to be interpolated
between Kanishka and Huvishka.
This theory depends solely on Dr.
Fleet’s reading of a damaged
numeral, the other arguments ad-
duced in support being of little
account, and the basis is not
sufficient for the superstructure. It
seems possible to read the date as
68. The numismatic facts appear
to be fatal to Dr. Fleet’s conten-
tion. The coins of Kadphises II,
Kanishka, and Huvishka are ex-
tremely abundant from Kabul to
Patna, and all three are often found
associated, as in the Gopalpur stupa
in the Gorakhpur district ( Proc .
A. S. B., 1896, p. 100) ; Cunning-
ham’s Benares hoard of 163 coins
(Prinsep’s Essays, i, 227 note) ; and
Masson’s collections from Beghram,
twenty-five miles from Kabul (ibid.

pp. 344, 351). This association
strongly confirms the ordinary
arrangement of the kings; for if
Vasashka came between Kanishka
and Huvishka his coins would have
been found before now. The Ku-
shan coins, which are perfectly
legible and readily identified, have
been known for some seventy years,
and it is inconceivable either that,
if Vasashka had an independent
existence between Kanishka and
Huvishka, he should not have
struck coins, or that coins struck
by him should not have been found
and recognized.

1 His alternative name of Va-
sishka (? Vasushka or Vasashka) is
an attempt to express his real Turk!
name in Indian letters. So Hu-
vishka takes the optional forms
of Hushka or Huksha in inscrip-
tions, besides other varieties in the
coin legends, which are in Greek
characters. Similar difficulties of
transliteration are constantly felt
now.

SASSANIAN INFLUENCE

239

Coins bearing the name of Vasudeva continued to be struck
long after he had passed away, and ultimately present the
royal figure clad in the garb of Persia, and manifestly
imitated from the effigy of Sapor (Shahpur) I, the Sassanian
monarch who ruled Persia from 238 to 269 a.d. 1

Absolutely nothing positive is known concerning the means Sassanian
by which this renewed Persian influence, as proved by numis- ^india
matic facts, made itself felt in the interior of India. Bahrain
(Varahran) II is known to have conducted a campaign in
Slstan, at some time between 277 and 294 ; but there is no
record of any Sassanian invasion of India in the third
century, during which period all the ordinary sources of
historical information dry up. No inscriptions certainly
referable to that time have been discovered, and the coinage,
issued by merely local rulers, gives hardly any help. Certain
it is that two great paramount dynasties, the Kushan in
Northern India, and the Andhra in the tableland of the
Deccan, disappear together almost at the moment when the
Arsakidan dynasty of Persia was superseded by the Sassa-
nian. It is impossible to avoid hazarding the conjecture that
the three events were in some way connected, and that the
persianizing of the Kushan coinage of Northern India should
be explained by the occurrence of an unrecorded Persian
invasion. But the conjecture is unsupported by direct evi-
dence ; and the invasion, if it really took place, would seem to
have been the work of predatory tribes subject to Iranian
influence, rather than a regular attack by a Persian king.

So much, however, is clear that Vasudeva was the last Foreign
Kushan king who continued to hold extensive territories in mvabl0ns-
India. After his death there is no indication of the existence
of a paramount power in Northern India. Probably nume-
rous Rajas asserted their independence and formed a number
of short-lived states, such as commonly arise from the ruins
of a great Oriental monarchy ; but historical material for
the third century is so completely lacking that it is im-
possible to say what or how many those states were. The
period was evidently one of extreme confusion associated with
1 Von Sallet, Nachfolger , p. 63.

240

THE KUSHAN DYNASTY

foreign invasions from the north-west, which is reflected in
the muddled statements of the Vishnu Pur ana concerning the
Abhlras, Gardabhilas, Sakas, Yavanas, Bahllkas, and other
outlandish dynasties named as the successors of the Andhras.
The dynasties thus enumerated were clearly to a large extent
contemporary with one another, not consecutive, and none of
them could claim paramount rank. It seems to be quite
hopeless to attempt to reduce to order the Puranic accounts
of this anarchical period, and nothing would be gained by
quoting a long list of names, the very forms of which are
uncertain.

Kushan Coins indicate that the Kushans held their own in the
Kabul and Panjab and Kabul for a long time. It is certain that the
Panjab. Kushan kings of Kabul continued to be a considerable power
until the fifth century when they were overthrown by the
White Huns. At the beginning of the fourth century one
of them gave a daughter in marriage to Hormazd II, the
Sassanian king of Persia; and when Sapor II besieged
Amida in 360 a.d., his victory over the Roman garrison
was won with the aid of Indian elephants and Kushan troops
under the command of their aged king Grumbates, who
occupied the place of honour, and was supported by the
Sakas of STstan x.

Subordi- It is difficult to judge how far the foreign chiefs who
chiefs ruled the Panjab during the third century, and struck
coins similar to those of Vasudeva, yet with a difference,
were Kushans, and how far they belonged to other
Asiatic tribes. The marginal legends of the coins of this
class, which are written in a modified Greek script, preserve
the name either of Kanishka or Vasu[deva] Kushan 1 2, King
of Kings, and so recognize the Kushan supremacy ; but the
name in Indian letters placed by the side of the spear, is

1 Cunningham, Num. Chron., 1893, 360 a.d. as the date of the siege of

pp. 169-77 ; who seems to be right Amida on the Tigris, the modern
in identifying the Chionitai of Diarbekir. Other authorities prefer
Ammianus Marcellinus with the 358 or 359.

Kushans : Drouin, ‘ Monnaies des 2 The coins usually have Vasu,
Grands Kouchans,’ in Rev. Num., not Vasu.

1896, p. 163. Gibbon (ch. xix) gives

THIRD CENTURY A BLANK

241

frequently monosyllabic, like a Chinese name, Bha, Ga, Vi,
and so forth. These monosyllabic names seem to belong to
chiefs of various Central Asian tribes who invaded India and
acknowledged the supremacy of the Kushan or Shahi kings
of Kabul. One coin with the modified Kushan obverse, and
the names Bashana, Nu, Pakaldhi (?) in Indian Brahml
characters in various parts of the field, has on the reverse a
fire-altar of the type found on the coins of the earliest
Sassanian kings. It is thus clear that in some way or other,
during the third century, the Panjab renewed its ancient
connexion with Persia 1.

Nothing definite is recorded concerning the dynasties of
NorthernIndia,excludingthe Panjab, during the third century,
and the early part of the fourth. The imperial city of Patali-
putra is known to have continued to be a place of importance
as late as the fifth century, but there is not even the slightest
indication of the nature of the dynasty which ruled there
during the third. The only intelligible dynastic list for the
period is that of the Saka satraps of Western India, whose
history will be more conveniently noticed in the next chapter
in connexion with that of the Gupta emperors. The period
between the extinction of the Kushan and Andhra dynasties
about 220 or 230 a.d. and the rise of the imperial Gupta
dynasty nearly a century later is one of the darkest in the
whole range of Indian history.

1 For a list of the names see
V. A. Smith, ‘ History and Coinage
of the Gupta Period,’ in J. A. S. _£>.,
vol. lxiii, part i, p. 180 ; and for the
Bashana coin, ‘Numismatic Notes
and Novelties,’ ibid., vol. lxvi, part i,
p. 5. M. Drouin {Rev. Num., 1898,
p. 140) points out that the form of
the altar is that found on the coins
of Ardashir, the first Sassanian
king (225 or 226-41 i, as well as on
those of some of his successors.

The interesting work by Dr. Otto
Franke of Berlin, entitled Beitrage
aus chinesischen Quellen zurKenntnis

der Tiirkvolker und Skythen Zen-
tralasiens (Abhandl. konigl. preuss.
Akad. der Wissensch., Berlin, 1904),
has reached me too late for dis-
cussion of the learned author’s
views. I note with satisfaction
that Dr. Franke (p. 73 n.) accepts
my approximate date, 45 a.d., for
the establishment of the Kushan
kingdom under Kadphises I. I am
not prepared to agree with his
opinion that Kanishka preceded the
Kadphises kings. He disbelieves
(p. 88) the story of the Chinese
hostages {ante, pp. 228-31).

SMITH

Blank in
history of
interior
India.

242

APPROXIMATE KUSHAN CHRONOLOGY

Date.

Event.

B. C.

165 1

c. 163
c. 160
c. 150-140
c. 140

c. 138

c. 135

c. 125

c. 122
c. 114
c. 70

c. 65

57
c. 13
B. c. 2

A. D.

14
c. 24
38
41
c. 45

c. 45-60

54
c. 64
68, 69
70

79
81

c. 85

Expulsion of main body of Yueh-chi horde from Kan-suh by
the Hiung-nu.

Nan-tiu-mi, chief of the Wu7sun, killed by tlje Yueh-chi.

Yueh-chi occupation of the Saka territory ; Saka migration.

Jsaka invasion of India.

Expulsion of Yueh-chi from Saka territory by Koen-muo, the
young Wu-sun chief, son of Nan-tiu-mi.

Reduction of the Ta-hia, both north and south of the Oxus,
to vassalage by the Yueh-chi, who begin to settle down.

Dispatch by Chinese emperor Wu-ti of Chang-k’ien as envoy
to the Yueh-chi.

Arrival of Chang-k’ien at Yueh-chi head quarters, north of
the Oxus.

Return of Chang-k’ien to China.

Death of Chang-k’ien.

Extension of Yueh-chi settlements to the lands south of the
Oxus ; occupation of Ta-hia capital, Lan-sheu, south of
the river, probably = Balkh.

Formation of five Yueh-chi principalities, including
Kushan and Bamian.

Epoch of the Malava or Vikrama era.

Indian embassy to Augustus.

The Chinese graduate, King-hien, or King-lu, instructed in
Buddhist books by a Yueh-chi king.

Temporary cessation of intercourse between China and the
West.

Augustus, Roman emperor, died ; Tiberius acc.

End of First, or Early Han dynasty of China.

Gaius (Caligula), Roman emperor, acc.

Claudius, Roman emperor, acc.

Kadphises I Kushan (Kieu-tsieu-k’io, Kozolakadaphes, &c.)
acc.

Consolidation of the five Yueh-chi principalities into
Kushan Empire under Kadphises I ; conquest by him of
Kabul (Kao-fu), ? Bactria (Po-ta), and ? Kashmir '.Ki-pin) ;
Hermaios, Greek king in Kabul and Panjab, contemporary.

Nero, Roman emperor, acc.

Buddhist books sent for by Chinese emperor, Ming-ti.

Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Roman emperors.

Vespasian, Roman emperor (acc. Dec. 22, 69).

Publication of Pliny’s Natural History.

Epoch of the Saka or Salivahana era.

Titus, Roman emperor, acc.

Domitian, Roman emperor, acc.

Death of Kadphises I, at age of 80 ; Kadphises II, his son,
acc. (= Yen-kao-ching, Hima Kadphises, &c.) ; the
‘ Nameless King,’ Soter Megas, contemporary and sub-
ordinate.

1 M. Chavannes places this event ‘about 140 b. c.’ If he is right, the
next five dates must be modified. Dr. Franke suggests a third date.

INDIA AND ROME

243

Date.

A. D.

Event.

c. 90-100

99
105

116
117
123-6
c. 123
c. 125-30

131-6
c. 135
138
c. 140
150
c. 153
161
162-5
175
180
c. 185
192, 193
193
c. 200
211
216

217

218
222
226

260

273

360

Kadphises II defeated by Chinese general Pan-ch’ao, and
compelled to pay tribute to China.

Annexation of Northern India, and destruction of Indo-
Parthian power in the Panjab by Kadphises II.

Nerva, Roman emperor, acc.

Trajan, Roman emperor, acc.

Arrival of Trajan in Rome.

Overthrow by the Romans of the Nabataean kingdom of
Petra in Arabia ; rise of Palmyra ; Indian embassy to
Trajan about this time.

Conquest of Mesopotamia by Trajan.

Hadrian, Roman emperor, acc. ; retrocession of Mesopotamia.
Residence of Hadrian at Athens.

Kanishka Kushan acc.

Conquest by Kanishka of Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan 1 ;

war with king of Pataliputra.

War of Hadrian with the Jews.

Conversion of Kanishka to Buddhism.

Antoninus Pius, Roman emperor, acc.

Buddhist Council in (P) Kashmir.

Junagarh inscription of Rudradaman, Western satrap.
Huvishka (Hushka) Kushan acc.

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Roman emperor, acc.

Defeat of Parthian king, Vologeses III, by the Romans.
Eastern campaign of Marcus Aurelius.

Commodus, Roman emperor, acc.

Vasudeva Kushan acc.

Pertinax and Julianus, Roman emperors.

Septimius Severus, Roman emperor, acc.

Palmyra created a Roman colony.

Caracalla, Roman emperor, acc.

Parthian expedition of Caracalla.

Macrinus, Roman emperor, acc.

Elagabalus, Roman emperor, acc.

Alexander Severus, Roman emperor, acc.

Foundation of Sassanian empire of Persia by Ardashir ;
the death of Vasudeva, the collapse of the Kushan power
in India, and the termination of the Andhra dynasty
occurred at nearly the same time.

Defeat of Valerian, Roman emperor, by Sapor I.

Capture of Palmyra by Aurelian.

Successful siege of Amida by Sapor II, with Kushan help.

1 The true date may be later ;
for, according to Dr. Franke, China
lost Khotan in 152 a. d. Kanishka
is not mentioned by name in the
Chinese histories.

Dr. Franke ( Beitrage , p. 99 n.)
considers as doubtful the current

identification of Po-ta (P’u-ta, Can-
tonese Pok-tiu) with Bactria, and
suggests as the true equivalent the
‘ Paktyan land ’ (na/c-mwi) yfj), which
he places to the north of Arachosia.
See ante, p. 32 n.

R %

CHAPTER XI

Origin
of the
Gupta
dynasty.

308 a. d.

THE GUPTA EMPIRE, AND THE WESTERN
SATRAPS; CHANDRA-GUPTA I TO
KUMARAGUPTA I

FROM 320 TO 455 A.D.

In the fourth century light again dawns, the veil of
oblivion is lifted, and the history of India regains unity and
interest.

A local Raja at or near Pataliputra, bearing the famous
name of Chandra-gupta, wedded, in or about the year 308,
a princess named Kumara Devi, who belonged to the ancient
Lichchhavi clan, celebrated ages before in the early annals
of Buddhism. During the long period of about eight
centuries which intervened between the reign of Ajatasatru
and the marriage of Kumara Devi the history of the Lich-
chhavis has been lost. They now come suddenly into notice
again in connexion with this marriage, which proved to be
an event of the highest political importance, as being the
foundation of the fortunes of a dynasty destined to rival
the glories of the Mauryas. Kumara Devi evidently brought
to her husband as her dowry valuable influence, which in
the course of a few years secured to him a paramount
position in Magadha and the neighbouring countries. It
seems probable that at the time of this fateful union the
Lichchhavis were masters of the ancient imperial city, and
that Chandra-gupta by means of his matrimonial alliance
succeeded to the power previously held by his wife’s relatives.
In the olden days the Lichchhavis had been the rivals of the
kings of Pataliputra, and apparently, during the disturbed
times which followed the reign of Pushy amitra, they paid off
old scores by taking possession of the city, which had been

CHANDRA-GUPTA I

245

built and fortified many centuries earlier for the express
purpose of curbing their restless spirit.

Certain it is that Chandra-gupta was raised by his Lich- 320 a.d.
chhavi connexion from the rank of a local chief, as enjoyed ^£avi
by his father and grandfather a, to such dignity that he felt alliance ;
justified in assuming the lofty title of ‘ sovereign of Maha- gupta^f*
rajas,’ usually associated with a claim to the rank of lord acc.
paramount. He struck coins in the joint names of himself,
his queen, and the Lichchhavis ; and his son and successor
habitually described himself with pride as the son of the
daughter of the Lichchhavis. Chandra-gupta, designated as
the First, to distinguish him from his grandson of the
same name, extended his dominion along the Gangetic valley
as far as the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, where
Allahabad now stands ; and ruled during his brief tenure of
the throne a populous and fertile territory, which included
Tirhut, Bihar, Oudh, and certain adjoining districts. His
political importance was sufficient to warrant him in estab-
lishing, after the Oriental manner, a new era dating from his
formal consecration or coronation, when he was proclaimed
as heir to the imperial power associated by venerable tradition
with the possession of Pataliputra. The first year of the
Gupta era, which continued in use for several centuries, ran
from February 26, 320 a. d., to March 13, 321 ; of which
dates the former may be taken as that of the coronation of
Chandra-gupta 11 2 3.

Before his death, which occurred five or six years later, 326 a.d.
Chandra-gupta selected as his successor the Crown Prince,

1 His father was named Ghatot-

kacha, and his grandfather simply
Gupta. Buddhist legend offers
another instance of the participle
Gupta alone serving as a proper
name in the case of Upagupta
(Gupta the Less), son of Gupta the
perfumer.

3 For the chronology of the
dynasty see the author’s paper,
‘ Revised Chronology of the Early or
Imperial Gupta Dynasty ( Ind . Ant.,
1902, p. 257), which modifies the

scheme as given in his numismatic
works. The Gupta inscriptions, so
far as known up to 1888, have been
well edited by Dr. Fleet ( Corpus
Inscr. Ind., vol. iii). The principal
discovery since that date is the
Bhitarl seal of Kumaragupta II,
edited by V. A. Smith and Hoernle
in J. A. S. B., vol. lviii, part i, 1889.
Dates expressed in the Gupta era
generally can be converted into
dates a.d. by the addition of 319;
e.g. 82 g. e. = 40] a.d.

246

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

His

aggressive

spirit.

Epigra-

phic

record.

Samudragupta, his son by the Lichchhavi princess. The
paternal preference was abundantly justified by the young
king, who displayed a degree of skill in the arts of both
peace and war which entitles him to high rank among the
most illustrious sovereigns of India.

From the moment of his accession, Samudragupta assumed
the part of an aggressively ambitious monarch, resolved to
increase his dominions at the expense of his neighbours.
Wars of aggression have never been condemned by such
public opinion as exists in the East, and no king who cared
for his reputation could venture to rest contented within his
own borders. Samudragupta had no hesitation in acting on
the principle that 4 kingdom-taking 1 is the business of kings,
and immediately after his succession to the throne plunged
into war, which occupied many years of his unusually pro-
tracted reign 1.

When his fighting days were over, he employed a learned
poet, skilled in the technicalities of Sanskrit verse, to compose
a panegyric of his achievements, which he caused to be
engraved on one of the stone pillars set up six centuries before
by Asoka and incised with his edicts 2. Samudragupta, an
orthodox Hindu, learned in all the wisdom of the Brahmans,
and an ambitious soldier full of the joy of battle, who cared
nothing for preachings of the monk Asoka recorded in an
antique script and unfamiliar dialect, made no scruple about
setting his own ruthless boasts of sanguinary wars by the side
of the quietist moralizings of him who deemed 4 the chiefest
conquest ’ to be the conquest of piety.

Samudragupta’s anxiety to provide for the remembrance
of his deeds was not in vain. The record composed by his
poet-laureate survives to this day practically complete, and
furnishes a detailed contemporary account of the events of
the reign, probably superior to anything else of the kind

1 Authorities and details are fully
discussed in the author’s paper,

‘The Conquests of Samudra Gupta’
( J . R. A. S., 1897, p. 859). A few
necessary corrections will be made

in subsequent notes.

3 The inscription is not posthu-
mous (Biihler, in J. R. A. S., 1898,
p. 386). The pillar stands in the
fort at Allahabad.

CAMPAIGNS OF SAMUDRAGUPTA 247

in the multitude of Indian inscriptions. Unfortunately the
document is not dated, but it may be assigned with a very
near approach to accuracy to the year 360 a. d., or a little
earlier or later, and it is thus, apart from its value as history,
of great interest as an important Sanskrit composition, partly
in verse and partly in prose, of ascertained age and origin.

The value as dated literature of the great historical inscrip-
tions, although emphasized by Buhler, is still, perhaps, not
fully recognized by scholars who occupy themselves primarily
with the literature preserved in libraries. But our concern
at present in the elaborate composition of Harishena is with
its contents as an historical document, rather than with its
place in the evolution of Sanskrit, and the exposition of its
importance as a linguistic and literary landmark must be left
to specialists.

The author of the panegyric classifies his lord’s campaigns His
geographically under four heads : as those directed against 'i;:^ous
eleven kings of the south ; nine named kings of Aryavarta, paigns.
or the Gangetic plain, besides many others not specified ; the
chiefs of the wild forest tribes ; and the rulers of the frontier
kingdoms and republics. He also explains Samudragupta’s
relation with certain foreign powers, too remote to come
within the power of his arm. Although it is at present
impossible to identify every one of the countries, kings, and
peoples enumerated by the poet, and sundry matters of detail
remain to be cleared up by future discovery and investiga-
tion, enough is known to enable the historian to form a clear
idea of the extent of the dominions and the range of the
alliances of the most brilliant of the Gupta emperors. The
matter of the record being arranged on literary rather than
historical principles, it is not possible to narrate the events
of the reign in strict chronological order.

But we may feel assured that this Indian Napoleon first Conquest
turned his arms against the powers nearest him, and that he °rnNorth~
thoroughly subjugated the Rajas of the Gangetic plain, the India,
wide region now known as Hindustan, before he embarked
on his perilous adventures in the remote south. His treat-
ment of the Rajas of the north was drastic; for we are told

248

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

that they were ‘ forcibly rooted up,’ a process which necessarily
involved the incorporation of their territories in the dominions
of the victor. Among the nine names mentioned, only one
can be recognized with certainty, that of Ganapati Naga,
whose capital was at Padmavati or Narwar, a famous city,
which still exists in the territories of the Maharaja Sindia.

The greater part of these northern conquests must have
been completed, and the subjugated territories absorbed,
before Samudragupta ventured to undertake the invasion
of the kingdoms of the south ; a task which demanded
uncommon boldness in design, and masterly powers of
organization and execution.

Conquest The invader, marching due south from the capital, through
Kosalah Chutia Nagpur, directed his first attack against the kingdom
and forest of South Kosala in the valley of the MahanadT, and over-
tribes. threw its king, Mahendra b Passing on, he subdued all the
chiefs of the forest countries, which still retain their ancient
wildness, and constitute the tributary states of Orissa and
the more backward parts of the Central Provinces. The
principal of those chiefs, who bore the appropriate name of
Vvaghra Raja, or the Tiger King, is not otherwise known
to history. At this stage of the campaign, the main diffi-
culties must have been those of transport and supply, for the
ill-armed forest tribes could not have offered serious military
resistance to a well-equipped army.

Conquests Still advancing southwards, by the east coast road, Samu-
southtreme dragupta vanquished the chieftain who held Pishtapura, now
Pithapuram in the Godavari district, as well as the hill-forts
of Mahendragiri and Kottura in Ganjam ; king Mantaraja,
whose territory lay on the banks of the Kolleru (Colair) lake1 2 ;
the neighbouring Pallava king of Vengl between the Krishna
and Godavari rivers ; and Vishnugopa, the Pallava king of
Kanchl, or Conjeeveram, to the south-west of Madras. Then

1 North Kosala corresponded
roughly with Oudh, north of the
Ghagra river.

“ For correct interpretation of
Kauralaka see Kielhorn in Ep. Ind.,
vol. vi| p. 3. Kottura (Kothoor of

Indian Atlas, sheet No. 108) lies
twelve miles SSE. from Mahendra-
giri. The proper rendering of the
passage was settled by Kielhorn
and Fleet in 1898.

RAID ON THE SOUTH

249

turning westwards, he subjugated a third Pallava chieftain,
named Ugrasena, king of Palakka, the modern Palghatcherry,
situated in Malabar at the great gap in the Western Ghats h

This place, distant some twelve hundred miles in a direct Return
line from Pataliputra, seems to have marked the southern Khan?*1
limit of Samudragupta’s audacious raid. He returned home- desh.
wards through the western parts of the Deccan, subduing on
his way the kingdom of Devarashtra, or the modern Mahratta
country, and Erandapalla, or Khandesh 2.

This wonderful campaign, which involved more than three
thousand miles of marching through difficult country, must
have occupied about three years at least, and its conclusion
may be dated approximately in 340 a. d. 340 a. d.

No attempt was made to effect the permanent annexation Rich
of these southern states ; the triumphant victor admitting parallel of
that he only exacted a temporary submission and then with- Malik
drew. But beyond doubt he despoiled the rich treasuries of Ka^ur'
the south, and came back laden with golden booty, like the
Muhammadan adventurer who performed the same military
exploit nearly a thousand years later. Malik Kafur, the
general of Ala-ud-dln, Sultan of Delhi, in the years 1309
and 1310, repeated the performance of Samudragupta,
operating, however, chiefly on the eastern side of the
peninsula, and penetrated even further south than his
Hindu predecessor. He forced his way to Ramesvara, or
Adam’s Bridge, opposite Ceylon, where he built a mosque,
which was still standing when Firishta wrote his history in
the sixteenth century.

The enumeration by the courtly panegyrist of the frontier Tributary
kingdoms and republics whose rulers did homage and paid states^
tribute to the emperor, a title fairly earned by Samudra-
gupta, enables the historians to define the boundaries of his
dominions with sufficient accuracy, and to realize the nature
of the political divisions of India in the fourth century.

On the eastern side of the continent the tributary kingdoms
were Samatata, or the delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra,

1 E. long. 76° 41', N. lat. 10° 45'.

250

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

Tribal

republics.

Limits of
empire.

including the site on which Calcutta now stands ; Kamarupa,
or Assam ; and Davaka, which seems to have corresponded
with the Bogra (Bagraha), Dinajpur, and Raj shah! districts
to the north of the Ganges, lying between Samatata and
Kamarupa. Further west, the mountain kingdom of Nepal,
then, as now, retained its autonomy under the suzerainty of
the paramount power, and the direct jurisdiction of the
imperial government extended only to the foot of the
mountains. The kingdom of Kartripura occupied the lower
ranges of the western Himalayas, including probably Kumaon,
Almora, Garhwal, and Kangra 1.

The Panjab, Eastern Rajputana, and Malwa for the most
part were in possession of tribes or clans living under repub-
lican institutions. The Yaudheya tribe occupied both banks
of the Sutlaj, while the Madrakas held the central parts of
the Panjab. The reader may remember that in Alexander’s
time these regions were similarly occupied by autonomous
tribes, then called the Malloi, Kathaioi, and so forth. The
Jumna probably formed the north-western frontier of the
Gupta empire. The Arjunayanas, Malavas, and Abhlras
were settled in Eastern Rajputana and Malwa, and in this
direction the river Chambal may be regarded as the imperial
boundary. The line next turned in an easterly direction
along the territories of minor nations whose position cannot
be exactly determined, passing probably through Bhopal,
until it struck the Narmada river, which formed the southern
frontier.

The dominion under the direct government of Samudra-
gupta in the middle of the fourth century thus comprised all
the most populous and fertile countries of Northern India.
It extended from the Hooghly on the east to the Jumna
and Chambal on the west ; and from the foot of the Hima-
layas on the north to the Narmada on the south.

Beyond these wide limits, the frontier kingdoms of Assam

1 Dr. Fleet suggests that the Katuria Raj of Kumaon, Garhwal,
name may survive in Kartarpur and Rohilkhand (J. R. A. S., 1898,
in the Jalandhar district. Brigade- p. 198). See map of the Gupta
Surgeon C. F. Oldham refers to the Empire.

EMBASSIES FROM CEYLON

251

and the Gangetic delta, as well as those on the southern
slopes of the Himalayas, and the free tribes of Rajputana
and Malwa, were attached to the empire by bonds of subordi-
nate alliance ; while almost all the kingdoms of the south
had been overrun by the emperor’s armies and compelled to
acknowledge his irresistible might.

The empire thus defined was by far the greatest that had Relations
been seen in India since the days of Asoka, six centuries for‘
before, and its possession naturally entitled Samudragupta powers,
to the respect of foreign powers. We are not, therefore,
surprised to learn that he maintained diplomatic relations
with the Kushan king of Gandhara and Kabul, and the
greater sovereign of the same race who ruled on the banks
of the Oxus, as well as with Ceylon and other distant islands.

Communication between the king of Ceylon and Samudra- Embassies
gupta had been established accidentally at a very early period
in the reign of the latter, about 330 a. d. Meghavarna, the
Buddhist king of Ceylon, had sent two monks, one of whom
is said to have been his brother, to do homage to the
Diamond Throne and visit the monastery built by Asoka to
the east of the sacred tree at Bodh Gaya. The strangers,
perhaps by reason of sectarian rancour, met with scant
hospitality, and on their return to the island complained to
the king that they could not find any place in India where
they could stay in comfort. King Meghavarna recognized
the justice of the complaint, and resolved to remedy the
grievance by founding a monastery at which his subjects,
when on pilgrimage to the holy places, should find adequate
and suitable accommodation. He accordingly dispatched
a mission to Samudragupta laden with the gems, for which
Ceylon has always been renowned, and other valuable gifts,
and requested permission to found a monastery on Indian
soil. Samudragupta, flattered at receiving such attentions
from a distant power, was pleased to consider the gifts as
tribute, and gave the required permission. The envoy
returned home, and, after due deliberation, King Meghavarna
decided to build his monastery near the holy tree. His
purpose was solemnly recorded on a copper plate and carried

252

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

Horse-

sacrifice.

Personal
accom-
plish-
ments
of Samu-
dragupta.

out by the erection of a splendid convent to the north of
the tree. This building, which was three stories in height,
included six halls, was adorned with three towers, and sur-
rounded by a strong wall thirty or forty feet high. The
decorations were executed in the richest colours with the
highest artistic skill, and the statue of Buddha, cast in gold
and silver, was studded with gems. The subsidiary stupas,
enshrining relics of Buddha himself, were worthy of the
principal edifice. In the seventh century, when Hiuen
Tsiang visited it, this magnificent establishment was occupied
by a thousand monks of the Sthavira school of the Mahayana,
and afforded ample hospitality to pilgrims from Ceylon. The
site is now marked by an extensive mound h

It was presumably after his return from the south that
Samudragupta determined to celebrate his manifold victories
and proclaim the universality of his dominion by reviving
the ancient rite of the horse-sacrifice ( asvamedha ), which had
remained long in abeyance, and probably had not been per-
formed in Northern India since the days of Pushyamitra.
The ceremony was duly carried out with appropriate splendour,
and accompanied with lavish gifts to Brahmans, comprising,
it is said, millions of coins and gold pieces. Specimens
of the gold medals struck for this purpose, bearing a suitable
legend and the effigy of the doomed horse standing before the
altar, have been found in small numbers. Another memorial
of the event seems to exist in the rudely carved stone figure
of a horse which was found in Northern Oudh, and now
stands at the entrance to the Lucknow Museum with a
brief dedicatory inscription incised upon it, which apparently
refers to Samudragupta1 2.

Although the courtly phrases of the official eulogist
cannot be accepted without a certain amount of reservation,

1 The synchronism of Megha- 2 The fact that the mutilated
varna with Samudragupta, dis- inscription — (Ida guttassa deya-
covered by M. Sylvain Levi from dhamma — is in Prakrit suggests a
a Chinese work, has been discussed shade of doubt. All other Gupta
by the author in the paper on Gupta inscriptions are in Sanskrit ( J . R.
chronology already cited, and in A. S., 1893, p. 98, with plate). See
‘ The Inscriptions of Mahanaman at Fig. 11 in plate of coins.

Bodh-Ga.y a.' (Ind. Ant., 1902, p. 192).

VERSATILITY OF SAMUDRAGUPTA 253

it is clear that Samudragupta was a ruler of exceptional
capacity, and unusually varied gifts. The laureate’s com-
memoration of his hero’s proficiency in song and music is
curiously confirmed by the existence of a few rare gold coins
which depict his majesty comfortably seated on a high-backed
couch, engaged in playing the Indian lyre b The allied art of
poetry was also reckoned among the accomplishments of this
versatile monarch, who is said to have been reputed a king of
poets, and to have composed numerous metrical works worthy
of the reputation of a professional author. We are further
informed that the king took much delight in the society
of the learned, and loved to employ his acute and polished
intellect in the study and defence of the sacred scriptures, as
well as in the lighter arts of music and poetry. The picture
of Samudragupta as painted by his official panegyrist reminds
the reader of that of Akbar as depicted by his no less
partial biographer, Abul Fazl.

Whatever may have been the exact degree of skill attained
by Samudragupta in the practice of the arts which graced his
scanty leisure, it is clear that he was endowed with no ordinary
powers ; and that he was in fact a man of genius, who may
fairly claim the title of the Indian Napoleon. Unfortunately,
the portraits on his coins are not sufficiently good to give a
clear notion of his personal appearance.

By a strange irony of fate this great king — warrior, poet, Recovery
and musician — who conquered all India, and whose alliances pf his
extended from the Oxus to Ceylon, is unknown even by name
to the historians of India. His lost fame has been slowly
recovered by the minute and laborious study of inscriptions
and coins during the last seventy years ; and the fact that it
is now possible to write a long narrative of the events of his
memorable reign is perhaps the most conspicuous illustration
of the success gained by patient archaeological research in
piecing together the fragments, from which alone the chart
of the authentic early history of India can be constructed.

The exact year of Samudragupta’s death is not known, dr. 375

A.D.

1 Plate of coins, Fig. 10.

254

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

but he certainly lived to an advanced age, and enjoyed a
reign of uninterrupted prosperity for about half a century.
Before he passed away, he secured the peaceful transmission
of the crown by nominating as his successor, from among
many sons1, the offspring of his queen, Datta Devi, whom he
rightly deemed worthy to inherit a magnificent empire.
Chandra- The son thus selected, who had probably been associated
gupta II ag crown prince with his father in the cares of government
( yuvardja ), assumed the name of his grandfather, in accor-
dance with Hindu custom, and is therefore distinguished in
the dynastic list as Chandra-gupta II. He also took the
title of Vikramaditya (‘sun of power1), and has a better
claim than any other sovereign to be regarded as the original
of the mythical king of that name who figures so largely in
Indian legends. The precise date of his accession is not
recorded, but it cannot be far removed from 375 a.d. ;
and, pending the discovery of some coin or inscription to
settle the matter, that date may be assumed as approximately
correct.

Wars in So far as appears, the succession to the throne was accom-
andcm the P^ls^e(^ peacefully without contest, and the new emperor,

Indus. who must have been a man of mature age at the time of his

accession, found himself in a position to undertake the ex-
tension of the wide dominion bequeathed to him by his ever

victorious father. He did not renew Samudragupta’s southern
adventures, but preferred to seek room for expansion towards
the east, north-west, and south-west. Our knowledge of his
campaign in Bengal is confined to the assertion made in the
elegant poetical inscription on the celebrated Iron Pillar of
Delhi that ‘ when warring in the Vanga countries, he
breasted and destroyed the enemies confederate against him1;
and the language of the poet may refer to the suppression
of a rebellion rather than to a war of aggression. The same
document is the only authority for the fact that he crossed
the “ seven mouths of the Indus,” and vanquished in battle
a nation called Vahlika, which has not been identified 2.

1 Eran and Bhitarl inscriptions. in the author’s paper, ‘ The Iron
a This inscription is fully discussed Pillar of Delhi (Mihraull) and the

CONQUEST OF WESTERN INDIA

255

But the great military achievement of Chandra- gupta Conquest
Vikramaditya was his advance to the Arabian Sea through
Malwa and Gujarat, and his subjugation of the peninsula of and Ka-
Surashtra or Kathiawar, which had been ruled for centuries thiawar-
by the Saka dynasty, known to European scholars as the
Western Satraps h The campaigns which added these remote
provinces to the empire must have occupied several years,
and are known to have taken place between 388 and 401 a.d.

The year 395 may be assumed as a mean date for the
completion of the conquest, which involved the incorporation
in the empire of the territory held by the Malavas and other
tribes, who had remained outside the limits of Samudra-
gupta’s dominion. The annexation of Surashtra and
Malwa not only added to the empire provinces of exceptional
wealth and fertility, but opened up to the paramount power
free access to the ports of the western coast ; and thus placed
Chandra-gupta II in direct touch with the seaborne
commerce with Europe through Egypt, and brought his
court and subjects under the influence of the European
ideas which travelled with the goods of the Alexandrian
merchants.

The Saka dynasty, which was overthrown in 395 a.d., had The
been founded in the first century of the Christian era, satrap™
probably by a chief named Bhumaka Kshaharata ; who was
followed by Nahapana, a member of the same clan 2. When
the latter was destroyed by the Andhra king, as related in
chapter viii, the local government passed into the hands of
Chashtana and his descendants. In the middle of the second
century, the satrap Rudradaman, having decisively defeated
his Andhra rival, had firmly established his own power not only
over the peninsula of Surashtra, but also over Malwa, Cutch
(Kachchh), Sind, the Konkan, and other districts — in short,
over Western India. The capital of Chashtana and his
successors was Ujjain, one of the most ancient cities of India,

Emperor Candra (Chandra),’ in by Messrs. Rapson, Bhagwan Lai
J. R. A.S., 1897, p. 1. Indraji, and Biddulph,in/,i?.A(./S.,

1 For the detailed history of the 1890, p. 639 ; 1899, p. 357.

Western Satraps see the papers 3 Ante , p. 188.

256

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

Fall of
the last
satrap.

the principal depot for the commerce between the ports of
the west and the interior, famous as a seat of learning and
civilization, and also notable as the Indian Greenwich from
which longitudes were reckoned. The place, which is still
a considerable town with many relics of its past greatness,
retains its ancient name, and was for a time the capital of
Maharaja Sindia.

Samudragupta, although not able to undertake the con-
quest of the west, had received an embassy from the satrap
Rudrasena, son of Rudradaman, who was doubtless deeply
impressed by the emperor’s triumphant march through India.
Chandra-gupta II, strong in the possession of the territory
and treasure acquired by his father, resolved to crush his
western rival, and to annex the valuable provinces which
owned the satrap’s sway. The motives of an ambitious king
in undertaking an aggressive war against a rich neighbour
are not far to seek ; but we may feel assured that differences
of race, creed, and manners supplied the Gupta monarch
with special reasons for desiring to suppress the impure,
foreign rulers of the west. Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya,
although tolerant of Buddhism and Jainism, was himself an
orthodox Hindu, specially devoted to the cult of Vishnu, and
as such cannot but have experienced peculiar satisfaction in
‘violently uprooting’ foreign chieftains who cared little
for caste rules. Whatever his motives may have been, he
attacked, dethroned, and slew the satrap Rudrasinha, son
of Satyasinha, and annexed his dominions. Scandalous
tradition affirmed that ‘ in his enemy’s city the king of the
Sakas, while courting another man’s wife, was butchered by
Chandra-gupta, concealed in his mistress’s dress1’; but the
tale does not look like genuine history. The last notice of
the satraps refers to the year 388 a.d., and the incorporation
of their dominions in the Gupta empire must have been
effected soon after that date.

The Gupta kings, excepting the founder of the dynasty,
all enjoyed long reigns, like the Moghals in later times.

1 Harsa-carita, transl. Cowell and Thomas, p. 194.

THE GUPTA CAPITAL

257

Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya occupied the throne for nearly Character
forty years, and survived until 413 a.d. Little is known ^^gupta
concerning his personal character ; but the ascertained facts II.
of his career suffice to prove that he was a strong and
vigorous ruler, well qualified to govern and augment an
extensive empire. He loved sounding titles which proclaimed
his martial prowess, and was fond of depicting himself, after
the old Persian fashion, as engaged in successful personal
combat with a lion. The epithet rupahriti, applied to him
on a rare type of his varied and abundant gold coinage,
which probably should be translated as ‘dramatist,1 and
certainly refers to his possession of a special artistic talent,
is good evidence that he inherited some of his father’s
graceful accomplishments, as well as his political ambition
and strategic skill.

There are indications that Pataliputra, although it may The
have been still regarded as the official capital, ceased to be caPital-
the ordinary residence of the Gupta sovereigns after the com-
pletion of the extensive conquests effected by Samudragupta.

The Maurya emperors, it is true, had managed to control
a dominion considerably larger than that of the Guptas from
the ancient imperial city, but, even in their time, its remote-
ness in the extreme east must have caused inconvenience, and
a more central position for the court had obvious advantages.
Ajodhya, the legendary abode of the hero Rama, the ruins
of which have supplied materials for the building of the
modern city of Fyzabad in Southern Oudh, enjoyed a more
favourable situation, and appears to have been at times the
head quarters of the government of both Samudragupta and
his son, the latter of whom probably had a mint for copper
coins there.

The Asoka pillar on which Samudragupta recorded the Kau-
history of his reign is supposed to have been erected originally sambi'
at the celebrated city of Kausambi, which stood on the high
road between Ujjain and Northern India, and was no doubt
at times honoured by the residence of the monarch 1. The

1 For discussion of the site in,J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 503; and
of Kausambi see the , author’s ‘ SravastI,’ ibid., 1900, p. 1.

papers, ‘Kausambi and SravastI,’

SMITH

258

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

Patali-

putra.

4-05-1 1

A.D.

Fa-hien.

Splen-
dours of
Patali-
putra.

real capital of an Oriental despotism is the seat of the
despot’s court for the time being.

Pataliputra. however, although necessarily considerably
neglected by warrior kings like Samudragupta and Vikra-
maditya, continued to be a magnificent and populous city
throughout the reign of the latter, and was not finally
ruined until the time of the Hun invasion in the sixth
century ; from which date it practically disappeared until it
was rebuilt a thousand years later by Sher Shah. Since his
time the venerable city, under the names of Patna and
Bankipore, has regained much of its ancient importance, and
has played a part in many notable events.

We are fortunate enough to possess in the work of
Fa-hien, the earliest Chinese pilgrim, a contemporary account
of the administration of Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya, as it
appeared to an intelligent foreigner at the beginning of the
fifth century. The worthy pilgrim, it is true, was so
absorbed in his search for Buddhist books, legends, and
miracles that he had little care for the things of this world,
and did not trouble even to mention the name of the mighty
monarch in whose territories he spent six studious years.
But now and then he allowed his pen to note some of the
facts of ordinary life, and in more than one passage he has
recorded particulars, which, although insufficient to gratify
the curiosity of the twentieth century, yet suffice to give
a tolerably vivid picture of the state of the country. The
picture is a very pleasing one on the whole, and proves that
Vikramaditya was capable of bestowing on his people the
benefits of orderly government in sufficient measure to allow
them to grow rich in peace and prosper abundantly.

On the occasion of his first visit to Pataliputra the
traveller was deeply impressed by the sight of Asoka’s
palace, which was at that time still in existence, and so
cunningly constructed of stone that the work clearly appeared
to be beyond the skill of mortal hands, and was believed to
have been executed by spirits in the service of the emperor.
Near a great stupa, also ascribed to Asoka, stood two monas-
teries, one occupied by followers of the Mahayana, and the

FREE HOSPITAL

259

other by those of the Hlnayana sect. The monks resident in
both establishments together numbered six or seven hundred,
and were so famous for learning that their lectures were
frequented by students and inquirers from all quarters.

Fa-hien spent three years here studying Sanskrit, and was
made happy by obtaining certain works on monastic disci-
pline as taught by various schools, for which he had sought
elsewhere in vain. He describes with great admiration the
splendid procession of images, carried on some twenty huge
cars richly decorated, which annually paraded through the
city on the eighth day of the second month, attended by
singers and musicians ; and notes that similar processions
were common in other parts of the country 1.

The towns of Magadha were the largest in the Gangetic Free hos-
plain, which Fa-hien calls by the name of Central India or pital‘
the Middle Kingdom ; the people were rich and prosperous,
and seemed to him to emulate each other in the practice of
virtue. Charitable institutions were numerous ; rest-houses
for travellers were provided on the highways, and the capital
possessed an excellent free hospital endowed by benevolent
and educated citizens.

