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BY Lafayette wilbur, 



'•Great things thro' greatest hazards, are achieved, 
And then they shine." 





B 190'-' 

Entered according to act of Congress. 1902 by 

Lafayette vvilbue. 

In the office of the Librai'ian of Congress at 
Washington, D. C. 

'Twas blow for blow, disputing iach by inch, 

For one would not retreat nor t'other fLinch.—Bi/ron. 

Now no more the drum 

Provokes to arms, or trumpet's clangour shrill 
Affrights the wives, or chills the virgin's blood: 
But joy and pleasure open to the view 
Uninterrupted —Philip''- 


In continuing the Early History of Vermont in 
this third volume, we pass for a time from the con- 
sideration of war and from the troublesome scenes 
of Vermont's earh' settlers, and the struggles inci- 
dent to pioneer life, to the consideration of the 
arts of peace. When the controversy of New^ York 
had ceased and an amicable adjustment of the sub- 
jects of contention, that have been so fully por- 
trayed in the preceding volumes, had been reach- 
ed, the leading minds of the State at once began 
to inquire what should be done to advance the 
interests of the young and growing State, that it 
might take a position of influence among the Fed- 
eral States of the Union, and that her people 
might keep pace v>ith the advancing state of 
civilization. The leading men of Vermont during 
the time of the struggle for an independent posi- 
tion, showed they were persons of courage and 
ability with practical experience, and equal to any 
men of the nation in managing the affairs of the 
State and fostering her material interests. Ver- 
mont being an inland State, the attention of her 
citizens were turned to the subject of increasing - 
facilities of communication in the State, and the 
improvement of her water-ways, not only within 
the State, but to establish facilities of communica- 
tion with other States and foreign nations. These 



subjects and internal improvements generally are 
considered in Chapter I. 

Many years after the Revolution had closed, 
General Lafayette, who did so much to enable the 
American Colonies to establish their independence, 
visited America and paid a visit to Vermont. The 
subject of his visit, and also the visit of President 
Monroe and Henr3^ Clay to Vermont, are consid- 
ered in Chapter II. The unfriendly conduct of the 
British towards the United States, undoubtedly, 
growing out of the loss of the Colonies to them, 
causing disturbance on the Northern Frontier, 
claims the attention of the reader in Chapter III. 

The Internal affairs of the State and of the 
United States, so far as thev concern Vermont, are 
considered in Chapters IV., V., and VI. The causes 
of the second war with Great Britain and the his- 
tory of that war, so far as it affected our State, 
are considered in Chapter VII., VIII., and IX. 

There were but few Indians who made the 
wilderness of Vermont their place of abode; they 
used the lands of Vermont as their hunting 
grounds, but from 1798, until 1874, from time to 
time they persistently urged the Vermont Legisla- 
ture to grant them compensation for their hunt- 
ing grounds. These claims are considered in 
Chapter X. 

The place of holding the Sessions of the Legisla- 
ture, the description of the Capitol buildings, Li- 
brary and Supreme Court rooms are given in 
Chapter XI. 

In the two following Chapters, the sketches of 
the lives of the earlvVermonters, commenced in the 


second volume, are continued. The description of 
these characters show that many of the early set- 
tlers in Vermont were men of more than common 
courage, ability, and unsw^erving patriotism. The 
last Chapter gives a further list of State officials. 
When one looks back and studies the lives of those 
who were prominently instrumental in establish- 
ing Vermont's independence, and then making her 
one of the States of the American Union, and aid- 
ing in developing her resources and making her sec- 
ond to no other State, in proportion to her pop- 
ulation and size, every citizen of the State may 
well feel proud of Vermont and her pioneers. 

LaFayette Wilbur. 

Jericho, Vt., January l, 1902. 

He lives in fame that died in virtue's cause. 



On page 8, line 14, word "ertlflcate" should read "certificate " 

On page 47, line 1, word "horses" should read "shores." 

On page 74. line 8, name "Edward'" should read "Lewis.'" 

On page 114, line 2, word "era"" should read "area." 

On page 161, line 25. word "branch"' should follow "each." 

On page 194, line 1, word "were" should read "was." 

On page 238, line 13, word "minutable" should read "immutable." 

On page 250, line 14. word "silence" should read "silencing." 

On page 259, line 10, ivord "partis" should read "parties." 

On page 264, line 20. letters "ce" should be joined with "for" in same 

On page 314, last line, the date "1768" should read "1798" 
On page 373, in line 8 from bottom, "principles" should read "princi- 

On page 384, " + resigned November, 1890" should be erased. 
gW On page 382 of Volume II. in line 6 from the bottom, the name "Ben- 
nington" should read "Brattleboro." 

Oh, peace ! thou source and soul of social life ; 

Beneath whose calm, inspiring influence 

Science his view enlarges, Art refines, 

And swelling Commerce opens all her ports; 

Blest be the man divine who gave us thee !- Thomson. 

"Breathes there a man with soul so dead. 
Who never to himself hath said— 
This is my own— my native land !" 


CHAPTER I. (Pagel.) 


CHAPTER II. (Page 40.) 


CHAPTER HI. (Page 76.) 


CHAPTER IV. (Page 108 ) 


CHAPTER V. (Page 131.) 

OF VERMONT FROM 1791 TO 1808. 

CHAPTER YI. (Page 149.) 



CHAPTER VII. (Page 173.) 


CHAPTER Vin. (Page 196.) 




CHAPTER IX. (Page 225.) 

WAR OF 1812-1814.— CONTINUED. 

CHAPTER X. (Page 284.) 


CHAPTER XL (Page 315.) 


CHAPTER XII. (Page. 340.) 


CHAPTER XIII. (Page 359.) 


CHAPTER XIV. (Page 380.) 


GHflPTtR I. 


ON the admission of Vermont as one of the 
members of the Federal Union, the calami- 
ties of war and warlike preparation and the ex- 
citement of controversy', had passed, which was 
welcome, and propitious to the pursuit of private 
business and the prosecution of public concerns. 
The State government was placed in the hands of 
men whose talents and virtues the people had the 
utmost confidence in — the control of men of un- 
doubted courage and capacity. Governor Chit- 
tenden, as a magistrate and as a man, had long- 
been endeared to the people of the State, and his 
characteristics were such as a new State required. 
The great need for the security and advancement 
of the people was the improvement of the natural 
and civil advantages which were already in their 
possession. The resources of the State were to be 
developed. New towns were to be granted, roads 
to be laid out and worked, manufactures and 
commerce to be fostered, and schools and learning 
encouraged. Were the people equal to the task ? 
A disinterested Virginian, who visited Vermont in 
the summer of 1791, wrote to a friend in Benning- 
ton in September of that year and gave a descrip- 
tion of Vermont and its people, as follows, viz: — 


"Before I left Virginia, I had conceived but a 
very indifferent opinion of the Northern States, 
and especially of the State of Vermont. I had 
tormed the idea of a rough barren country, inhab- 
ited b3' a fierce, uncivilized, and very unpolished 
people. I made m_v tour up Connecticut River, 
east of the Green Mountains, near the northern 
boundarv of 3'our State, and returned on the 
western side, by the lake, through Bennington. I 
must confess I was surprised and astonished be- 
yond measure, to find a fertile, luxuriant soil, cul- 
tivated by a virtuous, industrious and civilized 
set of inhabitants ; many of whom lived in taste 
and elegance, and appeared not unacquainted 
with the polite arts. The rapid progress in popu- 
lation and improvement, and the many surprising 
incidents that have taken place since the short pe- 
riod of 3'our existence as a State, will furnish ma- 
teria.1 for some able historian, to give the world a 
histor3' that shall be both entertaining and in- 

This writer might have also, in truth, referred 
to extraordinarv opportunity^ of extending and 
developing her manufacturing interests b\^ reason 
of her water power facilities along her rivers. The 
attention of Ira Allen, Levi Allen, and other lead- 
ing Vermonters was earl 3^ turned toward the proj- 
ect of improving the waterway between Lake 
Champlain and the river St. Lawrence 133- cutting 
a canal. It is stated in Ira Allen's histor3' of Ver- 
mont that Lake Champlain is a noble sheet of wa- 
ter and so deep that ships of war have sailed in it. 
It is sprinkled with many beautiful, fertile and well 


inhabited isles, but it is to be lamented that the 
wealth of its waves should be mereh^ confined to 
the fishermen, when they might be converted to 
the noblest purposes of trade and useful naviga- 
tion, for the mutual benefit of millions, b3' a nav- 
igable cut to the river St. Lawrence. In conse- 
quence of an application made by Ira Allen of this 
State to Governor Haldimand, Governor of Can- 
ada, in 1784? and 1785, General Haldimand 
thought so highly of the proposition that he ap- 
pointed Captain Twist, the engineer of that prov- 
ince, to make a survey and estimate the expense of 
the canal. The captain began his survey" at the 
rapids of St. Johns and carried it on along the side 
of the river Sorel to Chamblee. His estimate of 
the expense sufficient to bear vessels of two hun- 
dred tons burthen was £27,000 sterling. He said 
it was impossible to calculate the advantages of 
the undertaking in a commercial point of view ; 
such an undertaking would promote agriculture, 
population, arts, manufactures, handicrafts, and 
all the business of a civilized State. 

Ira Allen, in an interview with his Grace, the 
Duke of Portland, laid down the advantages that 
would mutually result to the two countries, if 
such a communication should be carried into ef- 
fect, but his Grace objected to his government pay- 
ing any share of the expenses. He expressed a 
readiness to receive, and to consider proposals for 
carr^'ing the project into execution. Allen offered 
to cut the canal at his own expense on condition 
that he should be secured for the money expended 
b}^ an order from government by the assignment 


of a tonnage on A^essels navigating the lake; and 
that shipping built in the lake by the citizens 
of Vermont, should be permitted to pass to and 
from the open sea, paying such tonnage as ma3' be 
deemed reasonable on passing Quebec; that the 
manufactures, raw material, and produce of Ver- 
mont, should be permitted to pass to the open 
sea; and that the manufactures, etc., of Great 
Britain should be permitted to be imported or ex- 
ported in the shipping of Vermont, free, by Act of 
Parliament or the Legislature of Lower Canada. 
And he presented to his Grace many advantages 
that would result to both governments from such 
an arrangement, which were set forth as follows : — 
"That contiguous to said Lake was a fertile 
country abounding in lumber, iron ore, marble, 
&c.; that the soil produced wheat, Indian corn, 
peas, barley, hemp, grass, &c., in great abun- 
dance; that the country was erected into a settle- 
ment after the conquest of Canada, by the late 
Lord Amherst, in 1761, and is now estimated at a 
population of 150,000 souls. That Great Britain, 
through the medium of the said canal and navi- 
gation, would, in fact, reap the advantage of the 
trade of Vermont, and of the northern part of the 
State of New York, which parts, contiguous to 
Lake Champlain and Iroquois, would then find it 
their interest to become a part of the State of Ver- 

That such reciprocal navigation and interest in 
the canal, would cement and promote friendship 
betwixt the people of the two Canadas, and those 
near the Lake and the Iroquois, and would tend 


very much to strengthen the treaty made betwixt 
Great Britain and the United States of America in 
1794, under which treaty British ships are permit- 
ted to navigate Lake Champlain for commercial 
purposes. That in case of war betwixt any pow- 
ers, except those of Great Britain and America, 
the commerce of said Lake might be conveyed to 
Europe in Vermont or British bottoms, free from 
capture, high insurance, or expense of convoy. 
Hence the enterprising inhabitants of Vermont 
would find it their interest to support the govern- 
ment of Great Britain in Canada, whilst the re- 
mainder would be satisfied with the canal and 
commerce. In peace or war, it would render the 
price of salt, English goods, &c., cheap, and in 
time of war, the exports of Vermont would bear a 
high price, in consequence of the ease and safet\' of 
transportation. The people of Vermont thus situ- 
ated, would be averse to war; they would, in 
fact, be a neutral body betwixt two great na- 
tions ; whilst their Representatives in the Legisla- 
ture of the United States would oppose every idea 
of hostilities between Great Britain and the United 
States, on principles of mutual interest ; thus the 
most permanent contracts established, and the 
blessings of peace and prosperity the rewards. 

"The said canal would extend navigation 180 
miles into a fertile countr}^ abounding in all kinds 
of iron ore, suitable to make pig iron, bar iron 
and steel, marble, white and clouded, copper and 
lead mines, fir-trees, ash, white and red oaks, ce- 
dar, and various other trees. There are also a va- 
riet3^ of rivers, with proper falls to erect iron-foun- 


dries, refineries, saw mills, &c., where pig and bar 
iron are made; deal boards, marble slabs, &c., 
ma^' be sawed by water. Masts spars, staves, &c. 
furnished in abundance; of the preceding articles 
but little use is made for exportation. Wheat, rj^e, 
barle3% Indian corn, oats, beans, pease, hemp, flax, 
beef, pork, butter, and cheese, are produced, in 
great abundance. The farmer in clearing the tim- 
ber from his lands, can furnish great supplies of 
charcoal to serve furnaces, refineries, &c., and fur- 
nish large quantities of ashes to make pot and 
pearl ashes; these articles ma^- be furnished cheap 
by the farmer, which would pay him, in many in- 
stances, for clearing his lands, instead of burning 
the timber on the ground to clear his lands. 

**A ship canal would be the means of importing 
salt, and exporting the preceding articles cheap; 
the remittances that would be made on these raw 
materials would enable the merchant to make 
punctual remittances ; it would draw commerce 
from the east, that now centers at Boston, New- 
bur3^Port, Portsmouth, &c., and add to the popu- 
lation of Lake Champlain. These measures would 
almost, beyond calculation, increase the commerce 
at both ends of said Lake. Admit that heavy arti- 
cles would principally pass the ship canal, yet 
when the reader takes into consideration the 
length of the river St. Lawrence, the frozen sea- 
son, that goods are seldom imported but once a 
year to Quebec, that spring and fall shipments are 
seasonably made to New York, the necessity- of 
making earh^ remittances, etc., the proprietors of 
the canal from Hudson's River would be benefit- 


ted b^' said ship canal, in consequence of the exten- 
sion of business. One circumstance that would 
tend much to draw commerce from the east to 
said Lake is, that it is customary for the merchant 
and farmer to move most of their heav^^ goods 
and produce b\^ sleighs, in the frozen season; that 
the changeable weather on the sea coast at Bos- 
ton, etc., spoils the sleigh path, so that about one 
journe\' in three are lost, while the more temper- 
ate and health3^ climate of Vermont insures good 
sleighing for two months." 