‘ Hither come,’ we are told, 4 all poor or helpless patients
suffering from all kinds of infirmities. They are well taken
care of, and a doctor attends them ; food and medicine being
supplied according to their wants. Thus they are made
quite comfortable, and when they are well, they may go
away 2.’

No such foundation was to be seen elsewhere in the world
at that date ; and its existence, anticipating the deeds of
modern Christian charity, speaks well both for the character
of the citizens who endowed it, and for the genius of the
great Asoka, whose teaching still bore such wholesome fruit
many centuries after his decease. The earliest hospital in
Europe is said to have been opened in the tenth century.

In the course of a journey of some five hundred miles Bud-
from the Indus to Mathura on the Jumna, Fa-hien passed

1 Travels, ch. xxvii, in any of the versions.

2 Ibid., Giles’s version.

260

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

a succession of Buddhist monasteries tenanted by thousands
of monks ; and in the neighbourhood of Mathura found
twenty of these buildings occupied by three thousand resi-
dents. Buddhism was growing in favour in this part of the
country h

Prosperity The region to the south of Mathura, that is to say,
of Malwa. specially excited the admiration of the traveller ;

who was delighted alike with the natural advantages of the
country, the disposition of the people, and the moderation
of the government. The climate seemed to him very agree-
able, being temperate, and free from the discomforts of frost
and snow with which he was familiar at home and in the
course of his journey. The large population lived happily
under a sensible government which did not worry. With
a glance at Chinese institutions, Fa-hien congratulates the
Indians that ‘ they have not to register their households, or
attend to any magistrates and rules.’ They were not troubled
with passport regulations, or, as the pilgrim bluntly puts it :
‘ Those who want to go away, may go ; those who want to
stop, may stop.’ The administration of the criminal law
seemed to him mild in comparison with the Chinese system.
Most crimes were punished only by fines, varying in amount
according to the gravity of the offence, and capital punish-
ment would seem to have been unknown. Persons guilty of
repeated rebellion, an expression which probably includes
brigandage, suffered amputation of the right hand ; but such
a penalty was exceptional, and judicial torture was not
practised. The revenue was mainly derived from the rents
of the crown lands, and the royal officers, being provided
with fixed salaries, had no occasion to live on the people.
Buddhist The Buddhist rule of life was generally observed,
liftf °f ‘ Throughout the country,’ we are told, ‘ no one kills any
living thing, or drinks wine, or eats onions or garlic1 2 . . .

1 Travels, ch. xvi. The ‘ temples ’ as impure, because, when cut, their
and ‘ priests’ were apparently Bud- structure is supposed to resemble
dhist. The versions of this chapter that of flesh. Gopaditya, an ancient
differ considerably : those of Legge king of Kashmir, punished Brah-
and Giles have been used in the text. mans who ate garlic (Stein, transL

2 Onions and garlic are regarded Rajat., bk. i, 342).

CHARACTER OF THE GOVERNMENT 261

they do not keep pigs or fowls, there are no dealings in
cattle, no butchers’ shops or distilleries in their market-
places.’ The Chandala, or outcaste tribes, who dwelt apart
like lepers, and were required when entering a city or bazaar
to strike a piece of wood as a warning of their approach,
in order that other folk might not be polluted by contact
with them x, were the only offenders against the laws of
piety ( dharma ), and the only hunters, fishermen, and
butchers. Cowrie shells formed the ordinary currency. The
Buddhist monasteries were liberally endowed by royal grants,
and the monks received alms without stint — houses, beds,
mattresses, food, and clothes were never lacking to them
wherever they might go.

These particulars, as collected and narrated by the earliest
Chinese traveller in India, permit of no doubt that the
dominions of Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya were well
governed ; the authorities interfering as little as possible
with the subject, and leaving him free to prosper and
grow rich in his own way. The devout pilgrim pursued
his Sanskrit studies for three years at Pataliputra, and for
two years at the port of Tamralipti (Tamluk), without let
or hindrance, and it is clear that the roads were safe for
travellers 2. Fa-hien never has occasion to complain of being
stripped by brigands, a misfortune which befell his successor
Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century more than once.
Probably India has never been governed better, after the
Oriental manner, than it was during the reign of Vikrama-
ditya. The government did not attempt to do too much ;
but let the people alone, and was accordingly popular. The
merciful teachings of Buddhism influenced the lives of all
classes, except the most degraded ; while, inasmuch as the
sovereign was a Brahmanical Hindu, the tendency to the
harassing kind of persecution, which a Buddhist or Jain
government is apt to display, was kept in check, and liberty

1 ‘ Beyond the walls the outcastes 3 Travels, chh. xxxvi, xxxvii. Tam-
dwell, ralipti, usually identified with Tam-

’Tis worse than death to touch luk, was believed by Mr. Fergusson
such men.’ (Gover, Folk- to be represented by Satgaon.

Songs of Southern India, p. 58.)

Good

govern-

ment.

262

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

Certain

localities

unpros-

perous.

413 A.D.
Kumara-
gupta I
acc.

of conscience was assured. Fa-hien, as a pious devotee,
necessarily saw everything through Buddhist spectacles, but
it is evident that, with a Brahmanical supreme govern-
ment, Hinduism of the orthodox kind must have been far
more prominent than his account would lead the reader to
suppose, and sacrifices must have been permitted. In fact,
the Brahmanical reaction against Buddhism had begun at
a time considerably earlier than that of Fa-hien’s travels ;
and Indian Buddhism was already upon the downward path,
although the pilgrim could not discern the signs of de-
cadence.

While the general prosperity and tranquillity of the
empire under the rule of Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya are
abundantly proved by the express testimony of Fa-hien, and
by his unobstructed movements in all directions during
many years ; certain districts did not share in the general
well-being, and had retrograded in population and wealth.
The city of Gaya, we are informed, was empty and desolate ;
the holy places of Bodh-Gaya, six miles to the south, were
surrounded by jungle; and an extensive tract of country
near the foot of the mountains, which had been the seat
of a large population in the fifth century b.c., was now
sparsely inhabited. The great city of SravastI, on the
upper course of the RaptI, was occupied by only two
hundred families ; and the holy towns of Kapilavastu and
Kusinagara were waste and deserted, save for a scanty
remnant of monks and their lay attendants, who clung to
the sacred spots, and derived a meagre subsistence from
the alms of rare pilgrims. The causes of this decay are
unknown 1.

The son of Vikramaditya and his queen, Dhruva Devi, who
ascended the throne in 413 a. d., is known to history as
Kumaragupta I, in order to distinguish him from his great-
grandson of the same name. The events of this king’s
reign, which exceeded forty years, are not known in detail,
but the distribution of the numerous contemporary inscrip-
tions and coins permits of no doubt that during the greater
1 Travels, chh. xx, xxii, xxiv, xxxi.

KUMARAGUPTA I

263

part of his unusually prolonged rule, the empire suffered no
diminution. On the contrary, it probably gained certain
additions, for Kumara, like his grandfather, celebrated the
horse-sacrifice as an assertion of his paramount sovereignty ;
and it is not likely that he would have indulged in this
vaunt, unless to some extent justified by successful warfare.
But the extant records furnish no information concerning
specific events, beyond the fact that at the close of his
reign, that is to say, in the middle of the fifth century,
Kumara’s dominions suffered severely from the irruption of
the Hun hordes, who had burst through the north-western
passes, and spread in a destructive flood all over Northern
India. Before entering upon the discussion of the Hun
invasion and the consequent break-up of the Gupta empire,
it is desirable to pause, in order to record a few brief obser-
vations on the significance of the rule of the great Gupta
sovereigns in the evolution of Indian language, literature, art,
and religion ’.

1 See Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar’s
brilliant essay A Peep into the
Early History of India from the
Foundation of the Maurya Dynasty
to the Downfall of the Imperial
Gupta Dynasty (322 b.c. -cir. 500

a.d.), Bombay, 1900 ; reprinted
from the J. Bo. E. A. S. In spite
of an untenable theory of the
Kushan chronology, this paper is
the best account of the early history
of India which has yet appeared.

CHAPTER XII

Preva-
lence of
Bud-
dhism
from

"200 b. c. to
200 A.D.

Hindu-
ism not
extinct.

Religion
of the
foreign
kings.

THE GUPTA EMPIRE (continued) ; AND THE
WHITE HUNS

FROM 455 TO 606 A.D.

The general prevalence of Buddhism in Northern India
including Kashmir, Afghanistan, and Suwat, during the two
centuries immediately preceding, and the two next following
the Christian era, is amply attested by the numerous remains
of Buddhist monuments erected during that period and a
multitude of inscriptions, which are almost all either Buddhist
or Jain. The Jain cult, which was closely related to the
Buddhist, does not appear to have gained very wide popu-
larity, although it was practised with great devotion at
certain localities, of which Mathura was one.

But the orthodox Hindu worship, conducted under the
guidance of Brahmans, and associated with sacrificial rites
abhorrent to Jain and Buddhist sentiment, had never become
extinct, and had at all times retained a large share of both
popular and royal favour. Kadphises II, the Kushan con-
queror, was himself conquered by captive India, and adopted
with such zeal the worship of Siva as practised by his new
subjects that he constantly placed the image of that Indian
god upon his coins, and described himself as his devotee.
Many other facts concur to prove the continued worship of
the old Hindu gods during the period in which Buddhism
was unquestionably the most popular and generally received
creed.

In some respects, Buddhism in its Mahayana form was
better fitted than the Brahmanical system to attract the
reverence of casteless foreign chieftains ; and it would not be
unreasonable to expect that they should have shown a decided

REVIVAL OF SANSKRIT

265

tendency to favour Buddhism rather than Brahmanism ;
but the facts do not indicate any clearly marked general
preference for the Buddhist creed on the part of the
foreigners. The only distinctively Buddhist coins are the
few rare pieces of that kind struck by Kanishka, who
undoubtedly, in his later years, liberally patronized the
ecclesiastics of the Buddhist church, as did his successor
Huvishka ; but the next king, Vasudeva, reverted to the
devotion for Siva, as displayed by Kadphises II. So the
later Saka satraps of Surashtra seem to have inclined per-
sonally much more to the Brahmanical than to the Buddhist
cult, and they certainly bestowed their patronage upon the
Sanskrit of the Brahmans rather than upon the vernacular
literature.

The development of the Mahayana school of Buddhism,
which became prominent and fashionable from the time of
Kanishka in the second century, was in itself a testimony
to the reviving power of Brahmanical Hinduism. The newer
form of Buddhism had much in common with the older
Hinduism, and the relation is so close that even an expert
often feels a difficulty in deciding to which system a particular
image should be assigned.

Brahmanical Hinduism was the religion of the pundits,
whose sacred language was Sanskrit, a highly artificial
literary modification of the vernacular speech of the Panjab.
As the influence of the pundits upon prince and peasant
waxed greater in matters of religion and social observance,
the use of their special vehicle of expression became more
widely diffused, and gradually superseded the vernacular in
all documents of a formal or official character. In the third
century b. c. Asoka had been content to address his com-
mands to his people in language easy to be understood by
the vulgar ; but, in the middle of the second century a. d.,
the western satrap Rudradaman felt that his achieve-
ments could be adequately commemorated only in elaborate
Sanskrit. It is impossible to go more deeply into the
subject in these pages, but it is certain that the revival of
the Brahmanical religion was accompanied by the diffusion

Con-
nexion
between
Mahayana
and Hin-
duism.

Revival of
Sanskrit.

266

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

The
Hindu
reaction
in Gupta
period.

Vikrama-
ditya and
the Nine
Gems.

and extension of Sanskrit, the sacred language of the
Brahmans h

Whatever may have been the causes, the fact is abundantly
established that the restoration of the Brahmanieal religion
to popular favour, and the associated revival of the Sanskrit
language, first became noticeable in the second century, were
fostered by the western satraps during the third, and made
a success by the Gupta emperors in the fourth century.
These princes, although apparently perfectly tolerant both
of Buddhism and Jainism, were themselves beyond question
zealous Hindus, guided by Brahman advisers, and skilled
in Sanskrit, the language of the pundits. An early stage
in the reaction against Buddhist condemnation of sacrifice
had been marked by Pushyamitra’s celebration of the
horse-sacrifice towards the close of the second century. In
the fourth, Samudragupta revived the same ancient rite
with added splendour ; and, in the fifth, his grandson
repeated the solemnity. Without going further into detail,
the matter may be summed up in the remark that coins,
inscriptions, and monuments agree in furnishing abundant
evidence of the recrudescence during the Gupta period of
Brahmanieal Hinduism at the expense of Buddhism, and
of the favour shown by the ruling powers to ‘ classical 1
Sanskrit at the expense of the more popular literary dialects,
which had enjoyed the patronage of the Andhra kings.

Good reasons can be adduced for the belief that Chandra-
gupta II Vikramaditya, who reigned at the close of the
fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, and conquered
Ujjain, should be regarded as the original of the Raja
Bikram of Ujjain, famed in popular legend, at whose court
the Nine Gems of Sanskrit literature are supposed to have
flourished 2. Whether Kalidasa, poet and dramatist, the
most celebrated of these authors, actually graced the durbar

1 The reader who desires to pursue 2 Dr. Hoernle’s theory that Yaso-

the subject should consult Professor dharman in the sixth century was
Otto Franke’s book, Pali und San- the original of the legendary Vikra-
skrit, in ihrem historischen und geo- maditya is not supported by sub-
graphischen Verhaltniss auf Grund stantial evidence («/. K. A. S., 1903,
der Imchriften und Miinzen, Strass- p. 551).
burg, 1903.

LITERATURE

267

of Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya at Ujjain, or lived under
the protection of his son or grandson, is a question still
open, and it is even possible that he was a courtier of one of
Chandra-gupta’s satrap predecessors ; but popular tradition
certainly appears to be right in placing the greatest of
Indian poets in the age of which Vikramaditya is the most
conspicuous political figure h

To the same age probably should be assigned the principal General
Puranas in their present form ; the metrical legal treatises,
of which the so-called Code of Manu is the most familiar
example ; and, in short, the mass of the ‘ classical 1 Sanskrit
literature. The patronage of the great Gupta emperors
gave, as Professor Bhandarkar observes, ‘a general literary
impulse,’ which extended to every department, and gradually
raised Sanskrit to the position which it long retained as the
sole literary language of Northern India. The decline of
Buddhism and the diffusion of Sanskrit proceeded side by
side, with the result that, by the end of the Gupta period,
the force of Buddhism on Indian soil had been nearly spent ;
and India, with certain local exceptions, had again become
the land of the Brahmans.

The literary revolution was necessarily accompanied by Architec-
corresponding changes in the art of architecture. The forms ture‘
of buildings specially adapted for the purposes of Buddhist
ritual dropped out of use, and remarkable developments in
the design of the Hindu temple were elaborated, which
ultimately culminated in the marvellously ornate styles of
the mediaeval period, extending from the ninth to the end
of the twelfth century 2.

1 Professor Macdonell places Ka-
lidasa ‘in the beginning of the fifth
century a.d.’ (Hist. Sanskr. Lit.,
p. 325). The poet’s mention of the
Huns in the Raghuvamsa is cited
as proof that he lived in the reign
of Skanda Gupta and wrote sub-
sequently to 470 a.d. (Manmohan
Chakra varti, J. R. A. S., 1903, p.
183 ; Liebich, Das Datum Candra-
gomin's und Kalidasa' s, Breslau,

1903). But Mr. Keith considers
his date to be ‘ 400 a. d. at latest ’

(ibid., 1901, p. 579). The first Hun
invasion of the Gupta empire was
not later than 455 a. d. In J. R.
A. S., 1904, p. 160, Mr. Manmohan
Chakravarti dates the Raghuvamsa
between 480 and 490 a. d., and
suggests that the Meghaduta and
Ritusamharawere composedtwenty
or thirty years earlier.

2 For the seven characteristics of
the Gupta style of architecture see
Cunningham, Archaeol. Rep. ix, 42.
Many examples are described and

268

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

The Push-

yamitra

war.

Defeat
of the
Huns.

The golden age of the Guptas, glorious in literary, as in
political, history, comprised a period of a century and a
quarter (330-455 a. d.), and was covered by three reigns of
exceptional length. The death of Kumara, early in 455,
marks the beginning of the decline and fall of the empire.
Even before his death, he had become involved, about the
year 450, in serious distress by a war with a rich and
powerful nation named Pushyamitra, otherwise unknown to
history b The imperial armies were defeated, and the shock
of military disaster had endangered the stability of the
dynasty, which was ‘tottering1 to its fall, when the energy
and ability of Skandagupta, the Crown Prince, restored the
fortunes of his family by effecting the overthrow of the
enemy. A detail recorded by the contemporary document
indicates the severity of the struggle ; for we are told that
the heir-apparent, while preparing to retrieve the calamities
of his house, was obliged to spend a night sleeping on the
bare ground.

When Skandagupta came to the throne in the spring of
455, he encountered a sea of troubles. The Pushyamitra
danger had been averted, but one more formidable closely
followed it, an irruption of the savage Huns, who had
poured down from the steppes of Central Asia through the
north-western passes, and carried devastation over the smiling
plains and crowded cities of India. Skandagupta, who was
probably a man of mature years and ripe experience, proved
equal to the need, and inflicted upon the barbarians a defeat
so decisive that India was saved for a time. His mother
still lived, and to her the hero hastened with the news of
his victory, ‘just as Krishna, when he had slain his enemies,
betook himself to his mother Devakl.1 Having thus paid
his duty to his living parent, the king sought to enhance
the religious merit of his deceased father by the erection of
a pillar of victory, surmounted by a statue of the god
Vishnu, and inscribed with an account of the delivery of his

illustrated in vols. i, v, ix, x, xi, xvii, 228) to belong to the region of
xiv, xvi, xx, and xxi of the Reports. the Narmada.

1 Conjectured by Fleet ( Ind . Ant.

SKANDAGUPTA

269

country from barbarian tyranny through the protection of
the gods 1.

It is evident that this great victory over the Huns must have The
been gained at the very beginning of the new reign ; because provides,
another inscription, executed in the year 457, recites Skanda-
gupta’s defeat of the barbarians, and recognizes his undis-
puted possession of the peninsula of Surashtra (Kathiawar), at
the extreme western extremity of the empire. The king had
appointed as viceroy of the west an officer named Parnadatta,
the possessor of all the virtues, according to the official poet ;
and the viceroy gave the responsible post of governor of the
capital city, Junagarh, to his own son, who distinguished
his tenure of office by rebuilding the embankment of the
lake under the Girnar hill, which had burst with disastrous
results in the year of Skandagupta’s accession. The benevo-
lent work was completed in the following year, and con-
secrated a year later by the erection and consecration of a
costly temple of Vishnu 2.

The dedication three years afterwards by a private Jain The
donor of a sculptured column at a village in the east of the pj^nces
Gorakhpur district, distant about ninety miles from Patna,
testifies to the fact that Skandagupta’s rule at this early
period of his reign included the eastern as well as the
western provinces ; and the record expressly characterizes the
rule of the reigning sovereign as being ‘ tranquil 3.’

Five years later, in the year 465, a pious Brahman in the The
country between the Ganges and Jumna, which is now provinces
known as the Bulandshahr district, when endowing a temple
to the Sun, felt justified in describing the rule of his king
in the central parts of the empire as ‘augmenting and
victorious4.’ The conclusion is, therefore, legitimate that
the victory over the barbarian invaders was gained at the

1 The column still stands at the text, has been edited and trans-
Bhitarl, in the Ghazlpur district, to lated by Fleet ( Gupta Inscriptions,
the east of Benares, but the statue No. 13).

has disappeared (Cunningham, 2 Ibid., No. 14 : ante, p. 125.

Archaeol. Rep., vol. i, PI. XXIX). 3 Ibid., No. 15, the Kahaon in-

The inscription on the column, scription.
which records the events related in 4 Ibid., No. 16.

270

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

cir. 465-
70 A.D.
Renewed
Hun in-
vasion.

Debase-
ment of
the cur-
rency.

480 a.d.

Puragupta

acc.

beginning of the reign, and was sufficiently decisive to secure
the tranquillity of all parts of the empire for a considerable
number of years.

But, about 465 a.d., a fresh swarm of nomads poured
across the frontier, and occupied Gandhara, or the north-
western Panjab, where a ‘cruel and vindictive1 chieftain
usurped the throne of the Kushans, and ‘ practised the most
barbarous atrocities1.1 A little later, about 470, the Huns
advanced into the interior, and again attacked Skandagupta
in the heart of his dominions. He was unable to continue
the successful resistance which he had offered in the earlier
days of his rule, and was forced at last to succumb to
the repeated attacks of the foreigners ; who were, no doubt,
constantly recruited by fresh hordes eager for the plunder of
India.

The financial distress of Skandagupta’s administration is
very plainly indicated by the abrupt debasement of the
coinage in his latter years. The gold coins of his early
and prosperous days agree both in weight and fineness with
those of his ancestors, but the later issues, while increased
in gross weight, so as to suit the ancient Hindu standard of
the suvarna, exhibit a decline in the amount of pure gold in
each piece from 108 to 73 grains 2. This marked lowering of
the purity of the currency, which was accompanied by a corre-
sponding degradation in the design and execution of the
dies, was evidently caused by the difficulty which the treasury
experienced in meeting the cost of the Hun war.

The death of Skandagupta may be assumed to have
occurred in or about the year 480. When he passed away,
the empire perished, but the dynasty remained, and was

1 Sung-yunor Song Yun, Chinese
pilgrim, 520 a. d., in Beal, Records ,
vol. i, p. c, and Chavannes’ revised

version (Hanoi, 1903). But the
name ‘ Laelih,’ given to this chief-
tain by Beal, who has been copied
by Cunningham and many other
writers, is purely fictitious, and due
to a misreading of the Turkish title

tegin (Chavannes, Les Turcs Occi-
dentaux, p. 225 note).

2 The earlier Gupta coins, like
the Kushan, are Roman aurei in
weight and to some extent in design.
The later pieces are Hindu suvarnas ,
intended to weigh about 146 grains
(9} grammes) each, and are coarse
in device and execution.

THE LATER GUPTAS

271

continued in the eastern provinces for many generations.

Skanda left no heir male capable of undertaking the cares
of government in a time of such stress, and was accordingly
succeeded on the throne of Magadha and the adjacent
districts by his half-brother, Puragupta, the son of Kumara-
gupta I by Queen Ananda.

The reign of this prince was apparently very brief, and Reform
the only event which can be assigned to it is a bold attempt °ency."
to restore the purity of the coinage. The rare gold coins,
bearing on the reverse the title Prakasaditya, which are
generally ascribed to Puragupta, although retaining the
gross weight of the heavy suvarna, each contain 121 grains
of pure gold, and are thus equal in value to the aurei of
Augustus, and superior in intrinsic value to the best Kushan
or early Gupta coins h

Puragupta was succeeded by his son Narasimhagupta dr. 485
Baladitya, who was followed by his son, Kumaragupta II. Nara- A °’
Although these kings continued to assume the high sounding sirhha-
titles borne by their imperial ancestors, their power was very K^^an_d
circumscribed, and confined to the eastern portions of what gupta II.
had been the Gupta empire.

The imperial line passes by an obscure transition into a Later
dynasty comprising eleven princes, who appear to have been Magadha^
for the most part merely local rulers of Magadha. The last
of them, Jlvita Gupta II, was in power at the beginning of
the eighth century. The most considerable member of this
local dynasty was Adityasena in the seventh century, who
asserted a claim to paramount rank, and even ventured to
celebrate the horse-sacrifice1 2.

In the western province of Malwa we find the names of 484 to 510
Raj as named Budhagupta and Bhanugupta, who cover the
period from 484 to 510, and were evidently the heirs of gupta and
Skandagupta in that region. But the latter of these two g^p^u'

1 An admitted difficulty in recon- For assays of the gold coins see
ciling the testimony of the inscrip- Cunningham, Coins of Med. India,
tion on the Bhitarl seal (J. A. S. B., p. 16.

vol. lviii, part i, pp. 84-105) with 2 For this dynasty see Fleet,
that of other records is best solved Gupta Inscriptions, andDr.Hoernle’s
in the manner stated in the text. observations on the Bhitari seal.

THE GUPTA EMPIRE

272

Dynasty
of Va-
labhi.

princes, at all events, occupied a dependent position and was
presumably subordinate to the Hun chieftains.

Towards the close of the fifth century, a chief named
Bhatarka, who belonged to a clan called Maitraka 1, probably
of foreign origin, established himself at Valabhi in the east
of the peninsula of Surashtra (Kathiawar), and founded a
dynasty which lasted until about 770 a. d., when it was over-
thrown by Arab invaders from Sind. The earlier kings of
Valabhi do not appear to have been independent, and were
doubtless obliged to pay tribute to the Huns ; but, after the
destruction of the Hun domination, the kings of Valabhi
asserted their independence, and made themselves a consider-
able power in the west of India, both on the mainland and in
the peninsula of Surashtra. The city was a place of great
wealth when visited by Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century,
and was famous in Buddhist church history as the residence
of two distinguished teachers, Gunamati and Sthiramati, in
the sixth century. After the overthrow of Valabhi, its
place as the chief city of Western India was taken by
Anhilwara (Nahrwalah, or Patan), which retained that
honour until the fifteenth century, when it was superseded
by Ahmadabad2. The above observations will, perhaps,
give the reader all the information that he is likely to want
concerning the principal native dynasties which inherited the
fragments of the Gupta empire.

Two But the Huns, the foreign savages who shattered that

streams of empire, merit more explicit notice. The nomad Mongol
migration, tribes known as Huns, when they moved westwards from
the steppes of Asia to seek subsistence for their growing
multitudes in other climes, divided into two main streams,
one directed towards the valley of the Oxus, and the other
to that of the Volga.

1 Hultzsch, Ep. Ind. iii, 320 ;
correcting earlier interpretations.

2 The ruins of Valabhi at Wala,
eighteen miles north-west of Bhao-
nagar, are mostly underground.
The history is given by Burgess in
A. S. W. I., vol. ii (1876), pp. 80-6;

and a corrected dynastic list has
been published by Fleet in Ind.
Ant., vol. xv (1886), p. 273. For
approximate date of destruction of
Valabhi see Burgess, A. S. W. I.,
vol. vi, p. 3 ; vol. ix, p. 4.

TORAMANA

273

The latter poured into Eastern Europe in 375 a. d. The Huns
forcing the Goths to the south of the Danube, and thus ^t^rope;
indirectly causing the sanguinary Gothic war, which cost the
Emperor Valens his life in 378 a. d. The Huns quickly
spread over the lands between the Volga and the Danube ;
but, owing to chronic disunion and the lack of a great leader,
failed to make full use of their advantageous position, until
Attila appeared, and for a few years welded the savage mass
into an instrument of such power that he was ‘ able to send
equal defiance to the courts of Ravenna and Constantinople V

His death in 453 a. d. severed the only bond which held cir.
together the jealous factions of the horde, and within a space A-1>‘
of twenty years after that event the Hunnic empire in
Europe was extinguished by a fresh torrent of barbarians
from Northern Asia.

The Asiatic domination of the Huns lasted longer. The 455-84
section of the horde which settled in the Oxus valley
became known as the Ephthalites or White Huns, and Huns of
gradually overcame the resistance of Persia, which ceased
when King Flroz was killed in 484 a. d. Swarms of these
White Huns also assailed the Kushan kingdom of Kabul,
and thence poured into India. The attack repelled by
Skandagupta in 455 a. d. must have been delivered by a
comparatively weak body, which arrived early, and failed to
eifect a lodgement in the interior.

About ten years later the nomads appeared in greater 500 a. d.
force and overwhelmed the kingdom of Gandhara, or
Peshawar ; and starting from that base, as already related,
penetrated into the heart of the Gangetic provinces, and
overthrew the Gupta empire 2. The collapse of Persian
opposition in 484 must have greatly facilitated the eastern
movement of the horde, and allowed immense multitudes
to cross the Indian frontier. The leader in this invasion of
India, which, no doubt, continued for years, was a chieftain
named Toramana, who is known to have been established as
ruler of Malwa in Central India prior to 500 a. d. He

1 Gibbon, ch. xxxv.

SMITH

2 Ante, p. 270.

274

THE WHITE HUNS

dr.

510 A. D.
Mihira-
gula acc.

Extent of
Hun

empire in
Asia.

assumed the style and titles of an Indian ‘ sovereign of
maharajas'1 2 ; and Bhanugupta, as well as the king of
ValabhT, and many other local princes, must have been his
tributaries h

When Toramana died, about 510 a. d., the Indian
dominion which he had acquired was consolidated sufficiently
to pass to his son Mihiragula, whose capital in India was
Sakala in the Panjab ; which should be identified apparently
with either Chuniot or Shahkot in the Jhang district z.

But India at this time was only one province of the Hun
empire. The head quarters of the horde were at Bamyin
in Badhaghls near Herat, and the ancient city of Balkh
served as a secondary capital 3. The Hun king, whose court,
whether at Bamyin or Herat cannot be determined, was
visited by Song-Yun, the Chinese pilgrim-envoy in 519 a. d.,
was a powerful monarch levying tribute from forty countries,
extending from the frontier of Persia on the west, to Khotan
on the borders of China in the east. This king was either
Mihiragula himself, or his contemporary overlord, most
probably the latter. The local Hun king of Gandhara, to
whom Song-Yun paid his respects in the following year,
520 a.d., must be identified with Mihiragula. He was then
engaged in a war with the king of Kashmir (Ki-pin), which
had already lasted for three years 4.

1 Three inscriptions naming Tora-
mana are known ; namely, (1) at
Eran, in Sagar district, Central
Provinces, dated in the first year
of his reign (Fleet, Gupta Inscr.,
No. 36) ; (2) at Kura in the Salt
Range, of which the date is lost
(JEp. Ind. i, 238) ; and (3) at Gwa-
lior, Central India, dated in the
fifteenth year of Mihiragula, son of
Toramana {Fleet, No. 37). The
silver coins of Toramana, which
imitate the Surashtran coins of the
western satraps and Guptas, are
dated in the year 52, which must be
reckoned from a special Hun era,
probably beginning about 448 a.d,
{J. A. S. B., vol. lxiii, part i (1894),
p. 195).

2 The name of Mihiragula also

appears in the Sanskritized form of
Mihirakula. His coins are numerous
at Chuniot and Shahkot ; either of
which fortresses the late Mr. C. J.
Rodgers thought must be Sakala.
The Sangala of Alexander’s time
was a different place. The coins of
Toramana and Mihiragula are fully
described in J. A , S. B., 1894, part i.

3 Chavannes, Turcs Occidentaux,
pp, 224, 226, Gurgan (Gorgo),
often asserted to be the Ephthalite
capital, was really a frontier town
belonging to Persia (Chavannes,
op. eit., pp. 223, 235 note).

4 Beal, Records, vol. i, pp. xci, c.
The name Lae-lih, given by Beal,
is, as already noted, fictitious (ante,
p.270n.). In the time of Song-Yun
Ki-pin usually signified Kashmir.

MIHIRAGULA

275

With reference apparently to the same date approxi- Gollas.
mately, the monk Cosmas Indieopleustes, who wrote a curious
book in 547 a. d., describes a White Hun king, whom he calls
Gollas, as being lord of India, from which he exacted tribute
by oppression, enforcing his demands with the aid of two
thousand war elephants and a great host of cavalry. This
king, Gollas, must certainly have been Mihiragula1.

All Indian traditions agree in representing Mihiragula Tyranny
as a bloodthirsty tyrant, stained to a more than ordinary
degree with the ‘ implacable cruelty ’ noted by historians
as characteristic of the Hun temperament 2. Indian authors
having omitted to give any detailed description of the savage
invaders who ruthlessly oppressed their country for three-
quarters of a century, recourse must be had to European
writers to obtain a picture of the devastation wrought
and the terror caused to settled communities by the fierce
barbarians.

The original accounts are well summarized by Gibbon : — Descrip-
tion of the

4 The numbers, the strength, the rapid motions, and the Huns,
implacable cruelty of the Huns were felt, and dreaded, and
magnified by the astonished Goths ; who beheld their fields
and villages consumed with flames, and deluged with in-
discriminate slaughter. To these real terrors, they added
the surprise and abhorrence which were excited by the shrill
voice, the uncouth gestures, and the strange deformity of
the Huns. . . . They were distinguished from the rest of the
human species by their broad shoulders, flat noses, and small
black eyes, deeply buried in the head ; and, as they were
almost destitute of beards, they never enjoyed the manly
graces of youth or the venerable aspect of age V

The Indians, like the Goths, experienced to the full the
miseries of savage warfare, and suffered an added horror by
reason of the special disgust felt by fastidious, caste-bound

In the seventh century Ki-pin luyt Society, 1897), p. 597.
meant Kapisa, or north-eastern 2 Hiuen Tsang, Rajatarangim ;
Afghanistan (Chavannes, Song Yun, ' Taranath (p. 94, ‘ the Turushka
pp. 37, 39). king’).

1 McCrindle’s translation (Hak- 3 Gibbon, ch. xxvi.

276

THE WHITE HUNS

cir.

528 a.d.
Defeat of
Mihira-
gula.

Mihira-
gula in
Kashmir.

Death of

Mihira-

gula.

Hindus at the repulsive habits of barbarians to whom
nothing was sacred.

The cruelty practised by Mihiragula became so unbearable
that the native princes, under the leadership of Baladitya,
king of Magadha (probably the same as Narasimhagupta),
and Yasodharman, a Raja of Central India, formed a con-
federacy against the foreign tyrant. About the year
528 a. d., they accomplished the delivery of their country
from oppression by inflicting a decisive defeat on Mihiragula,
who was taken prisoner, and would have forfeited his life
deservedly, but for the magnanimity of Baladitya, who
spared the captive, and sent him to his home in the north
with all honour.

But Mihiragula’s younger brother had taken advantage
of the misfortunes of the head of the family to usurp the
throne of Sakala, which he was unwilling to surrender.
Mihiragula, after spending some time in concealment, took
refuge in Kashmir, where he was kindly received by the
king, who placed him in charge of a small territory.
The exile submitted to this enforced retirement for a few
years, and then took an opportunity to rebel and seize the
throne of his benefactor. Having succeeded in this enter-
prise, he attacked the neighbouring kingdom of Gandhara.
The king, perhaps himself a Hun, was treacherously surprised
and slain, the royal family was exterminated, and multi-
tudes of people were slaughtered on the banks of the Indus.
The savage invader, who worshipped as his patron deity
Siva, the god of destruction, exhibited ferocious hostility
against the peaceful Buddhist cult, and remorselessly over-
threw the stupas and monasteries, which he plundered of their
treasures.

But he did not long enjoy his ill-gotten gains. Before
the year was out he died ; and 4 at the time of his death
there were thunder and hail and a thick darkness, and the
earth shook, and a mighty tempest raged. And the holy
saints said in pity : “ For having killed countless victims
and overthrown the law of Buddha, he has now fallen into
the lowest hell, where he shall pass endless ages of revolu-

YASODHARMAN

277

tion.” ’ Thus the tyrant met the just reward of his evil
deeds in another world, if not in this. The date of his
death is not known exactly, but the event must have
occurred in or about the year 540, just a century before
Hiuen Tsang was on his travels. The rapidity of the growth
of the legend concerning the portents attending the tyrant’s
death is good evidence of the depth of the impression made
by his outlandish cruelty ; which is further attested by the
Kashmir tale of the fiendish pleasure which he is believed to
have taken in rolling elephants down a precipice 1.

Yasodharman, the Central Indian Raja, who has been Yasodhar-
mentioned as having taken an active part in the confederacy man'
formed to obtain deliverance from the tyranny of Mihiragula,
is known from three inscriptions only, and is not mentioned
by Hiuen Tsang, who gives the credit for the victory over
the Huns to Baladitya, king of Magadha. Yasodharman
took the honour to himself, and erected two columns of
victory inscribed with boasting words to commemorate the
defeat of the foreign invaders. In these records he claims
to have brought under his sway lands which even the Guptas
and Huns could not subdue, and to have been master of
Northern India from the Brahmaputra to the Western Ocean,
and from the Himalaya to Mount Mahendra in Ganjam.

But the indefinite expression of the boasts and the silence of
Hiuen Tsang suggest that Yasodharman made the most of his
achievements, and that his court poet gave him something
more than his due of praise. Nothing whatever is known
about either his ancestry, or his successors ; his name stands
absolutely alone and unrelated. The belief is therefore
warranted that his reign was short, and of much less im-
portance than that claimed for it by his magniloquent
inscriptions 2.

1 Hiuen Tsang, in Beal, Re-

cords, vol. i, pp. 165-72. It is
not easy to explain why the pil-
grim alleges (p. 167) that Mihira-
gula lived ‘ some centuries ’ before
his time. The Chinese words,
sho-pih^nien-tsin, are said not to
be capable of any other interpreta-

tion (Beal, Ind. Ant. xv, 345).
Hiuen Tsang’s travels extended
from 629 to 645. For the Kashmir
legends see Stein, transl. Rajat.,
bk. i, pp. 289-325.

3 Inscriptions Nos. 33, 34, 35 in
Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions.

278

THE WHITE HUNS

nr.

565 a.d.
Fall of the
Hun

empire in
Asia.

Connota-
tion of
Huna.

Exemp-
tion of
India from
foreign
attack.

The dominion of the White Huns in the Oxus valley did
not long survive the defeat and death of Mihiragula in
India. The arrival of the Turks in the middle of the sixth
century changed the situation completely. The Turkish
tribes, having vanquished a rival horde called Joan-joan,
made an alliance with Khusru Anushirvan, king of Persia,
grandson of Flroz, who had been killed by the Huns in
484 a. d., and at some date between 563 and 567 the allies
destroyed the White Huns. For a short time the Persians
held Balkh and other portions of the Hun territory ; but
the gradual weakening of the Sassanian power soon enabled
the Turks to extend their authority towards the south as
far as Kapisa, and annex the whole of the countries which
had been included in the Hun empire h

In later Sanskrit literature the term ‘ Hun ’ {Huna) is
employed in a very indeterminate sense to denote a foreigner
from the north-west, in the same way as the word Yavana
had been employed in ancient times, and as Wilayatl is
now understood. One of the thirty-six so-called ‘royal’
Rajput clans was actually given the name of Huna2. This
vagueness of connotation raises some doubt as to the exact
meaning of the term Huna as applied to the clans on the
north-western frontier against whom Harsha of Thanesar
and his father waged incessant war at the close of the sixth
and the beginning of the seventh century. But it is unlikely
that within fifty years of Mihiragula’s defeat the true
meaning of Huna should have been forgotten; and the
opponents of Harsha may be regarded as having been out-
lying colonies of real Huns, who had settled among the hills
on the frontier. After Harsha’s time they are not again
heard of, and were presumably either destroyed, or absorbed
into the surrounding populations.

The extinction of the Ephthalite power on the Oxus
necessarily dried up the stream of Hun immigration into
India, which enjoyed immunity from foreign attack for nearly

1 Chavannes, op. cit., pp. 226-9. No. iii, ‘ La Date de Candragomin ’

2 Bidder, Ep. Ind. i, 225: Sylvain (Hanoi, 1903), p. 25.

L£vi, Notes chinoises sur I'lnde,

KING SILADITYA

279

five centuries after the defeat of Mihiragula. The following
chapters will tell how she made use, or failed to make use,
of the opportunity thus afforded for internal development
unchecked by foreign aggression.

Very little is known about the history of India during Second

the second half of the sixth century. It is certain that no

• i J of sixth

paramount power existed, and that all the states oi the century

Gangetic plain had suffered severely from the ravages °f|fblank

the Huns ; but, excepting bare catalogues of names in

certain local dynastic lists, no facts of general interest have

been recorded.

The story of a certain king of one of the many indepen- Kingdom

dent states which existed during; those troublous times pfMo-

.... . la-p o.

deserves notice, not for its intrinsic importance, but on

account of the serious misinterpretation to which it has

been subjected by several eminent scholars. Hiuen Tsang,

in the course of his extensive travels, visited, about

640 a. d., a kingdom at the head of the Gulf of Cambay,

which he calls Mo-la-p’o. The capital was situated on a

bend of the river Mahi, which enters the Arabian Sea near

Cambay 1. The countries of Kachchh (Cutch) and Ananda-

pura (now in the Baroda state) were dependencies of Mo-la-p’o,

which was a rich and prosperous region inhabited by men of

exceptional intelligence and learning. The kingdom thus

described clearly corresponded with the modern Bombay

districts of Kaira (Khera) and Ahmadabad, together with

parts of Baroda and some adjoining territory.

The pilgrim ascertained from the records of this kingdom King Sila-
that sixty years before his visit, or in 580 a. d., the king of>0

had been named Siladitya, a man of eminent wisdom and P
great learning, a devout Buddhist, and so careful to preserve
animal life that he caused the drinking-water for his horses
and elephants to be strained, lest perchance any creature
living in the water should be injured. This pious prince
had reigned for more than fifty years.

This interesting, but wholly detached, bit of information

1 Properly ‘ Khambayat.’

280

THE WHITE HUNS

Misinter-
pretation
of the
story.

about a local Raja in Western India during the sixth century
has been pressed into the service of the general history of
Northern India in an unjustifiable manner. The Chinese
name Mo-la-p’o having been transliterated as Malava, several
learned writers have rashly assumed that this Siladitya
was king of Malava, or Central India, the country around
Ujjain ; and Mr. Beal actually dubs him as ‘ Siladitya of
Ujjain.’ A glance at the map and perusal of the pilgrim’s
text are sufficient to show that Mo-la-p’o, whatever be the
correct transliteration of the name, had nothing to do with
Malava (Malwa), which province lay on the other side of
the Aravalli mountains. The Siladitya of Mo-la-p’o had no
political connexion with Harsha-Siladitya of Kanauj and
Thanesar, or with the history of Northern India. These
obvious remarks suffice to demolish a large structure of
purely imaginary history, built upon the assumption that
Mo-la-p’o was identical with Malwa h

1 Hiuen Tsang, bk. xi, in Beal,
Records , ii, pp. 260-70 ; where the
footnotes are not illuminating. Dr.
Stein states that ‘ Kalhana, himself,
in a subsequent passage clearly de-
signates this Vikramaditya-Harsa
as the father of king Siladitya-Pra-
tapasila , whom we know from a
statement of Hiuen- Tsiang to have
flourished as ruler of Malava {Uj-
jain) about sixty years before his own
time , i. e. about 580 a. d.’ (transl.
Rdjat., vol. i, p. 66). The statement
italicized is quite erroneous. Dr.
Hoernle, being misled in the same

way, has permitted himself to
indulge in much fanciful speculation
( ‘ Some Problems of Ancient Indian
History,’ in J. R. A. S., 1903, pp.
545-70, especially p. 553). His
notion that Hiuen Tsang con-
founded Siladitya with Vikrama-
ditya (p. 565) has no substantial
basis. Max Muller {India, p. 278)
was also led astray by Mr. Beal’s
blunder, which is due in the first
instance to Vivien de Saint-Martin
(M&moire analytique in Julien, Mi-
moires sur les contries occidentals,
vol. ii, p. 403).

CHRONOLOGY OF THE GUPTA PERIOD

DATE A. D.

EVENT.

REMARKS.

dr. 308 . . .

Lichchhavi marriage of Chandra-gupta I

]

Foundation of
Gupta Era, of

320 ... .

dr. 326 . .

dr. 330 . . .

dr. 326-36 .
dr. 337-40 . .

dr. 341 . . .

dr. 375 . . .

dr. 395 . . .

Chandra-gupta I ace. to independent power

Samudragupta ace.

Embassy from King Meghavarna of Ceylon
Campaigns in Northern India

Campaign in Southern India
Horse-sacrifice

Chandra-gupta II acc.

Conquest of Western India

■ which year 1
began February
26, 320

401 ....

Udayagiri inscription

G. E. 82

405-11 . . .

Travels of Fa-hien in Gupta empire

„ 86-92

407 ....

Garhwa inscription

„ 88

409 ... .

Silver coins of western type

„ 90

412 ....

Sanchi inscription

,, 93

413 ... .