Ira Allen had such an interest in the construc- 
tion of the ship canal that about the year 1795 
he went to England to obtain a grant from the 
British Parliament and for the purpose of pur- 
chasing military stores in Europe for the use of 
the militia of Vermont, and in this business as- 
sumed to act, to a certain extent, officially as the 
agent of the State of Vermont. In fact he was 
clothed with no official power. This claim was 
put forth when he got into trouble with the Brit- 
ish government. Allen purchased the arms in En- 
gland as a private enterprise, and undertook to 
ship them to Vermont with the design of reim- 
bursing himself by making sale of them to the Ver- 
mont militia. The^^ were seized b}' the British, 
and the seizure of the arms was defended in the 
British Admiralty Court on the ground that they 
were to be used, not in Vermont, but for an armed 
insurrection in Ireland. To rebut this unfounded 
claim, that was ruining Allen, he claimed his in- 
instructions w^ere such that he was warranted in 
purchasing the arms for Vermont. It was a fact 


that Vermont in 1794, passed an act for the reor- 
ganization of the militia, in accordance with the 
national militia act, and provided that all persons 
subject to military duty should supply themselves 
with arms and equipments, and on the 19th of 
May, 1794, President Washington made a requi- 
sition upon the States for troops, and on the 21st 
of June, Governor Chittenden ordered 2139 Ver- 
mont troops to be organized, armed, equipped and 
held in readiness to march at a moment's warn- 
ing. There was an urgent demand for military 
supplies in Vermont, and the resort to Europe 
was the best way of getting them. It was also a 
fact that Governor Chittenden gave Allen a ertif- 
icate under the seal of the State, bearing date Oc- 
tober 27th, 1795, stating that Hon. Ira Allen of 
Colchester, in the State of Vermont, has a disposi- 
tion to go to Europe, setting forth important of- 
fices he had held and positions of responsibitity 
he had filled. This certificate was exhibited before 
the High Court of Admiralty in London in his de- 
fence in said proceedings in Admirality. It was 
claimed by Allen that these circumstances war- 
ranted him in claiming that he procured the arms 
under the instructions of Governor Chittenden. 
This version was a constrained one. He in fact 
purhased them at his own risk ; and the ship canal 
also was a private enterprise to be undertaken by 
Allen himself, or by an incorporated Company in 
case a charter could be procured. 

Ira Allen in an address to the Governor and 
Council and House during the October session of 
the Legislature of 1S09, said that in 1795, he 


went to Europe, and applied to the Duke of Port- 
land, one of his Britannic Majesty's principal Sec- 
retaries of State, for a ship canal from Lake 
Champlain to River St. Lawrence; his Grace and 
the Prime Minister, Mr. Pitt, were in favor of 
granting such ship canal as being interesting to 
the mercantile interests of Great Britain and that 
bankers and merchants in London assured him 
they would cause stock in such company to be 
subscribed to complete it. Allen in the address 
urged the State of Vermont to authorize him 
to apply for the support of the Executive of 
the United States and the resident British 
Minister, in favor of the project, and claimed 
that a saving of more than 200,000 dollars a 
year would be made to the people of Vermont. 
He also addressed a letter to Governor Ga- 
lusha on October 6, 1809, on the subject of the 
ship canal and said, ''This being a National and 
State question for public benefit, 1 hope that polit- 
ical parties w411 unite for mutual advantages and 
that the authoritv of the Legislature will be sent 
me by post, on which I shall repair to Washing- 
ton, and by the assistance of the Executive of the 
United States, their Minister in London, with the 
assistance and influence of the British Minister 
with the British Government, and writing to 
my friends in London, I have no doubt of ob- 
taining a grant for a ship canal and sufficient 
funds to complete the same. I consider this a fav- 
orable time to accomplish this object, which I 
have been more than twenty 3'ears in pursuit of." 
Although the building of the ship canal was not 


undertaken by Vermont and that Allen did not 
succeed in sufficiently enlisting the British Gov- 
ernment to carry forward the worthy enterprise, 
it called forth the earnest zeal of a progressive, no- 
ble Verm outer in its favor. 

Vermont being an inland State there was a ne- 
cessity for avenues of transportation out of the 
State, and especially to the seaboard, and public 
attention began to be turned wnth interest and 
zeal to opening a waterw^ay between Lake Cham- 
plain and Hudson River. A discussion of this en- 
terprise first appeared in the Vermont Gazette of 
September 6, 1790, as follows : — 

"A correspondent from the countv of Rutland 
informs, that the plan of opening a water commu- 
nication between Lake Champlain and Hudson's 
River, has become a subject of much conversation in 
that section and the northern counties of this State. 
A company of gentlemen in that part of the coun- 
tr3^ have agreed to make an excursion a few weeks 
hence, for the purpose of examining the ground be- 
tween Fort Anne and Hudson's River, and deter- 
mining the practicability of the scheme, by actual 
mensuration, if necessar3\ Our correspondent 
adds, that the practicability cannot be doubted, if 
a stream of water can be found sufficient to supply 
a canal, capable of being brought onto the highest 
ground in the course. Wood Creek is boatable 
from Lake Champlain to Fort Anne, fifteen miles, 
except the Falls at Whitehall, which may easily 
be locked; from Fort Anne to the Hudson is tw^elve 
or fourteen miles through a level countr3\ 

"The advantages to be derived from the accom- 


plishment of such an undertaking, to the fertile 
countr^^ adjacent to Lake Champlain, are almost 
inconceivably great ; and the addition of 150 miles 
inland navigation, through the most fertile and 
thriving country in this part of America, to the 
present comm.ercial advantages of New York, will 
give them a decided superiority in trade to any 
place in the Union. It is apprehended, should the 
execution of the scheme be found possible, b}' ac- 
tual surve3', the expensiveness of the undertaking 
will be no obstacle to its accomplishment. It is 
an object worthv the attention not onh- of indi- 
viduals, but the legislatures both of New York 
and Vermont." 

Previous to this time however, about 1784, 
WilHam GiUiland of Willsboro, N. Y., had written 
that, "The region of both sides of Lake Cham- 
plain, is now^ a wxll inhabited countr3% and the 
lands amazingly advanced in value even at pres- 
ent. How much more valuable w411 the3' become 
when an inland navigation will be made from sea 
to sea?" 

In March, 1792, Gen. PhiHp Schuyler of New 
York, aided by Elkanah Watson, procured from 
New York the charter of the Western and North- 
ern Inland Navigation Lock Companies, w^hich E. 
P.Walton of Vermont declared were the precursors 
of both the present Erie and the Champlain Canals. 
At this time the people in eastern Vermont were 
contemplating the improvement of Connecticut 
River for navigable purposes, and at the October 
session of the Legislature of 1791, an article of 
business was assigned for the session, as follows : 


*'10th, That the Legislature take into consideration 
the expediency of opening a communication be- 
tween the waters of Lake Champlain and Hudson 
River — and also rendering the navigation of Con- 
necticut River more easy and advantageous." This 
article was referred to a committee of seven from 
the House, joined by one from the Council, who 
made report in respect to the Champlain Canal 
that was supposed to be favorable to the project, 
but it was tabled and nothing further was done 
with it that session. At the same session the House 
passed a bill entitled, "An Act granting to Will- 
iam Page and Lewis Morris and their Associates, 
their heirs and assigns forever, the exclusive privi- 
lege of Locking Bellows Falls." This act fixed the 
tolls for 32 years; provided at the end of that pe- 
riod, and every ten years thereafter, the Supreme 
Court might reduce the tolls, but not so as to pre- 
vent the proprietors from receiving twelve per 
cent per annum on their actual expenditure; and 
made it the duty of the Governor to issue a char- 
ter to the grantees and to incorporate them into a 
bod3^ politic, by the name of the company for ren- 
dering Connecticut River navigable by Bellows 
Falls. The Governor did not issue the charter 
and incorporate them, but an act of incorpora- 
tion of the same compan^^ was passed at the Octo- 
ber session of the Legislature in 1792. Under the 
act of New York of March 1792, work was com- 
menced on the Champlain Canal in 1793, at 
Whitehall and elsewhere on the line, but was soon 
discontinued on account of the defalcation of some 
of the stock holders and it was bevond the means 


of others to pay the assessment that had to be 
made upon the shares of stock that had been sub- 
scribed. There had been but 672 shares sub- 
scribed and the estimated expense was 225,000 
dollars. Gen. Schuyler wrote to Governor Chitten- 
den on October, 17 1793, that there was little 
doubt but that relief would be obtained from the 
Legislature ol New York b}- donation to the Com- 
pany or by taking an extensive number of shares 
in the stock ; and that the directors had been ad- 
vised that it was probable the Legislature of Ver- 
mont would contribute to the important under- 
taking, and said: — 

"Should aid be extended by your State your 
Excellency will pardon the liberty I take in sug- 
gesting the stipulations which appeir to me prop- 
er to accompany any free gift — and which will se- 
cure its application to such part of the improve- 
ments in w^hich the citizens of Vermont are more 
immediately interested, — and which are, that the 
gift should [be] exclusiveh' appropriated to clear- 
ing, straitning and deepning Wood Creek, from 
the canals and locks now being constructed at 
Skensboro [Whitehall] to that part of said creek 
where it will be intersected by a canal to be drawn 
from Hudson's River near Fort Edward, and that 
the improvements should be made on such a scale 
as to admit the passage of vessels of sixty feet in 
length, ten in breadth, and to draw, at least, two 
feet of water, and that if the whole gift is not ex- 
pended in this improvement, the residue to be laid 
out on the canal to Hudson's River aforesaid, — 
but if the Legislature should prefer to direct the 


subscription of a number of shares, then noth- 
ing more will be necessar\^ than to make provision 
for the pa3^ment of fifty dollars on each share, be- 
ing the sum paid by the original subscribers, and 
to direct the payment of such future requisitions 
as the directors may call for on each share, in a 
general requisition upon all the stockholders. 

'"If aid is extended to the compan^^ in either 
way, by the Legislature of your State and by this, 
I am perfecth' confident that the improvements 
may be made in five years to carry vessels of the 
burden above m.entioned, and even larger, from 
Lake Champlain to the town of Tro3\ It is cer- 
tainh^ needless to detail the advantages which 
will be derived to the communit3^ from the comple- 
tion of the contemplated work. The\^ will readih^ 
occur to your Excellenc3^ and to the enlightened 
Legislature of the State in which you preside." 

This letter was communicated to the General 
Assembly by Gov. Chittenden and was referred 
to Samuel Hitchcock of Burlington, Daniel Far- 
rand of Newbury, Enoch Woodbridge of Ver- 
gennes, Matthew Lyon of Fairhaven, and Elijah 
Robinson of Weathersfield, to whom Councillors 
Samuel Safford and Ebenezer Marvin were joined ; 
and on Nov. 4, 1793, the committee reported, 
"that the Legislature take measures to direct the 
purchase of twenty shares in the company for the 
use of the State," but no legislative action was 
taken until 1796. Governor Chittenden received 
another letter from General Schuyler, bearing date 
at Albany, October 10th, 1796, in which he stated 
that the directors of the company' had determined 


to recommence their operations to complete the 
canal and locks at Skenesborouo^h (Whitehall) and 
complete communication between Lake Cham- 
plain and the tide water of Hudson River, and the 
expense had been estimated at 300,000 dollars; 
and that the Legislature of New York had be- 
stowed 12,000 dollars on the company and sub- 
scribed 200 shares on the part of the people of the 
State, and said, "As a very considerable portion 
of the citizens of Vermont will participate in the 
benefits which will result from the operations of 
the company, the directors are persuaded, that 
they ma3^ with propriety respectfully solicit the 
aid of 3'our Legislature, and therefore entreat that 
respectable bod3^ to subscribe fiftv shares to the 
stock of the company." The letter, with accom- 
panying documents, were presented to the assem- 
bly on October 20, 179G, and referred to a com- 
mittee, who reported, recommending to the Legis- 
lature to comply with the requisitions contained 
in the letter and recommended the la3'ing of a tax 
on each acre of land in three tiers of towns h-- 
ing east of Lake Champlain, each tier ol towns 
paying the tax in proportion to the supposed ben- 
efit they would receive from the construction of 
the canal ; the proportion being fixed b^^ the Leg- 
islature. At this session the Legislature passed 
an act, the preamble of which was as follows : — 

"Whereas the Legislature of the State of New 
York have established a company in said State, 
called and known b}^ the name of the President, 
Directors, and Company' of the Northern Inland 
Lock Navigation from the now navigable part of 


Hudson's River to Lake Champlain ; and have en- 
abled said compan^^ to receive and enjoy certain 
profits which ma3^ arise therefrom. And whereas 
the President of said company has made applica- 
tion to this Legislature to subscribe for fift^- 
shares thereof^And although it appears to the 
Legislature, that the purchase of said shares, for 
the purpose of encouraging said undertaking, 
would be highly- beneficial to the State at large, 
3'et as it would be more particularly beneficial to 
the western and north-western parts thereof, the 
Legislature do not think fit to purchase said shares 
with mone3^ taken from the public treasury, but 
for the purpose of encouraging an undertakmg so 
laudable and beneficial to mankind, the Legisla- 
ture have thought fit to enable such towns as, 
from a spirit of liberality and enterprize, shall 
have a wish to become stockholders in said com- 
pany, to tax themselves for the purpose." This 
act authorizes towns to lev3' a tax for the purpose 
of aiding the company in the construction of the 
canal, but nothing resulted from it. 

While Gen. Schuyler was striving to push on 
the work of his company, men of enterprise in the 
Valley of the Connecticut River were endeavoring 
to improve its boating facilities. By companies 
chartered b}- V'ermont, and in one instance, at 
least, b3^ a lotter\% means were raised for clearing 
the bed of the river and constructing the necessarv 
canals and locks. Massachusetts and Connecticut 
co-operated in the work, and finally the river was 
made available for transportation by flat-boats 
and rafts, much to the advantage of the people of 


the valley in Vermont and New Hampshire, and 
specialh^ so to those engaged in the lumber trade. 
In 1830, a small steam-boat ascended the Connec- 
ticut River as far as AVells River village; in 1831, 
five additional boats were built and put on the 
river, and were run about a 3'ear, but in 1832 the 
company failed, and the boats were withdrawn. 