Kumaragupta I acc.

» 94

415 ....

Bilsar inscription

„ 96

417 ....

Garhwa inscription

„ 98

432 ....

Mathura inscription

„ 113

436 ....

Mandasor inscription

V. S. 493( = G. E.

440 ....

Silver coins

Ulj

J. E. 121

443 ... .

Silver coins

„ 124

447 ....

Silver coins

„ 128

448 ....

Silver coins and Mankuwar inscriptions

„ 129

449 ... .

Silver coins

„ 130

dr. 450 . . .

Pushyamitra war

„ 131

454 ... .

Silver coins

„ 135

455 ... .

Silver coins

„ 136

455 ....

Skandagupta acc. ; first Hun war

„ 136

456 ....

Embankment of lake at Girnar rebuilt

„ 137

457 ... .

Temple erected there

„ 138

460 ....

Kahaon inscription (Gorakhpur District)

„ 141

463 ... .

Silver coins

„ 144

464 ... .

Silver coins

„ 145

465 ....

Indor inscription (Bulandshahr District)

„ 146

467 ....

Silver coins

„ 148

dr. 470-80 . .

Second Hun war

„ 151-61

477 ... .

dr. 480 . . .
dr. 485 . . .

dr. 530 . . .

520 ....

dr. 535 to 720 .
dr. 490 to 770 .
dr. 490 to 510 .

Pall inscription (Ep. Ind. ii, 363)

Puragupta (? Prakasaditya) acc.
Narasimhagupta Baladitya acc.
Kumaragupta II acc.

Song-Yun visited White Hun king of Gan-
dhara

Later Gupta dynasty of Magadha

Dynasty of Valabhl

Toramana

». 158

dr. 510 to 540 .
dr. 530 to 580 .

Mihiragula

Siladitya of Mo-la-p’o

Defeated dr. 528

CHAPTER XIII

Seventh
century,
sources of
history.

Raja Pra-
bhakara-
vardhana
of Thane-
sar.

THE REIGN OF HARSHA FROM 606 TO 648 A. D.

The deficiency of material which embarrasses the historian
when dealing with the latter half of the sixth century is no
longer experienced when he enters upon the seventh. For
this period he is fortunate enough to possess, in addition to
the ordinary epigraphic and numismatic sources, two con-
temporary literary works, which shed much light upon the
political condition of India generally, and supply, in par-
ticular, abundant and trustworthy information concerning
the reign of Harsha, who ruled the North as paramount
sovereign for more than forty years. The first of these works is
the invaluable book of travels compiled by the Chinese pilgrim,
Hiuen Tsang, who visited almost every part of India between
630 and 645 a.d., and recorded observations more or less minute
about each state and province. The narrative in the Travels
is supplemented by the pilgrim’s biography, -written by his
friend Hwui-li, which supplies many additional details. The
second work alluded to is the historical romance entitled
the ‘ Deeds of Harsha 1 ( Harsha-charita ), composed by Bana,
a Brahman author who lived at the court, and enjoyed the
patronage of the hero of his tale. Further information of
much interest and importance is given by the official Chinese
histories ; and when all sources are utilized, our knowledge
of the events of the reign of Harsha far surpasses in precision
that which we possess respecting any other early Indian king,
except Chandragupta Maurya and Asoka.

From remote ages the country surrounding the city of
Thanesar (Sthan vis vara) has been holy ground, known as the
‘ Land of Kuru,’ and famous as the battle-field of legendary
heroes. In the latter part of the sixth century, the Raja of

R A J Y A- V ARDH AN A

283

Thanesar, Prabhakara-vardhana by name, had raised himself
to considerable eminence by successful wars against his
neighbours, including the Hun settlements in the north-
western Panjab, and the clans of Gurjara, or the country of
Gujrat, between the Chinab and Jihlam rivers1. The fact
that his mother was a princess of Gupta lineage no doubt
both stimulated his ambition and aided its realization 2.

In the year 604, this energetic Raja had dispatched his His war
elder son Rajya-vardhana, a youth just entering upon man- pjuns^
hood, with a large army to attack the Huns on the north-
western frontier ; while his younger and favourite son,

Harsha, four years junior to the Crown Prince, followed his
brother with a cavalry force at a considerable interval. The
elder prince having advanced into the hills to seek the enemy,
the younger lingered in the forests at the foot of the moun-
tains to enjoy the sport of all kinds which they offered in
abundance.

While thus pleasantly employed, Harsha, who was then a 605 a.d.
lad fifteen years of age, received news that his father lay
dangerously ill with a violent fever. He returned to the acc.
capital with all speed, where he found the king in a hopeless
condition. The disease quickly ran its course, and all was
over long before the elder son, who had been victorious in
his campaign, could return to claim his birthright. There
are indications that a party at court inclined to favour the
succession of the younger prince ; but all intrigues were
frustrated by the return of Rajya-vardhana, who ascended
the throne in due course. He had hardly seated himself when
news arrived which compelled him again to take the field.

A courier brought the distressing intelligence that Graha- War with
varman, king of Kanauj, and husband of RajyasrI, sister of Malwa.

1 Not to be confounded with the
western province of Gujarat. But
Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar holds that
Prabhakara’s opponents were the
Gurjaras of Rajputana (‘ Gurjaras,’
in J.Bo.B.A.S., 1903).

2 The family genealogy is given
in the inscriptions, viz. (1) Sonpat
seal {Gupta Inscr., No. 52) ; (2)

Banskhera copper-plate ( Ep . Ind.
iv, 208) ; (3) Madhuban copper-plate
(ibid, i, 67). Mahasena-gupta was
the mother of Prabhakara-vardhana,
who was also called Pratapaslla.
His queen was Yasomatl. Harsha’s
full name was Harsha-vardhana.
For Gurjara see Stein, transl.
Rajat,, vol, i, p. 204.

284

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

606 a. d.
Harsha
acc.

Era of
Harsha.

the princes, had been slain by the king of Malwa1, who
cruelly misused the princess, ‘confining her like a brigand’s
wife, with a pair of iron fetters kissing her feet.’ The young
king, resolute to avenge his sister’s wrongs, started at once
with a mobile force of ten thousand cavalry ; leaving the
elephants and heavy troops behind in his brother’s charge.
The king of Malwa was defeated with little effort, but the
joy of victory was turned into sorrow by the receipt of
intelligence that the victor had been treacherously slain by
an ally of the Mai wan king, Sasanka, king of Central Bengal2,
who had inveigled Rajya-vardhana by fair promises to a con-
ference, and had assassinated him when off his guard. Harsha
was further informed that his widowed sister had escaped from
confinement, and fled to the Vindhyan forests for refuge ;
but no certain news of her hiding-place could be obtained.

The murdered king was too young to leave a son capable
of assuming the cares of government, and the nobles seem to
have hesitated before offering the crown to his youthful
brother. But the disorder and anarchy from which the
country suffered during the interregnum forced the coun-
cillors of state to come to a decision concerning the suc-
cession. The ministers, acting on the advice of Bhandi, a
slightly senior cousin, who had been educated with the
young princes, ultimately resolved to invite Harsha to under-
take the responsibilities of the royal office. For some reason,
which is not apparent on the face of the story, he hesitated
to express his consent, and it is said that he consulted a
Buddhist oracle before accepting the invitation. Even when
his reluctance, whether sincere or pretended, had been over-
come by the favourable response of the oracle, he still sought
to propitiate Nemesis by abstaining at first from the assump-
tion of the kingly style, modestly designating himself as
Prince Siladitya.

These curious details indicate clearly that some unknown
obstacle stood in the way of Harsha’s accession, and compelled

1 Doubts have been expressed as ( Hiuen Tsang) ; of which the capital
to the situation of the Malwa (Ma- is represented by Rangamatl, twelve
lava) referred to. miles south of Murshidabad ( J . A.

3 Gauda [Band) ; Karna-suvarna S. B., lxii, pt. i (1893), pp. 315-28).

RAJYASRI AND SASANKA

285

him to rely for his title to the crown upon election by the
nobles rather than upon his hereditary claims. There is reason
to suppose that Harsha did not boldly stand forth as avowed
king until the spring of 612 a.d., when he had been five and
a half years on the throne, and that his formal coronation or
consecration took place in that year. The era called after
his name, of which the year 1 was 606-7 a.d., dated from
the time of his accession in October, 606 h

Whatever may have been the motives which influenced the
nobles of Thanesar in their hesitation to offer their allegiance
to young Harsha, the advice of Bhandi was justified abun-
dantly by the ability of his nominee, who quickly proved his
right to rule.

The immediate duties incumbent upon him obviously were Recovery
the pursuit of his brother’s murderer, and the recovery of
his widowed sister. The latter task, being the more urgent,
was undertaken in all haste, even at the cost of permitting
the assassin’s escape. The haste shown was none too great ;
for the princess, despairing of rescue, was on the point of
burning herself alive with her attendants, when her brother,
guided by aboriginal chiefs, succeeded in tracing her in the
depths of the Vindhy an jungles. The details of the campaign
against Sasanka have not been recorded, and it seems clear
that he escaped with little loss. He is known to have been
still in power as late as the year 619 ; but his kingdom
probably became subject to Harsha at a later date 2.

Harsha, having recovered his sister — a young lady of Harsha’s

exceptional attainments, learned in the doctrines of the sc*ieine of

conoucst.

Sammitlya school of Buddhism — devoted his signal ability
and energy to the prosecution of a methodical scheme of
conquest, with the deliberate purpose of bringing all India

1 Kielhorn ( Ind . Ant. xxvi, 32).
Twenty inscriptions dated in the
Harsha era are known ( Ep . Ind.,
vol. v, App. Nos. 528-47). When
Hiuen Tsang was with Harsha in
643-4 a. d. the king’s reign was
reckoned as having lasted for more
than thirty years passed in warfare
( Records , i, 213 ; ‘ lord of India for
thirty years and more,’ Life of

Hiuen Tsang, p. 183). The period
of five and a half years ( Julien )
spent in the preliminary subjugation
of the north is not included in this
computation.

2 Ganjam copper-plate inscrip-
tion, dated G.E. 300 = 619-20 a.d.
{Ep. Ind. i, 143). Hiuen Tsang
refers to Sasanka as a recent king,
and mentions no successor.

286

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Thirty-
five years'
war.

Defeat by
Pulikesin
II, Cha-
lukya.

620 a. d.

‘under one umbrella.1 He possessed at this stage of his
career a force of 5,000 elephants, 20,000 cavalry, and 50,000
infantry. Apparently he discarded as useless the chariots,
which constituted, according to ancient tradition, the fourth
arm of a regularly organized Indian host ; although they
were still used in some parts of the country 1.

With this mobile and formidable force Harsha overran
Northern India ; and, in the picturesque language of his
contemporary the Chinese pilgrim, ‘he went from east to
west subduing all who were not obedient ; the elephants
were not unharnessed, nor the soldiers unhelmeted.1 By the
end of five and a half years the conquest of the north-western
regions, and probably also of a large portion of Bengal, was
completed ; and his military resources were so increased that
he was able to put in the field 60,000 war elephants and
100,000 cavalry. But he continued fighting for thirty years
longer, and, as late as 64$ a. d., was engaged in his last cam-
paign, an attack upon the sturdy inhabitants of Ganjam on
the coast of the Bay of Bengal.

His long career of victory was broken by one failure.
Pulikesin II, the greatest of the Chalukya dynasty, whose
achievements will be noticed more fully in a later chapter 2,
vied with Harsha in the extent of his conquests, and had
raised himself to the rank of lord paramount of the South,
as Harsha was of the North. The northern king could not
willingly endure the existence of so powerful a rival, and
essayed to overthrow him, advancing in person to the attack,
with ‘ troops from the five Indies and the best generals from
all countries.1 But the effort failed. The king of the
Deccan guarded the passes on the Narmada so effectually
that Harsha was constrained to retire discomfited, and to
accept that river as his frontier. This campaign may be
dated about the year 620 a. d.3

1 In his general description of 3 Ma-twan-lin, the Chinese ency-
India, Hiuen Tsang tells how the clopaedist (Max Muller, India, p.
general of an Indian army rode in 287). Dr. Fleet’s date, 609 or 610
a four-horsed chariot, protected by a. d., is impossible, Harsha being
a body-guard (Beal, Records, i, 82). then engaged in the subjugation of

2 Chapter xv. Northern India.

THE GOVERNMENT

287

In the latter years of his reign the sway of Harsha over Extent of
the whole of the basin of the Ganges (including Nepal), ^ *sha s
from the Himalaya to the Narmada, was undisputed. De-
tailed administration of course remained in the hands of
the local Rajas, but even the king of distant Assam (Kama-
rupa) in the east obeyed the orders of the suzerain, and the
king of Valabhl in the extreme west attended in his train.

For the control of his extensive empire, Harsha relied His pro-
upon his personal supervision exercised with untiring energy Sresses-
rather than upon the services of a trained bureaucracy.

Except during the rainy season, when travelling with a
huge camp was impracticable, he was incessantly on the
move, punishing evil-doers, and rewarding the meritorious.
Luxurious tents, such as were used by the Moghal emperors,
and still form the movable habitations of high Anglo-
Indian officials, had not then been invented, and Harsha
was obliged to be content with a ‘travelling palace’ made
of boughs and reeds, which was erected at each halting-place,
and burnt at his departure h

Hiuen Tsang, like his predecessor Fa-hien, more than two Civil ad-
centuries earlier, was favourably impressed by the character ™™stra~
of the civil administration, which he considered to be
founded on benign principles. The principal source of
revenue was the rent of the crown lands, amounting, in
theory at all events, to one-sixth of the produce. The
officials were remunerated by grants of land ; compulsory
labour upon public works was paid for ; taxes were light ;
the personal services exacted from the subject were moderate
in amount ; and liberal provision was made for charity to
various religious communities.

Violent crime was rare, but the roads and river routes were Police and
evidently less safe than in Fa-hien’s time, as Hiuen Tsang crime-
was stopped and robbed by brigands more than once. Im-
prisonment was now the ordinary penalty, and it was of the
cruel Tibetan type ; the prisoners, we are told, ‘ are simply
left to live or die, and are not counted among men.’ The

1 Beal, Records, ii, 193.

288

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Official

records.

Education

and

literature.

other punishments were more sanguinary than in the Gupta
period : mutilation of the nose, ears, hands, or feet being
inflicted as the penalty of serious offences, and even for failure
in filial piety ; but this penalty was sometimes commuted for
banishment. Minor offences were visited with fines. Ordeals
by water, fire, weighment, or poison were much esteemed as
efficient instruments for the ascertainment of truth ; and are
described with approval by the Chinese pilgrim.

Official records of public events were kept in every province
by special officers, whose duty it was to register ‘good and
evil events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences.1 Such
records were, no doubt, consulted by the writers of the great
historical inscriptions, but no specimen of them has survived.

Education evidently was diffused widely, especially among
the Brahmans and numerous Buddhist monks ; and learning
was honoured by the government. King Harsha was not
only a liberal patron of literary merit, but was himself an
accomplished calligraphist and an author of reputation.
Besides a grammatical work, three extant Sanskrit plays are

ascribed to his pen ; and there is no reason for hesitating
to believe that he had at least a large share in their com-
position, for royal authors were not uncommon in ancient
India. One of these plays, the Nagananda, which has an
edifying Buddhist legend for its subject, is considered to
rank among the best works of the Indian theatre ; and the
other dramas, the Ratnavcdi, or ‘ Necklace,1 and the Priya-
darsika, or ‘ Gracious Lady,1 although lacking in originality,
are praised highly for their simplicity both of thought and
expression h

1 The facsimile of Harsha’s auto- tion. For the plays see Wilson, Jlin-
graph is from the Banskhera inscrip- du Theatre ; Sylvain Levi, Theatre

BANA

289

The greatest ornament of the literary circle at Harsha’s Bana.
court was the Brahman Bana, author of the historical
romance devoted to a panegyrical account of the deeds of
his patron, which is an amazingly clever, but irritating,
performance ; executed in the worst possible taste, and yet
containing passages of admirable and vivid description. The
man who attributes to the commander-in-chief, Skandagupta,

‘a nose as long as his sovereign’s pedigree,’ may fairly be
accused of having perpetrated the most grotesque simile in
all literature. But the same man could do better, and
shows no lack of power when depicting the death-agony of
the king. ‘ Helplessness had taken him in hand : pain had
made him its province, wasting its domain, lassitude its lair.

. . He was on the confines of doom, on the verge of the last
gasp, at the outset of the Great Undertaking, at the portal
of the Long Sleep, on the tip of death’s tongue ; broken in
utterance, unhinged in mind, tortured in body, waning in life,
babbling in speech, ceaseless in sighs ; vanquished by yawning,
swayed by suffering, in the bondage of wracking pains.’

Such writing, although not in perfect good taste, unmistak-
ably bears the stamp of power h

One campaign sated Asoka’s thirst for blood ; thirty-seven Harsha’s
years of warfare were needed by Harsha before he could be ^yT
content to sheathe the sword. His last campaign was fought
against the people of Ganjam (Kongoda) in 643 a. d. ; and
then at last this king of many wars doffed his armour, and
devoted himself to the arts of peace and the practice of piety,
as understood by an Indian despot. He obviously set himself
to imitate Asoka, and the narrative of the doings in the latter
years of Harsha’s reign reads like a copy of the history of
the great Maurya.

At this period the king began to show marked favour to His
the quietist teachings of Buddhism, first in its Hinayana, devotion,
and afterwards in its Mahayana form. He led the life of

Indien ; and Boyd’s translation of by Mr. F. W. Thomas and the late
the Nagananda. For royal authors Professor Cowell, published by the
see Ind. Ant. xx, 201. Royal Asiatic Society in 1897, is

1 The translation of Bana’s work a triumph of skill.

SMITH

290

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Benevo-
lent and
religious
institu-
tions.

State of
religion.

a devotee, and enforced the Buddhist prohibitions against
the destruction of animal life with the utmost strictness and
scant regard for the sanctity of human life. ‘He sought,’
we are told, 4 to plant the tree of religious merit to such an
extent that he forgot to sleep and eat’; and forbade the
slaughter of any living thing, or the use of flesh as food
throughout the ‘Five Indies’ under pain of death without
hope of pardon.

Benevolent institutions on the Asokan model, for the
benefit of travellers, the poor, and sick, were established
throughout the empire. Rest-houses ( dharmsala ) were built
in both the towns and rural parts, and provided with food
and drink, physicians being stationed at them to supply
medicines to the necessitous without stint. The king also
imitated his prototype in the foundation of numerous
religious establishments, devoted to the service both of the
Hindu gods and the Buddhist ritual. In his closing years
the latter received the chief share of the royal favour ; and
numerous monasteries were erected, as well as several
thousand stupas , each about a hundred feet high, built along
the banks of the sacred Ganges. These latter structures
doubtless were of a flimsy character, built chiefly of timber
and bamboos, and so have left no trace ; but the mere
multiplication of stupas, however perishable the materials
might be, was always a work of merit. Although Buddhism
was visibly waning in the days of Harsha and Hiuen Tsang,
the monks of the order were still numerous, and the occupants
of the monasteries enumerated by the pilgrims numbered
nearly two hundred thousand h A monastic population of
such magnitude offered abundant opportunities for the
exercise of princely liberality.

The picture of the state of religious belief and practice in
India during the seventh century as drawn by the contem-
porary authors is filled with curious and interesting details.
The members of the royal family to which Harsha belonged
freely acted on their individual preferences in the matter of

1 J. R. A. S., 1891, pp. 218-21.

ECLECTICISM IN RELIGION

291

religion. His remote ancestor, Pushyabhiiti, is recorded to
have entertained from boyhood an ardent devotion towards
Siva, and to have turned away from all other gods. Harsha’s
father was equally devoted to the worship of the Sun, and
daily offered to that luminary ‘ a bunch of red lotuses set in
a pure vessel of ruby, and tinged, like his own heart, with
the same hue.’ The elder brother and sister of Harsha were
convinced Buddhists, while Harsha himself distributed his
devotions among the three deities of the family, Siva, the
Sun, and Buddha 1 ; and erected costly temples for the service
of all three. But, in his later years, the Buddhist doctrines
held the chief place in his affections ; and the eloquence of
the Chinese Master of the Law induced him to prefer the
advanced teaching of the Mahayana sect to the more primitive
Hlnayana doctrine of the Sammitlya school with which he
had been familiar previously.

The religious eclecticism of the royal family was the reflec- Royal
tion and result of the state of popular religion at the time.
Buddhism, although it had certainly lost the dominant
position in the Gangetic plain which it had once held, was
still a powerful force, and largely influenced the public mind.

The Jain system, which had never been very widely spread
or aggressive in the North, retained its hold on certain
localities, especially at Vaisali and in Eastern Bengal, but
could not pretend to rival the general popularity of either
Buddhism or Puranic Hinduism. The last-named modifica-
tion of the Hindu system was now firmly established, and the
earlier Puranas were already revered as ancient and sacred
writings. The bulk of the population in most provinces
was then, as now, devoted to the service of the Puranic
gods ; each man and woman being, of course, free to select
a particular deity, Siva, the Sun, Vishnu, or another, for
special adoration according to personal predilection. As a
rule, the followers of the various religions lived peaceably
together ; and no doubt many people besides the king sought

1 It is, of course, not strictly the seventh century is in question,
accurate to describe Buddha as a the inaccuracy is little more than
deity ; but, when the Buddhism of formal.

U 2

292

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

to make certain of some divine support by doing honour to
all the principal objects of popular worship in turn.

Persecu- But, while toleration and concord were the rule, exceptions
la^anka occurred- The king of Central Bengal, Sasanka, who has
been mentioned as the treacherous murderer of Harsha’s
brother, and was probably a scion of the Gupta dynasty, was
a worshipper of Siva, and hated Buddhism, which he did his
best to destroy. He dug up and burnt the holy Bodhi tree
at Bodh Gaya, on which, according to legend, Asoka had
lavished inordinate devotion ; broke the stone marked with
the footprints of Buddha at Pataliputra ; destroyed the
convents, and scattered the monks, carrying his persecutions
to the foot of the Nepalese hills. These events, which are
amply attested by the evidence of Hiuen Tsang, who visited
the localities thirty or forty years later, must have happened
about 600 a. d. The Bodhi tree was replanted after a short
time by Purna-varman, king of Magadha, who is described as
being the last descendant of Asoka, and as such was specially
bound to honour the object venerated by his great ancestor.
Sectarian The details given by Hiuen Tsang and his biographer
animosity. prove fPgq af times bitter animosity marked the relations of
the two great sections of the Buddhist church with one
another ; and that equal ill-feeling was evoked in the breasts
of Puranic Hindus, when they beheld the royal favours
lavished upon their Buddhist rivals. It is clear, therefore,
that general statements concerning the perfect religious
toleration enjoyed in ancient India can be accepted only
with a certain amount of reservation. Official persecutions
and popular ebullitions of sectarian rancour undoubtedly
occurred from time to time, although they were not frequent.
Disputa- Harsha himself sometimes offended against the principle
turns. Gf perfect religious toleration and equality. Like Akbar, he
was fond of listening to the expositions of rival doctors, and
he heard with great pleasure the arguments adduced by the
learned Chinese traveller in favour of the Mahayana form of
Buddhism, with the doctrines of which he does not seem to
have been familiar. An interesting illustration of the freedom
of ancient Hindu society from the trammels of the system of

ALLEGED PERSECUTION

293

female seclusion introduced by the Muhammadans, is afforded
by the fact that his widowed sister sat by the king’s side to
hear the lecture by the Master of the Law, and frankly
expressed the pleasure which she received from the discourse.

The king, however, was determined that his favourite Harsha’s
should not be defeated in controversy ; and when opponents [>iQ°< larna*
were invited to dispute the propositions of the Chinese
scholar, the terms of the contest were not quite fair.

Harsha, having heard a report that Hiuen Tsang’s life was
in danger at the hands of his theological rivals, issued a
proclamation concluding with the announcement that

‘ if any one should touch or hurt the Master of the Law, he
shall be forthwith beheaded ; and whoever speaks against
him, his tongue shall be cut out ; but all those who desire to
profit by his instructions, relying on my goodwill, need not
fear this manifesto.’

The pilgrim’s biographer naively adds that

‘from this time the followers of error withdrew and dis-
appeared, so that when eighteen days had passed, there had
been no one to enter on the discussion V

A curious legend, narrated by Taranath, the Tibetan Alleged
historian of Buddhism, if founded on fact, as it may be, ]^e0cfu~
indicates that Harsha’s toleration did not extend to foreign Zoroas-
religions. The story runs that the king built near Multan ^gjon
a great monastery constructed of timber after the foreign
fashion, in which he entertained the strange teachers hospit-
ably for several months ; and that at the close of the enter-
tainment he set fire to the building, and consumed along
with it twelve thousand followers of the outlandish system,
with all their books. This drastic measure is said to have
reduced the religion of the Persians and Sakas to very narrow
limits for a century, and it is alleged that their doctrine,
presumably Zoroastrianism, was kept alive only by a single
weaver in Khorasan 1 2.

King Harsha was so delighted with the discourse of Hiuen

1 Beal, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, p. 180.

2 Schiefner, Taranath, p. 128.

294

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Assembly Tsang, whom he had met while in camp in Bengal, that he
at Kanauj. reso}vec[ }101(J a special assembly at Kanauj, which was
then his capital, for the purpose of giving the utmost
publicity to the Master’s teaching. The king marched along
the southern bank of the Ganges, attended by an enormous
multitude ; while his vassal Kumara, king of Kamarupa, with
a large but less numerous following, kept pace with him on
the opposite bank. Advancing slowly in this way, Harsha,
Kumara, and the attendant host reached Kanauj in the
course of ninety days, and there encamped, in February or
March, 644 a.d.1 The sovereign was received by Kumara, the
Raja of Kamarupa, who had accompanied him on the march,
the Raja of Valabhl in Western India, who was connected
with him by marriage, and eighteen other tributary Rajas ;
, as well as by four thousand learned Buddhist monks, including
a thousand from the Nalanda monastery in Bihar, and some
three thousand Jains and orthodox Brahmans.

Cere- The centre of attraction was a great monastery and shrine

monies. SpecjaUy erected upon the bank of the Ganges, where a golden
image of Buddha, equal to the king in stature, was kept in
a tower, a hundred feet high. A similar but smaller image,
three feet in height, was carried daily in solemn procession,
escorted by the twenty Rajas and a train of three hundred
elephants. The canopy was borne by Harsha in person,
attired as the god Sakra, while his vassal, Raja Kumara, the
most important of the princes in attendance, was clad as the
god Brahma, and had the honour of waving a white fly- whisk.
The sovereign, as he moved along, scattered on every side
pearls, golden flowers, and other precious substances, in
honour of the ‘ Three Jewels ’ — Buddha, the Religion, and the
Order ; and, having with his own hands washed the image at
the altar prepared for the purpose, bore it on his shoulder to
the western tower, and there offered to it thousands of silken
robes, embroidered with gems. Dinner was succeeded by a
public disputation of the one-sided kind already described ;

1 ‘ It was now the second month of spring-time ’ (Beal, Records, i,
218).

CEREMONIES

295

and in the evening the monarch returned to his ‘ travelling
palace,’ a mile distant.

These ceremonies, which lasted for many days, were Attempt
terminated by startling incidents. The temporary mon- Harsha’s
astery, which had been erected at vast cost, suddenly took life,
fire, and was in great part destroyed ;• but when the king
intervened in person, the flames were stayed, and pious
hearts recognized a miracle.

Harsha, attended by his princely train, had ascended the
great stupa to survey the scene, and was coming down the
steps, when a fanatic, armed with a dagger, rushed upon him
and attempted to stab him. The assassin, having been
captured instantly, was closely interrogated by the king in
person, and confessed that he had been instigated to commit
the crime, by certain ‘ heretics,’ who resented the excessive
royal favour shown to the Buddhists. Five hundred Brahmans
of note were then arrested, and being ‘straitly questioned,’
were induced to confess that, in order to gratify their jealousy,
they had fired the tower by means of burning arrows, and
had hoped to slay the king during the resulting confusion.

This confession, which was no doubt extorted by torture,
was probably wholly false ; but, whether true or not, it was
accepted ; and on the strength of it the alleged principals
in the plot were executed, and some five hundred Brahmans
were sent into exile.

After the close of the proceedings at Kanauj, Harsha 644 a. d.
invited his Chinese guest to accompany him to Prayaga a^tribu-16
(Allahabad), at the confluence of the Ganges and Jumna, to tion at
witness another imposing ceremonial. The Master of the *>rayaga'
Law, although anxious to start on his toilsome homeward
journey, could not refuse the invitation, and accompanied
his royal host to the scene of the intended display. Harsha
explained that it had been his practice for thirty years past,
in accordance with the custom of his ancestors, to hold a
great quinquennial assembly on the sands where the rivers
meet, and there to distribute his accumulated treasures to the
poor and needy, as well as to the religious of all denomi-
nations. The present occasion was the sixth of the series

296

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

(644 a.d.), which evidently had not been begun until Harsha
had consolidated his power in the north.

Proceed The assembly was attended by all the vassal kings and
ings' a vast concourse of humbler folk estimated to number half
a million, including poor, orphans, and destitute persons,
besides specially invited Brahmans and ascetics of every sect
from all parts of Northern India. The proceedings lasted
for seventy-five days, terminating apparently about the end
of April, and were opened by an imposing procession of all
the Rajas with their retinues. The religious services were of
the curiously eclectic kind, characteristic of the times. On
the first day, an image of Buddha was set up in one of the
temporary thatched buildings upon the sands, and vast
quantities of costly clothing and other articles of value were
distributed. On the second and third days respectively, the
images of the Sun and Siva were similarly honoured, but the
accompanying distribution in each case was only half the
amount of that consecrated to Buddha. The fourth day was
devoted to the bestowal of gifts on ten thousand selected
religious persons of the Buddhist order, who each received
one hundred gold coins, a pearl, and a cotton garment,
besides choice food, drink, flowers, and perfumes. During
the next following twenty days, the great multitude of
Brahmans were the recipients of the royal bounty. They
were succeeded by the people whom the Chinese author calls
‘ heretics,’ that is to say, Jains and members of sundry sects,
who received gifts for the space of ten days. A like period
was allotted for the bestowal of alms upon mendicants from
distant regions ; and a month was occupied in the distribution
of charitable aid to poor, orphaned, and destitute persons.

Extent of 4 By this time the accumulation of five years was exhausted.

gifts. Except the horses, elephants, and military accoutrements,
which were necessary for maintaining order and protecting
the royal estate, nothing remained. Besides these the king
freely gave away his gems and goods, his clothing and neck-
laces, ear-rings, bracelets, chaplets, neck-jewel and bright
head-jewel, all these he freely gave without stint. All being
given away, he begged from his sister [RajyasrI] an ordinary

DEPARTURE OF HIUEN TSANG

297

second-hand garment, and having put it on, he paid worship
to the ‘Buddhas of the ten regions,’ and rejoiced that his
treasure had been bestowed in the field of religious merit.’

The strange assembly, which in general appearance must Depar-
have much resembled the crowded fair still held annually Hiuen
on the same ground, then broke up ; and, after a further Tsang.
detention of ten days, Hiuen Tsang was permitted to depart.

The king and Kumara Raja offered him abundance of gold
pieces and other precious things, none of which would he
accept, save a fur-lined cape, the gift of Kumara. But
although the Master of the Law uniformly declined gifts
intended to serve his personal use, he did not disdain to
accept money for the necessary expenses of his arduous
journey overland to China. These were provided on a
liberal scale by the grant of three thousand gold, and ten
thousand silver pieces carried on an elephant. A Raja
named Udhita was placed in command of a mounted escort,
and charged to conduct the pilgrim in safety to the frontier.

In the course of about six months of leisurely progress,
interrupted by frequent halts, the Raja completed his task,
and brought his sovereign’s guest in safety to Jalandhar in
the north of the Panjab, where Hiuen Tsang stayed for a
month. He then started with a fresh escort, and, pene-
trating with difficulty the defiles of the Salt Range, crossed
the Indus, and ultimately reached his home in distant China
by the route over the Pamirs and through Khotan, in the
spring of 646 a.d. 1

The pilgrim did not come back empty-handed. Notwith- His death,
standing losses on more than one occasion, due to accident or
robbery, he succeeded in bringing home a hundred and fifty
particles of Buddha’s bodily relics ; sundry images of the
Teacher in gold, silver, and sandal-wood ; and no less than
657 distinct volumes of manuscripts, carried upon twenty
horses. The rest of his life was mainly devoted to the work
of translation, and he had completed the Chinese versions
of seventy-four separate works when he brought his literary
1 Mayers. Some writers give the date as 645.

298

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

648 a.d.
Death of
Harsha.

Inter-

course

with

China.

Usurpa-
tion of
Arjuna.

Defeat
of the
usurper
hv the
Chinese
envoy.

labours to a close in the year 661 a.d. He lived in peace
and honour for three years longer, and calmly passed away
in 664 a.d., leaving behind him a reputation for learning
and piety surpassing that of any other Buddhist doctor.

The pages of Hiuen Tsang and his biographer give the
latest information about King Harsha, who died at the end
of 647, or the beginning of 648, not long after his distin-
guished guest’s departure h

During his lifetime he maintained diplomatic intercourse
with the Chinese empire. A Brahman envoy, whom he
had sent to the emperor of China, returned in 643 a.d.,
accompanied by a Chinese mission bearing a reply to
Harsha’s dispatch. The mission remained for a considerable
time in India, and did not go back to China until 645 a.d.
The next year, Wang-hiuen-tse, who had been the second
in command of the earlier embassy, was sent by his sovereign
as head of a new Indian mission, with an escort of thirty
horsemen. Before the envoys reached Magadha, in 648 a.d.,
King Harsha had died, and the withdrawal of his strong arm
had plunged the country into disorder, which was aggravated
by famine.

Arjuna, a minister of the late king, usurped the throne,
and gave a hostile reception to the Chinese mission. The
members of the escort were massacred, and the property of
the mission plundered ; but the envoys, Wang-hiuen-tse and
his colleague, were fortunate enough to escape into Nepal by
night.

The reigning king of Tibet, the famous Srong-tsan Gam-
po, who was married to a Chinese princess, succoured the
fugitives, and supplied them with a force of a thousand
horsemen, which co-operated with a Nepalese contingent of
seven thousand men. With this small army Wang-hiuen-tse
descended into the plains, and, after a three days’ siege,

1 The difference of opinion which
existed at one time between Pro-
fessors Sylvain Levi and Edouard
Chavannes has been removed, and
both the distinguished scholars
named assure me that they agree
on the date stated in the text. The

story of Wang-hiuen-t’se is fully
related in M. Sylvain Levi’s article,
‘ Les Missions deWang-Hiuen-T’se
dans lTnde,’ in Journal Asiatique,
1900. Arjuna is disguised in the
Chinese texts as Na-fu-ti O-lo-na-
shoen.

WANG-HIUEN-TSE

299

succeeded in storming the chief city of Tirhut. Three
thousand of the garrison were beheaded, and ten thousand
persons were drowned in the neighbouring river. Arjuna
fled, and having collected a fresh force, offered battle. He
was again disastrously defeated and taken prisoner. The
victor promptly beheaded a thousand prisoners ; and in a
later action captured the entire royal family, took twelve
thousand prisoners, and obtained thirty thousand head of
cattle. Five hundred and eighty walled towns made their
submission ; and Kumara, the king of Eastern India, who had
attended Harsha’s assemblies a few years earlier, sent in
abundant supplies of cattle, horses, and accoutrements for
the victorious army. Wang-hiuen-tse brought the usurper
Arjuna as a prisoner to China, and was promoted for his
services. Thus ended this strange episode, which, although
known to antiquaries for many years, has hitherto escaped
the notice of the historians of India.

Wang-hiuen-tse once more visited the scene of his adven- Third
tures, being sent by imperial order in 657 a.d. to offer robes
at the Buddhist holy places. He entered India through hiuen-
Nepal, by a route which was then open, and used by many *■ se‘
Buddhist pilgrims ; and, after paying his respects at Vaisali,
Bodh-Gaya, and other sacred spots, returned home through
Kapisa, or Northern Afghanistan, by the Hindu Kush and
Pamir route.

The observations of Hiuen Tsang throw considerable light Kashmir
upon the political arrangements of India in the regions century1*
beyond the limits of Harsha’s empire during the seventh
century a.d. In the north, Kashmir was the predominant
power, and had reduced the kingdoms of Taxila and the Salt
Range (Simhapura), as well as the minor principalities of the
lower hills *, to the rank of dependencies.

The greater part of the Panjab between the Indus and The
the Bias rivers was comprised in the kingdom called Tseh-kia PanJab-
by the pilgrim, the capital of which was an unnamed city
situated close to Sakala, where the tyrant Mihiragula had

'l Urasa, or Hazara; Parnotsa, or Punach; Rajapuri, or Rajauri, the
ancient Abhisara.

300

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Sind.

Central
India and
Bengal.

Kama-

rupa.

Kalinga.

held his court. The province of Multan, where the Sun-
god was held in special honour, and a country called Po-fa-
to, to the north-east of Multan, were dependencies of this
kingdom.

Sind was remarkable for being under the government of a
king belonging to the Sudra caste, and for the large number
of Buddhist monks which the country supported, estimated
at ten thousand. But the quality was not in proportion to
the quantity ; most of the ten thousand being denounced as
idle fellows given over to self-indulgence and debauchery.
The Indus delta, to which the pilgrim gives the name of
’O-tien-p’o-chi-lo, was a province of the kingdom of Sind 1.

The kings of Ujjain in Central India and of Pundra-
vardhana in Bengal, both of which kingdoms were more or less
subject to Harsha’s control, belonged to the Brahman caste.
The Ujjain country supported a dense population, which
included few Buddhists. Most of the monasteries were in
ruins, and only three or four, occupied by some three hundred
monks, were in use. The early decay of Buddhism in this
region, which was sanctified by the traditions of Asoka, and
included the magnificent buildings at Sanchl, is a very
curious fact.

Bhaskara-varman, or Kumara Raja, the king of Kamarupa,
or Assam, who played such a prominent part in Harsha’s
ceremonials, was also by caste a Brahman, and without faith
in Buddha ; although well disposed towards learned men of
all religions. He was so far subject to the sovereign of
Northern India, that he could not afford to disobey Harsha’s
commands.

Kalinga, the conquest of which had cost Asoka such bitter
remorse nine hundred years earlier, was depopulated, and
mostly covered with jungle. The pilgrim observes in pictur-
esque language that ‘ in old days the kingdom of Kalinga had
a very dense population. Their shoulders rubbed one with
the other, and the axles of their chariot-wheels grided
together, and when they raised their arm-sleeves a perfect

1 The proper Indian equivalents p’o-chi-lo are not known with any
of Tseh-kia, Po-fa-to, and ’O-tien- approach to certainty. See map.

ANARCHICAL AUTONOMY

301

tent was formed.’ Legend sought to explain the change by
the curse of an angry saint.

Hiuen Tsang’s account of the kingdoms of the South and
West will be noticed in due course in subsequent chapters.

Harsha was the last native monarch prior to the
Muhammadan conquest who held the position of para-
mount power in the North. His death loosened the bonds
which restrained the disruptive forces always ready to operate
in India, and allowed them to produce their normal result,
a medley of petty states, with ever-varying boundaries,
and engaged in unceasing internecine war. Such was India
when first disclosed to European observation in the fourth
century b.c., and such it always has been, except during the
comparatively brief periods in which a vigorous central
government has compelled the mutually repellent molecules
of the body politic to check their gyrations, and submit to
the grasp of a superior controlling force.

The visitation of the Hun invasions caused such suffering
that the wholesome despotism of Harsha was felt to be a
necessary remedy. When he died, the wounds inflicted by
the fierce foreign savages had long been healed, while the
freedom of the country from external attack relieved men’s
minds from feeling the necessity for a deliverer ; and so
India instantly reverted to her normal condition of anarchical
autonomy.

Excepting the purely local incursions of the Arabs in Sind
and Gujarat during the eighth century, India was exempt
from foreign aggression for nearly five hundred years, from
the defeat of Mihiragula in 528 a. d. until the raids of
Mahmud of Ghazni at the beginning of the eleventh
century ; and was left free to work out her destiny in her
own fashion.

She cannot claim to have achieved success. The history of
this long period is, on the whole, a melancholy record
of degradation and decadence in government, literature,
religion, and art, with the exception of temple architecture.
The three following chapters, which attempt to give an
outline of the salient features in the bewildering annals of

The South
and West.

Effect of
Harsha’s
death.

India’s

normal

condition.

Freedom

from

foreign

aggression

for five

centuries.

Deca-

dence.

302

THE REIGN OF HARSHA

Indian petty states when left to their own devices for several
centuries, may perhaps serve to give the reader a notion of
what India always has been when released from the control
of a supreme authority, and what she would be again, if the
hand of the benevolent despotism which now holds her in its
iron grasp should be withdrawn.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY

A. D.

EVENT.

cir. 600
cir. 605
606

606-12
Oct. 612
618

619-20

620

627-8

629

630-1

639

643

644

646

647-8

657

671

675-85

691-2

695

Persecution of Buddhism by Jsasanka.

Rajya-vardhana, Raja of Thanesar, acc.

Harsha-vardhana, Raja of Thanesar, acc.

Conquest of Northern India by Harsha.

Coronation of Harsha as Lord Paramount of N. India.

T’ang dynasty of China, acc.

Ganjam inscription of Sasanka.

Defeat of Harsha by Pulikesin II Chalukya.

Banskhera inscription of Harsha.

Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, began his travels.

Madhuban inscription of Harsha.

Reception by Harsha of A-lo-pen and other Syrian Christians,
who introduced Nestorianism into China in 635 a.d.1

Expedition of Harsha to Ganjam (Kongoda) ; his meeting with
Hiuen Tsang ; Chinese mission ofLi-I-piao and Wang-hiuen-
t’se.

Harsha’s assemblies at Kanauj and Prayaga ; Hiuen Tsang
started on return journey.

Second mission of Wang-hiuen-t’se dispatched ; arrival of
Hiuen Tsang in China.

Death of Harsha ; usurpation of Arjuna (A-lo-na-shoen, or
O-lo-na-shoen) ; attack on Chinese mission; defeat of Arjuna
by Wang-hiuen-t’se with aid of Nepalese and Tibetans.

Third mission of Wang-hiuen-t’se.

I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, began his travels.

Residence of I-tsing at Nalanda monastery.

Composition of I-tsing’s Record.

Return of I-tsing to China.

1 Takakusu, transl. I-tsing, p. xxviii, note, quoting Edkins in Athenceum,
July 3, 1880.

CHAPTER XIV

THE MEDIAEVAL KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH
FROM 648 TO 1200 A. D.

Relations with China and Tibet

The tenacity of the Chinese government in holding on
to the most distant possessions of the empire has been
exemplified in recent times by the recovery of Kashgaria
and Yunnan from Muhammadan powers, and of Kuldja
from the Russians. The history of the seventh and eighth
centuries offers many illustrations of the same characteristic,
and exhibits China as making the most determined efforts
to exercise influence in, and assert suzerainty over, the
countries on the northern frontier of India.

In the first half of the sixth century the power of China
in the ‘ Western Countries’ had vanished, and the Ephthalites
or White Huns ruled a vast empire, which included
Kashgaria — the 4 Four Garrisons ’ of Chinese writers —
Kashmir1, and Gandhara, the region near Peshawar.

About the year 565 (‘ between 563 and 567 ’) the Ephtha-
lite dominion passed into the hands of the Western Turks
and Persians ; but the grasp of the latter power on the
provinces south of the Oxus soon relaxed, and the Turks
became the heirs of the Ephthalites in the whole of their
territory as far as the Indus. Accordingly, in 630 a. d.,
when Hiuen Tsang was on his way to India, his safety was

Chinese

influence

northern
frontier
of India.

502-56

A.D.