Governor Samuel C. Crafts in his message to 
the Council and the House of Representatives in 
1829, called their attention to the survey of a ca- 
nal route from Onion River in Montpelier across 
the heights to Connecticut River by the way of 
Wells River. The Governor stated that in the 
month of June, 1829, he received a communication 
from Captain Graham, of the corps of Topograph- 
ical Engineers, stating that he had arrived at 
Montpelier, with three assistants, and with direc- 
tions from the Engineer Department to continue 
the survey's and examinations in this State, with 
a view to the connection of the waters of Lake 
Champlain and the River Connecticut, through 
the valley of Onion River. As the engineers were 
necessarih^ unacquainted with the topography of 
the countr}^ to be explored, and the object entrust- 
ed to them being of general interest, he thought it 
his duty to designate some person, who had a gen- 
eral knowledge of the countr3^to beexplored,toact 
as agent in behalf of the State, and he appointed 
Joshua Y. Vail, Esq., as such agent. This and oth- 
er surveys demonstrated the impracticability of 
canals across the Green Mountains, but the sur- 
veys served the purpose of indicating the possibil- 
ity of railroads across the State. 



Governor Van Ness in his message to the Legis- 
lature in 1825 advised that body, that he had in 
AIa\^ previous received a communication from the 
Secretar3^ of War Department of the United States 
that orders had been given to cause an examina- 
tion and survey to be made of the countr3^ be- 
tween Lake Memphremagog and the Connecticut 
River at Barnet with a view to ascertaining the 
practicabiHt3^ of constructing a canal to unite 
those waters, and that an engineer would be at 
Barnet by the 10th of Ma\' to cooperate with an 
engineer or commissioner that might be sent to 
that place on the part of Vermont, but the Gov- 
ernor thought he had no authority to incur the 
expense. Arrangements, however, were made by 
individuals, and he appointed Horace Evertt of 
Windsor and Nichols Baylies of Alontpelier as 
commissioners and the survey was made, but the 
construction of the canal was not undertaken. 

If it had been possible to construct the canals 
contemplated in and through Vermont, it would 
have resulted in important consequences; it would 
have diverted to New York City a very considera- 
ble portion of the commerce of the State which 
previously had been divided between Portland, 
Maine, Hartford, Conn., and Boston. Of the Ver- 
mont towns Burlington was the most largely ben- 
efited from the construction of the canal that was 
completed in the year 1822 or 1823, connecting 
Hudson River with Lake Champlain. B3" reason 
of that w^ater- wa\^ Burlington won the trade from 
northern and northwestern Vermont that had 
long been enjo^-ed by the merchants of Montpelier. 


These results, as well as the greater cheapness of 
transportation by water than by land carriage, 
stimulated inquiries in Vermont as to the practica- 
bilit3' of river navigation by artificial improve- 
ments and the construction of a canal from Lake 
Champlain to Connecticut River and from that 
river to Boston, Mass., and Portsmouth, N. H. 

Governor Van Xess in his speech to the Council 
and the House of Representatives in 1823 said : 
''Permit me to congratulate you on the prospect 
which is opened to us by the completion of a canal 
communication between Lake Champlain and the 
Hudson river. This great work has been exclus- 
ively accomplished by the noble and munificent 
spirit which has animated a neighboring State, 
and which shines with still greater splendor in an 
undertaking far more grand and stupendous, 
though not so immediately interesting to the peo- 
ple of this State. A new era has indeed burst up- 
on us, when we can hear of the arrival of vessels 
at the city of New Vork, from the northern ex- 
tremit3^ of Vermont. The immense value of such 
a communication to this State will soon be exten- 
sively seen and felt in the different branches of bus- 
iness carried on within it." 

On Ma3' 17, 1825, the citizens of Alontpelier 
met and appointed a committee to examine the 
practicabilit\^ of a canal from Lake Champlain to 
Connecticut River. The committee made a re- 
port, at an adjourned meeting held on the 7th of 
June, 1825, to the effect that a canal from Alont- 
pelier via. Wells River to Connecticut River was 
feasible, and via. the Gulf at Williamstowm and 


White River was less so. At this meeting the com- 
mittee was enlarged so as to include Araunah 
Waterman, Sylvanus Baldwin, E. P. Walton, Sen- 
ior, Joshua Y. Vail, Joseph Howes, Samuel Pren- 
tiss, Timothy Hubbard, Parley Davis, Nicholas 
Baylies, Jeduthan Loomis, George Worthington, 
Timoth\^ Merrill, Calvin Winslow, John Spalding, 
and Edward Lamb.. This meeting called a con- 
vention consisting of delegates from the Counties 
of Chittenden, Washington, Orange, and Caledo- 
nia, which met at Montpelier on June 30, 1825 ; 
that convention resolved upon a surve3^ from Lake 
Champlain to Connecticut River, and appointed 
three commissioners to carr\' the resolves into ef- 
fect, who employed an engineer for the work ; and 
Gov. Van Ness communicated to the Legislature 
of 1825 the report that was made by the commis- 
sioners. The Convention also requested the Gov- 
ernor to apph^ to the U. S. Secretary of War for 
surveys under the directors of that department — 
the survey's referred to were those that were made 
of the Country between Lake Memphremagog and 
Connecticut River and a surve3' of that River from 
Lake Connecticut in New Hampshire to Long Is- 
land Sound, which were ordered on the request of 
Congressmen from Vermont, New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, and Connecticut. 

On Nov. 17, 1825, the Legislature requested 
Gov. Van Ness to apply to the Secretary of War 
to direct and employ some suitable engineer or en- 
gineers to ascertain the different heights of land 
and the waters on the several routes in this State 
where it was contemplated to make canals. There 


was communicated to the twentieth Congress by 
the U. S. engineers the report of a survey for a ca- 
nal connecting the waters of Lake Champlain 
near Burlington with those of Connecticut River 
by the valleys of Onion and White Rivers. The 
conclusion was, ''that the adequacy of the supply 
of w^ater was too doubtful to warrant the con- 
struction of so expensive a canal as this would 
be." This report was a fair type of the conclu- 
sions of the reports of the other surveys; and all 
schemes of this sort were abandoned. 

One of the first indications of the prosperity of 
a community or nation and advancement in civil- 
ization is the convenient means of interchange of 
its merchandise and its unrestricted and easy com- 
munication between the people of municipal divi- 
sions. At an earh' day in Vermont the attention 
of its people, through their representatives in the 
Legislature, was directed to the survey, building 
and repairing roads, constructing turnpikes and 
building bridges throughout the State. In doing 
this the purpose and effect was to impose a por- 
tion of these burdens upon the owners, both resi- 
dents and non-residents, of the land to be benefited 
b3^ the expenditure; and each male person, with a 
few exceptions, was required to work out on the 
highw^ay a tax annually ; and the exclusive right 
to run stages and maintain ferries, was granted 
by the Legislature. The members of the Legisla- 
ture were so impressed with the importance of 
good roads throughout the State, they passed, 
on Nov. 2, 1802, the following resolution :— 


"Whereas the opening necessary and conven- 
ient roads tends greath' to the wealth and popu- 
lation of this State, b\' encouraging settlements, 
and rendering public travel convenient; and as a 
good road, from North to South, directly through 
this State, beginning at Huntsburgh [Franklin] 
or Berkshire, thro' Enosburgh, Bakersfield, part 
of Fletcher to Cambridge, Underhill, Jericho, Rich- 
mond, Huntington, Buel's Gore, Lincoln, Ripton, 
Goshen, Brandon, and to fall into the public road at 
Brandon or Pittsford, through which towns there 
are roads laid, tho' not sufficienth^ occupied for 
public travel, yet capable of being made feasible for 
public travel, and would shorten the travel from 
north to south about twent3' miles if straightened 
and mended — Therefore, Resolved, that a Commit- 
tee of three be appointed from this House, to join 
such a Committee as the Governor and Council 
may appoint, to take under consideration the util- 
ity and necessity of opening, straitening and re- 
pairing the road thro' said Towns." 

One of the first expensive projected roads was 
constructed from Newbury near Connecticut River 
to Peacham, and thence to Cabot, Walden, Hard- 
wick, Craftsbury, Albany and Lowell to Hazen's 
Notch near the line between Lowell and Montgom- 
ery. This originally was intended as a military 
road and was to extend to St. Johns in Canada: it 
was commenced in 1776, bj^ Gen. Bayley and com- 
pleted about 1780 by Brigadier Moses Hazen. 
Grants and aid were frequently asked by interested 
parties for roads, turnpikes and bridges, some of 
which were as follows : a petition in 1801, that a 


grant ma^^ be passed for a turnpike road from the 
mouth of Wells River to Danville, throu^^h the towns 
of Rj^egate, Barnet, Peacham, and Dcw\''s Burgh; 
application in 1797, to lay out a CountA' road 
from Chelsea to Danville; and in 1799, to la^' out 
and surve}' a road from Montpelier and Calais to 
Danville, and an act asking the right of making a 
turnpike from Brookfield to Onion River; in 1791, 
a petition from the inhabitants of Woodstock 
praj^ing for a grant of a lotter\' of three hundred 
pounds for the purpose of repairing the road 
across the mountains through Killington (Sher- 
burne); and a petition praying for a lottery to be 
granted for the purpose of building a biidge over 
White River, and one to complete a bridge over 
Deerfield River in Readsboro; in 1803 a bill was 
passed appointing a committee to lay out and 
survey a public road from Berkshire to Brandon. 
In 1795, a petition of Sherburne Hale was made, 
praying for "the exclusive right of making a road 
in Rockingham and receiving toll from passengers 
in like manner as ferr\'men across Connecticut 
River." This seems to have been the first sugges- 
tion of turnpike toll companies in Vermont, man^- 
of which were subsequently granted in place of the 
former practice of building roads and bridges by 
money derived from lotteries, 

On Nov. 7, 1826 a bill became a law relating to 
the arch-bridge across Onion River between Mont- 
pelier and Berlin; this was one of the first arch- 
bridges erected in Vermont. On October 13, 1795, 
a petition was presented praying to have the ex- 
clusive right of running a stage from Windsor to 


Burlington for a term of j^ears, and one for the ex- 
clusive privilege of running a stage from Windsor 
to Benjamin Wright's on White River in Hartford. 
These last two petitions originated the great mail 
stage route that became so famous about the year 
1835 and for many years later by Alahlon Cottrill 
of Montpelier, and over which route the Vermont 
Central Rail Road was at a later date constructed. 

Many of the above mentioned applications for 
the survey and laj-ing out of highways, and many 
others, were granted and built; and man^^of them, 
as well as turnpikes and bridges, were constructed 
by the aid of lotteries granted by the Legislature. 
The exclusive right of running ferries was granted 
from time to time. On November 4, 1805, there 
was an act before the Legislature to establish a 
corporation b3^ the name of the Boston and Mon- 
treal Turnpike Company, and the Council resolved 
to concur with the House in passing the bill. The 
writer is unable to state what was done under the 
act, but it shows the State was encouraging large 
undertakings and improvements. 

On October 30, 1798, a grant was giv^en to Jos- 
eph Hawkins to raise by lotter\^ the sum of two 
thousand dollars. Hawkins resided in Alburgh 
and went on a voyage to the coast of Africa in 
1794 and 1795, on commercial pursuits, and after 
enduring uncommon fatigues and dangers, his suf- 
ferings received an aggravating consummation 
of distress by a deprivation of his sight. At the 
time of this grant he was of the age of twenty-six. 
He desired to go to Europe to be treated by skilled 
oculists, but he was unable from poverty to un- 


dertake the voyage and the act was for the pur- 
pose of furnishing him the means. It was stated 
in the "Rutland Herald" of Dec. 31, 1798, that 
Hawkins ''had written an instructive and enter- 
taining account of his voyage and travels in Africa 
and was engaged in literary pursuits and publica- 
tions." There were man^^ licenses granted by the 
Legislature to individuals presumabh^ to aid them 
in carr34ng forward private enterprises of their 
own, and no public object was specified in many of 
the grants. 

The granting of lotteries for the promotion of 
any enterprise or scheme, and especialh^ those of a 
private nature, was of questionable policy. In the 
early days of Vermont the survey' and construct- 
ing of roads, canals, and other means of communi- 
cation through the State, and the encouragement 
of manufacturing, were urgently demanded, but 
money was hard to be got and the means to 
bring about these needed improvements were not 
easily to be obtained, and hence lottery schemes 
were resorted to, to enable these improvements and 
industries to be carried forward. Under these cir- 
cumstances, in the early history of Vermont, the 
people and their legislators did not seem to doubt 
the propriety or question the polic3^ of resorting 
to lottery schemes to aid in promoting these en- 
terprises. The general polic^^ of the State from 
the earliest times has been the prohibition of lot- 
teries, except allowed bj^ special grant as shown 
by the laws of the State as contained in the vari- 
ous revisions. And when leave was given by the 
Legislature for the raising of a lottery, the selling 


of the tickets and the management of the lottery 
were guarded b^- strict regulations provided by 
the law-making power of the State. At length a 
more enlightened policy obtained. On Nov. 5, 
1804, in the Council, a committee, appointed on a 
bill to grant to the Common Council of the Cit^- 
of Yergennes liberty to raise the sum of two thou- 
sand five hundred dollars for the purpose of build- 
ing a bridge over Otter Creek in said city, reported 
that the same ought to pass, which report was 
not accepted, and on motion "resolved to non- 
concur with the House in passing the said bill in- 
to a law," and the Council gave as reason for the 
non-concurrence: "1st, Because Institutions of 
this kind tend to invite individuals to enter into 
speculations in obtaining property different from 
the modes dictated by honest industry; 2nd, be- 
cause the experience of this government has taught 
us that lotteries have created evils to communities 
greater than the_v were designed to remove." In 
this case the grant w^as finally given, but the op- 
position that it met with, showed that the senti- 
ment of the people had begun to exert itself against 
the evils of lottery schemes, and none have been 
granted for many years. It would not be out of 
place here to refer to the active stand that was 
taken by several of the Governors of the State, on 
questions of internal improvements, but it is 
thought best to defer an account of their public 
utterances in favor of such improvements, and for 
the public welfare, until we come to the chapters 
devoted to their services. 

The Legislature of the State enacted many laws 


from time to time, designed to encourage manufac- 
tures of various kinds. It was stated in the sec- 
ond volume of this History, in substance, that the 
earh' settlers of the State, by their persevering in- 
dustr\^, raised a little flax and wool, which were 
spun, woven, colored and made into clothing by the 
wives and daughters, and thus their wants were 
supplied. At that day there were but few trades 
that were deemed indispensable; the blacksmith, 
the shoemaker and the wheel-wright were the 
principal ones. As the condition of the people im- 
proved, the^^ by degrees, extended their desires be- 
3^ond the mere necessaries of life ; first to the neces- 
sities and then to luxuries and elegancies. This 
produced new wants, and manufacturing on a 
large scale was demanded, and the Legislature to 
some extent gave its aid for its promotion. 

On October 17, 1801, an Act passed granting 
to Araen Elliot, his heirs and assigns, the exclusive 
right of manufacturing Crawley and Blistered Steel 
for the term of ten years; on Nov. 9, 1807, the 
House adopted the following Preamble and Reso- 
lution : — 

"Whereas, it becomes the interest of the good 
people of this and the United States, as far as pos- 
sible to encourage domestic manufactures, and 
more especially when the peace of this country- is 
threatened by the nation with whom we have the 
greatest commercial intercourse; and whereas the 
most ready method of introducing such manufac- 
tures will be to take proper measures to make 
them fashionable, — Therefore, 

Resolved, the Governor and Council concur- 


ring herein, that it be recommended to the Gov- 
ernor, members of the Council, and House of Rep- 
resentatives, to appear at the next session of the 
Legislature, clothed in the manufactures of this or 
some other of the United States." 
This resolution was concurred in by the Council. 
The Secretar\^ of the Treasury of the United 
States on JUI3' 28, 1809, through a resolution of 
Congress of June 7th of that year, issued a circular 
to the several States for the purpose of obtaining 
information for the means of protecting and fos- 
tering the manufactures of the United States, to- 
gether with a statement of the several manufac- 
turing establishments which had been commenced, 
and thereupon, in the Vermont Assembh^ on Octo- 
ber 25, 1809, a committee of one from each county 
was appointed to prepare a statement of the man- 
factures of the State. The committee made their 
report, which included the following table: viz.,— 

Counties. Cotton & Linen. 

, Woolen, 

Clothiers Carding 



No. Yds. 

No. Yds. 


Machines aces. 



























































Essex &G.K 

le 28,960 

27 860 







Many of these manufactured goods became ex- 
ports from the State, there being a surplus after 
supplying the wants of Vermont. The resolution 


of Congress was limited to manufactures, there- 
fore the above table did not embrace pot and 
pearl ashes, timber and lumber which were ex- 
ported in large quantities to Canada in the neigh- 
borhood of Lake Champlain, nor did it include ag- 
ricultural productions of wheat, pork, and other 
articles which were sent in large amounts, in 
those days to Albany from Western Vermont, and 
to Boston and Portland from Eastern Vermont. 
The House and Council on Nov. 3, 1823, passed 
resolution instructing the Vermont delegation in 
Congress to support all lawful measures for the 
encouragement and protection of manufactures, 
and these instructions were complied with. A res- 
olution was also adopted on Nov. 2, 1824, that a 
committee of manufactures be instructed to in- 
quire into the expediency- of exempting the work- 
men in cotton and woolen factories from military 
duty, and that the judiciary committee be in- 
structed to inquire into the expediency of enacting 
a law- making it the duty of manufacturing com- 
panies incorporated by this State to give all chil- 
dren employed b^- said companies between the 
ages of six and fifteen, three months' schooling in 
each year. On Nov. 10, 1835, the Council received 
from the House an engrossed bill entitled *'An Act 
to encourage the growing of silk within this 
State." The Governor and Council concurred in 
the passage of the bill. This Act authorized a 
bounty of ten cents for each pound of cocoons 
thereafter raised or grown within the State. 
Many persons in Vermont at that date had plant- 
ed the mulberry in their gardens, procured silk 


worms in the egg, and with a reel and small spin- 
ning wheel manufactured sewing silk of the very 
best quality from the cocoons of their silk w^orms. 
In addition to the various articles and fabrics 
for domestic sale, Vermont possesses facilities for 
extensive manufactures, which are equal if not 
superior to an3^ of the United States. The water 
power of the State afforded bj- her rivers are un- 
limited, and fuel abundant. A list of the manufac- 
tures of the State, given by Thompson in his Civil 
History of Vermont according to the returns of 
1840, were as follows, viz.: — 

26 Furnaces, making 6743 tons cast iron. 

14 Forges, making 655 wrought iron. 

Other metals, valued at $70,500. 

Granite, marble, &c. 33,880. 

17 Paper Mills, making 214,720 value. 

96 woolen factories,! ei oo^ c^-o i 

239 Fulling mills, f $l,331,9o3 value. 

Silk, 39 pounds, $99 value. 
7 Cotton factories, 7254 spindles, manufacturing 
$113,000 value. 
Mixed manufactures, $155,276 value. 
Hats, valued $62,432. 
261 Tanneries 1 122,763 sides sole leather. 
(102,737 sides upper leather. 
Maple Sugar, 4,647,934 pounds. 

1 Brewerv, making 12,800 gallons. 

2 Distilleries, '' 3,500 gallons. 
2 Glass Houses, $55,000 value. 
8 Potteries, 23,000 value 

Potash, 718^2 tons. 
Soap, 50,300 value. 

Candles, 28,687 *' 

Carriages, 162,097 

7 Flouring Mills — barrels of flour 4,495. 


312 Grist mills,] $1,083,12-4 value 
1081 Saw mills, I manufactured. 

20 Oil mills J 

29 Printing offices,— Binderies, 14-. 
2 Rope Walks, $4,000 value man'd. 
Music instruments, $2,290 '' 

Home made goods, $674,548 

Machiner\^ made, 101,354 

Hardware, 16,650 

Small arms, 1,156 

Precious metals, 3,000 

Granite and marble, 62,515 

Bricks and lime, 402,218 

Value of vessels built, 72,000 

Furniture manufactured, 83,275 

Houses. 72 brick, 468 wood, cost 344,896 

Medicines, drugs and dyes, 38,475 

Other manufactures, 488,796 

For the purpose of comparison, we introduce 
the following abstract of manufactures in Ver- 
mont, copied from the returns in 1810 :— 

8 Blast furnaces, 986 tons iron, @ $100, $97,600 
2 Air furnaces, 260 '' pig 90, 23,400 

26 Forges, \817 '* crude, 120, 98,040 

(104 '' refined 150, 15,600 
67 cutnail factories, 144tons nails, @ 240, 34,560 
65 trip hammers— value of the work done, 78,574 
11 paper mills— 23,350 r'ms, Oi $3 pr. r'm, 70,050 
26 oil mills— 50,637 gallons. Or $1 pr gal. 50,637 
125 distilleries, 173,285 do 75 cts. 129,964 
205 tanneries— 773 tons leather, (a $500, 386,500 
166 fulling-mills dressed 942,960 yds.a25, 235,740 
139 carding machn's, 798,500 lbs. w^ool 

@ .06, 47,910 
Woolen cloth— 1,207,976 yds. @ 75 cts. 905,982 
Cotton cloth— 131,326 yards, @ 30 cts. 39,397 
Linen cloth— 1,859,931 yards, (^/: 35 cents, 650,976 


Mixed cloth —191,426 yards, at 38 cents, 72,471 
14,801 looms, weave 240 yards each, Oi 8,276,179 
67,756 spin'g wheels, spin'70sk's ea. (§ 4, 189,716 
23 jennies, equal 804 spindles, " 3, 1,688 

96,760 hats at $2 193,520 

65,580 pairs boots, at $3 $196,740 

138,700 pair shoes, at 75 cents, 179,025 

Saddles and Harnesses, amount of yalue, 127,840 
Cabinet work, do do 118,450 

Maple sugar, 1,200,000 lbs. at 10 cts. lb. 120,000 
Potashes, 1500 tons at $100 pr. ton, 150,000 

There are man\' other manufacturing enter- 
prises, including the unlimited marble and gran- 
ite industries, that haye been more recently deyel- 
oped, a description of which will be giyen in a fu- 
ture yolume. 

The project for a canal from Lake Cham plain 
by wa3' of Onion Riyer to the Atlantic b3^ way of 
Portsmouth, N. H., and to Boston, Mass., that lie 
near the hearts of the people of Vermont, haying 
failed, the attention of persons interested in inter- 
nal improyements was turned towards railroads. 
At that time there were no railroads of anj^ con- 
siderable length in operation in the United States, 
but railroads had been in successful operation for 
several years in Great Britain. John L. Sullivan, 
one of the engineers connected with the United 
States Board of Internal Improvements, insisted 
that transportation would be cheaper from Bos- 
ton to Lake Erie by railroad by the northern 
route to Ogdensburgh than Irom New York City 
to Lake Erie b\^ canal. The route indicated by 
Sullivan was Irom Boston by way of Concord, 
Lebanon, and down the valley of Onion River to 


Burlington, Vt., thence by a ferry to Port Kent, 
N. Y., and from thence b^- railway to Ogdensburgh. 

In 1830, great interest in railroads prevailed in 
Vermont, and the several schemes discussed enlist- 
ed the aid of capitalists of Boston and vicinity. 
Meetings were held at Brattleboro, AYindsor and 
Chelsea and a series of meetings at Alontpelier. A 
report was made to the Legislature of Massachu- 
setts in Januar\', 1830, in favor of granting a 
charter for a Railroad from Boston to Lowell, 
Mass. This seemed to stir the people of Vermont 
to action. On the evening of Januar\^ 26, 1830, 
citizens of Alontpelier met and appointed a com- 
mittee on the subject, who reported on Feb. 2, ex- 
pressing the opinion that a railroad "cannot be 
constructed on an^^ location where it could afford 
more advantages to the inhabitants of New Eng- 
land, and the nation generally, than one from 
Boston, Mass., to Ogdensburgh, N. Y.," and 
adopted the following resolution : — 

"Resolved, That the public good requires vig- 
orous and persevering efforts on the part of all in- 
telligen4: and public spirited individuals, all friends 
of their country and of internal improvements, un- 
til, by the enterprise of individuals, the co-opera- 
tion of State Legislatures, or the aid of General 
Government, the survey' and completion of a route 
is accomplished, for a National Railroad, from the 
seaboard at Boston, through Lowell, Mass., Con- 
cord in New Hampshire, and thence by the most 
convenient route through the valle^^ of Onion Riv- 
er to Lake Champlain, and thence to the waters 
of Lake Ontario, at Ogdensburgh, N. Y." 


This resolution was sio^ned by Lyman Reed, Eze- 
kiel P. Walton and Sylvanus Baldwin as Commit- 
tee. At this meeting another committee was ap- 
pointed to report to a County convention. The 
County convention, consisting of citizens of the 
Counties of Orange and Washington, met at Mont- 
pelier February 17, 1830, when the committee, 
through General Parley Davis, made report on the 
different routes and came to the conclusion that a 
railroad from Boston via. Concord, N. H., and On- 
ion River, Yt., to Ogdensburgh was feasible, and 
that the productions transported on the great 
Western lakes would find a quicker and cheaper 
conve3^ance to the seaboard at Boston than they 
possibly could to the City of New York. Many 
meetings in the interest of the project were called 
along the line of the proposed routes during the 
year 1830, at all of which, except the one held at 
Burlington, thej^ took action looking to secure aid 
from the National Government in the construction 
and survey of the road. The convention at Burling- 
ton resolved that the resources of the States inter- 
ested were amply sufficient to accomplish the ob- 
ject. Subsequentl3" a general convention was called 
to meet at the State House at Montpelier Septem- 
ber 6th, 1830. The convention consisted of 5 dele- 
gates from the City of Boston, 10 from the State 
of New Hampshire, 26 from the State of Yermont, 
and 7 from the State of New York, and they held 
a two days' session. Luther Bradish of Franklin 
County, New York, was the President of the conven- 
tion, who, at its close, made an impressive speech, 
emphasizing the project which had been particu- 


lady considered as one of national importance, 
and predicting that this and other similar projects 
of internal improvement throughout the countrj^ 
would serve "as so many new and ever-brighten- 
ing chains to bind more strongly together all of 
the States of this great, highly favored and happy 
Union." E. P. Walton says in the "Governor and 
Council," that among the delegates of that conven- 
tion w^ere, "Charles Paine of Northiield, and Tim- 
othy Follett of Burlington, w^ho from 1845 during 
their lives, were the most distinguished railroad 
men of Vermont, and both were victims to their 
zeal in this service." 

The work of the convention was for the future; 
at that time no corporation had been orgnized for 
the building a road on either of the contemplated 
routes : even the Boston and Low^ell Railroad was 
not organized until 1831. At that date there w^ere 
but few that dared predict that Vermont some 
day would have enough lines of railroad so that a 
true map of the State would look like a checker- 
board by reason of the railroads running length- 
wise and across its surface, but it has become a re- 
ality. The idea of securing National, or even State 
aid for the construction of this class of improve- 
ments was abandoned, and those who were partic- 
ularly interested in them were thrown upon their 
own resources and the voluntarv contributions of 
the people and the towns interested by their con- 
struction. The State of Vermont, while it would 
not aid in any of the railroad projects, it was nev- 
ertheless liberal through its legislature in granting 
charters for them. The progress made towards 


the construction of railroads was slow. People 
were slow to make the necessary- sacrifices. 

In the spring of 1845, the commissioners re- 
spectiveh^ of the Vermont Central Railroad Com- 
pany and the Rutland and Burlington Railroad 
Compan3' opened oifices in Boston to canvass for 
subscriptions to the stock of the respective roads ; 
the presses of Boston and Vermont were employed 
in discussing the advantages of the two routes 
and the indispensable importance of either, to Bos- 
ton, if only one should succeed. It created two zeal- 
ous parties in Vermont b^' reason of the competing 
lines. Both secured capital for organization in 
1845, and both roads were speedily constructed. 
The organization and construction of the Northern 
Cheshire and Sullivan in New Hampshire, the Ver- 
mont and Massachusetts, and the Passumpsic 
and Connecticut River and the Vermont and Can- 
ada, in Vermont, soon followed. The Vermont 
Central and the Rutland and Burlington Rail- 
roads were completed in 1854. 

With the above named roads all the railroads 
more recently constructed in Vermont are con- 
nected. The original stock of most of the rail- 
roads chartered and constructed in Vermont, by 
reason of the large expense of building, furnishing 
and operating the roads, became worthless; the 
earnings of the bankrupt roads had to go to pay 
the running expenses of the road and the later pre- 
ferred stock or indebtedness. The embarrassment 
of the Central Vermont by reason of its overbur- 
dened debt plunged it into an expensive and pro- 
longed litigation and it was placed in the hands of 
receivers for manv vears. 