Ephtha-
lite em-
pire.

565 a.d.
Empire of
Western
Turks.

1 Ki-pin, which term usually was tury, in the time of the Wei dynasty
understood to mean Kashmir by (Chavannes, Song Yun, p. 37).
Chinese writers of the sixth cen-

304

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

assured by passports granted by Tong-she-hu, the ‘Kazan,’
or supreme chief of the Western Turks, which guaranteed
him protection as far as Kapisa1.

630 a.d. In the same year the pilgrim’s powerful protector was
defeat* of assassinated ; and the Chinese, under the guidance of the
Northern emperor Tai-tsong, the second prince of the Tang dynasty,
inflicted upon the Northern or Eastern Turks a defeat so
decisive that the vanquished became slaves to the Chinese
for fifty years.

640-8 a.d. When relieved from fear of the Northern Turks, the
conquest Chinese were able to turn their arms against the western
of Kucha, tribes ; and in the years 640-8 succeeded in occupying
Turfan, Korashar, and Kucha, thus securing the northern
road of communication between the East and West.

Friendly At this time Tibet was on amicable terms with the Middle
with'°nS Kingdom. In 641 the Chinese princess Wen-cheng had
Tibet. been given in marriage to Srong-tsan-Gam-po, king of
Tibet, and in the years 643-5 the Chinese envoys to
Harsha had been able to reach India through the friendly
states of Tibet and Nepal, both of which sent troops to
rescue Wang-Hiuen-tse from the troubles into which he fell
after Harsha’s death.

659-61 a.d. The work of subduing the Turks, begun by the emperor

China in rpaj-tsonff, was continued by his successor Kao-tsong; (650-
possession J . ° .

of empire 83), and, by the year 659, China was nominally mistress
Turks tem °i' !he entire territory of the Western Turks, which was then
formally annexed. In 661-5 China enjoyed unparalleled
prestige, and had reached a height of glory never again
attained. Kapisa was a province of the empire 2 ; and the
imperial retinue included ambassadors from Udyana, or the
Suwat valley, and from all the countries extending from
Persia to Korea.

670 a.d. But this magnificent extension of the empire did not last

t ion1 of1' l°ng- A terrible defeat inflicted by the Tibetans in 670

Kashgaria deprived China of Kashgaria, or the ‘ Four Garrisons,’ which
by the

1 I ' i ri q

‘ 1 Ki-pin, which meant Kapisa, the seventh century, in the time of

the country to the north of the the T’ang dynasty.

Kabul river, for Chinese writers of 2 Ki-pin.

REVIVAL OF CHINESE INFLUENCE 305

remained in the hands of the victors until 692 a.d., when
the province was recovered by the Chinese.

Between 682 and 691 the Northern Turks had regained 744 a.d.

a good deal of the power which had been shattered by the 1<inal

° r . ■ n J overthrow

defeat of 630, and even exercised a certain amount of control of the

over the western tribes. But internal dissension was at all Northern

Turks.

times the bane of the Central Asian nations, and the Chinese
well knew how to take advantage of the national failing.

They intervened in the tribal quarrels, with the support of
the Uigurs and Karluks, with such effect, that in 744 the
Uigurs established themselves on the Orkhon in the eastern
part of the Turkish territory ; while, on the west, the
Karluks gradually occupied the country of the Ten Tribes,
and took possession of Tokmak and Talas, the former
residences of the Turkish chiefs.

Between 665 and 715 the government of China was unable 665-715
to interfere effectually in the affairs of the countries between Routes
the Jaxartes (Syr Darya) and the Indus ; the southern route between
to the west through Kashgaria having been closed by the pie west^
Tibetans, and the roads over the Hindu Kush blocked by closed,
the conquests of Kotaiba, the Arab general.

The accession of the emperor Hiuen-tsong in 713 marks 715-47
a revival of Chinese activity ; and determined efforts were pUya] of
made by means both of diplomacy and arms to keep open Chinese
the Pamir passes, and to check the ambition of the Arabs ojf borders
and Tibetans, who sometimes combined. In 719, Samarkand of India,
and other kingdoms invoked the aid of China against the
armies of Islam ; while the Arab leaders sought to obtain
the co-operation of the minor states on the Indian border-
land. The chiefs of Udyana (Suwat), Khottal (west of
Badakshan), and Chitral, having refused to listen to Muslim
blandishments, were rewarded by the emperor of China with
letters patent conferring on each the title of king ; and a
similar honour was bestowed upon the rulers of Yasin
(Little Po-lu), Zabulistan (Ghazni), Kapisa, and Kashmir.

China made every effort to organize these frontier kingdoms,
so as to form an effective barrier against both Arabs and
Tibetans. Chandraplda, king of Kashmir, received investi-

SMITH

306

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

751 A.D.
Rout of
Chinese
by Arabs
and

Karluks.

Cessation
of contact
with
China.

Nepal :

early

history.

ture as king from the emperor in 720, and his brother
Muktaplda-Lalitaditya was similarly honoured in 733.

A few years later — in 744 and 747 — Chinese influence had
been so far extended that the emperor granted titles to
the king of Tabaristan, south of the Caspian. In the latter
year a Chinese army crossed the Pamirs, in spite of all
difficulties, and reduced the king of Yasin to subjection.

But, as in the seventh century, so in the eighth, the
Chinese dominion over the western countries was short-lived,
and was shattered by a disastrous defeat inflicted in 751 on
the Chinese general Sien-chi by the Arabs, who were aided
by the Karluk tribes. Indirectly this disaster had an im-
portant consequence for European civilization. The art of
making paper, up to that time a monopoly of remote China,
was introduced into Samarkand by Chinese prisoners, and so
became known to Europe, with results familiar to all 1.

From the middle of the eighth century, contact between
the politics of India and China ceased, and was not renewed
until the English conquest of Upper Burma in 1885. In
these latter days, Tibet, which has been a dependency of
China since the close of the thirteenth century, has again
come within the purview of the Indian government, and its
affairs are again the subject of Indo-Chinese diplomacy.

Nepal

The kingdom of Nepal, the most valuable portion of which
is the enclosed valley in which Kathmandu and other towns
are situated, although it has remained generally outside the
ordinary range of Indian politics, has maintained sufficient
connexion with India to require brief mention in a history
of that country. In Asoka’s time Nepal was an integral
part of the empire, and was probably administered directly

1 The foregoing account of the
relations of China with the states
on the northern frontier of India
is derived from the learned and

valuable work by Professor Cha-
vannes. Documents sur les Tou-kiue
(Turcs) Occidentaux, St. Peters-
bourg, 1903.

NEPAL

307

from the capital as one of the home provinces. In the days
of Samudragupta, in the fourth century a. d., it was an
autonomous tributary frontier state ; but, after the fall of
the Gupta empire in the following century, it became inde-
pendent.

Harsha again reduced the kingdom to the position of a Seventh
tributary state about 638 a. d. ; and ten years later, when centuries'1
he died, the Nepalese recovered their independence, subject,
perhaps, to some slight control from China. They were
able to give valuable assistance to the envoy Wang-Hiuen-tse
in 648 a. d., when he was expelled from India by Harsha’s
usurping successor. At the beginning of the eighth century,
before the revival of Chinese activity in the reign of the
emperor Hiuen-tsong, Nepal was for a time a dependency of
Tibet1.

The establishment of the Nepalese era, which dates from Later
October 20, 879 a. d., in the reign of Raghava-deva, probably
marks some important event in local history, the exact nature
of which is not known 2.

Nepal was never subjugated by any of the Muhammadan
dynasties, and has retained its autonomy to this day. The
conquest of the country by the Gurkhas took place in 1768.

The details of the history in the long period between the
dates named, being of merely local interest, need not be
discussed 3. A corrupt and decaying form of Buddhism still
survives in the country.

Ill

Kashmir

A detailed account of the history of Kashmir would fill Kashmir :

a volume : in this place a brief notice of some of the far|y

v _ history.

leading passages will suffice. The valley had been included

1 Chavannes, Turcs Occidentaux,

p. 186.

2 Bendall, ‘ The History of Nepal
and surrounding Kingdoms (1000-

1600 a.d.), compiled chiefly from
MSS. lately discovered ' (J. A. S. B.,
vol. lxxii, part i (1903), p. 21 of
reprint).

3 For the ancient traditional his-
tory see Ind. Ant. xiii, pp. 411-26 ;
ibid, xiv, pp. 342-51 ; and Wright’s
History of Nepal Cambridge, 1877).
The earliest Nepalese date in the
Harsha era is 34, equivalent to
639 a.d.

308

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

720 a.d.
Chandra-
pTda ;
733-69

A.D.

Mukta-

pida.

855-83

A.D.

Avanti-

varman.

883-902

A.D.

Sankara-

varman.

End of the
Shahiya
dynasty
of Kabul.

in the Maurya empire in the time of Asoka, and again
in the Kushan dominion in the days of Kanishka and
Huvishka. Harsha, although not strong enough to annex
Kashmir, was yet able to compel the king to surrender a
cherished relic, an alleged tooth of Buddha, which was
carried off to Kanauj. The authentic chronicles of the
kingdom begin with the Karkota dynasty, which was founded
by Durlabhavardhana during Harsha’s lifetime. This prince
and his son Durlabhaka are credited with long reigns.

The latter was succeeded by his three sons in order ; the
eldest of whom, Chandraplda, received investiture as king
from the emperor of China in 720 ; by whom the third son
Muktapida, also known as Lalitaditya, was similarly
honoured in 733. This prince, who is said to have reigned
for thirty-six years, extended the power of Kashmir far
beyond its normal mountain limits, and about the year 740
indicted a crushing defeat upon Yasovarman, king of
Kanauj h He also vanquished the Tibetans, Bhutias, and
the Turks on the Indus. His memory has been perpetuated
by the famous Martanda temple, which was built by him,
and still exists. The acts of this king, and all that he did,
and something more, are set forth at large in Kalhana’s
chronicle.

The reign of Avantivarman in the latter part of the ninth
century was notable for his enlightened patronage of litera-
ture, and for the beneficent schemes of drainage and irrigation
carried out by Suyya, his minister of public works.

The next king, Sankaravarman, distinguished himself in
war ; but is chiefly remembered as the author of an ingenious
system of fiscal oppression, and the plunderer of temple
treasures. The details of his exactions are worth reading
as proving the capacity of an Oriental despot without a
conscience for unlimited and ruthless extortion.

During his reign, the last of the Turkl Shahiya kings
of Kabul, the descendants of Kanishka, was overthrown by

1 Between 736 and 747 (Levi and Chavannes, ‘ Itineraijre d’Ouk’ong,’
in J. A. 1895, p. 353).

MARTANDA TEMPLE OF THE SUN, KASHMIR

KASHMIR

309

the Brahman, Lalliya, who founded a dynasty which lasted
until 1021, when it was extirpated by the Muhammadans.

During the latter half of the tenth century, power was
in the hands of an unscrupulous queen, named Didda, the
granddaughter of a Shahiya king, who, first as queen-consort,
then as regent, and, ultimately as sovereign for twenty-three
years, misgoverned the unhappy state for half a century.

In the reign of her nephew, Sangrama, the kingdom
suffered an attack from Mahmud of Ghazni ; and, although
its troops were defeated by the invader, preserved its inde-
pendence, which was protected by the inaccessibility of the
mountain barriers.

During the eleventh century, Kashmir, which has been
generally unfortunate in its rulers, endured unspeakable
miseries at the hands of the tyrants Kalasa and Harsha.
The latter, who was evidently insane, imitated Sankara-
varman in the practice of plundering temples, and rightly
came to a miserable end.

A local Muhammadan dynasty obtained power in 1339,
and the religion of Islam gradually spread in the valley
during the fourteenth century ; but the natural defences of
the kingdom effectually guarded it against the ambition of
the sovereigns of India, until Akbar conquered it in 1587,
and incorporated it in the Moghal empire 1.

950-1003

A.D.

Queen

Didda.

1003-28

A.D.

Sangrama.

1063-89

A.D.

Kalasa ;
1089-1101

A.D.

Harsha.

1339 a.d.
Muham-
madan
local
dynasty.

Delhi, Kanauj , Ajmir , and Gwalior

Europeans are so accustomed to associate the name of 1052 a. d.
Delhi with the sovereignty of India that they do not easily
realize the fact that Delhi is among the most modern of the Delhi,
great Indian cities. Vague legends, it is true, irradiate the
lands along the bank of the Jumna near the village of

1 Full details of Kashmir history mentary of Stein’s translation of the
will be found in the text and com- Rajatarangini.

310

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

1151 A.D.
Chauhan
conquest
of Delhi.

1175a. d.

PrithivI

Raja.

Indarpat with the traditional glories of the prehistoric
Indraprastha, and these stories may or may not have some
substantial basis. But, as an historical city, Delhi dates
only from the middle of the eleventh century, when a Rajput
chief of the Tomara clan named Anangapala, built the Red
Fort, where the Kutb mosque now stands, and founded
a town. The celebrated iron pillar, on which the eulogy
of Chandra-gupta Vikramaditya is incised, was removed by
him from its original position, probably Mathura, and set
up in 1052 a. d. as an adjunct to a group of temples, from
the materials of which the Muhammadans afterwards con-
structed the great mosque h

Anangapala, who seems to have come from Kanauj, ruled
a principality of modest dimensions, extending to Agra on
the south, Ajmlr on the west, Hansi on the north, and the
Ganges on the east1 2. His dynasty lasted for just a century,
until 1151 a.d., when it was supplanted by the Chauhan
chief, Visala-deva of Ajmlr.

The grandson of Visala-deva was PrithivI Raja, or Rai
Pithora, famous in song and legend as a chivalrous lover
and doughty champion, in whose person the lordships of
Ajmlr and Delhi were united. His fame as a bold lover
rests upon his daring abduction of the not unwilling
daughter of Jayachchandra (Jaichand), the Gaharwar Raja of
Kanauj, which occurred in or about 1175 3. His reputation

1 For an account of the Indarpat
site see Carr Stephens, Archaeology
of Delhi, pp. 1-8. The traditional
date, V. S. 792 = 735 a.d., for the
foundation of Delhi byan imaginary
Anangapala I is clearly fictitious
(V. A. Smith, ‘ The Iron Pillar of
Delhi,’ in J. B. A. S., 1897, p. 13).
No remains earlier than the eleventh
century exist.

2 Cunningham, Reports, i, 153.

3 The ‘ Rath5r dynasty ’ of
Kanauj commonly mentioned in
books is a myth. The dynasty
belonged to the Gahadawala, or
Gaharwar, clan ; as is expressly
affirmed in the Basahi copper-plate
grant of Govindaehandra dated

V. S. 1161 = 1104 a.d. The ap-
ellation ‘ Rathor ’ applied to the
ings of Kanauj is due solely to
the facts that the Jodhpur chiefs
call themselves Rathor, and claim
descent from Raja Jaichand (pro-
perly Jayachchandra) of Kanauj,
through a boy who is said to have
escaped massacre. Stories of the
sort are common all over the coun-
try, as convenient explanations of
dubious lineage, and are altogether
untrustworthy. Govindaehandra
(cir. 1100-52) was the grandfather
of Jayachchandra {Jay at-, not
Jaya- + Chandra ) (Hoernle, hid.
Ant. xiv, pp. 98-101).

FALL OF DELHI AND KANAUJ

311

as a warrior is securely founded upon the story of his defeat
of the Chandella Raja and the capture of Mahoba in 1182,
as well as upon gallant resistance to the flood of Muham-
madan invasion. Rai Pithora may indeed be fairly described
as the popular hero of Northern India, and his exploits in
love and war are to this day the subject of rude epics and
bardic lays.

The dread of the victorious Musalman host led by War with
Shihab-ud-dln, who was now undisputed master of the
Panjab, constrained the jarring states of Upper India to
lay aside their quarrels, and combine for a moment against
the common foe. At first fortune favoured the Hindus ; and
in 1191 Prithivi Raja succeeded in inflicting a severe defeat
upon the invaders at Tirauri, between Thanesar and Karnal,
which forced them to retire beyond the Indus. Two years
later, in 1193, Shihab-ud-dln, having returned with a fresh
force, again encountered Prithivi Raja, who was in command
of an immense host, swollen by contingents from numerous
confederate princes. A vigorous charge by twelve thousand
well-armed Musalman horsemen repeated the lesson given by
Alexander long ages before, and demonstrated the incapacity
of a mob of Indian militia to stand the onset of trained
cavalry. To use the graphic language of the Muhammadan
historian — ‘this prodigious army, once shaken, like a great
building, tottered to its fall, and was lost in its own ruins.’

Prithivi Raja, who was taken prisoner, was executed in cold
blood, and the wretched inhabitants of his capital, Ajmlr,
were either put to the sword or sold into slavery.

In the same year, 1193 a. d. (a.h. 589), Delhi fell, and 1193 a. d.
Shihab-ud-dln marched against Kanauj and took that city, DdMand
which had been for several centuries the most splendid of the Kanauj.
cities of Northern India. The Raja, Jayachchandra, retired
towards Benares, but being overtaken by his adversary, was
routed and slain. The holy citadel of Hinduism fell into
the hands of the victors, who could now feel assured that the
triumph of Islam was secure.

The surrender of Gwalior by its Parihar Raja in 1196 ;
the capture of Nahrwalah in 1197 ; and the capitulation of

312

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

1196-1206

A.D.

Conquest
of Hin-
dustan.

Migration
of Gahar-
wars

(llathors)
to Mar-
war.

Jejaka-

bhukti

and

Chedi.

Kalinjar in 1203 completed the reduction of Upper India1 2 ;
and when Shihab-ud-din died in 1206, he —

‘ Held, in different degrees of subjection, the whole of
Hindustan Proper, except Malwa and some contiguous
districts. Sind and Bengal were either entirely subdued, or
in rapid course of reduction. On Gujarat he had no hold,
except what is implied in the possession of the capital
(Nahrwala, or Anhalwara). Much of Hindustan was im-
mediately under his officers, and the rest under dependent
or at least tributary princes. The desert and some of the
mountains were left independent from neglect V

An important consequence of the capture of Kanauj was
the migration of the bulk of the Gaharwar clan to the
deserts of Marwar in Rajputana, where they settled, and
became known as Rathors. The state so founded, now
generally designated by the name of its capital, Jodhpur, is
one of the most important principalities of Rajputana.
Similar clan movements, necessitated by the pressure of
Muhammadan armies, were frequent at this period, and to
a large extent account for the existing distribution of the
Rajput clans.

The Chandellas of Jejakabhukti and the Kalachuris of

Chedi

The ancient name of the province between the Jumna and
Narmada, now known as Bundelkhand, was Jejakabhukti 3 ;
and the extensive region, further to the south, which is now
under the administration of the Chief Commissioner of the

1 Elliot, Hist, of India , ii, 228-
32. The date of the capture of
Delhi has been doubted ; the
opinion of Major Raverty, which is
supported by sound reasons, has
been followed in the text ( J.A.S.B. ,
vol. xlv (1876), pp. 325-28).

2 Elphinstone, History, 5th ed.,
p. 338. Shihab-ud-din is designated

by an inconvenient variety of names
and titles, as Muhammad the son

of Sam, Muhammad Ghori, and
Muizz-ud-din. Similarly, his brother
and colleague, who was also named
Muhammad, is known both as
Shams-ud-din andGhiyas-ud-dunya
wa ud-dln ( Raverty , in A. S. B.,
vol. xlv, part i, p. 328).

3 i.e. the province of Jej aka ; the
name Jejaka or Jeja occurs in the
inscriptions {Ep. Ind. i, 121). Com-
pare Tlrabhukti, Tirhut.

THE CHAMDELLAS

313

Central Provinces, nearly corresponds with the old kingdom
of Chedi. In the mediaeval history of these countries
two dynasties — the Chandellas and the Kalachuris — which
occasionally were connected by marriage, and constantly were
in contact one with the other, whether as friends or enemies,
are conspicuous.

The Chandellas, like several other dynasties, first come Prede-

into notice early in the ninth century, when Nannuka of the S

Chandella, about 831 a. d., overthrew a Parihar chieftain, Chan-
’ . . dellas

and became lord of Jejakabhukti. The Parihar capital had

been at Mau-Sahaniya between Nowgong (Naugaon) and

Chhatarpur 1. The predecessors of the Parihars were

Gaharwar Rajas, members of the clan which afterwards gave

Kanauj the line of kings commonly miscalled Rathors.

The Chandella princes were great builders, and beautified Chan-
their chief towns Mahoba, Kalinjar, and Khajuraho with temples
many magnificent temples and lovely lakes, formed by and lakes,
throwing massive dams across the openings between the hills.

In this practice of building embankments and constructing
lakes the Chandellas were imitators of the Gaharwars, who
are credited with the formation of some of the most charming
lakes in Bundelkhand.

King Dhanga (950-99 a. d.), who lived to an age of 950-99
more than a hundred years, was the most notable of his Dhanga.
family. Some of the grandest temples at Khajuraho are
due to his munificence ; and he took an active part in the
politics of his time. In 978 a.d. he joined the league
formed by Jaipal to resist Sabuktigln, and shared with the
Rajas of Ajmir and Kanauj in the disastrous defeat which
the allies suffered from the invaders at Lamghan on the
Kabul river 2.

When Mahmud of Ghazni threatened to overrun India, 999-1025
Dhanga’s son Ganda (999-1025) joined the new confederacy
of Hindu princes organized by Ananga Pala of Lahore in
1008, which also failed to stay the hand of the invader.

Twelve years later Ganda attacked Kanauj and killed the

1 J. A. S. B., 1881, part i, p. 6.

Elphinstone, 5th ed., p. 321.

314

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

1015-70

A.D.

Gangeya-
deva and
Karna-
deva Kala-
churi.

1049-1100

A.D.

Kirtti-

varman

Chandella.

1165-1203

A.D.

Parmal.

1203 a.d.
(spring).
Capitula-
tion of
Kalinjar.

Raja, who had made terms with the Muhammadans ; but in
1022 or 1023 he was himself compelled to surrender the
strong fortress of Kalinjar to Mahmud.

Gangeyadeva Kalachuri of Chedi ( circa 1015-40), the
contemporary of Ganda and his successors, was an able and
ambitious prince, who seems to have aimed at attaining the
position of paramount power in Upper India. In 1019 his
suzerainty was recognized in distant Tirhut 1 ; and his
projects of aggrandizement were taken up and pi’oceeded
with by his son Karnadeva (circa 1040-70) ; who joined
Bhlma, king of Gujarat, in crushing Bhoja, the learned king
of Malwa, about 1053 a. d.

But some years later, Karnadeva was taught the lesson
of the mutability of fortune by suffering a severe defeat at
the hands of Klrttivarman Chandella (1049-1100) who widely
extended the dominion of his house. The earliest extant
specimens of the rare Chandella coinage were struck by this
king in imitation of the issues of Gangeyadeva of Chedi.
Klrttivarman is also memorable in literary history as the
patron of the curious allegorical play entitled the Prabodha-
chandrodaya, or ‘ Rise of the Moon of Intellect,’ which was
performed at his court, and gives in dramatic form a very
clever exposition of the Vedanta system of philosophy 2.

The last Chandella king to play any considerable part
upon the stage of history was Paramardi, or Parmal (1165-
1203), whose reign is memorable for his defeat in 1182 by
Prithivi Raja Chauhan, and for the capture of Kalinjar in
1203 (a. h. 599) by Kutb-ud-dln Ibak. The Chauhan and
Chandella war occupies a large space in the popular Hindi
epic, the Chand-Raisa, which is familiar to the people of
Upper India.

The account of the death of Parmal and the capture of
Kalinjar, as told by the contemporary Muhammadan histo-
rian, may be quoted as a good illustration of the process by

1 Bendali, ‘ Hist, of Nepal ’ (.7. given by Sylvain Levi ( Theatre

A. S. B., 1903, part i, p. 18 of Indien, pp. 229-35). See plate of
reprint). coins, fig. 13.

2 A full abstract of the play is

CAPITULATION OF KALIN JAR

315

which the Hindu kingdoms passed under the rule of their
new Muslim masters.

‘“The accursed Parmar,” the Rai of Kalinjar, fled into the
fort after a desperate resistance in the field, and afterwards
surrendered himself, and placed “the collar of subjection”
round his neck ; and, on his promise of allegiance, was
admitted to the same favours as his ancestor had experienced
from Mahmud Sabuktigln, and engaged to make a payment
of tribute and elephants, but he died a natural death before
he could execute any of his engagements. His Dlwan, or
Mahtea, by name Aj Deo, was not disposed to surrender so
easily as his master, and gave his enemies much trouble, until
he was compelled to capitulate, in consequence of severe
drought having dried up all the reservoirs of water in the
forts. “ On Monday, the 20th of Rajab, the garrison, in an
extreme state of weakness and distraction, came out of the
fort, and by compulsion left their native place empty ; . .. .
and the fort of Kalinjar, which was celebrated throughout
the world for being as strong as the wall of Alexander,” was
taken. “ The temples were converted into mosques and abodes
of goodness, and the ejaculations of the bead-counters and
the voices of the summoners to prayer ascended to the highest
heaven, and the very name of idolatry was annihilated. . . .

Fifty thousand men came under the collar of slavery, and
the plain became black as pitch with Hindus.” Elephants
and cattle, and countless arms also, became the spoil of the
victors.

‘ The reins of victory were then directed towards Mahoba,
and the government of Kalinjar was conferred on Hazabbar-
ud-dln Hasan Arnal. When Kutb-ud-dln was satisfied with
all the arrangements made in that quarter, he went towards
Badaun, “which is one of the mothers of cities, and one of the
chiefest of the country of Hind 1.” 1

Chandella Rajas lingered on as purely local chiefs until the The last
sixteenth century, but their affairs are of no general interest 2. chan-
The Chandella clan was scattered ; and its most notable dellas.

1 Tdj-ul-Madsir, as abstracted by 2 For Chandella history see es-
Elliot, Hist, of India, vol. ii, p. 231. pecially J. A. S. B., 1881, part i,

Kalinjar is in the Banda district, pp. 1-53 ; Cunningham, Arckaeol.

N. lat. 25°, E. long. 80° 32' : Ma- Rep., vol. xxi; and sundry inscrip-
hoba is in the Hamirpur district. tions in Ep. Ind., vols. i, ii.

316

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

The last
of the
Kala-
churis.

cir. 800

A.D.

Paramara
dynasty
of Malwa.

974-95

A.D.

Raja

Munja.

modern representative is the Raja of Gidhaur, near MungTr
(Monghyr) in Bengal.

The Kalachuri or Haihaya Rajas of Chedi are last men-
tioned in an inscription of the year 1181 a. d., and the
manner of their disappearance is not exactly known ; but
there is reason to believe that they were supplanted by the
Baghels of Rewa. The Hayobans Rajputs of the Baliya
district in the United Provinces claim descent from the Rajas
of Ratanpur in the Central Provinces, and are probably
really an offshoot of the ancient Haihaya race. The kings
of Chedi used a special era, according to which the year 1
was equivalent to 249-50 a. d. ; and it is possible that the
dynasty may have been established at that early date, but
nothing substantial is known about it before the ninth
century h

Paramaras of Malwa

The Paramara dynasty of Malwa, the region north of the
Narmada, anciently known as the kingdom of Ujjain, is
specially memorable by reason of its association with many
eminent names in the history of later Sanskrit literature.
The dynasty was founded by a chief named Upendra, or
Krishnaraja, at the beginning of the ninth century, when
so many ruling families attract notice for the first time, and
lasted for about four centuries.

The seventh Raja, named Munja, who was famous for his
learning and eloquence, was not only a patron of poets, but
was himself a poet of no small reputation, and the anthologies
include various compositions attributed to his pen. The
authors Dhanamjaya, Dhanika, and Halayudha were among
the distinguished scholars who graced his court. His energies
were not solely devoted to the peaceful pursuit of literature,
and much of his time was spent in fighting with his neigh-

1 For Kalachuri history see Cun- For the Hayobans Rajputs see
ningham, Reports, vols. ix, x, xxi ; Crooke, Ethnographical Handbook
and many inscriptions in Ep. Ind. (Allahabad, 1890), p. 156.

RAJA BHOJA

317

hours. Sixteen times the Chalukya king Taila II was
defeated by him. The seventeenth attack failed, and Munja,
who had crossed the Godavari, Taila’s northern boundary,
was defeated, captured, and executed about 995 a. d.1

The nephew of Munja, the famous Bhoja, ascended the 1010-53
throne of Dhara, which was in those days the capital of
Malwa, about 1010 a. d., and reigned gloriously for more Bhoja.
than forty years. Like his uncle, he cultivated with equal
assiduity the arts of peace and war. Although his fights
with the neighbouring powers, including one of the Muham-
madan armies of Mahmud of Ghazni, are now forgotten, his
fame as an enlightened patron of learning and a skilled
author remains undimmed, and his name has become proverbial
as that of the model king according to the Hindu standard.

Works on astronomy, architecture, the art of poetry, and
other subjects are credibly attributed to him, and there is no
doubt that he was a prince, like Samudragupta, of very
uncommon ability.

The great Bhojpur lake, a beautiful sheet of water to the Bhojpur
south-east of Bhopal, covering an area of two hundred and ^e'
fifty square miles, formed by massive embankments closing
the outlets in a circle of hills, was his noblest monument,
and continued to testify to the skill of his engineers until
the fifteenth century, when the dam was cut by order of a
Muhammadan king, and the water drained off. The bed of
the lake is now a fertile plain intersected by the Indian
Midland Railway2.

About 1053 a. d. this accomplished prince succumbed to Later
an attack by the confederate kings of Gujarat and Chedi ; °f

and the glory of his house departed 3. His dynasty lasted

1 Munja had an embarrassing
variety of names — Vakpati (II),
Utpalaraja, Amoghavarsha, Prithi-
vTvallabha, and Srlvallabha. His
accession took place in 974 a.d., and
his death about twenty years later,
between 994 and 997 ( Biihler , in
Ep. Ind. i, 222-8 ; Fleet, ‘ Dy-

nasties of Kanarese Districts,’ 2nd

ed., p. 432, in Bomb. Gazr., vol. i,
part ii ; Bhandarkar, ‘ Early Hist.

of Dekkan,’ ibid., p. 214).

2 Malcolm, Central India , i, 25 ;
Kincaid, Ind. Ant. xvii, pp. 350-2,
with map of the bed of the lake.

3 Bhoja Paramara of Dhara must
not be confounded with the
numerous distinct Rajas of the
same name. Bhoja, a king of
Kanauj late in the ninth century,
was a specially notable personage.

318

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

as a purely local power until the beginning of the thirteenth
century, when it was superseded by chiefs of the Tomara
clan, who were in their turn followed by Chauhan Rajas x,
from whom the crown passed to Muhammadan kings in 1401.
Akbar suppressed the local dynasty in 1569, and incorporated
Malwa in the Moghal empire.

6.50-815

A.D.

History
of Bengal
unknown.

cir. 815

A.D.

Rise of
the ‘ Pala ’
dynasty.

cir. 858-
93.

Devapala ;
cir. 1010-
60.

Mahipala.

VII

Pala and Sena Dynasties of Bihar and Bengal

Harsha, when at the height of his power, exercised a
certain amount of control as suzerain over the whole of
Bengal, even as far east as the distant kingdom of Kama-
rupa, or Assam, and seems to have possessed full sovereign
authority over western and central Bengal. After his death,
the local Rajas no doubt asserted their independence ; but,
except for the strange story of Arjuna and Wang-Hiuen-tse,
related in the thirteenth chapter, no particulars are known
concerning the history of Bengal during more than a century
and a half.

Early in the ninth century (cir. 815 a. d.), approximately
at the time when the Chandella, Paramara, and other
dynasties are first heard of, a chieftain named Gopala became
ruler of Bengal. Towards the close of his life he extended
his power westwards over Magadha or Bihar, and is said to
have reigned forty-five years. He was a pious Buddhist, and
was credited with the foundation of a great monastery at his
capital, the town of Bihar (Udandapura, or Otantapuri),
which had taken the place of Pataliputra, then in ruins.
Inasmuch as the word pala was an element in the personal
names of the founder of the family and his successors, the
dynasty is commonly and conveniently designated as that of
the ‘ Pala kings of Bengal.1

The third king, Devapala (cir. 853-93 a. d.), is alleged to
have conquered Kamarupa and Orissa. The ninth king,
Mahipala, is known to have been on the throne in 1026 a. d.,

1 Malcolm, Central India, i, 26.

THE SENA DYNASTY

319

and is believed to have reigned for fifty years, until about
1060. Like all the members of his dynasty, he was a devout
Buddhist, and the revival of Buddhism in Tibet, effected in
1013 a. d. by Dharmapala of Magadha and his three pupils,
may be attributed to this king’s missionary zeal 1.

At about the time of Mahipala’s death, a Raja, named cir. 1060
Vijayasena, founded a rival dynasty in Bengal commonly
called that of the ‘ Sena kings,’ which seems to have wrested ‘ Sena ’
the eastern provinces for a time from the hands of the Pala tlynast:y'
dynasty ; the power of which was then much circumscribed.
Gangeyadeva of Chedi, as has been already mentioned, was
recognized as the sovereign of Tirhut in 1076 a. d. But his
supremacy did not last long, and an independent local
dynasty of northern Tirhut was established at Simraon early
in the thirteenth century.

In Bihar and Bengal both ‘ Palas ’ and ‘Senas’ were swept 1193 a.d.
away by the torrent of Muhammadan invasion at the end of ^yumna
the twelfth century, when Kutb-ud-dln’s general, Muhammad,
the son of Bakhtiyar, stormed Bihar in (a. h. 589) 1193 a.d.,
and surprised Nudlah ( vulgo Nuddea) in the following year.

The name of the last Hindu ruler of Bihar is given by
tradition as Indradyumna, who is supposed, but not proved,
to have belonged to the Pala line 2.

The Musalman general, who had already made his name 1193 a.d.
a terror, by repeated plundering expeditions in Bihar, seized
the capital by a daring stroke. The almost contemporary conquest
historian met one of the survivors of the attacking party in of Bihar‘
1243 a. d., and learned from him that the fort of Bihar was
seized by a party of only two hundred horsemen, who boldly
rushed the postern gate and gained possession of the place.

Great quantities of plunder were obtained, and the slaughter
of the ‘ shaven-headed Brahmans,’ that is to say, the Buddhist
monks, was so thoroughly completed, that when the victor
sought for some one capable of explaining the contents of
the books in the libraries of the monasteries, not a living
man could be found who was able to read them. ‘It was

1 Sarat Chandra Das, in J. A. S. B., 1881, part i, p. 236.

3 Buchanan, Eastern India, ii, 26.

320

THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

Destruc-
tion of
Buddh-
ism.

1194 A.D.
Overthrow
of the
‘ Sena’
dynasty.

Nudlah,

the

capital.

Capture of
Nudlah.

discovered,1 we are told, ‘that the whole fort and city was
a place of study.1

This crushing blow, followed up, of course, by similar acts
of violence, destroyed the vitality of Buddhism in its ancient
home. No doubt, a few devout, though disheartened, adhe-
rents of the system lingered round the desecrated shrines for
a few years longer ; and even to this day traces of the religion
once so proudly dominant may be discerned in the practices
of obscure sects ; but Buddhism as a popular religion in
Bihar1, its last abode in Upper India south of the Himalaya,
was destroyed once and for all by the sword of a single
Musalman adventurer. Many monks who escaped death fled
to Tibet, Nepal, and Southern India.

The overthrow of the ‘Sena1 dynasty was accomplished
with equal, or even greater ease. The ruler of eastern Bengal
in those days was an aged king, called Rai Lakhmaniya by
the Muhammadan writer, and was reputed to have occupied
the throne for eighty years. The portents which had attended
his birth had been justified by the monarch’s exceptional
personal qualities. His family, we are told, was respected
by all the Rais or chiefs of Hindustan, and he was considered
to hold the rank of Khallf (Caliph), or sovereign. Trust-
worthy persons affirmed that no one, great or small, ever
suffered injustice at his hands, and his generosity was
proverbial.

This much respected sovereign held his court at Nudlah,
situated in the upper delta of the Ganges, on the Bhaglrathi
river, about sixty miles north of the site of Calcutta. The
town still gives its name to a British district, and is renowned
as the seat of a Hindu college organized after the ancient
manner.

The year after his facile conquest of Bihar, Muhammad
the son of Bakhtiyar, equipped an army for the subjugation
of Bengal. Riding in advance, he suddenly appeared before
Nudlah with a slender following of eighteen horsemen, and

1 See papers by H. P. £astrl, dharma mangala ; a distant echo
‘Buddhism in Bengal since the of the Lalitavistara' (J. A. S. B.,
Muhammadan Conquest’; and ‘fW- vol. lxiv, 1895, pp. 55-68).

MUHAMMADAN CONQUEST

321

boldly entered the city, the people supposing him to be a
horsedealer. But when he reached the gate of the Rai’s
palace, he drew his sword and attacked the unsuspecting
household. The Rai, who was at his dinner, was completely
taken by surprise,

‘ and fled barefooted by the rear of the palace ; and his
whole treasure, and all his wives, maidservants, attendants,
and women fell into the hands of the invader. Numerous
elephants were taken, and such booty was obtained by the
Muhammadans as is beyond all compute. When his (Mu-
hammad’s) army arrived, the whole city was brought under
subjection, and he fixed his head quarters there.’

Rai Lakhmaniya fled to the shrine of Jagannath (Jugger- Lakh-
naut) in Orissa x, where he died ; and the conqueror presently jJjuham-6
destroyed the city of Nudlah, and established the seat of his madan
government at Lakhnautl. Mosques, colleges, and Muham- capitai
madan monasteries were endowed by him and his officers in
all parts of the kingdom, and a great portion of the spoil
was judiciously sent to his distant chief, Kutb-ud-dm.

Such was the dishonoured end of the last Hindu kingdoms Dishon-
of Bengal and Bihar, which would have made a better fight ^
for life if they had deserved to exist 2. The administration Hindu
of the aged Lakhmaniya must have been hopelessly inefficient k^gd0111’
to permit a foreign army to march unobserved across Bengal,
and to allow of the surprise of the palace by an insignificant
party of eighteen horsemen.

Notwithstanding the manifest rottenness of their system Era of
of government, the ‘ Sena 1 kings were sufficiently conceited Laksh-
to establish a special era of their own, which they called by sena.
the name of Lakslnnana-sena. The first current year, according
to this computation, corresponded with 1119-20 a.d. ; and
the epoch was apparently the date of either the accession or
coronation of Lakshmana-sena, who seems to have been iden-
tical with the aged Rai Lakhmaniya of the Muhammadan

1 Dowson’s Elliot , ii, 309 note, extreme east of Bengal the ‘ Senas ’
citing Stewart’s History of Bengal. lasted for four generations longer.

The name in the T abakdt-i-Nasi ri is in subordination to the Muham-
read as Sanknath. madan rulers of the province.

2 As a petty local dynasty in the

SMITH

322 THE KINGDOMS OF THE NORTH

historians. One form of the tradition represents this king
as having come to the throne in 510 a. h., equivalent to
1116-17 a. d., just eighty lunar years previous to the easy
victory of the Muslim invader, and the era was invented pre-
sumably to mark the date of Lakshmana-sena’s coronation in
October, 1119 a.d.1

1 For the history of the ‘Pala’
and ‘ Sena ’ kings, which is very
imperfectly known, see Schiefner’s
Taranath ; Cunningham, Reports,
vols. iii, xi, xv ; Blochmann in
J. A. S. B., voL xliv, part i, p. 275 ;
and Raverty’s reply, ibid., vol. xlv,
p. 325. Major Raverty had the
better of the controversy, and has
been followed in the text. Dr.
Hoernle’s article ‘ The Palas of
Bengal,’ in Ind. Ant. xiv, 162, is
also of value. The true date of the
Lakshmana-sena era has been fixed
by Prof. Kielhorn, who gives a list
of inscriptions dated in that era in

Ep. Ind., vol. v, appendix, Nos.
576-8. For the Sena dynasty,
the papers of Nagendranatha Yasu
in J. A. S. B., vol. lxv (1896), part i,
pp. 6-38, give much information,
discussed from an independent
point of view.

Readers who desire to study the
subject of the mediaeval dynasties
more in detail will find dynastic
lists and copious references in Miss
Duffs most useful book, The
Chronology of India (Constable,
1899). The minor dynasties have
not been noticed in the text.

CHAPTER XV

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

The term Deccan, a convenient and familiar corruption of The
the Sanskrit word meaning the South, may be, and sometimes Deccan-
is, extended so as to cover the whole of India south of the
Narmada ; but is more usually understood as designating
a more limited territory, in which Malabar and the Tamil
countries of the extreme south are not included. Thus
limited, the term connotes the whole region occupied by the
Telugu-speaking populations, as well as Maharashtra, or
the Maratha country. With reference to modern political
divisions, the greater part of the Deccan in this restricted
sense is occupied by the territories of the Nizam of Hyderabad.

Physically, the country is for the most part a hot, hilly
tableland, watered by two great rivers, the Godavari and the
Krishna (Kistna), the latter of which receives on the south
an important affluent, the Tungabhadra.

In this region the dominant power for four centuries and 230 to 550
a half, up to about 230 a. d., was the Andhra, the history gj°'nk jn
of which has been discussed in Chapter VIII of this work, history.
For some three centuries after the extinction of the Andhra
dynasty, ‘we have,’ as remarked by Professor Bhandarkar,

‘ no specific information about the dynasties that ruled over
the country’; but there is reason to believe that the western
territory, or Maharashtra, was governed by princes belonging
to the Rashtrakuta, or Ratta, clan ; which long afterwards,
in the middle of the eighth century, became for a time the
leading power of the Deccan.

Practically the political history of the Deccan begins in Rise
the middle of the sixth century with the rise of the Chalukya Qjalu
dynasty. The Chalukyas appear to have been a race of Rajputs kyas.

Y 1

324

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

550 a.d.

Pulikesin

Kirttivar-
man and
Manga-
le.4a.

608 a.d.
Pulikesin

II.

609 a.d.
Conquest
of Vengl.

from the north, who imposed their rule upon the Dravidian
inhabitants of the Deccan tableland, which had already been
largely influenced by the Aryan ideas of the northerners
before the appearance of the Chalukyas on the scene x.

The dynasty was founded by a chieftain named Pulikesin I,
who made himself master of the town of Vatapi, the modern
Badami in the Bijapur District, about 550 a. d., and estab-
lished a principality of modest dimensions. He aimed,
however, at more extended power, and is said to have asserted
his claim to a paramount position by celebrating an asva-
medha, or horse-sacrifice.

His sons, Kirttivarman and Mangalesa, extended the posses-
sions of the family both eastward and westward. The clans
more or less completely subjugated by the former include
the Mauryas of the Konkan — the strip of coast between the
Western Ghats and the sea — who claimed descent from the
ancient imperial Maurya dynasty.

The succession to Mangalesa was disputed between his son
and one of the sons of Kirttivarman. The latter, having
overcome his rival, ascended the throne of Vatapi as Puli-
kesin II in 608 a. d., and was formally crowned in the
following year. For the space of twenty years or more this
able prince devoted himself to a career of aggression directed
against all the neighbouring states. On the west and north,
the kings of Lata, or Southern Gujarat; Gurjara, or Northern
Gujarat and Rajputana; Malwa; and the Mauryas of the
Konkan felt the weight of Pulikesin’s arm.

In the east he drove the Pallavas from Vengl, between the
Krishna and Godavari, and established his brother Kubja
Vishnu vardhana there as viceroy in 609 a.d. A few years later,
about 620 a.d., while Pulikesin was fully occupied by the war
with Harsha of Kanauj, this prince set up as an independent
sovereign, and founded the line of the Eastern Chalukyas.

1 Except as otherwise stated, Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i, part ii.
this chapter is based upon the Full references to original docu-
second editions of Dr. Fleet’s ments will be found in both works.
‘ Dynasties of the Kanarese Dis- The names of Pulikesin and many
tricts ’ and Prof. Bhandarkar’s other persons mentioned have
‘ Early History of the Dekkan,’ in numerous variants or equivalents.

PULIKESIN II

325

All the southern kingdoms, the Chola, Pandya, and Southern
Kerala, as well as the Pallava, were forced into conflict with wars-
the ambitious king of Vatapi, who was undoubtedly the most
powerful monarch to the south of the Narmada in 630 a. d.

Ten years before that date he had successfully repelled 620 a.d.
the attack on his dominions led in person by Harsha, the ^ejjarsha
lord paramount of the north, who aspired to the sovereignty
of all India ; but was foiled by the watchfulness and military
skill of Pulikesin, who successfully maintained the line of
the Narmada as the frontier between the southern and
northern empires1.

The fame of the king of the Deccan spread beyond the 625 a.d.
limits of India, and reached the ears of Khusru II, kins' of *nter~
Persia, who, in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, 625-6 with
a. d., received a complimentary embassy from Pulikesin 2. ^ersia-
The courtesy was reciprocated by a return embassy sent
from Persia, which was received with due honour at the
Indian court. A large fresco painting in Cave No. 1 at
Ajanta, although unhappily mutilated, is still easily recog-
nizable as a vivid representation of the ceremonial attending
the presentation of their credentials by the Persian envoys.

This picture, in addition to its interest as a contem- Ajanta
porary record of unusual political relations between India scho”* ol

i »> a naintmP'

and Persia, is of the highest value as a landmark in the 1
history of art. It not only fixes the date of some of the
most important paintings at Ajanta, and so establishes a
standard by which the date of others can be judged ; but
also proves, or goes a long way towards proving, that the
Ajanta school of pictorial art was derived directly from
Persia, and ultimately from Greece.

The wonderful caves in the Ajanta valley were duly 640 a.d.
admired by Hiuen Tsang, who visited the court of of
Pulikesin II, probably in the year 640 a. d. The king’s Tsang.

1 Ante, p. 286. No. 9, Bombay, 1879’), pp. 90-2.

3 The authority is the Muham- For the frescoes see Plate IV of
madan historian Tabari, as trans- that work, and Plates II, III, IV in
lated and quoted in Mr. Fergusson’s J.A.S.B., part i, vol. xlvii (1878) ; or
paper in J. R. A. S., and Burgess’s the India Office atlas of the Ajanta
‘ Notes on the Bauddha Rock paintings.

Temples of Ajanta ’ {Arch. S. W.

326

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

f)42 A.D.
Defeat of
Pulikesin
by the
Pallavas.

f>55 a.d.
Vikrama-
ditya I.

740 a.d.
Vikrama-
ditya II.

cir. 750

A.D.

Rashtra-

kuta

conquest.

.550-750

a.d.

State of
religion.

head quarters at that time were not at Vatapi, but at
another city, which has been identified for good reasons with
Nasik. The pilgrim was profoundly impressed by the military
power of Pulikesin, who was obeyed by his numerous subjects
with ‘ perfect submission.1

But his prosperity was not destined to last much longer.
In 642 a. d., the long-continued war, which, since the year
609 a.d., had been generally disastrous to the Pallavas of
Kanchl, took a new turn, and brought ruin and death upon
Pulikesin. The Pallava king took and plundered his
capital, and presumably put him to death ; and for thirteen
years the Chalukya power, which Pulikesin had laboured so
hard to exalt, was in abeyance ; while the Pallavas dominated
Southern India.

In 655 a.d. Vikramaditya I, a son of Pulikesin, restored
the fallen fortunes of his family, inflicting a severe defeat
upon the Pallavas, whose strongly fortified capital, Kanchl,
was captured. The struggle with the southern power long
continued, and victory inclined now to one side, and now to
the other. During this reign a branch of the Chalukya
dynasty succeeded in establishing itself in Gujarat, where in
the next century it offered vigorous opposition to the Arabs.

The main feature of the succeeding reigns was the never-
ending conflict with the Pallavas, whose capital was again
taken by Vikramaditya II about 740 a.d.

In the middle of the eighth century, Dantidurga, a chief-
tain of the ancient Rashtrakuta family, fought his way to
the front, and overthrew Klrttivarman II Chalukya. The
main branch of the Chalukyas now became extinct, and the
sovereignty of the Deccan passed to the Rashtrakutas, in
whose hands it remained for two centuries and a quarter.

During the two centuries of the rule of the early Chalukya
dynasty of Vatapi, great changes in the religious state of the
country were in progress. Buddhism, although still in-
fluential, and supported by a large section of the population,
was slowly declining, and suffering gradual supersession by
its rivals, Jainism and Brahmanical Hinduism. The sacri-
ficial form of the Hindu religion received special attention,

■

KAILASA TEMPLE

327

and was made the subject of a multitude of formal treatises.

The Puranic forms of Hinduism also grew in popularity ;
and everywhere elaborate temples dedicated to Vishnu, Siva,
or other members of the Puranic pantheon, were erected ;
which, even in their ruins, form magnificent memorials of
the kings of this period. The orthodox Hindus borrowed
from their Buddhist rivals the practice of excavating cave-
temples ; and one of the earliest Hindu works of this class
is that made in honour of Vishnu by Mangalesa Chalukya,
at the close of the sixth century. Jainism was specially
popular in the Southern Maratha country.

Dantidurga Rashtrakuta, after his occupation of Vatapi, dr. 760
effected other conquests ; but, becoming unpopular, was Kr'shna. I
deposed by his uncle, Krishna I, who completed the esta-
blishment of Rashtrakuta supremacy over the dominions
formerly held by the Chalukyas. A branch of his family
founded a principality in Gujarat.

The reign of Krishna I is memorable for the execution of Kailasa
the most marvellous architectural freak in India, the Kailasa temple"
temple at Elura (Ellora), which is by far the most extensive
and sumptuous of the rock-cut shrines. It has been fully
described and illustrated by many writers, among whom
Dr. Burgess and Mr. Fergusson possess most authority1.

Krishna I was succeeded by his son Dhruva, an able and dr. 770
warlike prince, who continued with success the aggressive £)hruva
wars so dear to the heart of an Indian Raja.

Govinda III, son of Dhruva, may justly claim to be the 780-815
most remarkable prince of his vigorous dynasty. He trans- Qoyinfja
ferred his capital from Nasik to Manyakheta, generally III.
identified with Malkhed in the Nizam’s dominions 2, and
extended his power from the Vindhya mountains and Malwa
on the north to Kanchl on the south ; while his direct rule
was carried at least as far as the Tungabhadra. He created
his brother viceroy of Lata, or Southern Gujarat.

1 Cave Temples and Arch. S. W.I., 2 Mr. Rea doubts this identifica-

vol. v. The correct early form of tion, because there are no ancient
the name is either Vellura or remains at Malkhed; N. lat. 17° 10f,

Elapura. E. long. 77° 13'.

328

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

815-77

a.d.

Amogha-
varsha ;
Jain pro-
gress.

949 a.d.
Choja
king
killed.

973 a.d.
Restora-
tion of the
Chklu-
kyas.

995 a.d.
Execution
of Munja.

The long reign of the next king, Amoghavarsha, who
occupied the throne for at least sixty-two years, was largely
spent in constant wars with the Eastern Chalukya Rajas of
Yengl. The Digambara, or naked, sect of the Jains was
liberally patronized by this prince. The rapid progress
made by Digambara Jainism late in the ninth, and early
in the tenth century, under the guidance of various notable
leaders, including Jinasena and Gunabhadra, who enjoyed
the favour of more than one monarch, had much to do with
the marked decay of Buddhism ; which daily lost ground, until
it finally disappeared from the Deccan in the twelfth century.

The war with the Cholas in the reign of Krishna III,
Rashtrakuta, was remarkable for the death of the Chola
king on the field of battle in 949 a. d. Much bitterness
was introduced into the wars of this period by the hostility
between the rival religions, Jainism and orthodox Hinduism.

The last of the Rashtrakuta kings was Kakka II, who was
overthrown in 973 a. d. by Taila II, a scion of the old
Chalukya stock, who restored the family of his ancestors to
its former glory, and founded the dynasty known as that
of the Chalukyas of Kalyani ; which lasted, like that which
it followed, for nearly two centuries and a quarter. The
impression made upon their contemporaries by the Rashtra-
kutas, the ‘Balharas,’ or Yallabha Rais, of Arab historians,
was evidently considerable, and was justified by the achieve-
ments of their period. Although the art displayed at
Ellora is not of the highest kind, the Kailasa temple is one
of the wonders of the world, a work of which any nation
might be proud, and an honour to the king under whose
patronage it was executed. Many other temples were the
outcome of the royal munificence, and literature of the type
then in fashion was liberally encouraged.

Taila, the restorer of the Chalukya name, reigned for
twenty-four years, and during that time succeeded in recover-
ing all the ancient territory of his race, with the exception
of the Gujarat province. Much of his time was spent in
fighting Munja, the Paramara Raja of Dhara, who claimed
the victory in sixteen conflicts. But towards the close of his

RAJARAJA CHOLA

329

reign Taila enjoyed the luxury of revenge. His enemy,
having crossed the Godavari, which then formed the
boundary between the two- kingdoms, was defeated, taken
captive, and for a time treated with the courtesy due to his
rank. But an attempt to escape was visited with cruel
indignities, the captive Raja being forced to beg from door
to door, and ultimately beheaded. These events may be
dated in 995 a. d.1

Two years later Taila died, and transmitted the crown to dr. 1000
his son Satyasraya, during whose reign the Chalukya kingdom invasion
suffered severely from invasion by the Chola king, Rajaraja by Raja-
the Great, who overran the country with a vast host, said ra^a ^ho-a'
to number nine hundred thousand men, pillaging and
slaughtering in so merciless a fashion that even the women,
children, and Brahmans were not spared.

In 1059 a.d., Somesvara I, who was called Ahavamalla, 1059 a d.
fought a battle at Koppam in Mysore, in which Rajadhiraja,
the then reigning Chola king, lost his life. Somesvara also dhiraja
claims the honour of having stormed both Dhara in Malwa ^10-a'
and Kanchl in the south, and of having defeated Kama, the
valiant king of Chedi.

In 1068 a. d., Somesvara being seized by an incurable 1068 a.d.
fever, put an end to his sufferings by drowning himself in f^me^
the Tungabhadra river, while reciting his faith in Siva, vara
Suicide in such circumstances is authorized by Hindu custom, ^halukya.
and more than one instance is on record of Rajas having
terminated their existence in a similar manner.

Vikramaditya VI, or Vikramanka, the hero of Bilhana’s 1076 to
historical poem, who came to the throne in 1076 a.d., reigned p^gn’of
for half a century in tolerable, though not unbroken, peace. Vikrara-
He is recorded to have captured Kanchl, and late in his reign ari^a'
was engaged in a serious struggle with Vishnu, the Hoysala
king of Dorasamudra in Mysore. Vikramanka considered his
achievements sufficiently notable to justify him in establishing
a new era, running from 1076 a. d., called after his name,
but it never came into general use. His capital Kalyana,
probably the modern Kalyani in the Nizam’s dominions, was
1 Ante, p. 317.

330 THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

1156 A.D.
Usurpa-
tion of
Bijjala.

1190 A.D.
End of
Chalukya
dynasty.

1167 A.D.
The Lin-
gayat
sect.

Decay of
Jainism
and
Buddh-
ism.

the residence of the celebrated jurist Vijnanesvara, author of
the Mitakshara , the chief authority on Hindu law outside of
Bengal.

After the death of Vikramanka, the Chalukya power
declined; and in the course of the years 1156-62 a. d.,
during the reign of Taila III, the commander-in-chief,
Bijjala, orVijjana, Kalachurya, revolted and obtained posses-
sion of the kingdom, which was held by him and his sons
until 1183 a.d., when the Chalukya prince, Somesvara IV,
succeeded in recovering a portion of his ancestral dominions.
But he was not strong enough to resist the attacks of
encroaching neighbours ; and in the course of a few years
the greater part of his kingdom had been absorbed by the
Yadavas of Devagiri on the west, and the Hoysalas of
Dorasamudra on the south. The end of the Chalukya
dynasty of Kalyana may be dated in 1190 a. d., after which
time the Rajas of the line ranked merely as petty chiefs.

The brief intrusive reign of Bijjala, the usurping rebel,
was marked by a religious revolution effected by a revival
of the cult of Siva and the foundation of a new sect,
the Vlra Saivas, or Lingayats, which is a power to this day.
Bijjala was a Jain ; and, according to one version of
the legend, he wantonly blinded two holy men of the
Lingayat sect, and was assassinated in consequence in the
year 1167 a. d. The blood of the saints proved, as usual, to
be the seed of the church, which had been founded by Basava,
the Brahman minister of Bijjala. But in other legends the
tale is told quite differently, and the truth of the matter
seems to be past finding out. There is, however, no doubt
that the rise of the Lingayats dates from the time of Bijjala.
The members of the sect, who are especially numerous in the
Kanarese districts, worship Siva in his phallic form, reject
the authority of the Vedas, and cherish an intense aversion to
Brahmans, notwithstanding the fact that the founder of their
religion was himself a Brahman.

The growth of this new sect, which secured numerous
adherents among the trading classes, up to that time the
main strength of both Buddhism and Jainism, checked the

THE HOYSALAS AND YADAVAS

331

progress of the latter religion, and drove another nail into
the coffin of Buddhism, the existence of which in the Deccan
cannot be traced later than the first half of the twelfth
century.

During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, chiefs belonging The Hoy-
to a family or clan named Hoysala attained considerable dynasty
power in the Mysore country. The first notable prince of of Dorasa-
this line was Vishnu, or Bittiga (1117 a. d.), who established mudra-
his capital at Dorasamudra, the modern Halebid, famous for
the fine temple which excited Mr. Fergusson’s enthusiastic
admiration1. During Vishnu’s reign the Jain religion enjoyed
high favour under the protection of his minister Gangaraja,
and the Jain temples, which had been destroyed by the
orthodox Chola invaders, were restored. Vishnu boasts in his
records of numerous conquests, and claims to have defeated
the Rajas of the Chola, Pandya, and Chera kingdoms in the
south. About the year 1223 a. d., one of his successors,
Narasimha II, who was then in alliance with the Cholas,
actually occupied Trichinopoly 2 3.

Vlra-Ballala was so proud of having defeated the Yadavas 1191 a.d.
of Devagiri, whose kingdom lay to the north, in 1191-2 a.d.,
that he founded an era called Virodhikrit to commemorate
the event.

The dynasty lasted until 1310 a.d., when the Muhammadan 1310 a.d.
generals, Malik Kafur and Khwaja HajI entered the Hoysala ^Qysa^a
kingdom, laid it waste, captured the reigning Raja, and dynasty,
despoiled his capital, which was finally destroyed by a Muslim
force in 1327 a.d.

The Yadava kings of Devagiri who have been mentioned Yadava
were descendants of feudatory nobles of the Chalukya king- ^ ^f^a
dom. The territory which they acquired, lying between giri.
Devagiri (Daulatabad) and Nasik, was known as Sevana.

The first of the Yadava line to attain a position of importance
was Bhillama, who was killed in battle by the Hoysala chief
in 1191 a.d.

1 Fergusson and Meadows Taylor, Architecture in Dharwar and Mysore ,

atlas folio (Murray, 1866).

3 Ep. Ind. vii, 162.

332

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN

1210 A.D.
Raja
Singh-
ana.

1294 a.d.
Attack by
Sultan
Ala-ud-
din.

1309 a.d.

Malik

Kafur.

1318 A.D.
End of
Y adava
dynasty.

Hemadri.

The most powerful Raja was Singhana ( acc . 1210 a. d.),
who invaded Gujarat and other countries, and established
a short-lived kingdom almost rivalling in extent the realms
of the Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas.

The dynasty, like that of the Hoysalas, was destroyed by
the Muhammadans. When Ala-ud-dln, Sultan of Delhi,
crossed the Narmada, the northern frontier of the Yadava
kingdom, in 1294, the reigning Raja, Ramachandra, was
obliged to surrender, and to ransom his life by payment of an
enormous amount of treasure, which is said to have included
six hundred maunds of pearls, two maunds of diamonds,
rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, and so forth.

When the Sultan’s incursion was repeated by Malik Kafur
in 1309 a.d., Ramachandra again refrained from opposition,
and submitted to the invader. He was the last independent
Hindu sovereign of the Deccan.

After his death, his son-in-law, Harapala, stirred up a
revolt against the foreigners in 1318, but, being defeated,
was flayed alive and decapitated. Thus miserably ended the
Yadava line.

The celebrated Sanskrit writer, Hemadri, popularly known
as Hemadpant, flourished during the reigns of Ramachandra
and his predecessor, Mahadeva. He devoted himself chiefly
to the reduction to a system of Hindu religious practices and
observances, and with this object compiled important works
upon Hindu sacred law. He is said to have introduced a
form of current script, the Modi, from Ceylon ; and has
given a valuable historical sketch of his patron’s dynasty in
the introduction to one of his books.

CHAPTER XVI

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH
SECTION I
The ‘ Three Kingdoms 1

Ancient tradition recognizes the ‘Kingdoms of the South’ The
as three — the Pandya, the Chola, and the Chera ; supposed to
have been founded by three brothers, who were born and
brought up at Korkai, the earliest Pandya capital, situated
at the mouth of the Tamraparni river in the Tinnevelly
District.

Of these three the Pandya kingdom occupied the extremity
of the peninsula, south of Pudukottai ; the Chola kingdom
extended northwards to Nellore ; while the Chera kingdom
lay to the west, and included the Malabar coast.

In the third century b. c., the Chola and Pandya realms Four
were well known to Asoka ; but in lieu of the Chera state he kinpdcJm;s
specifies two kingdoms, those of Kerala and Satiyaputra. time.

The former of these is undoubtedly the Malabar coast south
of the Chandragiri river ; the latter should probably be
identified with the tract on the same coast to the north of
that river, of which Mangalore is the centre, and in which
the Tulu tongue, one of the Dravidian languages, is spoken.

In the Kerala of Asoka, which may be regarded as synonymous
with the Chera of tradition, the prevailing language is Mala-
yalam. The Chola and Pandya kingdoms both belong to
the Tamil-speaking region. Thus all the kingdoms of the
south were occupied by races speaking Dravidian languages,
who are themselves generally spoken of as Dravidians.

No Aryan language had penetrated into those kingdoms, Isolation
which lived their own life, completely secluded from Northern ”out^

334

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Ancient
history
irretrieva-
bly lost.

Introduc-
tion of
Buddh-
ism.

Jainism.

Modernity
of inscrip-
tions.

India, and in touch with the outer world only through the
medium of maritime commerce, which had been conducted
with success from very early times. The pearls of the Gulf
of Manar, the beryls of Coimbatore, and the pepper of
Malabar were not to be had elsewhere, and were eagerly
sought by foreign merchants, probably as early as the seventh
or eighth century before Christ.

But the ancient political history of Southern India is
irretrievably lost, and the materials for tracing the develop-
ment of the high degree of civilization unquestionably
attained by the Dravidian races are lamentably scanty. Nor
is it possible to define with any accuracy the time when
Aryan ideas and the religion of the Brahmans penetrated to
the kingdoms of the south, although there are reasons for
assuming that 500 b.c. may be taken as a mean date.

The missionaries of Asoka introduced Buddhism, and his
brother Mahendra built a monastery in the Chola country 1 ;
but whether or not they found any form of the Brahman
religion in possession it is impossible to say. The oldest
known inscriptions from the south are not earlier than the
second century a. d., four centuries after Asoka.

The Jain religion found great favour in the southern
countries, but how or when it was introduced from the north,
there is no good evidence to show. The Jain inscriptions
and monuments are all of late date.

The mass of extant inscriptions in Southern India almost
surpasses belief. Thousands are known, many of which attain
portentous length ; but the comparative modernity of almost
all is most disappointing to the student eager to unlock the
mysteries of the long-forgotten past. From the tenth century
a. d. onwards the crowd of inscriptions is bewildering in its
numbers and extent ; but for earlier times the supply is
extremely limited ; and not one of really ancient date is
known.

1 Beal, Records , ii, 231. Mr. Cholas {Lists, ii, 274). It may

Sewell notes that Kumbakonam in possibly have been the most ancient

the Tanjore District is one of the capital. For Mahendra, see ante,
oldest towns in Southern India, and p. 166.
was one of the chief cities of the

THE FIVE PANDYAS

335

The historical period therefore begins much later in the
south than in the north ; and it is quite impossible to carry
back the story of the south, like that of the north, to
600 b.c.

As will appear in the following pages, the orderly history
of the Chola and Pandya dynasties does not commence until
the ninth and tenth centuries a. d. respectively, although
both kingdoms existed in Asoka’s time.

The earliest dynastic annals are those of the Pallavas, which Pallava
begin in the second century a. d. The Pallava realm is not {^e'most
included in the three traditional ‘kingdoms of the south1; the ancient,
reason apparently being that the Pallavas were an intrusive
foreign, non-Dravidian race, which lorded it over the ancient
territorial Dravidian kingdoms in varying degrees from time
to time 1.

With these preliminary explanations I proceed to offer
a brief summary of the imperfectly known history of the
‘kingdoms of the south,1 and of their sometime lords, the
mysterious Pallavas.

SECTION II

The Pandya, Chera, Kerala, and Satiyaputra Kingdoms

The Pandya country, as defined by tradition, extended Tradi-
north and south from the Southern Vellaru river (Pudukottai) Gf
to Cape Comorin, and east and west from the sea to the Pandya
‘ great highway,1 the Achchankovil Pass leading into Kerala country-
or Travancore ; and was thus nearly co-extensive with the
present Districts of Madura and Tinnevelly 2.

The kingdom was ordinarily divided into five principalities, The ‘ five
known as the ‘ five Pandyas.1 The capital of the premier Pa^yas.’
chief was in early days at Korkai on the Tamraparni river in
Tinnevelly, and in later times was moved to Madura, also

1 The foreign, northern origin of ( Beal, Records, ii, 229'). Apparently
the Pallavas, if it be a fact, helps the books of the Kanchl monks were
to explain Hiuen Tsang’s puzzling in Sanskrit, not Tamil,
remark about the people of Kanchl, 2 Ind. Ant. xxii, 62. In this
that ‘in respect of their language article Mr. V. Venkayya has col-
and written characters, they differ lected most of the notices of the

but little from those of Mid-India ’ Pandya kingdom.

336

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Korkai,

KoA.^o(.

Kayal

(Coel,.

Cogni-
zance of
Korkai
kings.

Madura.

called Kudal. The exact positions of the minor principalities
have not been ascertained.

Korkai, or Kolkai, the Greek Ko'Ayoi, now an insignificant
village, was once a great city, and is indicated by all native
traditions as the cradle of South Indian civilization, the home
of the mythical three brothers, who were supposed to have
founded the Pandya, Chera, and Chola kingdoms. In the
days of its glory the city was a seaport, the head quarters of
the pearl trade, which constituted the special source of wealth
enjoyed by the Pandya kings. In the course of time, the
silting up of the delta rendered Korkai inaccessible to ships,
and the city gradually decayed, like the Cinque Ports in
England.

Its commercial business was transferred to the new port,
Kayal, which was founded three miles lower down the river,
and continued to be for many centuries one of the greatest
marts of the east. Here Marco Polo landed in the thirteenth
century, and was much impressed by the wealth and magni-
ficence of prince and people. But the same process which
had ruined Korkai caused the abandonment of Kayal, and
compelled the Portuguese to remove their trade to Tuticorin,
where a sheltered roadstead, free from deposits of silt, offered
superior convenience. The site of Kayal is now occupied
by the huts of a few Muhammadans and native Christian
fishermen x.

The special crest or cognizance of the Pandya princes of
Korkai was the battle-axe, often associated with the elephant.
The earliest coins of Korkai may be anterior to the Christian
era, and the numismatic series of that mint extends up to,
perhaps, 700 a. d.1 2

Madura, which was regarded in later times as the Pandya
capital, and the central seat of Tamil literature and learning,
is also of high antiquity, and probably coexisted with Korkai
from a very early date. The kings of Madura adopted a fish,
or a pair of fishes, as the family crest 3.

1 Bishop Caldwell, in Ind. Ant. vi, 80-3, 279.

2 Loventhal, The Coins of Tinnevelly (Madras, 1888), p. 9,

8 Plate of coins. Fig. 14.

RELATIONS WITH ROME

337

No continuous history of the Pandya dynasties prior to Early
the twelfth century can be written. The long lists of kings p^dya°f
preserved in Tamil literature, amounting to seventy-seven in kingdom,
some works, are absolutely useless for historical purposes 1 ;
and the inscriptions of the dynasty are all of late date. The
scraps of information concerning early times are exceedingly
meagre. The most ancient mention of the name Pandya is
found in the commentary of the grammarian Katyayana, who
may be assigned to the fourth century b. c.2 In Asoka’s time
the Pandya kingdom was independent, and lay altogether
outside the limits of the northern empire, which extended to
about the latitude of Madras.

A Pandya king sent an embassy to Augustus Caesar 3 ; and Relations
the pearl fishery in his dominions was well known to the
Greeks and Romans of the first century a. d. Pliny was
aware that the king resided at Madura in the interior4.

Roman copper coins of the smallest value have been found
in such numbers at Madura as to suggest that a Roman
colony was settled at that place. They come down to the
time of Arcadius and Honorius (400 a. d.) 5.

Roman gold coins of the early empire have been discovered Roman
in such large quantities in Southern India that it is apparent currency
that they served for the gold currency of the peninsula, as
the English sovereign now does in many foreign countries.

Five cooly loads of aurei were found in 1851 near Cannanore
on the Malabar coast, mostly belonging to the mintage of
Tiberius and Nero ; and many other large hoards of Roman
coins, gold, silver, and copper, have been discovered in
various localities from time to time.

It is, therefore, certain that the Pandya state, during the Com-
early centuries of the Christian era, shared along with the merce-

1 Elliot, Coins of Southern India,

pp. 121, 128.

3 Bhandarkar, ‘ Early History of
the Dekkan,’ 2nd ed. in Bombay

Gazr., vol. i, p. 339. I accept the
view of Professors Goldstiicker and

Bhandarkar concerning the anti-
quity of Panini and Katyayana, as
necessarily resulting from the as-

certained date of Patanjali, 150
b. c.

3 Strabo, bk. xv, ch. 2, sec. 4.

4 Pliny, Hist. Nat., bk. vi, ch.
23 (26).

5 Thurston, Catal. of Coins in
Madras Museum, No. 2, p. 23. This
work contains notices of all the
finds of Roman coins up to 1888.

SMITH

338

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Hiuen

Tsang.

circ. 920

A. D.

Raja-

simha.

1000 A. D.

Chola

Conquest.

Chera kingdom of Malabar a very lucrative trade with
the Roman empire ; and was in exclusive possession of the
much-prized pearl fishery, which had its head quarters first
at Korkai, and afterwards at Kayal.

From the fifth century onwards, occasional references to
the Pandya dynasty and country are met with in literature
and inscriptions ; but no materials exist upon which a
dynastic history could be based earlier than the twelfth
century. When Hiuen Tsang visited the South in 640 a. d.,
and stayed at Kanchl, the southern limit of his travels,
he ascertained that the inhabitants of the region called
by him Malakottai 1, which was equivalent to the Pandya
state and the Malabar coast, with a portion of the
traditional Chola country, were reputed to care little for
learning, being wholy immersed in commercial pursuits.
In ancient times many Buddhist monasteries had existed, but
these were in ruins at the time of his visit, only the bare
walls remaining ; and the followers of the religion of Gau-
tama were very few ; while the country was studded with
hundreds of Brahmanical temples, and the adherents of the
Jain sect were numerous 2.

The most ancient Pandya king to whom an approximate
date can be assigned is Rajasimha, the contemporary of
Parantaka I, Chola (907-47 a. d.), who claims to have
defeated his southern neighbour, and ‘destroyed’ Madura.
A great-grandson of the same Chola king fought with a
Pandya Raja bearing the name of Vlra, which frequently
recurs on the coins and in the traditional lists3. The fact
that many names or titles, Sundara, Vlra, Kulasekhara, and
others, recur over and over again causes special difficulty in
attempts to construct the Pandya dynastic list.

The Pandya state, in common with the other kingdoms of
the South, undoubtedly was reduced to a condition of tribu-
tary dependence by Rajaraja the Great about the year 1000,
and continued to be more or less under Chola control for
a century and a half, or a little longer ; although, of course,

1 Mo-lo-kiu-cha in Chinese. Ant. xviii, 239.

2 Beal, Records, ii, 228-30 ; Ind. 3 lnd. Ant. xxii, 60.

PERSECUTION OF JAINISM

339

the local administration remained in the hands of the native
Rajas.

The Jain religion, which was popular in the days of Hiuen Persecu-
Tsang in the seventh century, and had continued to enjoy
the favour of the Pandya kings, was odious to their Chola
overlords, who were strict adherents of Siva. A credible
tradition affirms that, apparently at some time in the eleventh
century, the Chola aversion to the religion of the naked
saints was the cause of a terrible persecution. A Pandya
king named Sundara was married, it is said, to a Chola
princess, sister of king Rajendra, and was converted from
Jainism to the Saiva faith by his consort. King Sundara is
alleged to have displayed even more than the proverbial zeal
of a convert, and to have persecuted his late co-religionists,
who refused to apostatize, with the most savage cruelty,
inflicting on no less than eight thousand innocent persons
a horrible death by impalement. Certain unpublished sculp-
tures on the walls of a temple at Trivatur in Arcot are
believed to record these executions, and are appealed to as
confirmation of the tradition 1.

The long duration of Chola supremacy suffices to explain Later
in large measure the lack of early Pandya inscriptions. The j^j^y0
series does not begin until near the end of the twelfth
century, but, after that time, the records are so numerous
that Professor Kielhorn has been able to calculate the exact
dates of forty-three according to the Christian era, and so to
construct a dynastic list which seems to be almost complete
for the thirteenth century 2. The dynasty can be traced,
with some breaks, up to the middle of the sixteenth century;
but it lost most of its political importance after the sack of
Madura by Malik Kafur’s Muhammadan host in 1310 a. d. 3

1 Coins of Southern India , p. 126.
The exact date of the persecution
cannot be determined, because Sun-

dara was a common name in the

Pandya royal family, and there was
more than one Rajendra Chola.
Another version of the story from
the Periyapuranam, which calls the

Pandya king Nedumaran, will be
found in Ind. Ant. xxii, 63. These
southern Rajas usually had many
names.

2 Ep. Ind. vi, 301, 314; vii, 10,
17.

3 Coins of Southern India, p. 123.

340

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

cir. 1175

A. D.

Sinhalese

invasion.

Satiya-

putra

kingdom.

Kerala ;
Karur.

The maritime commerce of the kingdom, however, continued
to exist on a considerable scale to a much later date.

The most conspicuous event in the political history of the
Pandya kingdom is the invasion of the Sinhalese armies
under the command of two generals of Parakrama-bahu, king
of Ceylon, which occurred about 1175 a. d. Two detailed
accounts of this incident, written from different points of
view, are extant. The story, as told in the island chronicle,
the Mahavamsa, naturally represents the victorious career of
the invaders as unbroken by defeat ; but the rival account,
preserved in a long Chola inscription at Arpakkam, near
Kanchl, which is the more trustworthy, proves that the
invading army, having gained considerable success at first,
was ultimately obliged to retire in consequence of the
vigorous resistance of a coalition of the southern princes.
The occasion of the Sinhalese intervention was a disputed
succession to the Pandya throne of Madura, contested by
claimants bearing the oft-recurring names of Vira and
Sundara x.

Very little can be said about the south-western kingdoms,
known as Chera, Kerala, and Satiyaputra. The last-named
is mentioned by Asoka only, and its exact position is
unknown. But it must have adjoined Kerala; and since the
Chandragiri river has always been regarded as the northern
boundary of that province, the Satiyaputra kingdom should
probably be identified with that portion of the Konkans —
or lowlands between the Western Ghats and the sea — where
the Tulu language is spoken, and of which Mangalore is the
centre.

The name of Kerala is still well remembered, and there
is no doubt that the kingdom so called was equivalent to
the Southern Konkans, or Malabar coast. The ancient
capital was Vanji, also named Karur, or Karuvur, the
K apovpa of Ptolemy, situated close to Cranganore ; which
represents Muziris, the port for the pepper trade, mentioned

1 Full details will be found in the G. 0. Public , Nos. 922, 923, dated

article by the First Assistant to Aug. 19, 1899, pp. 8-14.

Dr. Hultzsch, appended to Madras

THE CHERA KINGDOM

341

by Pliny and the author of the Periplus at the end of the
first century a. d.1

The etymological identity of the names Kerala and Chera Chera
is affirmed by philologists of high authority 2 ; but whether kingdom,
this theory be correct or not, it is certain that in early times
the Chera kingdom included that of Kerala. According to
an unverified tradition, the latter separated in 389 a. d. ;
after which date the Chera realm was restricted to Coimba-
tore and the southern parts of Mysore and Salem ; but no
trustworthy information on the subject is available 3.

The crest or cognizance of the Chera kings was a bow. Chera
Their coins are very rare, and only two types, characterized coins-
by the bow device, are known, which are found in Salem and
Coimbatore4. The existence of a native work, the Keralol-
pati, which professes to give the history of Kerala, raises
hopes which are disappointed by perusal 5.

The authentic list of the Rajas of Travancore begins in Travan-
1335 a.d. ; and that of the Rajas of the neighbouring state g"hf£d
of Cochin, which is less complete, does not commence until
more than two centuries later 6.

SECTION III

The Chola Kingdom

According to tradition, the Chola country ( Cholaman - Tradi-
dalam ) was bounded on the north by the Pennar, and on the ^
south by the southern Vellaru river ; or, in other words, it the Chola
extended along the eastern coast from Nellore to Pudukottai, country-
where it abutted on the Pandya territory. On the west it
extended to the borders of Coorg. The limits thus defined

1 For the varying lists of the

‘ seven Konkans ’ see Coins of

Southern India , p. 3 note and map.
The current identification of the
Chera capital with Karur in Coim-
batore is erroneous ; the correct
identification has been fully proved
by Messrs. Pillai, Venkayya, and

Menon ( Ind . Ant. xviii, 259 ; xxxi

(1902), p. 343 ; Ep. Ind. iv, 294 ;

S. I. Inscr., vol. iii, part i, p. 30).

‘ Karoura, the royal seat of Kero-
bothros ’ (Ptolemy, Geogr. vii, 86,
in Ind. Ant. xiii, 367).

2 Ind. Ant. xxxi, 343.

3 Coins of S. India, pp. 61, 108.

4 Tufnell, Hints to Coin Collectors
in Southern India (Madras, 1889),
p. 17 ; ante, plate of coins. Fig. 17.

5 Sewell, Lists of Antiquities,
Madras, vol. ii, p. 195.

6 Coins of S. India, pp. 140, 142.

342

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Variation
of political
bounda-
ries.

Earliest
notices of
Chola
kingdom.

Ptolemy.

include Madras, and several other British districts on the
east, as well as the whole of the Mysore State x. The most
ancient capital was Uraiyur, or old Trichinopoly, so far as is
known with certainty.

But the existence of well-known traditional boundaries
must not be taken to justify the inference that they always
agreed with the frontiers of the Chola kingdom ; which
latter, as a matter of fact, varied enormously. The limits
of the Chola country, as determined by tradition, seem to
mark ethnic rather than political frontiers, at least on the
north and west, where they do not differ widely from the
lines of demarcation between the Tamil and the other
Dravidian languages. Tamil, however, is as much the
vernacular of the Pandya as of the Chola region, and no
clear ethnical distinction can be drawn between the peoples
residing north and south of the Vellaru.

The kingdom of the Cholas, which, like that of the Pandyas,
was unknown to Panini, was familiar by name to Katyayana,
and recognized by Asoka as independent. Inasmuch as the
great Maurya’s authority unquestionably extended to the
south of Chitaldurg in Mysore, and down to at least the
fourteenth degree of latitude, the Chola kingdom of his
time must have been of modest dimensions ; but nothing is
ascertainable concerning its boundaries, or the position of
the capital.

A passage in the work of Ptolemy, the geographer of the
second century a. d., is usually interpreted as referring to
the Chola kingdom, and intimating that Arcot was then
the capital. But the language used is obscure, and the
true meaning doubtful1 2. Occasional references to the
country in early inscriptions of rival kings, who claim to
have effected its conquest, throw little light upon its
history 3.

1 Coins of Southern India , p. 108.

2 ‘ Between Mount Bettige and
Adeisathros are the Sorai nomads,
with these towns : —

Sangamarta . . . 133° 2V
Sora, the capital of

Arkatos . . . 130° 21' ’

(Ptolemy, Geog., bk. vii, ch. 67,
transl. McCrindle, Ind. Ant. xiii,
362).

3 e. g. the Pallava grant from
Kuram in the seventh century (Fleet,
Kanarese Dynasties, p. 322).

HIUEN TSANG AT KANCHI

343

From about the middle of the second century a. d. the Relations
lordship of the Chola country, as defined by tradition, was ”fit<'j1ho-as
disputed by the intrusive Pallava clans of foreign origin, Pallavas.
whose history will be discussed in the next section of this
chapter. Chola Rajas continued to exist throughout all
political vicissitudes, and to take part in the unceasing
internecine wars which characterize the early history of
Southern India. It is clear that these Rajas were often
reduced to a merely subordinate position, and were much
circumscribed in authority ; but the information available is
not sufficient for the construction of a detailed narrative of
their fortunes.

The dynastic Chola history begins in the second half of Dynastic
the ninth century. The patient labours of Professor begins in
Kielhorn, Dr. Hultzsch, and his assistants have succeeded ninth
in clearing up the list of Chola Rajas in almost every detail centuD-
from about 860 a.d. to the middle of the thirteenth century,
by which time their power had declined, and ceased to be
of importance. During this long period their story is inter-
twined with that of the Pallavas, Chalukyas, and Rashtrakutas,
not to mention minor dynasties h

The observations of Hiuen Tsang give an interesting Hiuen
notice of the Chola kingdom in the seventh century, the ^sang.
significance of which has not been fully appreciated by
commentators on his travels. His visit to the south, when
he penetrated as far as Kanchl, the Pallava capital, may be
dated with almost absolute certainty in the year 640 a. d.

At that time the kingdom of Chola (Chu-li-ye) was a
restricted territory, estimated to be four or five hundred

1 Hultzsch, South Indian Inscrip-
tions, vols. i, ii ; Madras G. 0. Public,
Nos. 544, 545, dated August 6,
1895 ; Nos. 855, 856, dated Oct. 6,
1895 ; and Nos. 922, 923, dated
August 19, 1899 ; the first-named
of these G. O.’s contains a ‘ Short
Historical Sketch of the Chola
Dynasty,’ which has been corrected
by later publications : Kielhorn,
‘ Dates of Chola Kings,’ Ep. Ind.,
vol. iv, 66, 216, 262 ; v, 48, 197 ;

vi, 20, 278 ; vii, 1. Special diffi-
culty is caused by the practice of
giving each king many names and
titles, which are used indiscrimi-
nately in the records ; and by the
custom in accordance with which
the yuvaraja, or Crown Prince, was
associated with the reigning king as
colleague, and sometimes reckoned
the years of joint power as included
in his own reign.

907-47
a. n.

Parantaka

344 THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

miles in circuit, with a small capital town barely two miles
in circumference. The country was wild and mostly deserted,
consisting of a succession of hot marshes and j ungles, occupied
by a scanty population, of ferocious habits, addicted to open
brigandage. The few Buddhist monasteries were ruinous,
and the monks dwelling in them as dirty as the buildings.
The prevailing religion was Jainism, but there were a few
Brahmanical temples. The position of the country is indi-
cated as being some two hundred miles or less to the south-
west of Amaravatx 1. It must, therefore, be identified with
a portion of the Ceded Districts, and more especially with
the Cuddapah District, which possesses the hot climate and
other characteristics noted by the pilgrim, and was still
notorious for brigandage when annexed by the British in
1800 2. The pilgrim speaks merely of the ‘country’ of
Chola, and makes no mention of a king ; doubtless for the
reason that the local Raja was a person of small importance,
subordinate to the reigning Pallava king of Kanchl, the
powerful Narasimha-varman, who two years later destroyed
the Chalukya power.

In the ninth century, the Chola Rajas seem to have begun
to recover their authority ; and at the beginning of the
tenth century, an able and vigorous prince, Parantaka 1
(907-47 a.d.)3, succeeded in making himself formidable to
his neighbours, with whom he was constantly at war during
his long reign. He claims to have carried his victorious
arms even to Ceylon. Inscriptions recorded in the North
Arcot and Chingleput Districts prove the extension of his
power into the heart of the Pallava dominions, and are of
especial interest to students of village institutions by reason
of the full details which they give of the manner in which
local affairs were administered by committees, or punchayats,
exercising their power under royal sanction 4.

Rajaditya, the son and successor of Parantaka, was killed
in battle with Krishnaraja III, the Rashtrakuta king, in

1 Beal, Records, ii, 227-30. dostan, 4to ed., vol. ii, pp. 323seqq.

2 A good account of the state 3 Ep. Ind. vii, 194.

of Cuddapah in 1800 will be found 4 Madras O. 0., Nos. 922, 923,
in Hamilton’s Description of Hin- dated August 19, 1899.

THE GREAT TEMPLE AT TANJORE

RAJARAJA THE GREAT

345

949 a. d. His death was followed by a period of disturbance 947-9 a. d.
lasting for thirty-six years, during which the names of five RaJadltya-
obscure Rajas are recorded.

The accession in a. d. 985 of a strong ruler, Rajaraja-deva acc. 985
the Great, put an end to dynastic intrigue, and placed at Rajaraja
the head of the state a man qualified to make it the leading the Great,
power in the south. In the course of a busy reign of some
twenty-seven years Rajaraja passed from victory to victory,
and, when he died, was beyond dispute the Lord Paramount of
Southern India, ruling a realm which included nearly the whole
of the Madras Presidency, Ceylon, and a large part of Mysore.

His earliest recorded conquests were won on the mainland Conquest
towards the north and west between the twelfth and four- ^c<"'eylon’
teenth years of his reign, and comprised the Eastern Chalukya
kingdom of Vengl, formerly held by the Pallavas, Coorg, and
extensive regions in the tableland of the Deccan. During
the next three years, Quilon (Kollam) on the Malabar coast,
and the northern kingdom of Kalinga were added to his
dominions. Protracted campaigns in Ceylon next occupied
Rajaraja, and resulted in the annexation of the island in the
twentieth year of his reign.

The ancient enmity between the Chalukyas and the War with
Pallavas was inherited by the Chola power which had sue- ^^u'
ceeded to the premier rank formerly enjoyed by the Pallavas,
and led to a four years’ war which ended in the defeat of the
Chalukyas, who had not long been freed from subjection to
the Rashtrakutas.

Rajaraja did not confine his operations to the land. He Naval
possessed a powerful navy, and his last martial exploit was tmnT"
the acquisition of a large number of unspecified islands,
meaning, perhaps, the Laccadives and Maldives.

The magnificent temple at his capital Tanjore (Tanjuvur), Temple at
built by his command, the walls of which are engraved with Tanj°re-
the story of his victories, stands to this day as a memorial
of Rajaraja’s victorious career1.

But, although himself a worshipper of Siva, he was Buddhism.

1 A characteristic specimen of his coinage is shown in Fig. 15 of the
plate of coins.

346

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

acc. 1011-
12.