Since the charter and the buildino^ of the Cen- 
tral Vermont and the Rutland and Burlington 
Railroads, man3^ railroads in different parts of the 
State have been chartered by the Legislature of 
Vermont and built by the different companies, so 
that the people of the State have great railroad 
facilities, and making the Green Mountain State 
one of the best summer resorts in the world. 
Without stating the dates of the different char- 
ters of the several railroads or the names of the 
different companies or the exact time when they 
were respectively constructed and commenced to 
be operated, it will not be out of place to state 
generally the several lines of railroads and their 
connections. At the present writing one of the 
north and south railroads enters the State at 
Connecticut River near the south-east corner of 
Bloomfield in the County of Essex and runs 
through the north-east corner of the State via. 
Island Pond in Brighton and enters Canada at 
the north line of the town of Norton ; one line 
enters the State at its south-east corner in the 
towm of Vernon and runs north up Connecticut 
River to the town of Barnet and to the mouth of 
Passumpsic River and up the last named river 
via. St. Johnsbury and Barton to Newport and 
Lake Memphremagog, and from thence one line 
runs through Derby into Canada, and the other 
branch runs through Newport and Tro\^ and 
thence into Canada and connects w4th a rail- 
road at Richford. There is a short line running 
from Brattleboro via. Jamaica to Londonderry 
in Windham Countv. The Deerfield road en- 


ters Vermont from Massachusetts in Whiting- 
ham and runs through the town to Wilming- 
ton, and another Hne from North Petersburgh, 
N. Y., via. Bennington to Glastenbur3' in Ben- 
nington County ; and a line from Bennington to 
North Bennington and from there westerh' to 
New York State, and from North Bennington via. 
Manchester to Rutland. One road running from 
Eagle Bridge, N. Y., through Rupert, Pawlet,, 
Poultne^^ and connecting at Castleton in Rut- 
land County with the road leading from White- 
hall, N. Y., to Rutland, Vermont. There is a short 
railroad running from White River Junction in 
Hartford to Woodstock and a long line running 
from White River Junction via. Randolph, Mont, 
pelier Junction, Essex Junction, St. Albans, and 
entering Canada at the north line ot Highgate in 
Franklin Count\', and another branch of the same 
line running from Swanton Junction through the 
town of Alburgh to Rouses Point, N. Y. The last 
railroad constructed, completed and put in opera- 
tion in 1901, in the State, runs from Canada line 
through Alburgh, North Hero, Grand Isle and 
South Hero and across the eastern part of Lake 
Champlain to the main land near the mouth of 
Onion River and along the lake shore to Burling- 
ton and there connects with the Rutland and 
Burlington road. The Missisquoi Valley Road 
runs from St. Albans via. Enosburgh to Richford, 
Vt., and connects w4th the road running west 
from Newport. One of the railroads that crosses 
the State enters the State at Connecticut River in 
Lunenburg and runs via. St. Johnsbury, Danville, 


through Lamoille County, Fletcher and Sheldon 
to Swanton, Yt.; this is a part of a through line 
from Portland, Maine, to Ogdensburgh, New York. 
One road runs from the mouth of Wells River via. 
Groton and Marshfield to Montpelier Junction, 
also a road running from Montpelier via. Barre 
to Williamstown. The Burlington and Lamoille 
Railroad runs from Essex Junction in Chittenden 
County to Combridge Junction in Lamoille Coun- 
ty and thence connects with the road running from 
St. Johnsbur3^ to Swanton. The Addison road 
runs from Leicester Junction westerly to Lake 
Champlain and Ticonderoga, N. Y. 

These lines of railroads, and the fast multi- 
plying electric roads, together with the water- 
way facilities afforded by the Lake Champlain, 
supph' the people of Vermont with convenient 
traveling facilities, and the farmers and business 
men abundant means of transportation of freight. 



The pages of this history show that Vermont, 
even at an early da3% had many able citizens, wise 
in state-craft and w^ell fitted for building up the in- 
terests of a new State; and the State had been 
honored b\^ some distinguished guests. In the 
first summer after the State was admitted into 
the Federal Union, two of the most distinguished 
men of the nation, Thomas Jefferson and James 
Aladison, took a sail through Lake George and 
on Lake Champlain and as far as twenty-five 
miles north of Ticonderoga, when a farther ad- 
vance was prevented by head wdnds causing the 
visitors and their party to return— they proceeded 
to Bennington on the 4th of June, and remained 
there over the Sabbath, and then returned by the 
way of the Connecticut River Valley and through 
Hartford and New Haven, Conn., to New York 
and Philadelphia. 

The next distinguished guest to w^hom we will 
refer is the man of ''two worlds," the Frenchman, 
the disinterested patriot, the Marquis De Lafay- 
ette. He w^as born on the 6th of September, 1757, 
in the Province of Auvergne in the southern divi- 
sion of France. In the summer of 1776, he w^as 



stationed on military duty as an officer of the 
French army in the citadel of Metz. The first 
news of the opening struggle for American inde- 
pendence struck the key-note to Lafayette's fier3^ 
ardor. America fighting for its independence 
against British oppression, enlisted every s^^m- 
pathy of his heart. He threw up his office at 
Metz, returned to Paris and secretly made prep- 
arations to leave his native land and join the 
American Army to aid the Colonies in establish- 
ing their independence. It is not the purpose of 
the writer to give a detailed account of his invalu- 
able service in aid of the American cause, but suf- 
fice it to sa\' here, he was commissioned b^^ Con- 
gress, Major General, July 31, 1777, and had the 
full confidence of General Washington. After peace 
was declared at the close of the Revolutionary 
War, Lafayette returned to France. Lafa3^ette 
having been invited by Congress to visit the Unit- 
ed States, he and his son landed at New A'ork City 
on August 15th, 1824, and from that time until 
his departure in September, 1825, there was a 
continued ovation, extending to him the highest 
honors in every State in the Union, and Congress 
crowned it by a gift of $200,000 and a township 
of land. 

The Legislature of Vermont in 1824, requested 
Governor C. P. Van Xess to invite Lafayette to 
extend his tour to Vermont, and directed the nec- 
essary- militar3^ and other preparations. Accord- 
ingly, Governor Van Ness on Dec. 27, 1824, ad- 
dressed General Lafa3-ette as follows : — 

"Sir, — It has become m3- pleasing dut3% at the 


request of the Legislature, and in behalf of the 
people of Vermont, to invite 3'ou to visit this 
State previous to your return to France. It can 
scarceh^ be necessar3% Sir, to assure you that w^e 
should feel both gratified and honored by such an 
event." ^ * ^ To this Gen. Lafayette replied 
from Washington Jan. 15th, 1825, in part, as fol- 
lows : ''It has ever been my intention not to leave 
this side of the Atlantic before I have visited the 
State of Vermont, in the feelings of which, the 
first times of our Revolution, I have heartily 
S3^mpathized, while its services to the common 
cause were by none better felt than by me, w^ho 
may boast to have been early distinguished b^- the 
kindness of the citizens of Vermont." The expres- 
sion in the above letter that ''I have heartih' sym- 
pathized," referred to the controversy with the 
adjoining States. His visit to Vermont w^as de- 
ferred till after he had made his contemplated visit 
to the Southern States. 

General Lafa^^ette and party, consisting of his 
son, George Washington Lafa^^ette, and his secre- 
tary, and the representatives of Governor Van 
Ness, entered the State on the morning of June 28, 
1825, and w^as met by the committee of arrange- 
ment at Windsor and w^elcomed by Hon. Horace 
Everett by a short address, after w^hich Lafa^^ette 
was introduced to Governor Van Ness who ad- 
dressed General Lafayette as follows: viz.,— 

"Permit me to tender you the congratulations 
and the hospitalities of the people of this State, 
on your arrival within its borders. In the per- 
formance of this welcome duty. Sir, the first and 


most pleasing points which present themselves, 
are the character and occurrences which have dis- 
tinguished and adorned your hfe: 3'our publick 
and your private virtues — 3'our exalted and inflex- 
ible patriotism — 3'our ardent and uniform devo- 
tion to the great cause of liberty- — and above all, 
as it regards us, your noble zeal, 3'our disinter- 
ested sacrifices, and your eminent services, in 
that memorable struggle, which resulted in the 
establishment and independence of the United 
States. But to dwell minuteh- on these, could 
only be a repetition of what has been a thousand 
times said and published; and the recital of which, 
in new and glowing terms, has but recently greet- 
ed your ear, and, I trust, cheered your heart, at 
every step, throughout this happy and rejoicing 
country— a countrj-, which at the same time ac- 
knowledges 3'ou as a father, and proudh- claims 
you as a son. 

"But though our tongues have been forestalled, 
our hearts are not the less full. They, have indeed, 
been constantly and tenderly alive to all your 
movements, and whatever concerned \'Ou, while 
traversing the Union ; but it has been reserved to 
an hour in which our soil is hallowed b3' your 
tread, for them to pour out, without measure, the 
libations of their gratitude, and their aifection. 
That these are now rushing forth from their over- 
flowing fountains, in torrents behind whose rapid- 
ity any language of mine cannot but lag, is suffi- 
ciently seen in the intense and adoring gaze of the 
croud hj which 3'ou are surrounded. 

"General, I have the honour to represent, on this 


interesting occasion, a people plain and hardy, but 
intelligent and virtuous; industrious cultivators 
of the earth, but enjoying, on their lofty hills, and 
in their lowly valleys, comfort and independence. 
Sincerely attached to the constitution and govern- 
ment of their country, they will never shrink from 
any sacrifices necessary to support and defend 
them. And if it may become me, I would add, 
that their bravery and patriotism have been se- 
verely tested, in the darkest hours of peril and 
disma3% and found firm and immovable, as the 
mountains which majestically stretch themselves 
through the midst of them. 

"It is, too, a source of no small gratification to 
me, that they can number among them many of 
the worthy veterans who served in the same 
cause, in which you so gloriousW distinguished 
yourself. But if I am so inadequate to express the 
feelings of others, how far bej^ond me is it to de- 
scribe the emotions which must agitate the bosoms 
of those venerable fathers, on saluting, at this lapse 
of time, one of their old and beloved Generals, and 
whom in all probability' their eyes are to behold 
for the last time, on this side of the grave. With 
their bodies enfeebled by the ravages of many a 
year, and their locks bleached by the sun of many 
a summer, their hearts, 3'et warm as the warmest, 
and tender as the tenderest, will be lighted up 
and animated with a blaze, kindled by a spark 
from the altar of '76, but whose blissful warmth 
none but they and you can be permitted fully to 

General Lafayette replied as follows: — 


"The testimonies of esteem and affection be- 
stowed upon me by the people of Vermont and 
their representative and chief magistrate, are the 
more gratifying as I had eagerly anticipated the 
pleasure, in my happ^^ visit through the United 
States, once more to behold those celebrated 
mountains, the very thought of which recalls to 
my mind glorious, patriotic, and endearing asso- 
ciations. From this State, Sir, by a gallant band 
of patriots, and their worths- leader and proto- 
t^'pe, was, for the first time, proclaimed on the 
ramparts of a British fortress, the name of the 
Continental Congress. Nor ever did the vicinit3^ 
of the enem^' on the northern frontier, and family 
difficulties on every other side, one instant cool the 
ardor of the sons of Vermont to defend the cause 
of American independence and freedom. Now I 
have the happiness to see the hardy cind the virtu- 
ous inhabitants of this State peaceabh' cultivat- 
ing their lofty hills and their handsome valleys, 
with the intelligence and spirit which characterise 
them ; I see them, in common with their sister 
States, enjo^'ing the blessings of the new Ameri- 
can social order, so far superior even to the least 
exceptionable institutions of Europe. What hith- 
erto was, at best, religious toleration, has been 
here exchanged for religious liberty and equality — 
privilege for right — royal charter mock representa- 
tives, inefficient compromises between nations and 
a few loyal and aristocratical families, for the sov- 
ereigntv of the people, lor truh' representative and 

"Sir, I most cordially thank you, for the friendly 


and flattering manner in which 3'ou are pleased to 
express the feelings of the people of this State ; a 
most gratif3'ing specimen of this goodness I now 
have the gratification to witness. I thank you for 
3^our s\'mpathy, for the delight I feel to see the 
happy citizens of Vermont enjo3-ing all the bless- 
ings of republican liberty, and among them to rec- 
ognize many of m\^ beloved companions in arms. 
Be pleased to accept in 3^our own name, and in be- 
half of the people and representatives of Vermont, 
the tribute of my respectful devotion and grati- 

At Woodstock the General was welcomed on 
behalf of the citizens of the town by Hon. Titus 
Hutchinson, w^ho said in part that,— 

"Although one generation and almost a second 
have passed away, a few patriots of the revolu- 
tion still survive. Some of these present have 
marched in defence of their country in obedience 
to your commands. These all 3^et live to tell us 
and their posterit3' what our liberties cost and 
how the3^ were attained : na3' more, the3^ are the 
living heralds of 3'our disinterested and efficacious 
exertions to redeem us from colonial bondage and 
guarantee to us those free institutions w^hich are 
at once the glor\^ and happiness of our country, 
and are extending their benign influence through 
the world. 

"We should rejoice in 3^our longer continuance 
here if other and higher claims would permit ; but 
we know3^ou must speedil3^ progress on your tour, 
and we express the sincere desire of our hearts 
that your path ma3^ be strewed with flowers, fra- 


grant flowers, till you arrive at the blissfuljhor^es 
of immortality." ' 

To which the General made an apt and im- 
promptu reply, and then proceeded to Royalton, 
w^here he was welcomed in behalf of its citizens, to 
the green hills and happ\' villages of Vermont, by 
Hon. Jacob Collamer, who said in part that, — 

"In the full enjoyment, in common with our 
splendid cities, of all those privileges and bless- 
ings which flow from the liberalit}^ of our republi- 
can institutions, and surrounded with the light 
and intelligence which attend those institutions, 
we cannot be insensible from whence these bless- 
ings flow, or the debt of gratitude which they 
imply. These are the happy results of your early 
labors and those of your compatriots. Hence the 
thrill of pleasure which, at your condescending 
visit, vibrates with electric rapidity and s^^mpa- 
thetic orison to the most obscure and remote 
extremities of our nation." 

To which the General made a happ3^ reply. He 
was welcomed at East Randolph by Rev. Wilbur 
Fisk. General Lafayette and his party arrived at 
Montpelier about 10 o'clock in the evening of June 
28th, and w^as addressed on behalf of the citizens 
of Montpelier and vicinity by Hon. Elijah Paine, 
Judge of the U. S. Court for the District of Ver- 
mont, and said in part : — 

"We congratulate 3'ou on having nearly com- 
pleted the tour of the United States in health, and 
hope 3^ou have received great pleasure and satis- 
faction in witnessing the fruits of 3'our early toils 
and sacrifices, in the improvement and prosperity 


of a widely extended Republic. We believe 3'ou 
have seen a ^reat Nation enjo3nng the blessings of 
liberty without licentiousness. 

"When you left this country after the war of 
the Revolution, the State of Vermont had but just 
begun to have a name. At that time almost the 
whole State was a wilderness — 3'et we are proud 
of some of the feats performed in that war by the 
arms of Vermont. We count upon ourselves as 
principals in the capture of a whole British army 
under Burgo^-ne, the consequences of which are too 
well known to 3'ou to need a rehearsal. 

"The State of Vermont cannot show to vou 
large towns and cities ; but it can show to \'ou 
what is perhaps of as much consequence: it can 
show to you a sober, substantial, intelligent, and 
well informed ^-eomanrv." In reph' to which La- 
faj^ette said : — 

"The welcome I receive from the citizens of 
Montpelier, the great number of friends who at 
this late hour have been pleased to wait my ar- 
rival, and the particular gratification to hear their 
affectionate feelings expressed b^^ >'ou, m^^ dear Sir, 
fill my heart with the most liveU^ sentiments of 
pleasure and gratitude. 

"Well maA' I, Sir, acknowledge the patriotic ti- 
tles of this State, not onl^^ as having been the the- 
ater of a most important event, the victory of 
Bennington, and having largeh^ contributed to the 
happ3^ turns in the north — but also, as having by 
her devotion to the general cause, and b3^ the gal- 
lantrv of her hard3' sons, constants taken a great 
proportionate share in our revolutionary struggle; 


nor shall I omit this opportunity to express my 
early interest in the local feelings and wishes of 
the State of Vermont. 

Sir, I have now accomplished* one of the great- 
est objects of my life; I have visited the twenty- 
four States of the Union; I have been the happy 
witness of the immense, rapid, and ever increasing 
results of Indepenpence, Republican institutions, 
and self government, and you, Sir, and all of you 
whom I have the pleasure to address, I most cor- 
dially congratulate on the public and domestic 
happiness which is enjoyed b^- the citizens of Ver- 
mont, and I beg you to accept my affectionate and 
respectful thanks." 

On the morning of the 29th of June, the ladies 
of Alontpelier assembled in the Congregational 
Church, now called Bethany Church, where Mrs. 
Erastus Watrous addressed General Lafayette as 
follows :— 

"Permit me. Sir, in behalf of the ladies present, 
to express to you how highly we are gratified 
with this visit to our metropolis. To us, born free 
as the mountain air we breathe, the man whose 
bosom warmed with the sacred glow of patriot- 
ism when beholding an infant nation struggling 
for liberty, who sacrificed the sweet endearments 
of domestic society, the splendor of rank, and 
staked for time and life, to secure to us and ours 
the blessings we now enjoy ; to us, he is welcome. 
We greet j^ou with a cordial welcome, to our coun- 
try, our homes and our hearts. 

'"Great must be your satisfaction, in your prog- 
ress through the States, to behold in many places 



the wilderness to have 'budded and blossomed as 
the rose,' the arts of civilized life to have advanced 
in the scale of perfection to a competition with 
Europe, wdiile far and wide are diffused the bless- 
ings of peace and plenty, and on every side the 
children of those who were companions in arms, 
vicing with each other in expressions of gratitude 
to our country's benefactor. 

''Accept, dear General, our united aspiration for 
your health and long life. With you, may the eve- 
ning of life be peculiarly pleasant — like the setting 
sun after a glorious day, sinking gradually, and 
throwing back increasing beauty and splendor 
wnth ever3^ expiring beam. May kind hands and 
affectionate hearts soothe and administer to every 
want, and smoothe the pillow of declining age; 
and w^hen at length the 'vital spark' shall quit its 
earthly tenement, may the angel of Death open to 
you the portals of eternal bliss in Heaven. 

With us, and with every freeborn child of Amer- 
ica, the name, the bravery, the virtues, the disin- 
terested generosity of Lafayette w^ill ever be per- 
petuated w4th our beloved Washington." 

To which Lafayette made a happy response. 

At Burlington, on June 25th, 1825, Hon. Will- 
iam A. Griswold w^as deputed to tender General 
Lafayette the hospitalities of the town and bid 
him a cordial and affectionate welcome, and he 
said in part : — 

"The circumstances attending your visit to this 
land of liberty, present a spectacle unparalleled in 
the history of the world. While the sons of, 
who w^ere formerly 3^our companions in arms, are 

(3F VERMONT. 51 

testifying their joy and gratitude, their wives and 
daughters are not less grateful for the delightful 
privilege they enjo}^ of telling their children of 
your illustrious deeds, and of instructing them to 
imitate your brilliant examples. It has also re- 
kindled a spirit of increased devotion to the prin- 
ciples of free government, and one which, we trust, 
will not be extin;guished until 'history is dumb, 
and memory- becomes extinct.' 

Few, ver^^ few of the Revolutionary^ heroes, then 
the hardy sons of our Green Mountains, w^ere eye 
witnesses to 3^our valor and constancy displayed 
throughout our Revolutionary contest; and fewer 
still have survived the lapse of half a century- , to 
unite with us in rendering honor to an early pat- 
riot and our distinguished friend. Yet a small and 
highly favored remnant have been kindly pre- 
served, and tottering w^ith age and infirmity'-, are 
now embodied before you wnth hearts bounding 
with jo3^ and exultation at your presence. And it 
is a proud consolation to them and us to know, 
that they still hold a transcendent place in 3'our 

"During the gloomy period of 1781, the citizens 
of this State were violently assailed by two pow- 
erful neighboring States, claiming jurisdiction over 
her territory, and the w^hile contributing liberally 
to the common cause, her bold and inflexible 
patriots were nobly struggling for self exist- 
ence and state independence. The waters of 3'on- 
der beautiful Lake were covered with an hostile 
fleet and powerful army, and all her strongholds 
in the undisturbed possession of the enem}-. This 


was a time for coward hearts to despond. But the 
statesmen of that day were strangers to fear, and 
Washington, the sainted Washington, your illus- 
trious compeer, was our mediator and our friend. 
An intrepid self-created board of war, consisting of 
eight persons only, wielded the destinies of a scat- 
tered population of about thirty thousand souls. 
Although the ambiguity of their conduct for a 
short time created some distrust abroad, yet their 
stern integrity inspired confidence at home, while 
their masterly and resolute policy rendered the en- 
emy inactive, retarded their operations, and pro- 
tected an extensive and defenceless frontier from 
pillage and devastation. At this critical moment, 
when the destinies of this State (then an almost 
outlawed territory,) were approaching a crisis, 
when despondency came creeping even upon the 
stoutest hearts, the cheering news of the surrender 
of Cornwallis was proclaimed. The independence 
of our country w^as sealed, and with it, the people 
of Vermont delivered from peculiar and tr\4ng em- 
barrassments. Then the name of Lafayette re- 
sounded through the air, hung with rapture upon 
ever^^ tongue, and still remains enshrined in every 
American heart." 

The General made the following reph^ :— 
"While the warm greetings of the citizens of 
of Burlington, and the multitude of friends, who 
came to join them on this happ^- spot, excite 
the most grateful feeling of my heart, I particu- 
larly thank you, sir, for your kind remarks, on 
the enjoyment of my passage through every part 
of the great Confederacy, and namely through 


the State of Vermont. Among the revolutionary 
soldiers, w^hom it is my delight to meet, I have 
the gratification, in the sons of the Green Moun- 
tains, to find many who have been my intimate 
companions, and while in the throngs of friends of 
both sexes, and of every age, who so kindly wel- 
come me, I often recognize the features, I can ever 
recognize the feelings of my American co-tempora- 
ries. There shall never be need, my dear sir, to re- 
kindle in American hearts the sacred flame of re- 
publican patriotism ; to keep it up forever, it suf- 
fices to see and feel the blessings of liberty, equal- 
ity, and self-government; the more so, when those 
dignified and prosperous blessings are compared 
with the situation of another hemisphere ; 3^et 
nothing can be more gratifying than the observa- 
tion that my visit through the United States, so 
delightful to me, has been attended with some 
public utilit3% and I am happ3^ to acknowledge it 
has afforded an oppprtunity once more to assert 
the devotion of the American people to the princi- 
ples for which we have fought, for the institutions 
which they enjoy, at the same time it once more 
recalls to the attention of others the practical re- 
sults of those principles, of those institutions. 

"I am Happy to think, that while the success- 
ful termination of our Virginia campaign has 
helped to settle difficulties of a general concern, it 
has peculiarly contributed to satisfy the anxious 
feelings of this State, in which from an early peri- 
od I have myself felt deeply interested. 

*'To your kind references to very remote time, 
permit me, sir, to add a mention of the later peri- 


od of the late war, in which the citizens of Ver- 
mont also took a spirited part. One of the thea- 
ters of the honorable achievements of that w^ar, 
both on water and on land, we ma\' almost greet 
from this place, on the opposite shore." 

Many of the surviving revolutionary soldiers 
attended these receptions, and at Burlington they 
assembled, and Sergeant Day of Lafayette's early 
Revolutionarj^ regiment bearing the sword pre- 
sented to him by Lafayette. David Russell ad- 
dressed General Lafayette as follows : — 

''A few of the surviving ofRceis and soldiers of 
the American Revolution here present themselves 
to bid you a cordial reception, among those who 
have so long anxiously waited your coming; some 
of whom were wdth you on the tented field, and on 
the ramparts, that witnessed your undaunted 
bravery in defence of a country almost in despair. 
But we had a Washington, 'whose head w^as a 
Senate, and whose arm was a Host,' to direct 
and lead us, who, with his Cabinet Council of 
brave officers, (foreign and American, most of 
whom now sleep with their fathers,) inspired their 
humble followers in arms w^ith that courage, with 
that zeal in the cause of liberty-, and that love of 
country, which could not fail of leading to the im- 
portant result, Freedom and Independence. 

"We rejoice to meet you here, sir, although it 
be but for a moment, to pass in review, and then 
be separated forever. Here we reciprocate the feel- 
ings which can never be obliterated, in the breasts 
of those who have been associated in arms, in a 
just cause, although half a century has nearly 


elapsed since those associations were first formed. 

"You here behold, sir, a frontier, then a savage 
wilderness, now witnessing by its improvements 
the blessed effects, the glorious result of those pat- 
riotic exertions, in w^hich you performed so dis- 
tinguished a part. 

"We reluctant^ bid 3^ou adieu, sir, and pray 
our Almighty' Father that you may return in 
health and safet\^ to your country- and family; 
that the remainder of 3^our days may be peaceful 
and happv; and that thereafter you may join 3'our 
great Prototype in Heaven, and, wnth him and 
other departed Saints and Heroes, forever rejoice 
together in the Paradise of God." 

To these revolutionary soldiers Lafayette said : 

"I am delighted, my dear comrades, w^henever I 
find myself among my revolutionary brothers in 
arms; for we were all brothers, fighting in the 
same cause of independence and freedom ; we all 
enjoy together the happy results of our toils ; yet 
it is to me a particular gratification to recognize 
among you many of the intimate companions w^ho 
served with me in the arm3% and several of my 
beloved Light Infantrv soldiers. If I have ob- 
tained, in our military- events, some fortunate 
days, it is to 3'our gallantrj^ in action, 3'our perse- 
verance under ever^- hardship, to your personal 
affection, that I am indebted for them. That 
name, so dear to m^^ heart, of the soldier's friend, 
which \'ou gave me in my 3'outh, I am happy 
again to find on \'our lips in our old age. Receive, 
dear comrades, m^- most affectionate thanks, love, 
and good wishes." 


On this visit to Burlington Lafaj^ette was in- 
vited to lay the corner stone of the South College 
of the University of Vermont. Rev. Willard Pres- 
ton, President-elect of the University, addressed 
General Lafayette as follows :— 

"In behalf of the University of Vermont, the 
pleasing duty devolves on me of bidding j^ou wel- 
come to this spot, consecrated to Science and Lit- 
erature ; and bid 3^ou a most cordial welcome. We 
are not in3ensible of our obligations to you and to 
your compatriots in arms for the distinguished 
privileges we enjo3% no less of a literary than a 
civil and religious character. While freedom is the 
nurser^^ of science, knowledge and virtue are the 
grand supporting pillars of a free government. 
Mutilate those and the fair fabric falls. Support 
them, and they stand against the combined at- 
tacks of a frowning world. These are supported 
in all our institutions of learning. And it must 
have afforded you the highest satisfaction, to see 
ever3^ where planted, throughout this extensive 
countr3\ seminaries of learning, from the Univer- 
sity to the lowest elementar^^ schools. 

"The Universit\^ of Vermont is comparatively 
in her infancy-. She has sustained a series of dis- 
asters. One 3^ear since, and her noble edifice was 
reduced to ruins. But from those ruins, other edi- 
fices are rising and her prospects are brightening. 
One edifice is already erected, and we ask you to 
confer on us the honor of la3nng the corner stone 
of a second." 

To which Lafa3^ette expressed the high sense 
he had of the honor conferred upon him in permit- 


ting him to lay the corner stone of so interesting 
a btiilding, and said: "I am sure that the sons 
of Vermont will ever evince, in their studies, the 
same ardor and perseverance which at all times 
and on every occasion have characterized the spir- 
ited inhabitants of the Green Mountains." 

The proceedings at Burlington, 'and in Vermont, 
closed by a reception and splendid entertainment 
at the residence of Gov. Van Ness, w^hen General 
Lafa3xtte and his suite embarked on the steamer 
Phoenix, and left Vermont for Whitehall, N. Y. 
It is probable that no Revolutionary officer then 
living, and none but Washington in his lifetime, 
could have aroused the enthusiasm with which 
Lafa^-ette w^as greeted in Vermont. The writer 
has not gone into the details of the arrangements 
and display and of the militar^^ demonstrations 
along the route taken by Lafa3'ette through the 
State, nor of the processions, marches, public din- 
ners but will give three of the toasts offered by 

At Alontpelier he gave the following: "Ver- 
mont, Alontpelier and the Green Mountains, from 
w^hich was early echoed and valiently supported 
the Republican cry for Independence and Freedom 
— may its happy results be more and more enjoyed 
by the sons of the Green Alountains. At Burling- 
ton he gave the folio w^ing: "The town of Bur- 
lington — may the Holy Alliance of Agriculture, 
Manufacturing, Industry and Commerce under the 
influence of her Republican institutions and her 
fortunate situation, more and more ensure her 
prosperity and happiness." And on being asked 


gave the following: "The memory of Ethan Al- 
len, and his earU' companions, the old Green 
Mountain Boj's." Lafa3'ette, before he left Amer- 
ica for France, learned that an officer of the Revo- 
lution, General William Barton, one of his compan- 
ions in arms, had been for a long period imprisoned 
for debt in jail at Danville, Vermont; thereupon 
Lafayette immediately furnished means for his re- 
lease. Lafaj^ette while on board the Brandywine, 
addressed to Gen. Isaac Fletcher of Lyndon a let- 
ter, in which he enclosed a draft, with a request 
that the sums for which Gen. Barton was confined 
should be paid. The request was complied with 
and Barton, the valiant capturer of Prescott, was 
released and at liberty- to return to his family at 
Providence, Rhode Island, after a confinement in 
jail and a separation from them for more than 
thirteen years. 