Rajendra-

Choladeva

acc. 1052

A. D.

Rajadhi-

raja.

acc. 1070

A. D.

Rajendra-
Choladeva
II, alias
Kulot-
tunga I.

sufficiently liberal-minded to endow a Burmese Buddhist
temple at the port of Negapatam, where two such temples
continued to be the object of foreign pilgrimages until the
fifteenth century. One of them, probably that endowed by
Rajaraja, survived in a ruinous condition until 1867, when
the remains of it were pulled down by the Jesuit Fathers
and utilized for the construction of Christian buildings h

Rajendra-Choladeva I, the son and successor of Rajaraja,
continued his father’s ambitious career, and added still more
territory to the Chola dominions. He spent a long reign in
war with his neighbours, as befitted a self-respecting king,
and carried his arms far to the north, even into Orissa and
Bengal. He did not neglect the navy, and sent an expedi-
tion by sea against a place called Kadaram, situated some-
where in Lower Burma or the Indo-Chinese peninsula.

His successor, Rajadhiraja, an equally vigorous fighter,
emphasized his claim to paramount power by reviving the
ancient and costly rite of the horse-sacrifice, or asvamedha.
In the year 1059 a.d. he was killed at the battle of Koppam
in Mysore, while fighting the Chalukyas. The war in which
this battle occurred was waged with great bitterness owing
to the religious animosity between the combatants ; the
Chola king making it his business to burn all the Jain
temples in the Chalukya country which came in his way 1 2.

The next king worthy of notice was Rajendra-Chola-
deva II, son-in-law of the first of that name, and a member
of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty of Vengl. That province,
situated between the Krishna and Godavari rivers, had been
ruled, after its conquest in the time of Rajaraja, by the local
kings as a fief of the Tanjore monarchy. In 1070 a. d.
Rajendra-Choladeva II took advantage of internal dissen-
sions to seize the throne of his lord, and thus to found
a new line of Chola-Chalukya kings. His special achieve-
ment in war was his defeat of the Paramara king of Dhara
in Central India.

1 Ind. Ant. vii, 224, with plates ; 2 S. I. Inscr., vol. iii, part i, p. 53 ;

Madras G. 0., Nos. 922, 923, dated ante, p. 329.

August 19, 1899.

THE PALLAVA CONFEDERACY

347

Vikrama Chola, whose exploits are the subject of a Tamil acc. 1118
poem of some merit 1, is remembered for a successful raid yy^.ama
on Kalinga in 1120 a.d. Chola.

After the time of Vikrama, the Chola power gradually Decline of

declined ; and during the thirteenth century the Pandya Chola
& J ^ power,

kings of Madura recovered their independence, and even

reduced the Chola Rajas to a position of inferiority. The
Muhammadan invasion under Malik Rafur in 1310 deprived
the Chola kingdom of its importance ; but local chiefs of the
old dynasty may be traced as late as the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, when they were feudatories of the
kingdom of Vijayanagar, the history of which does not come
within the scope of this volume.

SECTION IV
The Pallava Confederacy

Although the Pallavas seem to have been the premier Discovery
power in the south for more than four centuries, it is, as palltvas
Sir Walter Elliot observed, strange that no mention of them
is to be found either in the vernacular historical legends or
in the native dynastic lists. They had been forgotten, and
remained unknown to European inquirers until the accidental
discovery of a copper-plate grant in 1840 reminded the
world that such a dynasty had existed2. Sixty years of
patient archaeological research have elicited so many facts
that it is now possible to write an outline of Pallava history,
with some breaks, from the second century a.d. to the Chola
conquest in 996 ; and for the last few centuries of that long
pei’iod to write it almost continuously.

The origin of the Pallava clan or tribe, which supplied Their
royal families to Ranch! (Conjeeveram), Veng!, and Palak- onSin-
kada (Palghat), among which the Ranch! line always held
the first rank, is obscure. The name appears to be identical
with Pahlava, the appellation of a foreign clan or tribe

1 Vikrama-Cholan-UIa (Ind. Ant. xxii, 142).

3 Coins of Southern India, p. 39.

348

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Theory of
migration.

Pahlavas
in west.

Pallavas
in second
century.

Probable
identity of
Pallavas
and

Pahlavas.

frequently mentioned in inscriptions and Sanskrit literature,
and ultimately with Parthiva, or Parthian.

This apparently sound etymology naturally suggests the
theory that the Pallavas, who became a ruling race in
the south, must have come originally from the countries
beyond the north-western frontier of India, and gradually
worked their way down to Malabar and the Coromandel
coast. This theory, primarily based upon an etymology, is
supported by the ascertained fact that Pahlavas formed a
distinct and noticeable element in the population of Western
India early in the second century, when they were classed
by native writers with the Sakas and Yavanas, and, in
common with those foreign tribes, were objects of hostility
to native kings.

Vilivayakura II, the Andhra king (113 to 138 a. d.),
prided himself on his prowess in expelling the Sakas,
Yavanas, and Pahlavas from his dominions on the western
coast ; and it is reasonable to believe that some of the
defeated clans retired into the interior towards the east and
south. The Sakas retained the government of the peninsula
of Surashtra until the closing years of the fourth century ;
but no Pahlava principality in Western India is mentioned,
and it is quite credible that the Pahlavas may have sought
their fortune in the south h

When first heard of in the second century a. d. the
Pallavas are already a ruling race, and their king, Siva-
skanda-varman, was lord of so many subordinate chiefs, that
he considered himself authorized to perform the atfvamedha, or
horse-sacrifice, arite permissible only to a paramount sovereign.

On the whole, although positive evidence of the supposed
migration is lacking, it is highly probable that the Pallavas
were really identical with the Pahlavas, and were a foreign
tribe, which gradually fought its way across India, and
formed three principalities at Kanchl, Vengl, and Palakkada,
which were known as ‘ the three Pallava dominions V This

1 Ante, p. 188. inscription ofVinayadityaChalukya

2 ‘ The Pallavas, whose kingdom of the seventh century [Ind. Ant.
consisted of three dominions ’ ; in vi, 87).

NATURE OF . PALLAVA RULE

349

movement from the west must have occupied a considerable
time, and may be assumed to have ended before 150 a.d.

The three Pallava chiefs seem to have belonged to
different sections of the tribe, which had become thoroughly
hinduized, with a special leaning, occasionally to Buddhism
and Vishnuism, but more often to the Saiva faith.

The home territories actually colonized and directly ad- Nature of
ministered by the Pallavas do not seem to have been very J^Java
extensive. The Pallava power was superimposed upon the
ancient territorial states, much in the same way as the
Mahratta power was in later times, and presumably was
confined ordinarily to the levying of tribute and blackmail.

This view of the nature of the Pallava government explains
the facts that its existence was forgotten, and that tradition
never assigned normal recognized limits to the Pallava
dominions, as it did to the Chola, Pandya, and Chera.

Every man could tell the position of the Chola country, Extent of
but nobody could define the Pallava country, the extent of dominion
which depended on the relative strength of a predatory
tribe. In fact, during the seventh century, almost the whole
of the traditional ‘ Chola country ’ was in subjection to the
Pallavas, and the special Chola territory was limited to
a small and unhealthy tract in the north. About the same
time (642 to 655 a.d.) the Pallavas succeeded in imposing
their rule for a few years upon the whole of the Western
Chalukya kingdom ; and at an unspecified date they levied
tribute even from the Kalinga territory in the north1.

The belief that the Pallava supremacy consisted mainly in
the levying of tribute or blackmail from the ancient king-
doms is confirmed by the connexion with the Pallava princes
which is claimed by the Kallar robber tribe, of which the
Raja of Pudukottai is the head2.

The three Pallava chiefs held their courts at Kanchl, or Three
Conjeeveram, a strongly fortified town, between Madras and

1 Eggeling states that one Pallava iv, 183-93); ante , p. 326.
grant was issued from Kalingana- 2 Coins of Southern India, pp.
garam ( Ind . Ant. iii, 152); i. e. 42-4.

Mukhalingam in Ganjam (Ep. Ind.

350

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Religion.

Rock-eut

temples.

cir. 150

A. D.

Siva-

skanda-

varman.

Arcot ; Yengl, between the deltas of the Krishna and
Godavari ; and Palakkada, or Palghat, in Malabar, situated
at the gap in the Western Ghats h A town named Dasana-
pura, from which some grants were issued, does not seem
to have been the capital of a principality, and may have
been only a precinct of Kanchl, which was always the head
quarters of the clan.

In religion the Pallavas were, so far as is known, orthodox
Hindus ; with the exception of one Buddhist chief, Simha-
varman II, who is expressly described as a lay worshipper
of Buddha, and as having presented an image at Amaravatl 2.
Several of the princes were devoted to the worship of Vishnu 3 ;
but in later times the Rajas inclined to the cult of Siva, and
adopted the figure of a bull as the family crest.

The celebrated rock-cut temples at Mamallaipuram near
Madras, commonly called the ‘ Seven Pagodas,1 were exca-
vated under the orders of various kings of the dynasty
during the sixth and seventh centuries ; as were also the
cave-temples at Mahendravadi and Mamandur in North
Arcot. The temples at the former place, three Saiva and
one Vaishnava, date from the reign of Mahendra-varman I,
who came to the throne about a. d. 600 4.

The first Pallava king about whom anything substantial
is known was Sivaskanda-varman, who lived in the second
century a. d.5 His capital, although not expressly named,
was doubtless Kanchl ; and his power extended into the
Telugu country as far as the Krishna river, over territory
included at times in the Andhra kingdom. He had officers
stationed at Amaravatl (Dhanakataka), the famous Buddhist
holy place ; but he himself was an orthodox Hindu, with
a special devotion for Siva. The king’s boast that he had
celebrated the asvarnedha, or horse-sacrifice, is good evidence
that he exercised jurisdiction over a considerable number of

1 N. lat. 10° 45', E. long. 76° 41'. to be corrected) ; Ep. Ind. iv, 153 ;

2 Amaravatl inscr. No. 32 (S. Ind. vi, 320. For Pallava coins see S. I.

Inscr., vol. i, p. 25). Inscr., vol. i, p. 2; and ante, plate of

3 e.g. Attivarma (Hasti-varman), coins, Fig. 16.

Vijayaskanda-varman, and Vishnu- 5 Ep. Ind. vi, 84, 316 ; J. R. A. S.,
gopa-varman. 1889, p. 1118.

1 Ind. Ant. xvii, 30 (chronology

THE GANESA RATHA AT MAMALLAIPURAM

HASTI-V ARMAN

351

subordinate Rajas \ He confirmed a grant made by an
ancestor named Bappa, possibly his father, who may be
regarded as the founder of the dynasty.

The next glimpse of the Pallavas is obtained two centuries
later from the record of the temporary conquests effected by
the northern monarch, Samudragupta, who claims to have
defeated eleven kings of the south. Among these Rajas three
seem to have been Pallavas, namely, Vishnugopa of Kanehl,
Ugrasena of Palakka ( = Palakkada), and Hasti-varman of
Vengl.

The last-named prince may be reasonably identified with
King Attivarma, who issued an undated grant in the Prakrit
tongue, which was found in the Guntur Disbrict to the south
of the Krishna river. He is described as belonging to the
family or clan of Kandara — a synonym for the demi-god
Krishna in mythology — and consequently cannot have been
a member of the Kanehl royal family, which belonged to the
Bharadvajag’otfra; but there is no reason why he should not be
considered a member of another section of the Pallava tribe.

It is possible that the Vishnugopa of Kanehl, conquered
by Samudragupta, may be identical with the yuvaraja, or
Crown Prince of the same name, who issued a grant in the
Sanskrit language during the reign of his elder brother
Simha-varman. But inasmuch as the other early Pallava
grants are written in Prakrit and dated in the peculiar
Dravidian fashion, while Vishnugopa’s document is written
in Sanskrit, and dated in the ordinary way, it is more
probable that the author of the grant was distinct from, and
later than the foe of Samudragupta.

The grant made by the Crown Prince is but one of several
illustrations of the Pallava custom, in virtue of which the
heir-apparent was associated in the government with his
father or elder brother as colleague for years before he
obtained the succession in natural course. Much confusion
in chronology results when the years of office as Crown

Three
Pallava
chiefs
defeated
by Samu-
dragupta.

Hasti-var-

man.

Vishnu-

gopa.'

Crown
Prince ;
Dravidian
mode of
dating.

1 Samudragupta’s emphatic de- should be interpreted as referring
claration that he revivedthe sacrifice, to Northern India only. Ante,
‘ which had been long in abeyance,’ p. 252.

352

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

Ugrasena.

Pallava
power oil
western
coast.

Pallava
dominion
in fourth
century.

Vijaya-

skanda-

varman.

Skanda-
varman to
Sirhha-
varmanll.

Prince are combined with the regnal years after accession.
The Dravidian fashion of dating alluded to, which was also
used in the early Andhra records, is peculiar, in that the
division of the year into months is ignored, and the date
is expressed by quoting the serial number of the fortnight
in each of the three seasons — hot, rainy, and cold ; as, for
example, an inscription of Sivaskanda-varman is dated on
the fifth day of the sixth fortnight of the rainy season in
the eighth regnal year 1.

Several Pallava grants being known to have been issued
from the court at Palakkada, it is reasonable to assume that
Ugrasena of Palakka was a Pallava, and a kinsman and
subordinate of the king of Kanchl, like Hasti-varman of
Vengl.

An early inscription of approximately the same period,
found in Mysore, mentions a grant of land ‘ on the shore of
the western ocean’ as having been made by the Pallava
sovereign of Kanchl 2.

From all these particulars the conclusion may be drawn
that in the fourth century three Pallava chiefs were estab-
lished at Kanchl, Vengl, and Palakkada, the latter two being
subordinate to the first ; and that Pallava rule extended
from the Godavari on the north to the Pandya boundary,
or the Southern Vellaru river, on the south, while it
stretched across Mysore from sea to sea.

Certain grants made by the Pallava king Vijayaskanda-
varman, and his son, the Crown Prince, Vijayabuddha-varman,
belonging to the Bharadvaja family of Kanchl, are of early
date, probably not later than 400 a. d. ; but at present the
exact position of these names in the dynastic list cannot be
determined.

A Raja named Simha-varman II, son of the Crown Prince
Vishnugopa previously mentioned, issued a grant in the
eighth year of his reign from Dasanapura. His father’s grant
and this document, when read together, give a complete
genealogy of the kings of Kanchl for five generations and

1 Foulkes, J. R. A. S., 1889, pp. 1111-24.

2 Fleet, Kanarese l>y nasties, 2nd ed., p. 286.

GENEALOGIES

353

an equal number of reigns, covering a period of about a
century ; but unfortunately neither the initial nor the
terminal year of this period can be fixed with precision h
Numerous documents executed by both Pallava and Chalu-
kya kings during the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries,
furnished with copious genealogical details, supply sufficient
material for the reconstruction of the outline of Pallava
history during the period extending from about 575 to
770 a. d. The royal genealogy is as follows ; kings who
reigned being distinguished by serial numbers : —

(1) Simhavishnu
( acc . cir. 575)

(2) Mahendra-varraan I
{acc. cir. 600)

(3) Narasimha-varman I
(or -vishnu ; acc. cir. 625)

Bhlma-varman

Buddha-varman

Aditya-varman

(4) Mahendra-varman II

{acc. cir. 645)

(5) Paramesvara-varman I
(with various aliases ; acc. cir. 660)

Govinda-varman

? (9) Hiranya-varman
{acc. cir. 710)

(6) Narasimha-varman, or -vishnu, II
(with various aliases ; acc. cir. 675)

(10) Nandi-varman {acc. cir.
720 ; and reigned at least
fifty years) 2

(7) Paramesvara-varman II (8) Mahendra-varman II

{acc. cir. 690) (acc. cir. 705)

1 The genealogy is :

(1) Skanda-varman I

(2) Vlra-varman
(3) Skanda-varman II

(4) Simha-varman I Vishnugopa ( yuvaraja )

(5) Simha-varman II

The names of many other early Pallava kings are known, which cannot
be arranged definitely in a dynastic list at present.

2 Ep. Ind. iv, 136 ; v, 157. It is doubtful whether Hiranya-varman
actually reigned or not.

575 to 750

A. D.

Royal

genealogy:

SMITH

a a

354

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

nee. cir.
575 a. d.
Simha-
vishnu.

dec. cir.
600 A. D.
Mahen-
dra-var-
man I.

610 A. D.
Chalukya
annexa-
tion of
Vengl.

Eastern

Chalu-

kyas.

Battle of
Pullalura.

640 a. d.
Hiuen
Tsang at
Kanchl.

The Pallava dominion was evidently of wide extent during
the reign of Simhavishnu, who claims to have defeated the
king of Ceylon, as well as sundry continental kings, including
the Chola, Pandya, and Kerala Rajas.

His successor, Mahendra-varman I, was contemporary with
the earlier years of Pulikesin II, the greatest of the Western
Chalukya sovereigns, who fought his way to the throne in
608 a.d., and was crowned in the following year. The
ambition of this monarch naturally brought him into conflict
with the Pallavas, at that time the leading power of the south.

About the year 609 or 610 a. d., Pulikesin defeated
Mahendra-varman, and drove him to take shelter behind the
walls of his capital, Kanchl. The seriousness of the defeat
is proved by the fact that the province of Vengl, which had
been in the possession of a Pallava chieftain for centuries,
was annexed by the Chalukya king, who placed it in charge
of Vishnuvardhana, his younger brother.

After a few years, in or about 620 a.d., this prince
established himself as an independent sovereign, and so
founded the Eastern Chalukya line, which subsisted as a
separate dynasty until 1070 a. d., when it was merged in
the Chola dynasty1.

Notwithstanding the loss of this important province, the
Pallava king claimed to have gained a victory over the
invader at Pullalura near Kanchl. This boast probably
means that Pulikesin was repulsed in an attempt to seize the
Pallava capital, and was compelled to retire to his own territory.

Hiuen Tsang, who visited Kanchl in the year 640 a. d.,
during the reign of Narasimha-varman I, and stayed there for
a considerable time, calls the country of which Kanchl was the
capital by the name of Dravida, and describes it as about
a thousand miles in circuit. It corresponded, therefore, very
closely with the traditional ‘Chola country1 ( Chola-man -
dalam) between the Pennar and southern Vellaru rivers.
The soil was fertile, and regularly cultivated, producing
abundance of grain, flowers, and fruits. The capital was a
large city, five or six miles in circumference.

1 Ante, p. 324.

STATE OF RELIGION

355

The pilgrim had intended to proceed thence to Ceylon by His
sea, a three days1 journey ; but, while he was engaged in his
preparations for the voyage, he learned from a company of
three hundred monks, who had just arrived from the island,
that it was in a state of disorder, owing to the prevalence
of famine and the death of the king (Dathopatissa I).

This information induced him to change his plans, and
abandon the proposed visit to Ceylon. While staying at
Kanchl he occupied himself in collecting from his in-
formants the Buddhist legends as current in the island, and
in recording such particulars as interested him concerning
the Indian kingdoms of the extreme south, which he was
unable to visit personally.

He then turned to the north-west, across Mysore, until he Kong-kin-
reached the kingdom of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo in the west, and na pu °'
so made his way into the kingdom of the Chalukya sovereign,

Pulikesin II, which he calls Maharashtra.

In the Pallava realm of Kanchl, he found some hundreds Rehgion
of Buddhist monasteries, occupied by a large number of vida and
monks, estimated at ten thousand, all attached, like the
majority of the Ceylonese, to the Sthavira school of the & P
Mahayana ; as well as about eighty Brahmanical temples,
and numerous adherents of the Jain or Nirgrantha sect,
which had gained great vogue in Southern India from very
early times. In the kingdom of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, the
exact situation of which is uncertain, there was a similar
mixture of religions, and { several hundred temples, in which
many sectaries dwell together,1 were to be seen h

The war between the Pallavas and Chalukyas, initiated 642a. d.

* Defeat of

by Pulikesin II, proved to be of secular duration ; and in pulike£in
its course fortune favoured sometimes one, and sometimes R*
another combatant. Pulikesin himself experienced the full
bitterness of the instability of fortune ; and, in 642 a.d., at the
close of his reign and life, suffered the mortification of seeing

1 Beal, Records, ii, 228 ; Life of
Hiuen Tsiang , pp. 138-40. It is
probable that Buddhism reached
Ceylon from Dravida. Mr. Beal’s
transliteration of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo

as Konkanapura is almost certainly
erroneous ; but it is not easy to
assign the correct equivalent (Ind.
Ant. xxii, 116 note). See the map
of India in 640 a. d.

A a 2

356

THE KINGDOMS OF THE SOUTH

655 a. D.
Capture of
Kanchl.

740 a.d.
Second
capture of
KanchT.

775, 803

A. D.

Pallava

defeats.

Tenth

century.

Pallava

wars with

Western

Gahgas.

996 a. d.

Chola

conquests.

his kingdom overrun, and his capital, Vatapi (Badami), taken
by the Pallava king, Narasimha-varman I. The Chalukya
power then remained in abeyance for some thirteen years,
during which the Pallavas governed the kingdom, doubtless
through the agency of local Rajas.

In or about 655 a.d., Vikramaditya I, a son of Pulikesin,
retrieved the fortunes of his family, and recovered his father’s
dominions from Paramesvara-varman, who had succeeded to
the Pallava throne. During this war Kanchl was taken and
occupied for a time by the Chalukyas. On the other hand,
the Pallavas claimed a victory gained at Peruvalanallur.

The perennial conflict continued during the succeeding
reigns ; and Kanchl was again taken by Vikramaditya II
Chalukya, about 740 a. d., in the reign of Nandi-varman
Pallava, who may be considered the last of his line to enjoy
extensive dominion.

When the Rashtrakutas supplanted the Chalukyas in the
middle of the eighth century, the traditional hostility of
the two powers was not abated, and the new rulers took up
the old quarrel with the Pallavas. King Dhruva, cousin of
Dantidurga, who had overthrown the Chalukya dynasty,
inflicted a defeat on the Pallavas about 775 a.d.; and his
son, Govinda III, levied tribute from Dantiga, king of
Kanchl, in 803 a.d.

During the tenth century we hear of wars between the
Pallavas and the Ganga kings of Gangavadi, or Mysore, who
are now commonly known as the Western Gangas, in order
to distinguish them from the family of the same name which
ruled Kalinga, and held court at Kalinganagara, the modern
Mukhalingam in the Ganjam district1.

Towards the close of the tenth century, Rajaraja the
Great, the Chola king (985-1011 a.d.), succeeded in reducing

1 Mukhalingam, a place of pil-

S -image, containing both early
uddhist remains and mediaeval
Hindu temples ; distant about
twenty miles from Parla-Kimedi,
the chief town of the zemindar! of
that name in the Ganjam district

(G. V. Ramamurti, Ep. Ind. iv,
183-93 ; Mad. J. Lit. Sc., 1889-94,
p. 68 ; Madras G. O. Public, Nos.
827-9, dated August 25, 1902).
For boundaries of Gangavadi see
Kanarese Dynasties, p. 298.

THE END OF THE PALLAVAS

357

to subjection all the kingdoms of the south, and in making
himself lord paramount of Southern India. This able
monarch annexed Yengl in 996 a.d., and in subsequent years
brought under his sway both Kalinga and the territories of
the Rashtrakutas, which had been recovered by Taila, the
Chalukya king, in 973 a.d.1 The operations of Rajaraja put
an end to the Pallava independent power, which had lasted
for more than eight centuries.

The later Pallava chiefs sank into the position of mere Twelfth
feudatory nobles and officials in the service of the territorial thirteenth
kingdoms ; and it is on record that the Pallava Raja took centuries,
the first place among; the feudatories of King Vikrama Chola £aljava
early in the twelfth century 2. The Rajas can be traced as feuda-
in possession of limited local power down to the thirteenth tories-
century ; and Pallava nobles are mentioned as late as the
close of the seventeenth century.

The Raja of the Pudukottai tributary state, who is the Modem
recognized head of the Kallar tribe, still styles himself Raja [^{j^ssen"
Pallava, and claims descent from the ancient royal family, of the
The Vellalas, who admittedly hold the first place among the Pallavas-
Tamil-speaking agricultural classes, profess to be descended
in the female line from the Pallava kings, with whom the
Palli caste, as well as the Kallar, boasts a connexion. The
latter caste, as Sir Walter Elliot observes, exercised, during
the eighteenth century, ‘ a formidable control over the peace-
able inhabitants of the Carnatic ’ ; from whom its members
levied blackmail on a regular system, and so probably con-
tinued the practice which had made the Pallavas a terror to
their neighbours in the early centuries of the Christian era 3.

1 Ante, p. 345. Fleet’s chapter on the subject in

2 Ind. Ant. xxii, 143. the second edition of his ‘Dynasties

3 Coins of Southern India, pp. of the Kanarese Districts ’ (. Bombay
39-44. Except when otherwise Gazr., vol. i, part ii (1896) ; which
indicated, the foregoing sketch of gives full details of all the records
Pallava history is based upon known up to the date of that
the materials collected in Dr. publication.

INDEX

Abastanoi, tribe, 91.

Abbanes, legendary merchant, 204.

Abdagases, Indo-Parthian king,
206 n. , 207 n.

Abhlra, tribe, 240, 250.

Abhisara, country in lower hills,
52, 53, 55, 81, 299 n.

Abreas, defended Alexander, 89.

Abu-Riban = Albcruni, q. v., 12 n.

Achiravatl, river, 140 n.

‘ Acts of St. Thomas ’ cited, 203-5.

Adityasena, of later Gupta dynasty,
271.

Aditya-varman, Pallava prince,
853.

Admiralty board of Chandragupta
Maurya, 119.

Adraistai, clan, 64.

Agalassoi, tribe, 86.

Agatbokles, Indo-Greek king, 199,
214, 216.

Agnimitra, Sunga king, 36 n.,
175 n., 177, 178, 180.

Agni Purana, used by Bana, 19.

Agrammes, Nanda king, 34, 35 m.

Agrianian light infantry, 44.

Abavamalla, Chalukya king, 329.

Ahmadabad, city, 272.

Ajanta, caves and frescoes at, 325.

Ajata£atru = Kunika, 26 : history
of, 26-8, 33, 41.’

Ajlvika, sect, 145, 148, 158, 171,
173, 174.

Ajmir, inscribed Sanskrit plays at,
13 : and Delhi, 310.

Ajodhya, in Gupta period, 257.

Akbar, compared with Harsha,
292 : annexed Kashmir, 309 : an-
nexed Malwa, 318.

Akesines = Chinab river, 52, 63 :
not crossed at Wazlrabad, 74 :
return to, 81 : confluence with
Hydaspes of, 84, 85 : changes in
course of, 85, 86 n. : confluence
with Hydraotes of, 87 : waterless
uplands between Hydraotes and,
88, 90 : confluence with the In-
dus of, 90 : date of passage of, 106.

AJchbar 'it gifts = news-writer, 122.

’Ala-ud-dln, Sultan of Delhi, 249,
322.

Alberuni on India, 12, 18.

Alexander, (1) the Great, chrono-
logy prior to, 1 : histories of his
Indian campaign, 3 : reports of
his officers, 4, 10, 11 : dynasties
before, 22 : found the Indus
boundary of India, 32 : contem-
porary with Nanda dynasty, 34 :
met Chandragupta Maurya, 36,
110 : Plutarch’s life of, 36 n. :
troubles after death of, 37 :
crossed Hindu Kush, 42 : ad-
vanced to Nikaia (1), 43 : wounded
in Kunar valley, 44 : defeated
Aspasians, 45 : received submis-
sion of Nysa, 46 : stormed Mas-
saga, and was again wounded,
47 : massacred mercenaries, 48 :
occupied Ora and Bazira, 49 :
established depot at Embolima,
50 : took Aornos, 51 : marched
to Indus, 62 : advanced to Taxila,

53 : gave investiture to Ambhi,

54 : advanced to Hydaspes, 55 :
prepared for passage of river, 56 :
made night march, 57, 76 : ef-
fected landing, 58 : his tactics,

INDEX

359

59 : detached cavalry under
Koinos, 60 : captured Poros (1),
61 : founded Boukephala and
Nikaia (2), 62 : crossed Akesines
and Hydraotes, 63 : took Sangala,
64 : arrived at Hyphasis, 65 :
built altars, 66 : honoured by
Chandragupta Maurya, 67 n. :
camped at Jihlam, 73, 78 : occu-
pied capital of Sophytes, 73 :
crossed Hydaspes at Bhuna, 75 :
fought battle early in July, 80 :
retired to Hydaspes, 81 : pro-
moted Poros, 82 : started on
voyage, 83 : reached first conflu-
ence, 84 : conquered the Siboi
and Agalassoi, 86 : attacked the
Malloi, 87, 88 : dangerously

wounded, 89 : continued voyage
to fourth confluence, 90 : ap-
pointed satraps, 91 : advanced
into Sind, 92 : subdued Mousi-
kanos, 93 : attacked Oxykanos
and Sambos, 94 : advanced to
Patala, 95 : reached the sea, 96 :
prepared for return to Persia,
97 : dispatched Nearchos, 98 :
sent Leonnatos against the Orei-
tai, 99 : met Nearchos, 101 : suf-
fered much in Gedrosia, 102 : en-
tered Susa in April, 324 b. c., 103 :
succeeded in his enterprises, 104 :
effects of his death, 105, 109 :
chronology of his Indian cam-
paign, 106 : his death, 107, 109 :
appointed Eudamos, &c. to charge
of the Indian provinces, 108 : wars
of his successors, 111 : Indian
civilization in time of, 127 : tran-
sitory effects of his raid, 128,
194, 209 : relied on cavalry, 129 :
legend of, 151 : favoured the
Bactrians, 195 : (2) king of Epirus,
164, 173 : (3) Severus, Roman
emperor, 243 : (4) mountains,
186, 200.

Alexander’s Haven, near Karachi,

Alexandria under the Caucasus,
42.

Alexandrian origin of Indian
bas-reliefs, 212 n. : commerce,
255.

Allahabad, Asoka pillar at, 149 n.

Allitrochades = Amitraghata, q.v.,
129 n.

Alopen, introduced Nestorianism
into China, 302.

Alor, ancient capital of Sind, 92.

Alphabets, origin of Indian, 23 n.

Altars of Alexander, 64 n., 66-8.

Amarkot, town, 96.

Amazonian body-guard, 116.

Amb, (1) = Embolima, 50, 70 : (2)
in Hoshyarpur District, 70 : (3)
in Salt Range.

Ambela, pass, 52 re.

Ambhi = king Omphis, 53, 54 : after
Alexander’s departure, 102, 103,
108.

Amida, siege of, 240, 243.

Amitraghata (Amitrochates), title
of Bindusara, 113, 129.

Amoghavarsha, Chalukya king,
328.

Amritsar, city, 74.

Amu Darya = Oxus river, 195.

Amyntas, Indo-Greek king, 214.

Anandapura, country of, 279.

Anangapala, (1) of Lahore, 313 :
(2) Tomara, Raja of Delhi, 310.

Andhra dynastic history, 10, 17,
119 »., 172, 182-91, 239 : king-
dom, 143, 164, 323.

Andosthenes of Cyzicus, 198.

Andragoras, viceroy of Parthia,
197.

Andrapolis, legendary city, 204 n.,
205.

Androkottos = Chandragupta Mau-
rya, q. v. , 67 re.

Anga kingdom, 25, 26.

Anhilwara, city, 272.

Animal life, sanctity of, 149,
155-7.

Ansumat, legendary hero, 179.

360

INDEX

Antialkidas, Indo-Greek king, 199,
214.

Antigonos, (1) rival of Eumenes,
108 : (2) Gonatas, king of Mace-
donia, 164, 173, 174.

Antimachos I and II, Indo-Greek
kings, 193, 214.

Antiochos, (1) the Great, 197, 198,
211, 213, 216 : (2) Hierax, 216:

(3) Soter, 130, 173, 195 n„ 216 :

(4) Theos, 16, 164, 173, 174, 195,
196, 216.

Antipater, unable to retain India,
108.

Antoninus Pius, Roman emperor,
243.

Anushirvan (Khusru), king of
Persia, 278.

Aornos, identity and siege of, 49-
52, 68-71.

Aphrodisiac drugs, 128 n.

Apollodoros of Artemita, 192,
198 n.

Apollodotos, Indo-Greek king, 192,
193, 199, 207 n., 214.

Apollophanes, (1) satrap of Gedro-
sia, 99 : (2) Indo-Greek king,
214.

Arab invaders, 97 n., 272, 301.

Arabioi, tribe, 98, 100 w., 103.

Arabios (Arabis), river, 97 n., 98,
99 n.

Arachosia = the Kandahar country,
32, 94, 132 : Sibyrtios, satrap of,
113.

Arcadius, Roman emperor, 337.

Archaeology, results obtained from,
2, 7, 13, 253.

Archebios, Indo-Greek king, 214.

Archers of Xerxes from India, 32 :
Alexander’s mounted, 59.

Archias, officer of Nearchos, 101.

Architecture, Indian, earliest
examples of, 127 : not Greek,
212 : in Gupta period, 267 : of
temples, 301.

Ardashlr, Sassanian king, 241 n.

Aria = the Herat country, 32, 132.

Ariana, cession of part of, 112,
131-4, 210.

Arigaion, town, 45.

Arioi, in sixteenth satrapy, 196.

Arjuna, usurper, 298, 299, 302.

Arjunayana, tribe, 250.

Arms, Indian, 59, 118.

Army, Maurya, 117-19 : of Harsha,
286.

Arnold, Matthew, quoted, 105 n.

Aror = Alor, q. v.

Arpakkam, inscription at, 340.

Arrian, on India, 11 : Periplus
ascribed to, 207 n.

Arsakes, (1) king of Urasa, 81 :
(2) leader of Parthian revolt,
197,216: (3)Theos,Indo-Parthian
king, 202, 207 n.

Arsakidan era, 196 n.

Art, Indian, earliest examples of,
127 : decadence of, 301.

Artaxerxes Memnon, king of
Persia, 10.

Artemidoros, Indo - Greek king,

^ 214.

Aryavarta, meaning of, 247.

Asandhimitra, legendary queen of
Asoka, 170.

Asigramma = Asgram, 69.

Asioi, tribe, 201 n.

Asoka, his empire extended to
Madras, 6, 131, 143 : Mysore
edition of Minor Rock Edicts of,
14 : contemporary with Antio-
chos Theos, 16, 187 : made Pata-
liputra his permanent capital,
31 n. : five stupas at Pataliputra
ascribed to, 35 n. : probably knew
true date of Buddha’s death, 40 :
visited Khotan, 41 : dates of
accession and death of, 41, 173,
174 : abolished royal hunt, 116,
157 : Provincials’ Edict of,
121 : viceroys of, 122, 144 : the
‘ king’s men ’ of, 122 : Tushaspa,
governor of Kathiawar under,
125 : mentioned in Rudradaman’s
inscription, 125 : beginnings of

INDEX

361

art and architecture in reign of,
127 : full name Asoka-vardhana,
135 : viceroy of Taxila and Ujjain,
135, 136, 145 : annexed Kalinga,

137, 173, 300 : went on pilgrim-
age, 139, 148, 174 : ordained as
monk, 140, 149 : death of, 141,
149, 174 : Buddhist council con-
voked by, 141, 233 : in Nepal,
142, 174, 306 : buildings of, 144,
145, 258, 300 : inscriptions of,

138, 145-50, 152-4: legend of,
151 : ethics of, 155 : in early life
probably worshipped Siva, 156 :
enforced sanctity of animal life,
157, 180 : toleration of, 158 : ap-
pointed Censors, 160 : provided
for travellers and sick, 162, 259,
290 : dispatched foreign missions,
164, 210, 231 : sent his brother
Mahendra to Southern India and
Ceylon, 165, 334 : did not send
mission to Pegu, 166 : made
Buddhism a world-religion, 167 :
compared with Constantine, 168 :
character of, 169 : sons and suc-
cessors of, 170-2 : chronology of,
173, 174 : disruption of empire
of, 184, 194 : alleged offer of
reward for Brahman heads by,
179 n. : Hindu Kush boundary
of empire of, 194 : Kanishka
legends resembling those of,
231 : pillar erected at Kausambi
by, 257 : imitated by Harsha,
289, 290 : Purna-varman last
descendant of : relations with
Southern India of, 333-5, 837,
342.

Asokavadtina , legends, 34.

Aspasian, tribe, 45.

Assakenoi, nation, 46—8.

Asses, for riding, 126.

Astes = Hasti, q. v.

Astola (Astalu), enchanted isle,

100.

Astrologers, control of, 126.

A6vaghosha, Buddhist saint, 227.

Agvamedka = horse-sacrifice, q. v.

Attic year, 79.

Attila, Hun king, 273.

Attivarma, Pallava king, 351.

Attock (Atak), town, 52.

Augustus, letter of Indian king
to, 128 n. : Kushan imitations
of coins of, 208, 223 : Indian
embassies to, 242, 337.

Aurei, orientalized, 223, 270 n.,
271.

Aureliau, Roman emperor, 243.

Autograph of Harsha, 288.

Autonomous tribes, 64 n., 82, 250.

Avanti = Malwa, q. v., 23.

Avantivarman, king of Kashmir,
308.

Azes I and II, Indo-Parthian
kings, 203, 212, 216.

Azilises, Indo-Parthian king, 203.

Babar, besieged Minglaur, 47.

Babylon, early commerce with,
23 n. : death of Alexander at,
102, 107.

Babylonian culture, 2 : marriage
custom, 135 n.

Bactria, Alexander’s conquest of,
42 : premier satrapy, 195 : revolt
and history of, 196, 198, 200,
201.

Badami = Vatapi, 324.

Badaun, city, 315.

Badln, in Sind, 97 n.

Badis, Gedrosian port, 101.

Bahawalpur, state, 85.

Bahlika, tribe, 240.

Bahmanabad, probably = Patala,
95.

Bairat, Asoka’s inscriptions at,
150 n., 154.

Bajaur, valley, 44 ra., 45, 47.

Bakhira, pillar, 139 n.

Baladitya, king, 271, 276, 277,
281.

Bala6rl, Andhra queen, 188, 189 n.

Baleokouros = Yilivayakura II, q.v.,
190.

362

INDEX

Balharas = Rashtrakuta kings, 328.

Balimah, near Amb (1), 70.

Balkh = Zariaspa, 195 : secondary
Hun capital, 274.

Bamian, town, 42 n., 242.

Bamyin, Hun head quarters, 274.

Bana, author, 15, 18, 175, 181, 282,
289.

Bandhupalita = Sangata Maurya,
174.

Bankipore, on site of Pataliputra,
114, 144.

Banskhera inscription, 283 «.,
288 re., 302.

Banyan hospital, 163.

Bar = waterless uplands, 88.

Barabar caves, 145, 147, 148, 153,
171, 173.

Baramula pass, 227 «., 236 re.

Barbarikon, port on Indus, 207.

Barbut (Bbarbut), relief sculpture
at, 29 re. : Sunga inscription at,
175 re.

Bark as writing-material, 127,
128 re.

Barygaza = Broach (Bharoch), 192,
207 re.

Basar = Vaisali, 24 re.

Basava, founded Lihgayat sect,
330.

Bashana, coin of, 241.

Battle of Hydaspes, 59-62.

Battle-axe, a Pandya cognizance,
336.

Bazira, town in the hills, 49, 50.

Beghram, coins from, 238 re.

Behistun inscription, 32 re.

Benares = KasI, 25 : Upagupta at,
168 : captured by Muhammadans,
311.

Bengal, Samudragupta’s campaign
in, 254 : included in Harsha’s
dominions, 286; dynasties of,
318-22.

Berar = Vidarbha, 177.

Beryls from Coimbatore, 334.

Bhabra edict, 141, 147, 150, 154,
174.

Bhagalpur, District, 26.

Bhag-avata, Sunga king, 181.

Bhagavata Purana, of late date, 9.

Bhagela = Phegelas, 34.

Bhandarkar, R. G., on early his-
tory of India, 263 n.

Bhandi. cousin of Harsha, 284, 285.

Bbanngupta, Raja, 271.

Bbarbut = Barhut, q. v.

Bbarocb (Broacb) = Barygaza, 192,
207 n.

Bbaskara-varman = Kumara Raja,
q. v., 300.

Bbatarka, foundedY alabhl dyn asty,
272.

Bbattiprolu, inscriptions from, 14.

Bbillama, Yadava king, 331.

Bbfma, king of Gujarat, 314.

Bbima-varman, Pallava prince,
353.

Bbimbbar = Abhisara, 52 re., 81.

Bblra (Babrab), town, 83.

Bbitari, pillar, 268, 269 re. : seal,
245 re., 271 re.

Bboja, (1) of Dhara, 314, 317 : (2)
of Kanauj, 317 re. : (3) tribe, 164.

Bbojpur, lake, 317.

Bbumaka, Kshaharata, 188, 255.

Bbuna, on Jihlam river, 77.

Bbutias conquered by Lalitaditya,
308.

Bibliography of Asoka’s inscrip-
tions, 152.

Bidaspes, river, 72 re.

Bihar, (1) province = Magadha, 24,
320 : (2) town, 318, 319.

Bihat, river, 72 re.

Bijjala, Kalachurya king, 330.

Bikanlr, state, 85.

Bikram, Raja, 266.

Bilhana, author, 15, 329.

Bilsar, inscription from, 281.

Bimbisara, king, 26-8, 39, 41.

Bindusara, king, 113, 129, 130,
131.

Bircb-bark as writing-material,
127, 128 re.

Birtb-day festival, 116.

INDEX

363

Births and deaths registered, 120.

Bittiga, Hoysala king, 331.

Boats, used by Alexander, 55, 56.

Bodh Gaya, Asoka’s monastery at,
251 : desolate in Fa-hien’s time,
262 : Bodhi tree at, 292 : visited
by Wang-hiuen-t’se, 299.

Bodhi tree at Gaya, 139, 292.

Bodhisattvas, hierarchy of, 233.

Bombay, animal hospital at, 163.

Boukephala, city, 62.

Bow, Indian, 59, 118 : the Chera
cognizance, 341.

Brahma, a god, 294.

Brahmagiri, Asoka’s inscriptions
at, 150 n.

Brahman, opposition to Alexander,
93.

Brahmanabad, error for Bahmana-
bad, q. v., 95 n.

Brahmanda Purana, of late date, 9,
19.

Brahmanical reaction, 179.

Brahmans, town of, 88.

Brahmi script, 146.

Brick buildings, 127.

Brihadratha, Maurya king, 172,
174, 175.

Brihat-kutha, referred to, 185 n.

Buckler, Indian, 59, 118.

Buddha (Gautama), relics of, at
Piprawa, 14 : birth and life of,
24 : preceded by ‘ former Bud-
dhas,’ 27, 148 : visited by Ajata-
satru, 28-30 : belonged to Sakya
clan, 31 : death of, 31, 37, 39-41,
141, 149 : birthplace of, 139,
148 : area of personal ministry
of, 167 : on coins of Kanishka,
232 : statue at Gaya of, 236 n :
deified, 232, 291 : sayings of,
235 n. : law of, 276 : footprints
of, 292 : Harsha’s golden image
of, 294 : Hiuen Tsang’s relics of,
297 : Harsha seized tooth of,
308.

Buddha-varman, Pallava prince,
353.

Buddhism, I-tsing on history of, 21 :
origin of, 24 : Bhabra edict impor-
tant in history of, 150 : leading
tenet of Asoka’s, 155, 179 : Holy
Land of, 166 : earliest Burmese,
167 : Asoka’s preference for, 168 :
persecutions of, 180, 292 : Tara-
nath, Tibetan historian of, 192,
293 : Menander a convert to, 200 :
Hinayana, ancient form of, 230,

289, 291 : introduced into China,
231 : Mahayana, newer form of,
233, 264, 289, 291, 292 : con-
version of Kanishka to, 231, 243 :
Vikramaditya tolerant of, 256,
266 : at Mathura in Fa-hien’s
time, 260 : merciful teachings of,
261 : gradual decay of, 262, 267,
290 : prevalence from 200 b. c.
to 200 a. n. of, 264 : Sammitiya
school of, 286, 291 : devotion of
Harsha to, 289-95 : in Nepal, 307 :
revival in Tibet of, 319 : destruc-
tion in Bihar of, 320 : decline in
Deccan of, 326, 328, 331 : in
Southern India, 334, 338, 344.