In an account of his return to his familv, pub- 
lished in the ''Boston Gazette" in 1826, it was 
stated : — 

"It seemed to astonish the old General to see 
the great alterations on the road as we approach- 
ed Providence; and when he spoke of the Alarquis, 
(as he always calls Lafayette,) his eyes filled with 
tears of gratitude. He has been a very powerful 
man, and retains now, in the sevent3'-seventh year 
of his age, much of the vigor of his younger days. 
He would often sing a few lines of an old revolu- 
tionary song, with a clear and strong voice : when 
he had arrived near Providence, he sang, 
" And since we're /2ere, 
" With friends so dear, 
*• We'll drive dull care away." 


But when the old General entered his ancient 
home, and embraced the wife of his youth, his 
children, and his children's children, and met his 
old black servant, it w^as a scene which I cannot 
attempt to describe — they were all overjoyed and 
melted into tears. It w^as a long time before he 
could believe it to be a realit\\" 

Undoubtedly the tour of Lafayette was of great 
value to the nation, in rekindling the patriotic 
spirit in the old, and inspiring it in the 3'oung, and 
will serve to perpetuate the sentiment of Liberty 
and Union. 

Governor Van Ness in his speech to the Council 
and House of Representatives in October 1825, 
said : — 

"Having given General Lafayette an invita- 
tion to visit this State, in pursuance of the resolu- 
tion on that subject, he accordingh^ passed through 
the State the latter end of June last, entering it at 
Windsor, and leaving it at Burlington. His time 
was so limited, that it was not in his power to 
present himself in any parts of the State, not on 
the route betw^een the two places mentioned. But 
as it w^as, every practicable arrangement w^as 
made, to favor the people of the State with an 
opportunity of beholding this beloved friend and 
patriot. A particular account of the expenses in- 
curred on the part of the State, w^ill be laid before 
you." The amount of the expenses was $564.77, 
mainly for transportation and express messengers. 

In closing what we have to say as to this great 
man's last visit to Vermont and to America, it will 
not be out of place to show how he was regarded 


by one class which was opposed to him in the Revo- 
lutionary War as w^ell as by those who were his 
comrades in arms. Lafa^^ette had been frequently 
called upon to treat w4th the Indians during the 
war and possessed a strong hold over their rude 
minds. At the time of his visit, negotiations w4th 
the allied tribes of Indians were in progress, and 
he was' invited to join the commissioners of peace 
and assist them in their talk with the Indians. 
The meeting was at Fort Schuyler. The Indians 
arranged themselves to listen to the words of La- 
fa3'ette ; he pointed out to them the advantages of 
peace and the inevitable destruction which await- 
ed them if the\^ persisted in ravaging the frontiers. 
An Indian Chief replied : " Father w^e have heard 
thy voice andw^e rejoice that thou hast visited thy 
children, to give to them good and necessary ad- 
vice. Thou hast said that we have done wrong 
in opening our ears to wicked men, and closing 
our hearts to th\' counsels. Father! it is all true; 
— we have left the good path ; we have wandered 
away from it, and been enveloped in a black 
cloud. We have now returned that thou maj-est 
find in us good and faithful children. Father! we 
rejoice to hear thy voice among us ; — it seems that 
the Great Spirit has directed thy footsteps to this 
council of friendship to smoke the calumet of peace 
and fellowship, w4th thy long lost children." Ever 
after Lafa3^ette had done such valiant service in 
the Revolutionary^ struggle he had taken great in- 
terest in the prosperity of America and had been 
entreated to return to America and revisit the 
theatre of his former toils and glory. He deter- 


minfed to come and lono^ed to embrace his old com- 
rades, and especially General Washington. Wash- 
ington had retired to Mount Vernon, and in his 
letter inviting the Marquis to visit America, he 
said, "at length I have become a private citizen 
on the banks of the Potomac; and under the 
shadows of m\- own vine, and my own fig tree, 
free from the bustle of the camp and the busy 
scenes of public life * * * i have not only re- 
tired from public employment, but am retiring 
within myself, and shall be able to view the soli- 
tar3^ walk and tread the path of private life with 
heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of more, I am de- 
termined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear 
friend, being the order of my march, I will move 
gently down the stream of life until I sleep with 
my fathers." When Lafayette came he spent 
twelve blissful days with Washington at Mount 
Vernon. At Annapolis the two parted, for the 
last time; they both seemed to have a premonition 
that they should see each other's face no more. 
John Jay as chairman of a committee of Congress 
expressed to Laf\'ette in befitting terms the esti- 
mation in which he was held by Americans, and 
extended to him their best and kindest wishes to 
which Lafa^-ette replied: ''In unbounded wishes 
to America, Sir, I am happ\^ to observe the pre- 
vailing disposition of the people, to strengthen the 
confederation, preserve public faith, regulate trade, 
and in a proper manner guard, our continental 
magazines and frontier posts, in a general system 
of mlitia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to 
ensure every kind of safety. May this immense 


temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppres- 
sors, an example to the oppressed and a sanct- 
uary for the rights of mankind! and ma3^ these 
happy United States attain that complete splendor 
and prosperity which will illustrate the blessings 
of their government, and for a^^es to come rejoice 
the departed souls of its founders." Such was the 
man Vermont and all America delighted to honor. 
James Monroe, tho: sixth President of the United 
States, held the office of President for two terms, 
from 1817 to 1825; the second war with Great 
Britain had come to an end, the fierce party spirit 
between the Democrats and Whigs, that had run 
high during the administration of Andrew Jack- 
son and into the administration of James Madi- 
son, had subsided, and the friendl3^ feelings during 
the administration of James Monroe were so evi- 
dent it was called an era of good feeling. James 
Monroe soon after the close of the Revolutionary 
War before he became President of the United 
States visited Vermont, but his visit at that time 
did not attract the wdde attention as at the time 
he made his second visit, when he officially stood 
at the head of the nation. He entered Vermont at 
Norwich, July 22, 1817, and passed through the 
towm and viewed the copperas works in Strafford, 
and then back to Norwich to Curtis's Hotel, where 
he received a hearty welcome to the State and 
where an address was delivered in part as follows : 
"With the liveliest emotions of duty we meet, 
lor the first time, a Chief Alagistrate of the Union 
within our territor^^ An emulation to pay re- 
spectful attention to the ruler of our nation, ap- 


pointed by our own choice, under a constitution so 
eminently calculated for individual securit\^ for 
individual interests, and national happiness ; a 
spontaneous burst of joy among all classes of our 
citizens, at the visit of the President of the United 
States, are the best pledges a iree people can pre- 
sent to a Chief Magistrate, of their contentment 
with the laws, and the operation of them in the 
government under the constitution, and their con- 
fidence in the administration." 

After a verbal reply by the President, he and his 
suite, with a number of other gentlemen, partook 
of a dinner that had been specially prepared, and 
then was introduced to a large circle of ladies and 
children of the neighborhood. On the same day he 
left for Windsor, and on his arrival there, the bells 
began a jo3^ous ring, and the heavy Artillery in- 
termingled its loud peals, and the American flags 
displaj'ed, and party spirit, that malignant pas- 
sion which had so long been the bane of the United 
States, was dispelled from the gathered thousands. 
The President was also received b\' the young 
ladies of the village. A superb dinner was prepar- 
ed. At Pettes' Hotel, Captain Josiah Dunham, a 
Federalist, addressed the President in part as fol- 
lows : — 

" The State of Vermont, Sir, after having alone, 
and successfully, borne a signal share in the heat 
and burden of our revolutionar\^ labors, was the 
first to appreciate the importance of our federal 
compact, and to solicit admission into the national 
union. Under that compact, Sir, in the sanctuary 
of that union, we are free — we are protected — we 


are flourishing and happy. Our mountains echo 
with the cheerful voice of industry and security ; 
our valleys smile with abundance and peace. The 
blessings are dear to our hearts. We habitually 
cherish them as inseparable from our existence. In 
their defence, Sir, we have bled; and we are still 
ready, should our country call, to bleed again. 

In this tour, undertaken through a remote sec- 
tion of the Union, for the additional security of our 
growing republic, 3'ou have an opportunity to be- 
come intimateh' acquainted with our local feelings 
— our local interests — our republican spirit— but 
above all, our unshaken attachment to our nat- 
ional government, and our national institutions. 

We feel ourselves flattered b^'this first visit from 
the chief magistrate of our nation, and in behold- 
ing 3^ our face. Sir, we behold a new pledge for the 
continuance of our invaluable blessings." 

The President in his reply said : — 

''Fellow Citizens— I have approached the 
State of Vermont with peculiar sensibility. On a 
former visit, immediately after the Revolutionary 
War, I left it a wilderness, and I now find it bloom- 
ing with luxuriant promise of wealth and happi- 
ness, to a numerous population. A brave and free 
people will never abandon the defence of their 
country. The patriotism of Vermont has been re- 
lied on in times of peril; and the just expectation 
of their virtue was honorably sustained. I shall 
ever rely on their wisdom in the councils of the 
nation, as on their courage in the field." 

In a reply to an address to him by the young- 
ladies of the Windsor Female Academy he said : — 


"Young Ladies — I beg you to be assured, that 
no attention which I have received in the course of 
my route, has afforded me greater satisfaction, than 
that b^' which I have been honored by the Young 
Ladies of the Female Academy of Windsor. I take 
a deep interest as a parent and citizen, in the suc- 
cess of female education, and have been delighted, 
wherever I have been, to witness the attention 
paid to it. That you may be distinguished for 
your graceful and useful acquirements, and for 
every amiable virtue, is the object of my sincere de- 
sire. Accept m^^ best wishes for your happiness." 

On their waj' from Windsor to Woodstock the 
President and his suite was met on the 23d of July 
by a cavalcade of citizens and a detachment of 
cavalry which escorted him to Woodstock village 
where he was received by the citizens with such 
demonstrations of regard as the spontaneous 
offering of a free people could give to a respected 
Chief ^Magistrate. Hon. Titus Hutchinson gave 
an appropriate address of welcome. The Presi- 
dent in his reph', said, he was happy to visit the 
State of Vermont and to meet the citizens of Wood- 
stock; that the demonstrations made in the pro- 
gress of his journey, he was disposed to receive as 
a mark of respect to the office of President than a 
personal compliment. 

The President and his suite proceeded northward 
through Ro\'alton and other towns and entered 
the village of Montpelier the 24th of July. He 
was met in Berlin by two companies of cavalry 
and large number of prominent citizens and escorted 
by them to the village, and conducted to the State 


House under a national salute from the Washing- 
ton Artillery. In front of the State House, between 
three and four hundred pupils, both boys and girls, 
of the Academy and the members of the village 
schools, dressed in neat uniform, each tastefully 
decorated with garlands from the field of nature, 
were arranged in two lines facing each other in 
perfect order. The President w^alked through the 
assemblage with uncovered head bowing a3 he 
passed, entered the State House under a fanciful 
arch of evergreens, emblematic of the duration of 
our liberties; on one side of the arch were these 
words, "July 4, 1776," and on the other side, 
''Trenton, Dec. 26, 1776.". James Fisk who had 
been a member of Congress, w^ho afterwards was 
United States Senator from Vermont and who was 
a personal and political friend of the President, de- 
livered the following address of welcome : 

" Sir — The citizens of Montpelier and its vicinity, 
have directed their Committee to present 3'ou their 
respectful salutations and bid you a cordial wel- 

"The infancy of our settlement places our pro- 
gress in the arts and sciences something behind 
most of our sister States ; but we shall not be 
denied some claim to a share of that ardent love 
of liberty, and the Rights of Man, that attach- 
ment to the honor and interests of our country, 
which now so distinguish the American character; 
while the fields of Hubbardton,the heights of Wal- 
loomsack, and the plains of Plattsburgh, are ad- 
mitted to witness in our favor. 

"Many of those, we now^ represent, ventured 

OF YERM(3NT. 67 

their lives in the Revolutionary contest ; and per- 
mit us, sir, to say, the value of this opportunity is 
greatly enhanced, by the consideration, that we 
now tender our respects to one who shared in all 
the hardships and dangers of that eventful period, 
which gave liberty and independence to our 
countr\^ : nor are we unmindful that from that 
period until now, every public act of your life 
evinces an unalterable attachment to the principles 
for which you then contended. 

"With such pledges, we feel an unlimited conti- 
dence, that should your measures fulfil 3'our in- 
tentions, 3^our administration, under the guidance 
of Divine Providence, will be as prosperous and 
happy as its commencement is tranquil and prom- 
ising; and that the honor, the rights and interests 
of the nation will pass from \'our hands unim- 

The President responded as follows : — 

"Fellow Citizens— The kind reception which 
your ardent attachment to the civil and religious 
institutions of our country have prompted you to 
give me, is the more grateful, because from citizens, 
who, having bled in their defence, can never be un- 
mindful of their value. 

"Though 3'ou do not claim pre-eminent distinc- 
tion in the arts and sciences, yet your highly re- 
spectable colleges and schools plainly evince, that 
in the march of enterprise and industry through 
the place which recently was a wilderness, the 
sciences and the arts do not linger far in the rear. 

"Your confidence in my sincere determination, to 
administer the government on national principles, 


is greatfully acknowledged ; and so far as the pres- 
ervation of the honor, the rights, and interests of 
the nation unimpaired, may depend upon me, you 
may reh^ upon my best efforts to accomplish this 
great and desirable object." 