Buddhist canon, 9, 24 : Chinese
pilgrims, 11, 19-22, 299 : eccle-
siastical legends, 26 »., 27, 30 :
instructors of Asoka, 138, 156 ;
Holy Land, 139, 148 : doctrine
concerning laymen, 141 : church
council convened by Asoka, 141,
233 : establishments in Nepal,
142 : Pali books, 146 : monastic
order, 150, 290, 296 : fame of
Asoka, 151 : influence in India
and abroad, 164 : India, 165 :
church in Ceylon, 165 : domina-
tion, 179 : fame of Kanishka,
224: monasteries, 229, 260, 261,

290, 338, 344 : council of Ka-
nishka, 233, 243 : rule of life,
260 : inscriptions, 264 : coins of
Kanishka, 265 : peaceful cult,
276 : King Siladitya a devout,
279, 289 : monks in Sind and
Ujjain, 290 : Pala kings of

364

INDEX

Bengal, 319 : temples at Nega-
patam, 346 : Simhavarman II,
Pallava king, a, 360.

Budhagupta, Raja, 271.

Bull, the Pallava cognizance, 350.

Bundelkhand = Jejakabhukti, 312.

Buner country, 50.

Burma, Buddhism in, 166 : English
conquest of, 306.

Calicut, bombardment of, 177.

Caligula, Roman emperor, 242.

Cambay, Gulf of, 279.

Camel, for riding, 126 : Bactrian,
208.

Candragomin (Chandragomin) ,

author, 267 n.

Cannauore, aurei found at, 337.

Capital punishment, see Death
penalty.

Caracalla, Roman emperor, 243.

Castes, as described by Megas-
thenes, 126.

Caucasus, Indian, 113.

Censors of Asoka and others, 160,
161.

Central Provinces = Chedi, 313.

Ceylon, chronicles of, 9, 151 : con-
version of, 164-6, 168 : Megha-
varna king of, 251 : pilgrims
from, 252 : annexed by Rajaraja
Chola, 345 : in time of Hiuen
Tsang, 355.

Chalukya, dynasty, 286, 323-30.

Chambal, river, 250.

Champaran, District, 139, 149 n.

Chanakya, minister, 36, 111.

Chandala, outcaste tribes, 261.

Chandella, history, 312-16.

Chandrabhaga, river, 52.

Chandragiri, river, 164, 333, 340.

Chandragupta, (1) Maurya = San-
drakottos, 16 : early life of, 37,
39, 41, 110 : worshipped at Alex-
ander’s altars, 67 : defeated Se-
leukos, 112, 133, 194 : institu-
tions of, 114-27, 129, 210 n. :
length of reign of, 128 n., 131 :

a man of blood and iron, 136 :
coronation of, 176 n. : Andhra
kingdom in time of, 183 : (2)
I of Gupta dynasty, 244, 245,
281 : (3) II of Gupta dynasty,
Vikramaditya, 11, 17 ; history
of, 129 n., 189, 190, 254-62 : the
original of Raja Bikram, 266 :
? contemporary with Kalidasa,
267 : chronology, coins, and in-
scriptions of, 281.

Chand Raisa, Hindi epic, 314.

Chandrapida, king of Kashmir,
305, 308.'

Chang-kien, embassy of, 221, 242.

Chariot, Indian, described, 118,
126 : disuse of, 286.

Char sadda = Peukelaotis, 50.

Charumati, daughter of Asoka, 142,
174.

Chashtana, satrap, 188, 255.

Chavannes, Prof., on Western
Turks, 306 n.

Chedi = Central Provinces, 313 :
era of, 316.

Chellana, mother of Ajatasatru,
30 n.

Che-moug, Chinese pilgrim, 21 n.

Chera, kingdom, 340, 341.

China, Kushan relations with, 221,
222, 228-31, 243: Buddhism in,
230, 231 : intercourse of Harsha
with, 298 : Arjuna brought as
prisoner to, 299 : Nestorianism
in, 302 : relations of Northern
India with, 303-6.

Chinab, river, 52.

Chlnapati, town, 229 n.

Chinese historians, 11, 282 : pil-
grims, 12, 19: hostages, 229-31,
241 n.

Chionitai, 240 n.

Chitor, town, 176.

Chola dynasty, 325, 328, 329, 331,
341-7.

Chorasmioi, in sixteenth satrapy,
196.

Chremes, archon, 79, 80.

INDEX

365

Christian mission to Indo - Par-
thians, 206 : elements in Bud-
dhism, 233.

Christians, Syrian, 302.

Chronology, difficulties of Indian,
1, 15-18, 38.

Chu, river, 186, 200, 218.

Chuniot, ? = Sakala, 274.

Civil administration of Harsha,
287.

Civilization of Maurya period,
127.

Claudius, Roman emperor, 242.

‘ Clementine Recognitions ’ cited,
203.

Cleophis, see Kleophis.

Coast, changes in, 97 n.

Cochin, Rajas of, 341.

Coel = Kayal, q. v., 336.

Coimbatore, beryls of, 334.

Coinage, debasement and restora-
tion of Gupta, 270, 271.

Coins, many classes of, 14 : punch-
marked, 54 n. : Mitra, 181 n. :
Andhra, 182, 186, 190 : of Me-
nander, &c., 193, 207 n. : Indo-
Greek, 199 : Indo- Parthian, 206 :
of Hermaios and Kadphises I,
208 : Greek influence on, 209,
212 : of Plato, 215 : of ‘ Nameless
King,’ 222, 223 n. : of Kad-
phises II and Kanishka, 226, 232 :
of Huvishka, 236, 237 : of Vasu-
deva, 239 : of Kushan kings of
Kabul, 240 : Shahi, 241 : of Sa-
mudragupta, 252, 253 : of Vikra-
maditya, 257 : Pandya, 336 :
Roman, 337 : Chera, 341 : Chola,
345 : Pallava, 350.

Colair, lake, 248.

Commodus, Roman emperor, 243.

Conjeeveram = Kanchi, q. v., 187.

Constantine compared with Asoka,
168,

Consuls, officials resembling, 120,
210 n.

Copper, inscriptions on, 13 : ves-
sels, 115.

Corinthian capitals, 233.

Cosmas Xndicopleustes, author,
275.

Cotton, substitute for linen, 90 n. :
as writing-material, 127, 128 n.

Council, Buddhist, of Asoka, 141 ;
of Kanishka, 233-5, 243.

Court, of Chandragupta Maurya,
115.

Courtesans as informers, 122.

Cowrie shells as currency, 261.

Cranganore = Muziris, 340.

Crassus, standards of, 208.

Cromwell quoted, 159.

Cuddapah, District, 344.

Currency, see Coinage and Coins.

Curtins on India, 11.

Cutch, Ran (Runn) of, 97 n. : de-
pendent on Mo-la-p’o, 279.

Cyrene, Asoka’s mission to, 164.

Cyrus, legend of, 97.

Dakshamitra, daughter of Rudra-
daman, 189.

Dantidurga, Rashtrakuta king,
326, 327, 356.

Darius, inscriptions of, 10, 32 n. :
Indian conquests of, 31 : Sakas
in time of, 218 n.

Dargaka or Harshaka, king, 33, 39,
41.

Darvabhisara country, 52 n.

Dasanapura, ? = Kanchi, 350, 352.

Dagaratha, grandson of Asoka,
171, 174.

Dagavarman (Devavarman), Mau-
rya king, 174.

Dathopatissa I, king of Ceylon,
355.

Dating, Dravidian method of, 352.

Daulatabad = Devagiri, 331.

Dead, exposure of, 135.

Death, penalty of, 116, 120, 121,
123, 156, 157, 161.

Deaths, and births, registration of,

120.

Debal, in Sind, 96.

366

INDEX

Deccan, meaning of, 6, 323 : Maurya
conquest of, 131 : censors in, 162 :
Pulikesin, king of, 325.
Deimachos, Greek ambassador,
130, 173.

Delhi, iron pillar of, 254, 310 : his-
tory of, 309-11.

Delta, of Indus, 95 : of Krishna
and Godavari, 350.

Demetrios, king of the Indians,
198, 211-14, 216.

Denarius, silver, 223 n.

Devabhuti (Devabhumi), Sunga
king, 181, 182.

Devadatta, cousin of Buddha, 27.
Devagiri, Yadava kings of, 331.
Devapala, (1) Kshattriya, 142 :

(2) king of Bengal, 318.
Devapatana, in Nepal, 142.
Devarashtra = Mahratta country,
249.

Dharhma ( dharma ), meaning of,
138, 155.

Dhana Nanda, king, 35.
Dhanamjaya, author, 316.

Dhanga, Chandella king, 313.
Dhanika, author, 316.
Dharmapala, Buddhist teacher,
319.

Dharmsala, rest-houses, 290.
Dhauli, Asoka’s inscriptions at,
147 n.

Dhruva, Rashtrakuta king, 327,
356.

Dhruva Devi, queen of Vikrama-

ditya, 262.

Didda, queen of Kashmir, 309.
Digambara, Jain sect, 40 n., 328.
Dinapore, cantonment, 114.
Diodotos I and II, Bactrian kings,
196, 197, 214, 216.

Diomedes, Indo-Greek king, 214.
Dionysios, (1) Greek ambassador,
130 : (2) Indo-Greek king, 214.
Dionysos, in India. 42, 45.
Dipamm&a, chronicle, 9, 151.
Divyavadana, legends.

Domitian, Roman emperor, 242.

Dorasamudra, Hoysala capital,
329, 331.

Dosh-i-ab, 1 meeting of the waters,’
91.

Drama, Indian, 211.

Drangiana = Slstan, 94.

Dravida country, 354.

Dravidian nations, 6, 23, 164, 333,
335.

Duff, Chronology of India, 322 n.
Durdurkar inscription, 195.
Durlabhaka, king of Kashmir, 308.
Durlabhavardhana, king of Kash-
mir, 308.

Dyrta, town, 52.

East and West, 2, 211.

Edessa, memorial church of St.
Thomas at, 205.

Edicts of Asoka, 146-50, 152-4.

Education, in time of Harsha, 288.

Egypt, embassy to India from, 10,
130 : irrigation in, 126 : Asoka’s
mission to, 164 : European com-
merce through, 255.

Egyptian civilization, 2 : crews,
82.

Elagabalus, Roman emperor, 243.

Elapura = Elura, q.v., 327 n.

Elephant, failure in war of the,
104 : used by Seleukidan kings,
112, 129 : for riding, 126 : cog-
nizance of Pandya dynasty, 336.

Elliot, Sir W., History of India by,
13 n.

Elphinstone, on Indian history
and chronology, 1, 6, 15.

Elura (Ellora), rock-cut temples
at, 327, 328.

Embolima = Amb near Balimah,
50, 70.

Empire of Asoka, 6, 142, 173 :
Ephthalite, 303 : Persian, 10 :
Gupta, 255 : of Harsha, 287 : of
China, 304 : Roman, 337.

Epander, Indo-Greek king, 214.

Ephoroi = news-writers, 122.

INDEX

367

Ephthalite horde, 217 n. : empire,
303.

Epics, Sanskrit, 8 : rude popular,
311.

Epigraphic evidence, 8, 13.

Epirus, Asoka’s mission to, 164.

Fpiskopoi = news-writers, 122.

Era, Arsakidan, 196 n. : of Chedi,
316 : Gupta, 17 : of Harsha, 285 :
Hun, 274 n. : Kallyuga, 22 n. :
of Lakslimana-sena, 322 : Lau-
kika, 220 n. : Maurya, 35 n., 38 n.,
176 n. : Nepalese, 307 : Seleu-
kidan, 173 : of Vikramanka Cha-
lukya, 329 : Virodhikrit, 331 : of
Yudhisthira, 22 n.

Erandapalla = Khandesh, 249.

Eras, numerous Indian, 16.

Erymandros, river, 201.

Eudamos, in India, 102, 108-10,

210.

Eukratides, Indo-Greek king, 176,
193, 195, 198, 199, 202, 211, 214,
216.

Euphrates, voyage of Nearehos to,
97, 101 : Roman conquests be-
yond, 224.

Euthydemos I and II, Indo-Bac-
trian kings, 197, 199, 214.

Fa-hien, first Chinese pilgrim, 11,
144 : translations of ‘ Travels’ of,
20 : described Pataliputra and
Magadha, 258, 259 : on Gupta
government, 17, 260 : studied at
Tamralipti, 261 : found Kapila-
vastu, &c. desolate, 262.

Fa-yong, Chinese pilgrim, 21 n.

Female guards, 116 : morals super-
vised by Asoka, 160 : seclusion,
292.

FIrdz, Persian king, 273, 278.

Fish, a Pandya cognizance, 336.

Fleet of Alexander, 82 : of Ne-
archos, 97-101.

Fleet, Dr. J. F., discovered initial
point of Gupta era, 17.

Fo-kwo-ki of Fa-hien, 20.

Foreigners, Maurya officials in
charge of, 120, 210 n.

Franke, Dr. 0., on Kushan period,
241 n.

Franke, Prof. O., on Pali and
Sanskrit, 266 n.

Gad, legendary brother of Gondo-
phares, 205.

Gadur, tribe, ? = Gedrosioi, 100 n.

Gaharwar, clan, 310 «., 312, 313.

Galba, Roman emperor, 242.

Ganapati Naga, Raja, 248.

Ganda, Chandella Raja, 313.

Gandak, river, 140 n.

Gandaria = Gandhara, q.v., 32.

Gandaris = Gondal Bar, 63.

Gandhara country, defined, 23,
32 n., 54 n. : topography of, 43 n.,
227 n. : Hun conquest of, 273,
276 : sculptures of, 213, 229 ».,
233 : tribe, 164.

Ganga (Western) kings, 356.

Gangaraja, .Tain minister, 331.

Gangaridae nation, 34, 36.

Gangavadi = Mysore, 356.

Ganges, river, 23, 34, 110, 114, 144,
249, 269, 295.

Gangetic plain, 6, 175, 273, 291.

Gangeyadeva, king of Chedi, 314,
319.

Ganjam, inscription from, 285 n. ;
= Kongoda, 289, 302 : attacked
by Harsha, 286, 302.

Gardabhila, tribe, 240.

Gargl Samhita, cited, 171 n., 192,
193.

Garhwa, inscription from, 281.

Garlic forbidden, 260.

Garrisons (Four) in Kashgaria,
303, 304.

Gauda, kingdom, 284 n.

Gaugamela, battle of, 202 n.

Gautama Buddha, see Buddha
(Gautama).

Gautamiputra, metronymic of two
Andhra kings, 186 n.

368

INDEX

Gaya, sanctity of, 25 : desolate in
400 a.d., 262.

Gedrosia= Mukran, 97 : connected
with India, 98 : Alexander’s
march through, 102, 104 : in-
cluded in cession to Chandra-
gupta Maurya, 112, 132-4.
Gedrosioi, people, 100.
Ghatotkacha, king, 245 n.

Ghazni = Zabulistan, 305.

Gidhaur, Chandella Raja of, 316.
Girnar, lake and inscriptions at,
124, 125 n., 147 n., 269.
Gladiatorial contests, 115.

Gians' Darina, king of Tibet, 180 n.
Glausai (Glaukanikoi), nation, 63,
82.

Gnostic heresy and Buddhism,
167, 233.

Gobi, desert of, 217.

Godavari, river, 137, 143, 317, 346,
350, 352.

Goethe on the duty of an historian,
3, 5.

Gollas, Hun king, 275.

Gomitra, Raja of Mathura, 201 n.
Gondal Bar = Gandaris, 63.
Gondophares, Indo-Parthian king,

203-6.

Gopaditya, king of Kashmir, 260 n.
Gopala, founded Pala dynasty,
318.

Gopalpur, stupa at, 238 n.

Goths oppressed by Huns, 275.
Gouraios, river, 47.

Govinda III, Rashtrakuta king,
327, 356.

Govindachandra, Raja of Kanauj,
310 n.

Govinda - vannan, Pallava chief,
353.

Graeco-Roman influence on India,

213, 233.

Grahavarman, king of Kanauj,
284.

Greece, history of, 5.

Greek influence on India, 128-30,
145, 209-13.

Grote on Aornos and battle of
Hydaspes, 71, 80.

Grumbates, Kushan king, 240.

Guards, female, 116.

Gujarat, (1) a district in the Pan-
jab, 53, 283: (2) Western, Kuma-
rapala, king of, 161 : attacked by
Prabhakara - vardhana, 283 n. :
Bhlma, king of, 314 : comprised
Lata and Gurjara, 324.

Gunabhadra, Jain leader, 328.

Gunamati, Buddhist teacher, 272.

Gupta, (1) father of Upagupta, 168,
245 n. : (2) ancestor of Gupta

dynasty, 245 n.

Gupta empire, history and chro-
nology of, 244-72, 281 : era de-
termined, 17, 245, 281 : inscrip-
tions, list of, 281 : (later) dynasty
of Magadha, 271, 281 : period,
Sanskrit revival in, 19, 265.

Gurdaspur, District, 65 n., 66, 74.

Gurgan (Gor go), not the Ephtha-
lite capital, 274.

Gurjara = Northern Gujarat and
Rajputana, 324.

Gurjara, clans, 283.

Gurkhas, conquest of Nepal by,
307.

Gwalior, captured by Muhamma-
dans, 311.

Habban, legendary merchant, 204.

Hadrian, Roman emperor, 224, 225,
243.

Hagamasha and Hagana, satraps
of Mathura, 201 n.

Haihaya Rajas, 316.

Hair-shaving, penalty of, 123.

Hair-washing, ceremony of, 117.

Hakra = Wahindah, extinct river,
85, 91.

Hala, Andhra king, 185.

Hala mountains, 102.

Halayudha, author, 316.

Hale bid = Dorasamudra, 331.

Han dynasty of China, 220 n., 221,
242

INDEX

369

Harapala, last Yadava king, 332.

Harbours, on rivers, 122.

Harishena, author of inscription,
247.

Harmozeia = Ormuz, 101.

Harpalos, satrap of Babylon, 81.

Harsba, (1) king of Kashmir, 309 :
(2) or Harsha-vardhana, of Tha-
nesar, younger son of Prabha-
kara-vardhana, 15, 283 : acces-
sion of, 284 : coronation of, 285 :
wars of, 286, 289, 308, 325 : em-
pire and administration of, 287 :
literary works ascribed to, 288 :
era of, 285, 307 n. : imitated
Asoka, 161, 289 : eclectic religion
of, 233, 291 : alleged persecution
by, 293 : religious assemblies
held by, 294-7 : death of, 298 :
the last native paramount mon-
arch, 301 : chronology of reign
of, 302: Nepal, Assam, and Bengal
subject to, 286, 307, 318.

Harsha Charita , of Bana, 15, 18,
282.

Harshaka, king, 33, 39, 41.

Hasan Abdal, town, 54, 136.

Hasti, chieftain, 43.

Hasti-varman, Pallava king, 351.

Hathigumpha, cave - inscription,
35 n., 38 n., 176 n., 185 n.

‘ Hatthi-l&r,’ pass, 50 n.

Hayobans, Rajputs, 316.

Hazabbar-ud-din Arnal, governor,
315.

Hazara District = Urasa, 52 n., 81,
147 n.

Hegemon, archon, 78-80.

Heliokies, Bactrian kings, 199,
200, 201, 214.

Helios, on Kanishka’s coins, 232.

Hellenic influence on ancient
India, 129, 209-13.

Hellenistic kings, intercourse with
India of, 128, 130, 164.

Helmund, river, 201.

Hemadri (Hemadpant), Sanskrit
author, 332.

Hephaistion, general, 43, 52, 63,
81, 82, 83, 90, 95, 96.

Herakles on Kushan coins, 236.

Herat, city and territory, 32, 112,
132, 134, 196.

Hermaios, the last Indo- Greek
king, 208, 212, 214, 220, 242.

Herodotus, on India, 8, 10, 32 n.

Hesidrus, river, 85.

Hima Kadphises = Kadphises II,
q. v., 242.

Himalayan nations, 164.

HInayana, monastery at Patali-
putra, 259 : primitive doctrine,
291.

Hindu period, 1 : mode of thought,
159 : reaction in Gupta age, 266.

Hinduism, Buddhism a sect of,
167 : orthodox, 262, 265.

Hindu Kush, mountains, 23, 42,
113 : frontier of Maurya empire,
142, 143, 194.

Hindustan = Gangetic plain, 247,
312, 320.

Hingol, river, 99 n.

Hippokoura, ? = Kolhapur, 190.

Hippolytus, folk-lore tale of, 170.

Hippostratos, Indo - Greek king,
214.

Hiranya - varman, Pallava chief,
353.

Hiranyavati, river, 140 n.

Historian, duty of, 3.

Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, 12,
17 : ‘Travels’ and ‘Life’ of, 20,
282 : on Buddhist sects, 292 :
favoured by Harsha, 293 : at
Kanauj and Prayaga, 294-6 : re-
turn to China of, 297, 302 :
death of, 298 : on political ar-
rangements of India, 299-301 :
visited Ajanta, 325 : at Kanchl,
343, 354, 355!

Hiuen Tsong, emperor of China,
305, 307.

Hiung-nu, horde, 217-19, 242.

Hodi Baja, fort of, 68.

Honorius, coins of, 337.

SMITH

370

INDEX

Hormazd II, king of Persia, 240.

Horse-sacrifice of Pushyamitra,
177, 266 : of Samudragupta, 252,
266 : of Kumaragupta I, 263 : of
Adityasena, 271 : of Rajadhi-
raja Chola, 346 : of Sivaskanda-
varman, 350.

Hoshyarpur, district, 66.

Hospitals for animals, 163 : at
Pataliputra, 259.

Hostages, Chinese, 229-31, 241 n.

Houpian, town, 42 n.

Hoysala dynasty, 329, 331.

Hsiao Yen, emperor of China, 140.

Hultzsch, Dr., labours of, 343.

Huna = Huns, the, q.v.

Huns, the, first invasion of India
by, 268, 281 : second invasion of
India by, 279, 281 : Valabhi
tributary to, 272 : two main
streams of, 272 : Toramana leader
of, 273, 281 : Asiatic empire of,
274 : era of, 274 n. : characteris-
tics of, 275 : extinction of, 278 :
extensive ravages of, 279, 301 :
in Panjab, 283.

Hunt, at the Maurya court, 116,
157.

Hunter, SirW., ‘Brief History ’ by,
18.

Hushka = Huvishka, q. v., 237 n.,
238 243.

Hushkapura, town, 237.

Huvishka, history of, 236-8, 243 :
patronized Buddhist church,
265.

Hwan-ti, emperor of China, 231.

Hwei-Sang, Chinese pilgrim, 21.

Hwui-li, biographer of Hiuen
Tsang, 12, 282.

Hydaspes, river = Jihlam, 52 «., 55 :
difficulties of crossing, 56 : battle
of, 59 : Boukephala, on, 62 : also
called Vitasta or Bihat, 71 :
possible crossing-places on, 72 :
also called Bidaspes, Vidasta,
Vyath, and Wihat, 72 n. : capital
of Sophytes on, 73 : Alexander’s

route to and from, 74, 78 : date
of battle of, 78-80 : Alexander’s
return to, 81 : western boundary
of territory of Poros, 82 : con-
fluence with Akesines of, 84, 87,
90 : changes in course of, 85,
86 n. : date of arrival at, 106.

Hyderabad, (1) in Deccan, 322 :
(2) in Sind, 96 n.

Hydraotes, river = Ravi, 63 : western
boundary of the Kathaioi, 64 :
changes in course of, 85, 85 n. :
confluence with Akesines of, 87,
90 : Malloi occupied valley of,
87 : waterless uplands between
Akesines and, 88 : Alexander
carried to, 90 : date of passage
of, 106.

Hypanis, river = Hyphasis, q.v.,
74, 85 n., 192.

Hyphasis, river, Alexander stopped
at, 34, 192: = Bias, 65 : altars on
further bank of, 66-8 : route
from Taxila to, 74 : distance from
Hydaspes to, 75, 78 : reached in
rainy season, 78 : changes in
course of, 85, 86 n. : Oxydrakai
on banks of, 87 : joined third
confluence, 90 : effects of mutiny
at, 104 : date of Alexander’s arrival
at, 106 : Menander crossed, 192.

Hyrkauia, province, 196, 197 n.

Ichthyophagoi, savages, 100.

Ili, river, 186 n. , 218.

Ilion, Alexander’s sacred shield
from, 89.

India, lost history of, 1 : connexion
with West of, 2 : story of ancient,
3 : unity of, 5 : paramount
power in, 6 : earliest foreign
notice of, 10 : Greek and Chinese
accounts of, 11, 12 : AlbSrunfs
inquiry into, 12, 18 : Marco Polo
in, 13 : Muhammadan historians
of, 13 : inscriptions in Southern,
13, 334 : coins of, 15 n. : traditions
of, 16 : chronology of, 16 : begin-

INDEX

371

ning of political history of, 17 :
ancient states of Northern, 23 :
capital of, 31 : Indus boundary of,
32 : in Persian inscriptions, 32 n. :
Chandragupta master of, 37 :
Alexander’s plans for conquest
of, 42 : road from Kabul to, 43 :
Alexander the first European to
enter, 53 : futility of political
combinations in, 87 : slavery in,
93 n. : connexion of Gedrosia
with, 83, 133 : duration of Alex-
ander’s stay in, 103, 210 : not
Hellenized by Alexander, 105,
128, 209, 213 : invasion by Seleu-
kosof, 112 : Megasthenes’ account
of, 113, 210 : land revenue in,
123 : irrigation in, 124 : high
degree of early civilization in,
127 : Hellenistic intercourse
with, 128, 130 : peninsular, 131 :
nearly all included in Asoka’s
empire, 143 : younger sons of
kings in, 105 : Asoka made Bud-
dhism dominant in, 168 : Euro-
pean invasions of, 177 : religious
persecution in, 180 : vague mean-
ing of name in ancient times,
203 : alleged mission of St.
Thomas to, 204-6 : development
of, 210 : origin of art in, 211 : no
Greek architecture in, 212 : com-
merce between Roman empire
and, 223, 243, 337 : intercourse
of China with, 231, 243, 303-6 :
supposed Persian invasion of,
239 : political divisions in fourth
century of, 249 : Gupta govern-
ment of, 261 : Bhandarkar on
early history of, 263 n. : history
in sixth century of, 279 : normal
anarchical autonomy of, 301 :
embassies between Persia and,
325.

Indian history, sources of, 7 : chro-
nology, 17 : Ocean, 32 : equip-
ment, 59 : literature, 185, 263,
267 : art, 211 : lyre, 253.

Indiha, of Arrian, 11 n.

Indo- Greek dynasties, 194, 220.

Indo-Parthian dynasty, 202, 220.

Indor inscription, 281.

Indo-Scythian = Kushan, q.v., 17,
209.

Indradyumna, ruler of Bihar, 319.

Indrapalita = Salisuka Maurya,
q. v., 174.

Indraprastha (Indarpat), near
Delhi, 310.

Indus river, valley of lower, 23 :
exploration by Skylax of, 31 :
boundary between Persian empire
and India, 32, 133 : bridged, 43,
52 : passage by Alexander of, 53,
106 : boats on, 55 : Aornos

washed by, 68 ; ancient sites on,
69 : Amb on, 70, 71 : source of,
71 n. : Philippos satrap of coun-
tries west of, 83 : changes in
course of, 85, 86 n. : merged in
the Mihran of Sind, 91 : delta
of, 94, 176, 192 : Bhagar branch
of, 96 n. : Kohrai mouth of, 97 n. :
Gedrosia bordered on, 100 w. :
mouths of, 101 : confluence with
Akesines of, 102 : provinces to
west of, 103, 135, 144, 194:
voyage of Nearchos from, 104 :
march from Hindu Kush to,
107 : extinction of Greek power
to east of, 109, 210 : Seleukos
crossed, 112, 133 : nottheSindhu
of the MalavUcagnimitra, 176,
178 : power of Mithradates I ex-
tended to, 202 : Parthian chiefs
on lower, 207, 221, 222 n., 226:
campaign of Samudragupta on,
254: monasteries between Jumna
and, 260 : massacre by Huns on
bank of, 276 : crossed by Hiuen
Tsang, 297 : Turks on, 308.

Inscriptions, classes and value of,
13, 14, 247: of Asoka, 145-54:
southern, 334.

Ionic pillars, 212.

Ipsos, battle of, 112.

B b 2

372

INDEX

Iron used in 480 b. c., 33 n.

Iron Pillar of Delhi, 254, 310.

Irrigation in Maurya period, 124,
125.

Isamus, not identified, 192, 198 n.

I^anadevI, queen of Jalauka, 171.

Isfandiyar, Persian chief, 95 n.

Issyk-kul, lake, 218.

I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, 21, 302.

Jaichand Baja of Kanauj, 310, 311.

Jain historical texts, 8 : chrono-
logy, 40: religion akin to Vishnu-
ism, 163 7i. : Kharavela a, 176 n. :
cult related to Buddhist, 264.

Jainism, origin of, 24, 39 : Chola
persecution of, 180 »., 339: in
Vaisali and Eastern Bengal, 291 :
in the Deccan, 326-8, 330, 331 :
in the extreme south, 334, 338,
339, 355.

Jalalabad = Nikaia (1), 43.

Jalalpur, ferry, 72-7.

Jalandhar, city, 234, 235 n., 297.

Jalauka, legendary son of Asoka,
170.

Jarasandha, king, 26 n.

JataJcas, or ‘birth-stories,’ 9, 54 n.

J atinga - Bame^vara, inscriptions
of Asoka at, 150 n.

Jaugada, inscriptions of Asoka at,
148 n.

Javelins, Indian, 59, 118.

Jayachchandra = Jaichand Raja,
310, 311.

Jaxartes, river, 186, 200, 201 n.,
218.

Jejakabhukti, kingdom, 312, 313.

Jews, Hadrian's war with the,
243.

Jhang, district, 89 : town, 86, 87.

Jihlam, city, 62 : river, 52, 55,
71.

Jinasena, Jain leader, 328.

JSvitagupta II, king, 271.

Joan-joan, horde, 278.

Jodhpur, chiefs of, 310 n., 312.

Judas = St. Thomas, 204.

Julianus, Roman emperor, 243.

Julien, Stanislas, translator of
Hiuen Tsang, 21.

Jumna, river, 269, 295.

Junagarh, town, 243, 269.

Jushka, Kushan king, 237 n.

Kabul, city, capital of Menander,
176, 200 : province = satrapy of
Paropanisadai, 132, 134 : Kushan
kingdom of, 273 : Turk! kings of,
308: river = Kophen, 43, 44.

Kachchh = Cutch, q. v.

Kadaram, in Burma, or Indo-
Chinese peninsula, 346.

Kadphises I, history of, 208, 219-
21, 226, 241 «., 242 : II, history
of, 221-4, 243 : devotee of Siva,
264.

Kafir tribes, 46 n.

Kahaon, inscription at, 269 n., 281.

KailaSa, temple at Elura, 327, 328.

Kakka II. Rashtrakuta, king, 328.

Kalabagh, town, 32, 71.

Kalachuri dynasty, 312-16.

Kalachurya, king Bijjala a, 330.

Kalamina, legendary city, 205.

Kalasa, king of Kashmir, 309.

Kalidasa, date of, 179 n., 266 n.,
267 n.

Kalinga kingdom, conquered by
Asoka, 131, 137, 138, 143, 144:
edicts of Asoka in, 146, 147,
148 7i., 153 : Tosali city in, 121 :
Kharavela king of, 35 ra., 38 n.,
176, 184 : depopulation of, in
seventh century, 300 : annexed
by Rajaraja Chola, 345.

Kalinganagara = Mukhaliiigam,
349 7i., 356.

Kalinjar, fortress, 312, 314.

Kaliyuga, era, 22 n.

Kallar, tribe, 349, 357.

Kalliope, queen, 214.

Kallisthenes, Pseudo^, 151.

Kalsi, Asoka inscription at, 147 n.,
152.

Kalyani, (1) in Burma, inscriptions

INDEX

373

at, 9 n. : (2) in Nizam’s dominions,
dynasty of, 328, 329.

Kamarupa, kingdom, 250, 287.

Kamboja, tribe, 164.

Xanakamuni, a Buddha, 27 n.,
174.

Kanauj, city, Harsha’s assembly at,
294, 295, 302 : captured by
Muhammadans, 311 : captured
by Ganda Chandella, 313 : Bhoja,
king of, 317 : Yasovarman, king
of, 308.

Xanchi, city, Hiuen Tsang at, 166,
335 »., 343, 354, 355 : Pallava
capital, 187, 248, 349.

Kandahar, city, 132, 134.

Kandara = Krishna, demi-god, 351.

Kangra, district, 66.

Kanishka, history of, 224-36, 243 :
Buddhist coins of, 265 : kings of
Kabul descended from, 308.

Xanishkapura, town, 227 n.

Kan-suh, province of China, 217,
242.

Kahva (Kanvayana), dynasty, 181,
182.

Kao-fu = Kabul, 220 242.

Kaoshan, pass, 42.

Kao-tsong, Chinese emperor, 304.

Kapilavastu. town, site of, 31, 139 :
deserted in time of Fa-hien,
262.

Kapi£a, kingdom, meaning of name,
220 n., 275, 299, 304.

Karachi (Kurrachee), port, 98.

Karkota dynasty of Kashmir, 308.

Karluk, horde, 305, 306.

Karmania, province of Persia, 101,
102, 107, 109.

Karnadeva, king of Chedi, 314,
329.

Xarna-suvarna, kingdom, 284 n.

Karoura = Karur (1), 340 : (2)341».

Karri, plain, 58, 62, 73, 77, 78.

Xartripura? = Kartarpur, 250 n.

Karur, (1) near Cranganore, 340 :
(2), in Coimbatore, 341 n.

KaruvakI, a queen of Asoka, 170.

Kashgar, conquered by China, 221 :
conquered by Kanishka, 228,
243.

Kashgaria and China, 303, 304.

Kashmir, chronicle of, 8 : capital
built by Asoka in, 142 : censors
in, 161: =Kaspeiria of Ptolemy,
226 n. : Buddhist council in,
234, 243 : predominant power in
seventh century, 299: =Ki-pin
in sixth century, 220 n., 306 n. :
history of, 307-9.

Ka£i, kingdom, 25.

Kaspatyros (Kaspapyros), city,
32w.

Kaspeiria = Kashmir, 226 n.

Ka^yapa, a Buddha, 27 n.

Katantra, grammar, 185 n.

Kathaioi, autonomous tribe, 64,
82, 250.

Kathiawar = Surashtra, q. v., 255.

Kathmandu, town, 306.

Katuria Kaj, of Kumaon, 250 n.

Katyayana, date of, 337 n.

Kausainbl, city, edict of Asoka
from, 149 n., 153 : site of, 257 n.

Kautilya = Chanakya, 36.

Kayal, port, 336, 338.

Kerala, history of, 340, 341.

Keralaputra, kingdom in Asoka’s
time, 164, 333, 340.

Keralolpati, chronicle, 341.

Kerobothros, of Karoura, 341 n.

Khaibar (Khyber), pass, 43 n.

Khajuraho, temples at, 313.

Khandesh, censors in, 162.

Kharachar, in Mongolia, 221.

Kharavela, king of Kalinga, 35 ».,
38 »., 176, 184.

KharoshthI, script, 146, 147 n.

Khawak, pass, 42.

Khotan kingdom, visited by Asoka,
41 : persecution of Buddhism in,
180n.: submitted to China,
221 m. : conquered by Kanishka,
228, 229 m., 231, 243: visited by
Hiuen Tsang, 297.

Khottal, province, 305.

374

INDEX

Khusru I, Anushirvan, king of
Persia, 278 : II, king of Persia,
325.

Khwaja Haji, Musalman general,
331.

Khwarizm, country, 196.

Kieu - tsieu - k’io = Kadphises I,
q. v., 226, 242.

King-Men (King-lu), Chinese
graduate, 242.

Ki-pin, province, meaning of name
of, 220 n., 242, 274 n., 303 n.,
304 n.

Klrttivarman, Chandella king,
314 : I and II, Chalukya kings,
324, 326.

KleopMs, Assakenian queen, 48.

Koen-muo, chief of the Wu-sun,
242.

Koh-i-Mor = Mount Meros, 46.

Kohral mouth of Indus, 97 n.

Koinos, general, 60, 62 n., 65, 66,
104.

Kokala, in Gedrosia, 99.

Kolhapur, ? = Hippokoura, 190.

Kolkai (Kolchoi) = Korkai, q. v.,
336.

Holier u (Colair), lake, 248.

Konakamana (Kanakamuni), stupa
of, 174.

Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, kingdom, 355.

Kongoda = Ganjam, 289, 302.

Honkan, censors in the, 162 :
Maury a dynasties of, 172, 324.

Konkans, the seven, 341 n.

Kophen, river, 43.

Koppam, battle of, 329, 346.

Korashar, in Mongolia, 304.

Horkai, earliest Pandya capital,
164, 333, 335, 336.

Kos, length of, 127 n.

Kosala, North, 24, 25, 30, 248 b. ;
South, 248.

Kotaiba, Arab general, 305.

Kottura, fort, 248.

Kozolakadaphes = Kadphises I,
q. v., 220 b., 242.

Krakuchanda, a Buddha, 27 n.

Hrateros, general, 44, 45, 50,

57, 58, 61, 63, 82, 83, 92, 96,
104.

Krishna, Andhra king, 184 : demi-
god, 351 : I and II, Rashtrakuta
kings, 327, 328, 345.

Krishna, river, 143, 323, 324, 346,
350, 351.

Kshaharata, clan, 188, 255.

Ktesias, account of India by, 8,

10.

Knbja Vishnuvardhana, Chalukya
king, 324, 354.

Kucha, in Mongolia, 217, 221, 304.

Kudal = Madura, q. v., 336.

Kujulakarakadphises = Kadphises
I, q. v., 220 b.

Knlasekhara, a Pandya royal name,
338.

Kuldja, recovered by Chinese, 303.

Kumara, king of Kamarupa, 294,
297, 299, 300.

Kumara Devi, queen of Chandra-
gupta I, 244.

Kumaragupta I, history of, 262,
281 : II, 245b., 271, 281.

Kumarapala, king of Gujarat, 161.

Kumbakonam, town, 334 n.

Kumrahar, village, 115.

Kunala, legendary son of Asoka,
170.

Kunar, river, 44, 45.

Kundalavana, monastery, 234,
235 n.

Kunika (KTiniya) — Ajatasatru,
q. v.t 26.

Kuntala Satakarni, Andhra king,
183.

Kuru, land of, 282 : sons of, 22.

Ku&ala = Kunala, q.v., 174.

Kushan dynasty, 217, 242 : kings
of Gandhara, Kabul, and Oxus,
253, 271 : chronology of period,
17, 224-6, 242.

Ku£inagara, site of, 139, 143 n. :
deserted in time of Fa-hien, 262.

Kusumadhvaja = Pataliputra, 193.

Kusumapura = Pataliputra, 31.

INDEX

375

Kutb, mosque near Delhi, 310.

Kutb-ud-din Ibak, general, 314,

" 315, 319, 321.

Knvana, monastery, 234, 235 n.

Laccadives, islands, 345.

Lae-lib, a fictitious name, 270 n.,
274 n.

Lahore, city, 74.

Lakes, artificial, 313, 317.

Lakhmaniya Rai, king of Bengal,
320-2.

Lakhnauti, city, 322.

Lakshmana-sena, king of Bengal,
321, 322.

Lalitaditya, Muktaplda, king of
Kashmir, 306, 308.

Lalita Pat an (Lalitpur), Asoka’s
capital of Nepal, 142, 174.

Lalliya, king of Kabul, 309.

Lamghan, battle of, 313.

Lance, Indian, 118.

Land-revenue, or crown-rent, 123.

Lan-sheu, Ta-hia capital, 242.

Laodike, (1) queen of Antiochos
Theos, 195 n. : (2) mother of
Eukratides, 214.

Lata = Southern Gujarat, 324, 327.

Laukika era, 220 n.

Lauriya-Araraj, pillar at, 139 n.,
149 n.

Lauriya-ETandangarh, pillar at,
139 to., 149 n.

Lead, Andhra coinage in, 190.

Leonnatos, defended Alexander,
89 : defeated Oreitai, 99.

Liaka, satrap of Taxila, 54
210 n.

Licence, tax, 121.

Lichchhavi, clan, 26, 30, 244, 281 :
exposure of dead, 136 n.

Li-I-piao, Chinese envoy, 302.

Lingayat, sect, 330.

Literature, revival of, 267 : de-
cadence of, 301.

Longitude, reckoned from Ujjain,
256.

Lumbini garden, 139, 148, 174.

Lumri, tribes, 100?i.

Lysias, Indo-Greek king, 215.

Macedonia, Asoka’s mission to,

164.

Macedonian calendar, 79.
Macrinus, Roman emperor, 243.
Madharlputra, metronym of Siva-
lakura, 186 n.

Madhuban, inscription of Harsha,
283 ?i., 302.

Madhyamika = Nagarl, 176, 178,
192.

Madraka, tribe, 250.

Madura, later Pandya capital, 335-
7, 339.

Magadha kingdom, 24-7, 30, 31,
34, 36, 37, 110, 150, 172, 173,
176, 182, 184, 244 : towns of,
259 : later Gupta dynasty of, 271,
281.

Magas, king of Cyrene, 164, 173.
Mahaban = Aornos, 49, 68-71.
Mahabharata, epic, 8, 22.
Mahadeva, Yadava king, 332.
Mahanadi, river, 137, 248.
Mahanandin, king, 33, 41.
Mahapadma Banda, king, 33, 110,
117, 118.

Mahdparinibbana Sutra, referred
to, 31 n.

Mahasena-gupta, mother of Pra-
bhakara-vardhana, 283 n.
Mahavamsa, chronicle, 9, 166, 340.
Mahavira, founder of Jainism, 24,
27, 39-41.

Mahayana Buddhism, history of,
233, 235 7i. , 265 : in Burma, 167 :
monastery of, 258.

Mahendra, (1) brother of Asoka,

165, 166, 334 : (2) king of South
Kosala, 248 : (3) mountain =
Mahendragiri, 227.

Mahendragiri, fort, 248.
Mahendravadi, cave-temples at,
350.

Mahendra-varman I and II, Pal-

lava kings, 350, 353, 354, 356.

376

INDEX

Mahi, river, 279.

Mahlpala, king of Bengal, 318.

Mahmud of Ghazni, king, 12, 301,
309, 313.

Mahoha, town, 313, 315.

Maitraka, clan, 272.

Malakand, pass, 50 n.

Malakottai, country, 338.

Malana, headland, 100.

Malava era, 242 : kingdom, 23,
144:the kingdom not = Mo-la-p’o,
280 : Paramara dynasty of, 316-
18 : tribe, 250. (See Malwa
kingdom.)

Malavikdgnimitra, drama, 175 n.,
179 ».

Maldives, islands, 345.

Malikhas, king of the Nabataeans,
207 n.

Malik Kafur, compared with Sa-
mudragupta, 249 : in the Dec-
can, 331, 332 : sacked Madura,
339 : destroyed importance of
Chola kingdom, 347.

Malin, mountains, 102, 134.

M&lkhed, ? = Manyakheta, 327.

Malli, tribe in Sind, 92 n.

Malloi, autonomous tribe in the
Panjab, 64, 86-90, 250.

Malwa kingdom (see Malava) =
Avanti, 23 : conquered by Chan-
dra-gupta II, 255 : described by
Fa-hien, 260 : unnamed king of,
284 : dynasties of, 316-18.

Mamallaipuram, ‘ Seven Pagodas ’
at, 350.

Mamandur, cave-temples at, 350.

Manar, Gulf of, 334.

Mandakini, river, 175 n.

Mandasor, inscription, 281.

Mangale&a, Chalukya king, 324.

Mangalore, town, 164, 333, 340.

Mangla, on the Hydaspes, 77.

Manju Patan, oldest capital of
Nepal, 142.

Mansera, Asoka inscriptions at,
147 n., 152.

Mantaraja, king, 248.

Mann, date of code of, 267.

Manufactures, regulation of, 121.

Manyakheta, later Rashtrakuta
capital, 327.

Marco Polo, in Southern India, 13,
336.

Marcus Aurelius, Roman emperor,
225, 243.

Markandeya Purana, used by Bana,
19.

Martanda, temple, 308.

Marwar, state, 312.

Masistes, story of wife of, 117 n.

Massaga (Mazaga), town, 47, 50.

Mathiah, pillar, 139 n.

Mathura city, Upagupta a native
of, 168 : occupied by Menander,
176 : satraps of, 187, 201 : Bud-
dhist monasteries at, 236, 260 :
Jain cult at, 264 : iron pillar of
Delhi probably erected originally
at, 310.

Matthew, apostle, 204 n.

Matsya Purana , date of, 9, 10, 19.

Ma-twan-lin, Chinese encyclo-
paedist, 219 n., 231 n.

Mauakes (Mabakes), a Saka chief,
202 n.

Maues, king, 201 n., 202, 203, 216.

Maurya, origin of name, 110 : dy-
nasty, 41, 110, 171-4, 216: em-
pire, 128, 142, 164, 194 : Rajas
of the Konkan, 172, 324.

Mau-Sahaniya, Parihar capital, 313.

Mazdai, legendary king, 205.

McCrindle, works of, 11 n., 114 n.

Meerut, Asoka pillar from, 149 n.

Megasthenes, on India, 11, 113,
114.

Neghadiita of Kalidasa, 267 n.

Meghavarna, king of Ceylon, 17,
251.

Mekran, (1) = Mukran province,
q. v., 100 n. : (2) a river in Sind,
207 n.

Meleager, general, 76.

Memuon, satrap of Gedrosia, 99 n.

Menander, Indo-Greek king, 176,

INDEX

377

177, 192, 193, 198 200. 207 n.,

211, 213, 215, 216.

Mercenaries, massacre of, 48.

Meros, Mount, 45, 46.

Merutuhga, Jain author, 40 n.

Mesopotamia, Roman conquest of,
222, 243.

Metageitnion, Attic month, 79.

Metempsychosis, 155.

Mihintale, stupa of Mahendra at,
165.

Mihiragula (Mihirakula), Sakala
capital of, 65 n., 299 : persecution
of Buddhism by, 180 n. : history
of, 274-7, 299, 301.

‘ Milinda, Questions of,’ Buddhist
book, 19, 200.

Minglaur (Manglawar), capital of
Suwat, 47.

Ming-ti, emperor of China, 231,
242.

Minnagar, capital of Sind, 207.

MIrath = Meerut, q. v.

Missions, of Asoka, 163-7.

MitaJcshara, law-book, 330.

Mithradates I and II, Parthian
kings, 187, 202, 216.

Mitradeva, assassinated Sumitra
Sunga, 181.

Mitra dynasty, coins of, 181 n.

Modi, script, 332.

Moga, king, 201 n., 203.

Moggali, father of Tissa, 169 n,

Mo-la-p’o, kingdom, 279.

Monghyr (Mungir), district, 26.

Monuments, historical value of,
13.

‘ Morte d’ Arthur,’ referred to,
151.

Mounychion, Attic month, 78-80.

Mousikanos, king, 92-4.

Mudra Haksliasa , drama, 36 n.,
110 n. : genuine historical tradi-
tion in, 113 n. : female guards
mentioned in, 116 n. : plots de-
scribed in, 117.

Mughalhin, in Indus delta, 97 n.

Muhammad, son of Bakhtiyar, 319-

21 : Ghorl = Shihab - ud - din,
312 n. : bin Kasim, 34.

Muhammadan conquest, 7, 329,
332, 347 : historians, 13 : dynasty
of Kashmir, 309.

Muizz-ud-din = Shihab -ud- din,

312 n.

Mukhalihgam = Kalinganagara,
349 «., 356.

Mukran= Gedrosia, 97 : coast-line
of, 100 n.

Muktapida = Lalitaditya, king of
Kashmir, 306, 308.

Multan, city, not the scene of Alex-
ander’s wound, 89 n. : legend of
massacre of Zoroastrians at, 293 :
province, dependent on Tseh-kia,
300.

Municipal administration in Mau-
rya age, 119-22.

Munja, Paramara Raja, 316, 317,
328.

Mutilation, penalty of, 123, 260,
288.

Muttra, see Mathura.

Muzaffarpur, district, 139.

Muziris = Cranganore, 340.

Mygdonia, a legendary lady, 205.

Mysore = Gangavadi, 356 : battle
of Koppam in, 329, 346 : Hoysala
dynasty of, 331.

Nabataean, monarchy, 207 »., 243.

Nagananda, drama, 288.

Nagari = Madhyamika, 176, 192.

Nagarjuni hills, inscriptions in,
171, 174.

Nahapana Kshaharata, chieftain,
188, 255.

Nahrwalah, city, 272, 311.

Naksh-i-Eustam, inscription at,
10, 32 n.

Nalanda, monastery at, 294, 302.

Nameless king, identity of, 222,
223 n, , 242.

Nanda dynasty, 33-6, 38-41, 110,
111 : Raja, 176 n.

Nandi, the bull of Siva, 238.

378

INDEX

Nandiyardhana, king, 33, 41.

N andi-varman. Pallava king, 353.

Nannuka, Chandella Raja, 313.

Nan-tiu-mi, chief of the Wu-sun,
242.

Napoleon, Samudragupta the In-
dian, 253.

Narasimlia II, Hoysala king, 331.

Narasimhagupta Baladitya, king,
271, 276, 281.

Narasimha-varman I and II, Pal-
lava kings, 353, 354.

Narmada (Narbada), river, 6, 23,
111, 131, 144, 175, 177, 250, 286,
323, 325, 332.

Narwar, town, 248.

Nasik, included in Andhra domi-
nions : early Rashtrakuta capital,
327.

Nearchos, Alexander’s admiral,
90, 97-101, 104 : trustworthy,
114 n. : on use of cotton cloth as
writing-material, 127.

Nellore, town, 333, 341.

Nepal, capitals of, 142 : indepen-
dent in Samudragupta’s time,
250 : route from China through,
299 : history of, 306, 307.

Nerbudda, see Narmada.

Nero, Roman emperor, 242 : coins
of, 337.

Nerva, Roman emperor, 243.

Nestorian Christians in Madras,
206.

Nestorianism in China, 302.

News-writers of Asoka, 122.

Niese, paradoxical notions of,
105 n., 112 n., 210.

Nigliva pillar inscription, 27
148.

Nikaia, (1) = Jalalabad, 43, 53 :
(2) on battle-field of the Hy-
daspes, 62, 73.

Nikanor, son of Parmenion, 42.

Nikias, Indo-Greek king, 215.

Nora = Ora, 50.

Nosala, enchanted isle, 100.

Nudlali (Nuddea), town, 319-21.

Numismatics (see Coins), principal
works on, 14 n.

Nunez, Portuguese chronicler, 118,

Nysa, position of, 45, 46.

Ocean, Indian, 32.

Ohind, on Indus, 52, 68, 103, 106.

Oldfield, Sketches from Nipal, by,
142 n.

Omphis, king of Taxila = Ambhi,
q. v., 53.

Onions, forbidden, 260.

Onones=Vonones, q.v., 203.

Opian, ? = Alexandria under the
Caucasus, 42 n.

Ora, (1) = Nora, a town in the hills,
49, 50 : (2) a town in the country
of the Oreitai, 107.

Ordeal, trial by, 288.

Oreitai, nation or tribe, 98-100.

Origen, referred to, 203, 204.

Orissa, 148 n., 176 «., 318.

Orkhon, river, 305.

Ormuz, port, 101.

Orobatis, town in the hills, 50.

Ortbag-nes, Indo- Parthian king,
207 n.

Ossadioi, tribe, 91.

Otantapuri = town of Bihar, 318.

Otho, Roman emperor, 242.

’ 0-tien-p’o-chi-lo = the Indus delta,
300.

Oudh, province, 25, 176, 181 n.,
192, 245, 252, 257.

Ou-k’ong = U-kong, q.v., 21.

Oxathroi, tribe, 91, 92.

Ox-races, 115.

Oxus, river, 195, 219, 253, 273,
278.

Oxyartes, father of Roxana, and
was a satrap, 91, 92 n., 109.

Oxydrakai, autonomous tribe of
the Panjab, 87, 90.

Oxykanos, chieftain, 94.

Padaria, see Rummindel, 148, 153.

Fadmavatx = Narwar, 248.

INDEX

379

Pahlava, tribe, 187, 188, 347-9.

Painting:, origin of Indian, 325.

Paithan, capital of Pulumayi II,
190.

Pakores, Indo - Parthian king,
207 n.

Paktyan country, 32 n., 242 n.

Pala dynasty of Bengal, 318, 319.

Palace of Chandragupta Maurya,
115.

Palakka (Palakkada), a Pal lava
principality, 249, 350-2.

Palar, river, 143.

Palghatcherry = Palakka, 249, 350.

Pali, language, 146, 186 n., 266 n.

Pali, village, inscription from,
281.

Pallava, origin, 187, 347 : history,
248, 324-6, 347-57.

Palli, caste, 357.

Palmyra, rise of, 243.

Pamirs, Aryan migration across,
23 : crossed by Hiuen Tsang,
297 : and by Wang-hiuen-t’se,
299 : Chinese operations on, 305,
306.

Fanchala country, 193.

Pan-ch’ao, Chinese general, 221,
222, 228, 243.

Pandrethan = old Srinagar, 142.

Pandu, sons of, 22.

Pandya, limits of country, 335 :
kingdom in Asoka’s time, 143,
164, 333, 337 : history of king-
dom, 335-40.

Fanini, date of, 337 ».

Fanjab, changes in rivers of, 84,
85 : in the seventh century, 299.

Panjkora, river = Gourai os, 47.

Panjtar, ruins at, 69.

Fantaleon, Indo-Greek king, 199,
215, 216.

Paper introduced into Europe,
306.

Parakrama-bahu, king of Ceylon,
340.

Paramara, dynasty of Malwa, 316-
18.

Paramardi (Farmal), Chandella
king, 314, 315.

Farame&vara-varman, I and II,

Pallava kings, 353.

Farantaka I, Chola king, 338,
344.

Parchment, as writing-material,
128.

Parihar, rule in Bundelkhand,
313.

Parnadatta, viceroy of Skanda-
gupta, 269.

Parnotsa = Punach, 229 n.

Paropanisadai, satrapy, 112, 132.

Faropanisos = Hindu Kush, or
Indian Caucasus, 113 : spelling
of, 132ji.

Parricide kings, 29.

Parsva (Par^vika), Buddhist
leader, 234.

Parthia proper, 196.

Parthian early history, 195 : king,
Mithradates I, 202 : king, Gondo-
phares, 203 : chiefs on Lower
Indus, 207, 222 n., 226 : war of
Kanishka, 228.

Pasianoi, tribe, 201 n.

Pa^upatinath, convent of, 142.

Patala city, capital of Patalene,
94, 97, 98 n. =Bahmanabad.

Patalene = delta of Indus, 94.

Pataliputra city, foundation of,
30 : = Kusumapura, or Pushpa-
pura, 31 : = Patna, 113, 114 :
dimensions of, 114 : municipal
administration in Maurya age of,
119, 122 : exploration of site of,
127 : Asoka’s capital, 144 : animal
hospital at, 163 : hermitage of
Mahendra at, 166 : the Sunga
capital, 175 : threatened by
Menander, 176 : successors of
Asoka at, 182, 184 : = Kusu-

madhvaja, 193 : probably occu-
pied by the Lichchhavis, 244 :
traditional imperial capital, 245:
but ceased to be ordinary resi-
dence of Gupta emperors, 257 :

380

INDEX

rebuilt by Sher Shah, 258 : free
hospital at, 259 : footprints of
Buddha at, 292 : in ruins in
ninth century, 318.

Patan, (1) Asoka’s capital of Nepal,
142, 143 : (2) = Nahrwalah or
Anliilwara in Gujarat, 272.

Patanjali, grammarian, 179, 192,
193, 337 n.

Patika, satrap of Taxila, 210 n.

Patna, city = Pataliputra, 113, 114,
144 : latitude and longitude of,
115 w. : District in Magadha, 24,
26.

Paul, St., compared with Asoka,
168.

Pawa, Mahavlra died at, 24.

Peach and pear introduced into
India, 229.

Pearl trade, 334, 337, 338.

Pegu, Asoka’s alleged mission to,
166.

Peithon, son of Agenor, 92 n., 93,
95, 103, 108, 109.

Penal code of Chandragupta
Maurya, 123.

Pennar, river, 354.

Pentigramma = Pahjtar, 70.

Pepper trade of Malabar, 334,
340.

Perdikkas, general, 43, 88.

Pergamum, rise of kingdom of,
174.

‘ Periplus of the Erythraean Sea,’

date of, 207 n., 222 n.

Persecution of religion in India,
179, 180, 292, 339.

Persepolis, inscription at, 10, 32 n.

Persia, Hun attacks on, 273, 274 :
Firoz, king of, 273, 278 : Khusru
Anushirvan, king of, 278 : em-
bassies between India and,
325.

Persian hair-washing festival, 116,
117 n. : penalty of shaving the
hair, 123 n. : style of Asoka’s
pillars, 145 : names in Indian
inscriptions : influence on India,

129, 145, 210, 239, 241: con-
nexion in third century with
India, 241 : combat with a lion,
257 : religion, 293.

Pertinax, Roman emperor, 243.
Peshawar = Purushapura, 52 n.,
227.

Petra, Nabataean capital, 207 n.,
243.

Peukelaos, Indo-Greek king, 215.
Peukelaotis = Charsadda, 43, 50,
52 n.

Peukestas, defended Alexander,

89.

Peutingerian, Tables, 62 n.
Phaedra, folk-lore tale of, 170.
Pharro, the fire-god, 236.

Phegelas = Bhagela, 34.

Philip, Roman emperor, 207 n.
Philip II of Spain, compared with
Asoka, 169.

Fhilippos, satrap of countries west
of the Indus, 83, 91 : murdered,
102, 109.

Philipps, Mr. W. R., on Si. Thomas,
206 n.

Philoxenos, Indo - Greek king,

215.

Phraates II, Parthian king,

216.

Pxch, Sultans of, 43 n.

Piety, law of, 138, 155, 159.
Pilgrimage of Asoka, 139, 148.
Pilgrims, Buddhist, 11, 19-21 :
Hiuen Tsang, the prince of, 12 :
Fa-hien, the earliest of, 258.
Pillar edicts of Asoka, 140 »., 141,
146-9, 153, 154.

Pillars, monolithic, of Asoka, 139,
145, 149 m.

Pimprama, capitulation of, 64.
Piprawa, oldest known inscription
at, 14 : =Kapilavastu of Fa-hien,
139 n.

Pishtapura = Pithapuram, 248.
Pitenika, tribe, 164.

Pithora Rai = PrithivI Raja, 310.
Plato, Bactrian king, 215, 216.

INDEX

381

Plays, Sanskrit, inscribed on tables
of stone at Ajmir, 13 : ascribed
to Harsha, 288.

Pliny, distances recorded by, 75 :
date of Natural History of, 130 n.,
207 re., 242.

Po-fa-to, country, 300.

Po-lu = Little Yasin, 305.

Po-lu-sha = Shahbazgarhi, 52 n.

Polygamy at Taxila, 135.

Polyxenos, ? Bactrian king, 215.

Foros, (1) gave information to
Alexander, 34 : ruled kingdom
between Hydaspes and Akesines,
53 : refused submission, 55 : had
army 50,000 strong, 56 : gave
battle, 58 : defeated, 60 : taken
prisoner, 61 : became friend of
Alexander, 62 : was granted
territory of the Glausai, 63 : re-
inforced Alexander, 64 : his
position, 77 : promoted, 82 :
placed in charge of Panjab, and
(?) murdered by Eudamos, 108 :
chariots of, 118 n. : alleged an-
nexation of his kingdom by
Mithradates, 202 re. : (2) nephew
of (1), 63.

Porticanus, chieftain on Indus,
94 re.

Portuguese at Tuticorin, 336.

Fo-ta ? = Bactria, 242, 243 n.

Poura, capital of Gedrosia, 99 n.

Frabhakara - vardhana, Raja of
Thanesar, 283.

Prabodha-chandrodaya, drama, 314.

Praesti, tribe, 94.

Frakasaditya, title of Puragupta,
271, 281.

Prakrit, language, 146.

Prasii (Prasioi), nation, 34, 36.

Fratapailla, title of Prabhakara-
vardhana, 283.

Prayaga, Harsha’s assembly at,
295, 302.

Prithivi Baja, Chauhan, 310, 311,
314.

Priyadardikd, drama, 288.

Proxenoi, Maurya officials corre-
sponding to, 120 re., 210 re.

Ptolemy, (1) son of Lagos, 11, 50,
89 : (2) Philadelphos, 130, 164,
173, 174.

Pudukottai, town, 333, 341, 349,
357.

Pulike£in (I), Chalukya king, 324 :
(II) Chalukya king, 286, 302,
324-6, 354, 355.

Pulinda, tribe, 164.

Pulumayi (I), (II), (III), Andhra
kings, 183, 189, 190.

Punch-marked coins, 54 re.

Pundravardhana, kingdom, 300.

Punic war, 173, 174.

Puragupta, history of, 271, 281.

Furali, river, 98 re.

Puranas, eighteen, 9 : value of, 10 :
date of, 18, 267 : edited in Gupta
period, 19 : on Andhra dynasty,
191.

Puranic lists, 10, 26, 33, 35:
figures for duration of reigns, 38,
183 : Hinduism, 291 : Hindus,
292 : pantheon, 327.

Purnavarman, the last descendant
of Asoka, 172, 292.

Purnotsahga, Andhra king, 191.

Purushapura = Peshawar, 52 re. :
capital of Kanishka, 227.

Pushpamitra = Pushyamitra, q. v.,
175 re.

Pushpapura = Pataliputra, 31.

Pushyabhuti, ancestor of Harsha,
291.

Pushyagupta, brother - in - law of
Chandragupta Maurya, 125.

Pushyamitra, (1) Sunga king, 36 re.,
172, 174-80, 192, 193, 216, 266 :
(2) nation, 268.

Queen of Bimbisara, 28, 30 : Kleo-
phis of Massaga, 48 : mother of
Mahapadma Nanda, 110 : of
Agnimitra Sunga, 175 re. : of
Devabhuti Sunga, 181 re. : BalasrI,
Andhra, 188, 189 re. : Tertia, con-

382

INDEX

sort of Mazdai, 205 : Dhruva
Devi, of Vikramaditya, 262 :
Ananda, of Kumaragupta I, 271 :
Didda of Kashmir, 309.

Queens of Asoka, 170.

‘ Questions of Milinda,’ Buddhist
book, 19, 200.

Quilon, annexed by Rajaraja, 345.

Badhiah, inscribed pillar, 139 n.

Baghava-deva of Nepal, 307.

Rnghuvamia , date of, 267 n.

Bajadhiraja, Chola king, 329, 346.

Bajaditya, Chola king, 344.

Bajagriha, ancient capital of Ma-
gadha, 26 : Asoka’s death at, 141,
145 n.

Bajaraja, Chola king, 329, 338, 345,
356.

Bajasimha, Pandya king, 338.

Rajasuya = advamedha , q.v., 178.

Rajatarariginl, chronicle of Kash-
mir, 8.

Bajauri = Abhisara, 52 n., 81, 299.

Bajendra Choladeva I and II,
Chola kings, 346.

Bajput, royal clans, 278.

BSjuvula, satrap of Mathura, 201 n.

Bajya£rl, sister of Harsha, 284,
296.

Bajyavardhana, Raja of Thanesar,
283, 284, 302.

Bamachandra, Yadava Raja, 332.

Bamadatta, Raja of Mathura, 201 n.

Bamannadesa, antiquities of, 167 n.

Bamayana, epic, 8.

BSme&vara, Adam’s Bridge, 249.

Bampurwa, pillars at, 139 n., 149 n.

Bangamati, capital of Karna-
suvarna, 284 n.

Banigat, fortress, 68.

Bapti, river, 25.

BaptI, Little, river, 139 n.

Bashtrakuta, clan, 323 : dynasty,
326-8.

Bas Malin = Malana headland,

100.

Batbor, clan, 310, 312, 313.

Batnavall, drama, 288.

Batta, clan = Rashtrakuta, q.v.,
323.

Baverty, Major, works of, 13 ».,
86 n.

Bawak, sculptures at, 229 n.

Bawalpindi, town and canton-
ment, 54, 136.

Becords, official, 288.

Beign, average length of, 38.

Beligion, Buddhism became a
world, 167 : in China, 231 : of
the pundits, 265 : Harsha’s
eclecticism in, 291 : persecution
of Zoroastrian, 293 : Jain, 339 :
state of South Indian, 355.

Beligious treatises, 24 : centre in
Magadha, 25 : persecutions, 180.

Best-houses, described by Fa-hien,
259.

Beverence, duty of, 157.

Ritusamhara, date of, 267 n.

Boads in Maurya period, 127.

Bock Edicts of Asoka, 146, 149,
152.

Boman aurei, 223 : coins of various
kinds, 337 : Empire and India,
223-5, 233, 240, 242, 243, 337.

Borne, see Boman.

Boxana, consort of Alexander, 91,
109.

Budradaman, western satrap, 124,
189, 255.

Budrasena, western satrap, 256.

Budrasimha, western satrap, 256.

Bummindei, inscription of Asoka,
148, 153.

Rupakriti, meaning of, 257.

Bupnath, inscription of Asoka at,
150 n., 154.

Sabarcae, tribe, 92.

Sabuktigln, king, 313, 315.

Sacrifice, prohibited by Asoka, 159,
167 : revival of, 179, 266.

Sagara, legendary king, 179.

Sahasram, inscription of Asoka at,
150 n., 154.

INDEX

383

Sai&unaga dynasty, 7, 26, 38-41.

Saka dynasty, 240 : era, 242 :
religion, 293 : satraps of Surash-
tra, 129 n., 255 : tribe, 186-8, 200,
201, 218.

Sakala, not = Sangala, 65 n. :
capital of Mihiragula, 274, 299.

Sakarauli, tribe, 201 n.

Sakastene = Slstan, 201.

Saketam, town in southern Oudh,
176, 192.

Sakra, a god, 294.

Sakya territory, 24 : clan, 31.

Sakyamuni, epithet of Buddha,
27 n.

Sales, tax on, 121.

Salisuka, Maurya king, 171 n., 174,
193.

Salt Range, ravines of, 72, 76 :
Sophytes king of, 73, 210 :

crossed by Hiuen Tsang, 297 :
subject to Kashmir in seventh
century, 299.

Samannaphala Sutra, referred to,
29 n.

Samarah, lake, 96.

Samarkand = country of the Sog-
dioi, 196 : Arab conquest of, 305,
306.

Samatata, kingdom, 249.

Sambastai, tribe, 92.

Sambos, chieftain on Indus, 94.

Sammitiya school of Buddhism,
286, 291.

Samudragupta, history and wars
of, 6, 17, 246-53, 281, 307 : com-
pared with Bhoja Paramara, 317.

Sanabares, Indo-Parthian king,
207 n.

Safichi, stupas at, 145 : relic caskets
at, 169 n.: Vasushka inscription
at, 237 n., 238: Gupta inscrip-
tion at, 281.

Sandaruk, legendary city, 204, 205.

Sangala, destruction of, 64 : not =
Sakala, 65 n.

Sangata, Maurya king, 171 n., 174.

Sahgh.ami.tr a, legend of, 166.

Sahgrama, king of Kashmir, 309.

Sankaravarman, king of Kashmir,
308, 309.

Sanskrit, allied to Prakrit and
Pali, 146 : plays, 13, 288 : revival
of, 265-7.

San Thom£, shrine of, 206.

Sapor (Shahpur) I and II, kings
of Persia, 239, 240, 243.

Saptafataka, referred to, 185 n.

Sarapis, on Kushan coins, 236.

Sarnath, near Benares, 139.

Sarvastivadin, Buddhist school,
234, 235 n.

Sa£anka, king of Central Bengal,
284, 285, 302 : persecuted

Buddhism, 180, 292.

Sa£igupta = Sisikottos, 51.

Sassanian dynasty, 191, 207 n.,
239, 243, 278.

Sata, Andhra king, 182, 183.

Satadhanvan, Maurya king, 171 n.,
174.

Satadru = Sutlaj river, 85.

Satakarni, title of Andhra kings,
185.

Satavahana = Andhra dynasty,
q.v., 182.

Satgaon = ?Tamralipti, 261 n.

Satiyaputra kingdom, 164, 333,
340.

Satraps (Western) of Surashtra,
17, 255, 265.

Satya^raya, Chalukya king, 329.

Saubhuti = Sophytes, q.v., 83, 210.

Saunia, resembled Indian lance,
118.

Savatthi = SravastI, q. i\, 25.

Sculpture, origin of Indian, 211,
23.

Scythia = the valley of the Lower
Indus, 207.

Se, tribe = Saka, q.v., 186, 200.

Selene, on Kanishka’s coins, 232.

Seleukidan era, 38 n., 173, 176 n. :
kings, 129.

Seleukos, (1) Nika tor, contempo-
rary of Chandragupta : rival of

384

INDEX

Antigonos, and king of Syria,
111 : invaded India unsuccess-
fully and ceded a large part of
Ariana, 112, 128, 131-4, 194, 210 :
sent Megasthenes as envoy to
Chandragupta, 113, 210 : chrono-
logy of reign of, 173 : son and
grandson of, 195 : Niese’s theory
about, 209 : (2) brother of Anti-
ochos Theos, 195 n. : (3) Kalli-
nikos, 216 : (4) Philopator, 216.

Semiramis in India, 42, 97.

Sena, dynasty of Bengal, 319-22.

Septimius Severus, Roman em-
peror, 243.

Serike =■ central Chinese domi-
nions, 198 ii., 222 n.

Sevana, the Yadava territory, 331.

Shahbazgarhi = Po-lu-sha, 52 n.,
147 n. : inscription of Asoka at,
147 »., 152.

Sha-che, not = Saketam, 192.

Shahdheri, site of Taxila, 54 «., 72.

Shahiya kings of Kabul, 308.

Shahkot, (1) pass, 50 : (2) fort on
Mahaban, 69, 70 : (3) in Jhang
district, 274.

Sher Shah, rebuilt Pataliputra,
258.

Shihab-ud-din, wars of, 311, 312.

Si, viceroy of Kadphises II, 222.

Sialkot, fortress, 63, 74, 78.

Siboi, tribe, 86, 87 n.

Sibyrtios, satrap of Arachosia, 99 ».,
109, 113.

Sick, Asoka’s care for, 162.

Siddapura, Asoka’s inscriptions
near, 150 n., 153.

Sien-chi, Chinese general, 306.

Sifur, legendary general, 205.

Sigerdis, territory, 192, 198 w.

Sihwan, ? = Sindimana, 94 n.

Siladitya, (1) king of Mo-la-p’o :
(2) title of Harsha-vardhana, 285.

Simhapura, kingdom = Salt Range,
299.

Simhavarman I and II, Pallava
kings, 352, 353.

Simhavishnu, Pallava king, 353,
354.

Simraon, in Tirhut, 319.

Simuka, first Andhra king, 182, 184.

Sind, associated with Upagupta,
168 : changes in rivers of, 84, 85,
207 : kingdom of, 300.

Sindhu, river in Central India,
178.

Sindimana, ? = Sihwan, 94.

Singhana, Yadava king, 332.

Sipraka = Simuka, q. v., 182.

Sisikottos = Sasigupta, 51.

SIstan = Sakastene, 201, 211 : Sakas
of, 240.

SiSunaga, 26, 40. .

Siva, on Kushan coins, 238, 264,
265 : worshipped by Harsha, 291,
292, 296.

Sivalakura, Andhra king, 186.

Siva Skanda, Andhra king, 190.

Sivaskanda-varman, Pallava king,
350.

Siva Sri, Andhra king, 190.

Skanda, deity, 236.

Skandagupta, history of, 268-71,
281.

Skanda Purdna, date of, 19.

Skandastambhi, supposed Andhra
king, 191.

Skanda-varman I and II, Pallava

kings, 353.

Skeirophorion, Attic month, 79.

Sky lax of Karyanda, 31 .

Slavery in India, 93.

Sodasa, satrap of Mathura, 201 n.

Sogdiana = Khanate of Bukhara,

220, 221.

Sogdioi, included in sixteenth
satrapy, 196.

Sokrates Scholastikos, cited, 205 n.

Somagarman, Maurya king, 171 n.,
174.

Somesvara IV, Chalukya king, 319,
330.

Son, river, 122, 144.

Song-yun, Chinese pilgrim, 21, 227,
270 n.

INDEX

385

Sonmiyani, near Purali river, 97 re.

Sonpat, seal of Harsha, 283 re., 302.

SoparS, Asoka inscription at, 147 re.

Sophagasenas = Subhagasena, 197,
198 re.

Sophytes, king of the Salt Range,
73, 83, 210.

Southern India, defective history
of, 7, 334.

Sovanabhumi = Pegu, 166.

Spalyris, Indo-Parthian king, 203.

SravastI, capital of Kosala, 25,
27 re. : site of, 139 ; almost deserted
in time of Fa-hien, 262.

Srenika = king Bimbisara, 26.

Sri Kakulam, ancient Andhra
capital, 184.

Srinagar, capital of Kashmir, 142.

Srlvasvani, supposed Andhra king,
191.

Srong-tsan-Gampo, king of Tibet,
298, 304.

Ssh-ma-chien, Chinese historian,

11.

Stasandros, satrap of Aria and
Drangiana, 109.

Stasanor, satrap of Bactria and
Sogdiana, 109.

Steel, Indian, 90 re.

Stbanvlsvara = Thanesar, 282.

Sthavira, Buddhist Mahayana
school, 252, 355.

Sthiramati, Buddhist teacher, 272.

Sthulabhadra, Jain saint, 40 re.

Stone, inscriptions on, 13.

Strabo, on Alexander’s route, 74.

Strato I and II, Indo-Greek kings,
199, 201, 215, 216.

Stupas, ascribed to Asoka, 144, 145 :
erected by Harsha, 290, 295.

Subhagasena = Sophagesenas, 197,
198 re.

Sudarsana, lake at Girnar, 125.

Sndra, king of Sind, 300.

Sue Vihar, inscription from, 226 n.

Sujyeshtha, Sunga king, 180.

Snkhchainpnr, ? = Nikaia (2), 62.

Sumalya, a Nanda prince, 33.

Sumitra, Sunga king, 181.

Snn worship, 291, 296, 300.
Snndara, a Pandya royal name,
338-40.

Sunga dynasty, 175-81.

Snpargva = Suyasas, q. v., 171.
Snrashtra, annexed by Chandra-
gupta II, 129 re., 255 : annexed by
Menander, 176, 192, 198 re. : satraps
of, 187, 201, 255, 348.

Snrat, animal hospital at, 163.
Snsa, Alexander’s return to, 101,
103, 107.

Su£arman, last Kanva king, 182,
183, 185.

Susima J dtalca, referred to, 54 re.
Sutlaj, river, 85.

Suvarna, a gold coin, 270 re.
Suvarnagiri, hill, 145 re.

Suwat, valley, 46 re., 47, 50, 212:
= Udyana, 305.

Suyagas, a son of Asoka, 171, 174.
Suyya, minister in Kashmir, 308.
Svetambara, Jain sect, 40 re.

Swat, valley, see Suwat.

Syria, embassies to India from, 10 :
Asoka’s mission to, 164.

Tabari, Muhammadan historian,
325 re.

Tabaristan, south of the Caspian,
306.

Taghdumbash Pamir = Tsung-ling
range, 222, 228.

Ta-hia, Chinese name for Bactrians,
218, 242.

Tahklk-i-Hind, by AlberunI, 12 re.
Taila II and ±11, Chalukya kings,
328-30, 357.

Tai-tsong, Chinese emperor, 304.
Takht-i-Bahi, inscription, 206 re.
Takkasila (TakshaSila) = Taxila.

q. v., 54 re.

Talas, in Mongolia, 305.

Talent, value of, 32 re.

Tamil, historical poems, 15 : states,
143 : hostility to Ceylon, 166 :
language boundary, 342.

SMITH

386

INDEX

Tamluk, probably = Tam ralipti , 143 .

Tamralipti = Tamluk or ’Satgaon,
143, 261.

Tamraparni, river, 333, 335.

T’ang, dynasty of China, 302, 304.

Tanjore, District, 165, 166 : great
temple at, 345.

Tarai, pillar inscriptions from, 147,
148, 153.

Tashkurghan = the ‘Stone Tower,’
198 222.

Taxila, a great city, 43 : submitted
to Alexander, 53 : seat of Hindu
learning, 54 : march from, 55 :
Maurya administration of, 121 :
in Asoka’s time, 135 : seat of a
viceroy, 136, 144 : satraps of,
187, 201 : subject to Kashmir in
seventh century, 299.

Telephos, Indo-Greek king, 215.

‘ Ten Tribes,’ country of, 305.

Tents, invention of, 287.

Tertia, legendary queen, 205.

Thanesar = Sthanvlsvara, 282.

Tbathah (Tatta), in Sind, 96.

Theodore, in Suwat inscription,

212.

Theodotus, see Diodotos I, 196 n.

Theophilos, Indo-Greek king, 215.

Thoas, satrap of Gedrosia, 99 n.

Thomas, (1) of Jerusalem, 206 n. :
(2) the Manichaean, 206 n. : (3)
Saint, 203-6.

Thracian troops of Alexander, 44,
91, 92 n.

Tiastanes = satrap Chashtana, 189.

Tiberius, Roman emperor, 242 :
coins of, 337.

Tibet, Kambojas of, 164 : persecu-
tion of Buddhism in, 180 n. :
relations of India with, 303-6 ;
revival of Buddhism in, 319.

Tibetan traditions, 39, 41 : defeat
by Lalitaditya of Kashmir, 308.

TilauraKot *= Kapilavastu ofHiuen
Tsang, 139 n.

Timber in ancient Indian build-
ings, 127.

Timmi, confluence of Jihlam and
Chinab at, 84.

Tirabhukti = Tirhut, 312 n.

Tirauri, battle of, 311.

Tirhut, north of the Ganges, 30 :
= Tirabhukti, 312 m.

Tishyarakshita, a legendary queen
of Asoka, 170.

Tissa, (1) king of Ceylon, 165 : (2)
Buddhist saints named, 168 n.

Titus, Roman emperor, 242.

Tivara, a son of Asoka, 170.

Tocharoi, tribe, 201 n.

Tokmak, in Mongolia, 305.

Tomara, clan, 318.

Tomeros, river, 99.

T’ong-she-ku, Turkish chief, 304.

Topra, inscribed pillar of Asoka
brought from, 149 n.

Toramana, Hun chief, 273, 274.

Tosali, city, 121, 144.

Tradition, value of, 4.

Trajan, Indian embassy to, 223 :
annexation of Mesopotamia by,
224, 443.

Travancore, Rajas of, 341.

Travellers, Asoka’s provision for,
162 : Harsha’s institutions for,
290.

Triparadeisos, partition of, 103,
108, 195.

Trivatur, sculptures at, 339.

Truthfulness, duty of, 158.

Tseh-kia, kingdom in Panjab, 299,
300 n.

Tsing, or Issyk-kul lake, 218.

Tsung-ling, mountains, 222.

Tulu language, 164, 333, 340.

Tungabhadra, river, 323, 327, 329.

Turfan, in Mongolia, 304.

TUrkl kings of Kabul, 308.

Turkomans, Parthians resembled,
195.

Turks, destroyed Hun Asiatic
empire, 278 : heirs of the Eph-
thalites, 303 : on the Indus,
308.

Turushka, king, 275 n.

INDEX

387

Tushaspa, Asoka’s Persian gover-
nor, 125.

Tuticorin, Portuguese port, 336.

Tyriaspes, satrap of the Paropani-
sadai, 43, 91.

Udabbandapnra = Ohind, q . v., 53 re.

Udandapnra = Bihar town, 318.

Udaya, king, 31 re., 33, 38, 41.

Udayagiri, (1) hill in Orissa, 35 re.,
176 : (2) in Malwa, inscription at,
281.

Udhita, Baja, 297.

tJdyana = Suwat, 47 re., 305.

Ugrasena, Pallava king of Palakka,
49, 351, 352.

Uhand = Ohind, q.v., 53 re.

Uigur, horde, 305.

Ujjain, capital of Malwa, 23, 144 :
administration of, 121 : Asoka
viceroy of, 136, 145 : capital of
Chashtana, 189, 256 : Siladitya
not king of, 280 : Brahman king
of, 300.

U-k’ong, Chinese pilgrim, 21.

Und = Ohind, q. v., 52 re.

Upagupta, teacher of Asoka, 139,
168 : identical with Tissa, son of
Moggali, 169 re.

Upendra, Paramara chief, 316.

Upper India, states of, 311, 314, 320.

Uraiyur, ancient Chola capital,
164, 342.

Ura£a = Hazara District, 62 re., 81,
147, 299 n.

Usbkiir = Hushkapura, 237.

Uvdsaga Dasao, cited, 39 re.

Vada Sri, Andhra king, 190.

Vahlika, nation, 254.

Vaibasbika, Buddhist school, 234.

Vaiiali = Basarand Bakhira, 24 re. :
Lichchhavi clan at, 26, 41 : con-
quered by Magadha, 30 : visited
by Wang-hiuen-t’se, 299.

Vaishnava, religion, 163 re.

Valabhl, dynasty of, 272 : Baja of,
287, 294.

Valens, Boman emperor, 243.
Valerian, Boman emperor, 273.
Vanga = Bengal, 254.

Vanji = Karur, 340.

Varada, river, 177.

Vardhamana = Mahavira, q. v.
Vasavi, mother of Ajatasatru, 30 re.
Vasco da Gama bombarded Calicut,

177.

Vasishka, ? = Vasudeva Kushan,
238 re.

Va^isbtipntra, epithet of Andhra
kings, 186 re.

Vasudeva, (1) Kanva king, 181,
182, 216 : (2) Kushan king, 191,
237 re., 238, 239, 243, 265.
Vasumitra, (1) Buddhist leader,
234, 235 re. : (2) Sunga king, 177,

178, 180.

Vatapi = Badami, Chalukya capital,
324-7, 356.

Vayu Parana, date of, 9, 10, 19,
25 re., 38.

Vellala, caste, 357.

Vellaru (Southern), river, 341, 352.
354.

Vellura = Elura, q. v., 327 re.

Vehgl, Pallava king of, 248, 350 :
Eastern Chalukya dynasty of,
324, 328, 346.

Vermin provided for, 163.
Vespasian, Boman emperor, 242.
Vibhasha Sastra, 234 re.

Viceroys of Maury a dynasty, 122,
144.

Vidarbba = Berar, 177.

Vidisa = Bhllsa, 177, 178.

Vijaya, Andhra king, 190.
Vijayabuddba - varman, Pallava
prince, 352.

Vijayanagar, army of, 118 : king-
dom of, 347.

Vijayasena, Baja of Bengal, 319.
Vijayaskanda - varman, Pallava
king, 352.

Vijjana, Kalachurya king, 330.
Vijnane£vara, jurist, 330.

Vikrama, Chola king, 347, 357.

388

INDEX

Vikramaditya, title of Chandra-
gupta II, 11, 17, 254 : not identical
with Siladitya, 280 : I and II,
Chalukya kings, 326, 356.

Vikramahka, Chalukya king, 329.

Vilcramarika-charita, of Bilhana, 15.

Vilivayakura I and II, Andhra
kings, 186, 188-90, 348.

Vindhya, mountains and tribes of,
6, 143 : forests of, 284, 285.

VIra, a recurring name in Pandya
royal family, 338, 340.

Vlra-Ballala, Hoysala king, 331.

VIra Saiva, sect, 330.

VIrasena, brother of Agnimitra’s
queen, 175 n.

VIra-varman, Pallava king, 353.

Virodhikrit era, 331.

Virudhaka, king, 31.

Vigakha, deity, 236.

Viiakha, town, not Saketam, 192.

Visala-deva, Chauhan Raja of
Ajmlr, 310.

Vishnu, (1) deity, 256, 291 : (2)
Hoysala king, 329, 331.

Vishnugopa, Pallava king, 248,
351-3.

Vishnugupta = Chanakya, 36.

Vishnu Parana , date of, 9, 10, 19.

Vishnuvardhana, Chalukya, 354.

Vitasta, river, 52, 71.

Vitellius, Roman emperor, 242.

Vologeses III, Parthian king, 243.

Vonones, Indo-Parthian king, 203,
216.

Vrijjian confederacy, 24.

Vultures, exposure of the dead to,
135 n.

Vyaghra Raja, 248.

Vyath, river, 72 n.

Waddell, Lt.-Col., on Pataliputra,
114 n.

Wages fixed by authority, 120.

Wahindah = Hakra, the lost river,
85, 91.

Wala, = Valabhl, q. v., 272 n.

Wang-hiuen-t’se, Chinese envoy,
298, 299, 302, 304, 307.

War, Asoka forswears, 138.

Warda, river, 177.

War-office of Chandragupta Mau-
rya, 119.

Water-rate, 124.

Wazlrabad, town, 63 n., 74.

Weapons, Indian, 59.

Wei dynasty of China, 303 n.

Weight of coins, 223, 225, 270.
271.

Weights and measures, 121.

Wei-shu, a Chinese work, 123 n.

Wells, dug by Asoka, 162.

Wema Kadphises = Kadphises II,
q. v., 221 n.

Wen-cheng, Chinese princess, 304.

West, and East, 2, 211.

Western Ghats, 324.

Western Satraps, history of, 255.

Western Turks, 304.

White Huns, history of, 273-8,
281 : empire in sixth century of.
303.

Wilson, H. H., mistaken about the
age of the Puranas, 18.

Wine, forbidden, 260.

Wounding, punishment for, 123.

Wright, History of Nepal by,
307 n.

Writing, art of, 23, 127, 146.

Wu-sun, horde, 186, 218.

Wu-ti, Chinese emperor, 242.

Xandrames, king, 34, 35.

Xanthippos, legendary deacon, 205.

Xathroi, tribe, 91, 92.

Xerxes, Indian soldiers of, 32.

Yadava, dynasty of Devagiri,
330-2.

Yajha Sri, Andhra king, 190.

Yarkand, plain of, 222 : conquered
by Kanishka, 228, 243.

Yasin = Little Po-lu, 305, 306.

Ya&odharman, Raja of Central
India, 266 n., 276, 277.

INDEX

389

Yasomatl, queen of Prabhakara-
vardhana, 283 n.

Ya^ovarman, king of Kanauj, 308.

Yaudbeya, tribe, 250.

Yavana, tribe, 164, 240, 348 : mean-
ing of name, 187, 278 : opponents
of Vasumitra, 178 : = Menander’s
Greeks, 211.

Yen-kao-ching = Kadphises II, q.v.,
221 n., 225, 242.

Yi-tsing = I-tsing, q.v., 21.

Yuan Chwang = Hiuen Tsang, q.v.

Yudhisthira, era of, 22 n.

Yueh-chi, migration, 187, 200, 207,
218-21 : growth and extent of
empire, 208, 222 : chronology,
242.

Yunnan, recovered by China, 303.
Yusufzi, country, 43, 50.

Zabulistan = Ghazni, 305.
Zarangoi, nation, 92 n.

Zariaspa = Balkh, 195.

Zoilos, Indo-Greek king, 215.
Zoroastrian deities, 232 n., 233 :
alleged persecution, 293.

d d

SMITH

OXFORD

PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

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