The President then visited the schools in the 
Representative Room'; the scholars received him 
by rising, and by Mr. Hill the Preceptor of the 
Academ3% saying, '^ I present to your Excellency^ 
the finest blossoms and fairest flowers that our 
climate produces,^' to which the President replied, 
''They are the finest that nature can produce.^' 
The President was then escorted to the dwelling 
of Wyllys I. Cadwell, Esq., where he partook of a 
collation, and soon after took leave of the com- 
mittee of arrangements, ascended his carriage and 
resumed his journey. It was said b^^ a resident 
citizen of Montpelier, that it was indeed an ani- 
mating and affecting scene to behold the venerable 
head of the Union, saluted b\' the pride of their 
parents and the hope of their country, while beauty 
sparkeled from ever3' countenance, and tears of 
parented affection rolled down the cheek of manj^ 
an aged sire. 

The President reached Burlington on the even- 
ing of July 24th. He was met at Williston by a 
large number of citizens from Burlington with a 
large detachment of cavalry commanded by Major 
Brinsmaid and escorted to town. The President's 
arrival at Burlington was announced by a national 
salute from the Battery, followed by another fired 
from one of the United States galle^^s, lying in the 
harbor; the bells of the churches were rung, and 


every one seemed deli,2^hted to honer the Chief 
Magistrate of our countr3\ Two hundred and 
twenty children from the Academy were paraded 
on an eminence and saluted the President as he 
passed. Nothing could exceed the interest that 
this band of children excited. 

On the President's arrival at his quarters, Hon. 
Daniel Farrand, chairman of the Committee of 
arrangement, congratulated him on his safe ar- 
rival at Burlington and within that part of the 
State of Vermont, and that the people were glad 
of the opportunity afforded to assure him of a 
cordial reception, and to testify to him the high 
sense they entertained of his private worth, and to 
discharge the pleasing task of tendering to the 
Chief Magistrate of our country the respect due to 
his exalted station. Mr. Farrand, in his address 
referred to Vermont, as placed upon the frontier of 
the United States in situations assailable b_v the 
sudden irruptions of an invading foe, the dangers 
to which we may be exposed, that would give ad- 
ditional value to any precautionary measures of 
defense. And in course of his address said : — 

"We rejoice that the noise of war is lost in the 
busy arts of peace, that the citizen is left to the 
honest pursuits of industry and enterprise, under 
a confidence that his interest is identified with that 
of the public. But j^ou will not believe us alarmed 
by idle fears, when we assure you that the recent 
events on this frontier have shown us, that what- 
ever we hold dear may be jeopardized by the chances 
of war. The citizens of Vermont will not soon for- 
get the memorable eleventh of September 1814, 


nor fail to appreciate the worth of those who so 
valiantly defended their countr^-'s flag, and secured 
to themselves immortal glor3'. The anxious solici- 
tude of that awful but glorious day, has forcibly 
impressed upon our minds the truth of the position 
that peace is the time to prepare lor war. 

We are pleased to know that this subject has 
already engaged your attention. From a personal 
inspection of the various parts of our extended re- 
public 3'ou will be enabled the better to ascertain 
its vulnerable jjoints and advise to measures of 
future security. Nor is this subject an uninterest- 
ing one. The patriot, whose liberal soul is ani- 
mated by the prospect of ameliorating the condi- 
tion of his fellowmen, here finds an object com- 
mensurate to his desires, and while he generously 
devotes himself to the welfare of his country, he is 
sustained by a consciousness that his exertions 
have promoted its glory. Nature also seems to 
have designated our beloved country as the scene 
of no ordinary exertions. She has here scattered 
her gifts with a munificent hand and points the 
way to high and ennobling pursuits. The vast 
extent of our territor^^, the grandeur of its scenerj^ 
its mountains, its rivers, its inland seas, together 
w^ith the progress of iDopulation and improvement, 
combine to render it an object of sublime contem- 

"The alacrity and zeal with which you have en- 
gaged in the military and naval defences of our 
country, is an additional pledge of your honorable 
motives and patriotic wishes. 

"That your labor may be crowned with abund- 


ant success, and that you ma^- long live to reap 
the rich reward of a life well spent in the service of 
your country is our most earnest wish." 

To which address, the President made a most 
happy and dignified reply ; viz : — 

"Fellow Citizens, — In entering the town of 
Burhngton, I find myself in view of a scene, asso- 
ciated in every bosom with the dearest interests 
and highest honor of the countr\'. The eventful 
action on your lake and its invaded shores, can 
never be contemplated without the deepest emo- 
tion. It bound the union b}- stronger ties, if pos- 
sible, than ever. It filled every breast with confi- 
dence in our arms, and aroused the spirit of the 
country. The proximity of those scenes shall ani- 
mate your children to emulate the honorable ex- 
ample of their fathers. They too shall realize, that 
in the hour of peril, their country shall never want 
defenders, resolute and brave as their ancestors, 
and firm as the mountains, that gave them birth. 

"Truh',no nation has richer treasures of civil or 
religious liberty to defend. No stronger ties to 
united and to enlightened and extended patriotism. 
That a just sense of these truths pervades the 
community', is evinced in the respect, which you 
tender to the office of the Chief Magistrate of the 
country in my person. 

"The important objects of my tour become the 
more interesting, as I find the frontier more expos- 
ed. You ma^' feel assured that the Government 
will not withold an\' practicable measures for the 
security of your town, nor have I ever doubted 
that preparation for defence in time of peace, 
would ever prove the best economy in war. 


"If in pursuing these important objects and ad- 
nainistering the government upon principles con- 
sonant with the benign spirit of our constitution, 
my sincere and honest efforts should be crowned, 
as you wish, with abundant success, it will be a 
real gratification to myself, that you and j^our 
State w411 eminentlj^ participate in the beneficent 
providential result." 

The President then, accompanied by the Com- 
mittee and a number of other gentlemen partook 
of an excellent dinner provided by Air. Hayes. At 
this dinner the President gave the following toast: 

"The Citizens of Burlington, — May the scenes 
which remind them of the glory of this country 
continue to excite their patriotic emulation." 
After the President had retired the toast, "The 
President of the United States," w^as drank stand- 

Mr. Mason gave the following :— 

"The glorious 11th of September, 1814,— a day 
ever to be remembered." 

Col. Totten, gave the following : " Our nation's 
rights defended b3' our national strength." The 
last toast was given b\^ Hon. Daniel Farrand, viz: 

"Our beloved country, — Union in her Councils 
and respect to her constituted authorities." 

The next morning the President breakfasted 
with C. P. Van Ness, afterwards Governor of the 
State ; then the government of the college and the 
students, the clergyman of the town and a num- 
ber of ladies and gentlemen w^aited on him and 
were presented, and having received their saluta- 
tions, the President took his leave and w^as escort- 


ed to the Lake and conducted on board the steam- 
boat Phoenix. During his departure a salute was 
fired from the town, and when going on board a 
salute was fired fi-om the steamboat. The Presi- 
dent took his departure from Burhngton accom- 
panied by about fifty gentlemen and was w^afted 
upon the waters of Lake Champlain to Vergennes 
where he examined the extensive iron works there 
established, and view^ed the place where the fleet 
of Macdonough w^as built, and visited the fort 
commenced at the line near Rouses Point under 
the direction of the Engineer, Col. Totten, and ex- 
pressed himself as much gratified at the able and 
skillful arrangements made by Col. Totten for the 
further defence of our countr^^ 

Henry Clay, a United States Senator from his 
adopted State, Kentucky, and a distinguished 
statesman, was born in the county of Hanover in 
the State of Virginia, on the 12th day of April, 
1777. For man\' years he w^as one of the most 
prominent figures in the United States Senate and 
a leading man of the Whig party. In 1839, w^hen 
the party was having its best da^^s, and when 
Henry Clay was one of its shining lights, Mr. 
Clay visited Vermont. The writer has not been 
able to find even a printed sketch of that visit but 
have obtained an accurate account of it from 
Edward C. Loomis, a life long resident of Burling- 
ton, Vt. Mr. Loomis, whose recollections of the 
visit are clear, was an admirer of Henry Clay, and 
has voted for Presidential electors at the last 
eighteen Presidential elections. Henry Clay came 
to the State by way of The Thousand Islands and 


Montreal. A committee appointed for the purpose 
by the citizens of Burlington met their distinguish- 
ed visitor at St. Johns, Canada, and came up 
Lake Champlain to Burlington in the boat " Phoe- 
nix," and as he landed at the wharf, crowds press- 
ed towards him to get a fair view of him or to 
shake hands. Before he left the wharf an amusing 
incident took place. — Bd^^^fw^d Higb\' from the 
town of St. George, an active town politician, and 
an enthusiastic Whig, and a great admirer of Clay, 
climbed a board pile to get near the iDcrson of 
Clay, and as he reached out his hand toward him, 
a board on which Higby stood gave away and 
would Jiave sent Higby head long to the ground, 
had not Clay, who saw the fix that Higb^- was in, 
placed his foot on the board to keep it from sliding 
and grasped Higby by the hand. As Cla^- placed 
his foot on the board Higby was shouting at the 
top of his voice. "Henry Clay saved his country 
twice," as he got so far Cla^- grasped him by the 
hand, and Higb3' closed his sentence by saying, 

" and Lewis Higby once by ." 

When the citizens of Burlington learned that 
Clay was to give the town a visit a cavalry- com- 
pany of 80 men were hurriedly gathered, uniformly 
dressed in white pantaloons, vests and coats and 
plug hats, that served as an escort while Clay was 
in town. He was escorted to the Hotel of John 
Howard on the north side of what was then called 
" Court House Square," where Cla^- addressed the 
throng. He was then escorted to the dwelling 
house of Horace Loomis on the north side of Pearl 
Street where he remained over night as the guest of 


Horace Loomis. The next day he attended the 
commencement exercises of the Vermont University 
at the old White Street Church. As the procession 
came from the college down Pearl Street, they 
stopped at Loomis's where Clay and his escort 
joined the procession and walked to the church. 
James Clay was with his father on this tour. In 
the evening of the same day a reception was held 
at the house of Samuel Hickock on the north side 
of Main Street opposite of the present site of the 
VanNess House. At ten o'clock that evening Clay 
left Burlington, accompanied by the Committee in 
the boat "Congress" amid the deafening shouts 
and good wishes of the people, as the boat moved 
up the lake towards Whitehall. 

Henry Clay gave Horace Loomis, whose guest 
he was, a cane that was cut by Clay from his Ash- 
land, Kentucky homestead. The cane now is in 
possession of Edward C. Loomis, the son of said 
Horace Loomis, and is highly prized. 




1791 TO 1798 AND VERMONT'S 


It has been stated in Volume II of this histoiy, 
there was, after the treat3^ of peace between the 
United States and Great Britain considerable irri- 
tation created on the northern frontier and especi- 
ally in Alburg growing out of the British troops 
continuing to occup\' some points within the juris- 
diction of Vermont and there interfering with the 
duties of Vermont's officers under the laws of the 

In considering the disturbances on the northern 
frontier w4th the British and the Indians, it will 
not be devoid of interest to relate more fulh^ the 
nature and extent of the difficulty. Perhaps it 
was natural that the haughty I British nation 
should look with disdain upon young America 
that had compelled her to grant to the Colonies 
an independent power, and to be extremely w^atch- 
ful that American citizens did not tread upon their 
rights or interfere with their pride. 

In 1784, British garrisons were maintained from 
Ogdensburg easterly on the frontier in New York 
and northwestern Vermont, even as far south on 



Vermont soil as North Hero at Dutchman's Point, 
and that a Britished armed schooner, with a full 
complement of sailors, gunners and marines, was 
stationed at Windmill Ba,v between Alburgh, Vt. 
and Point au Per in New York, and its commander 
had supervision of all boats passing through the 
Lake in anv direction, co-operating with the gari- 
sons w^hich the British had materially strengthen- 
ed in 1791. All this looked, at least, as though 
they did not intend to live on terms of friendship 
with the people who lived on territory- that had 
been wrenched from their grasp. Alburgh had been 
chartered to Ira Allen, February 23d, 1781, but 
had no legally organized government until June 7, 
1792, when the people met and organized as a 
Vermont town. Congress had made Alburgh a 
port of entry but no serious disturbance had been 
created previous to 1792, as the act creating the 
place as a port of entry and making a place ot 
residence for the collector of the district had not 
been put in force b^' Secretary- Hamilton, but 
soon after interference b^- British officers com- 
menced and continued with great annoyance till 
late in 1794. The difficulty was on the question 
of jurisdiction. When Canada belonged to France 
the jurisdictional line was latitude 45° north. And 
this line in 1776, had been agreed upon by Sir 
Henry Moore, then Governor of the Province of 
New York and Brig. Gen. Guy Carleton, then in 
Canada, and this line was acknowledged by Great 
Britain in the treaty of 1783 to be the northern 
boundr\' of the United States so far as a part of 
New York and Vermont were concerned. For 


Great Britain to maintain posts south of 
this hne after 1783, was, e]earl3^ an infrac- 
tion of that treat}', and this was hnall}^ 
admitted by the representatives of Great Brit- 
ain, but they excused themselves for their 
course, and the exercise of authority south of that 
hne on the ground, as they claimed, that the Unit- 
ed States were at the same time violating some 
other articles of the treaty. On this question, that 
the facts may appear, it will be necessary to state 
that, on the first day of November 1744, the King 
of France had granted the township of Alburgh to 
Francis Focault ; that after the conquest of Canada 
by Great Britain this grant had been conlirmed b}^ 
the King ; that the title had passed from Focault 
through Gen. Haldimand and Henry Caldwell to 
John Caldwell — all British subjects ; and that at 
the time of this controversy' many citizens of Cald- 
well (now Alburgh) were in possession of their 
lands under the Cald wells, either by deeds or leases, 
and the British claim was that the title in Focault's 
successors was good. It has been stated that Al- 
burgh had been granted to Ira Allen by Vermont. 
Henry Caldwell wrote Governor Chittenden from 
Belmont near Quebec on March 20, 1785, and said 
he had had frequent conversations with Col. Ira 
Allen respecting his property- to the southward of 
the Province of Canada and he had stated that 
his claim was founded on a late grant from Ver- 
mont in consideration of his services rendered and 
expenses paid in the interest of the State, but that 
he was willing to relinquish his claim provided he 
got an equivalent from the State or elsewhere. 


Caldwell said it was in vain for him to contend 
vsrith Allen in the courts of law in Vermont, for, he 
said, land granted by her Legislature, in fact is, 
and must be considered by the Courts of Vermont 
a legal title which nothing but an act of the Legis- 
lature could annul. Caldwell in his letter re- 
quested the Governor to lay his letter with an at- 
tested copy of the original grant before the Legis- 
lature in June 1785, and insisted that the grant 
was older than the State, and older than the mem- 
bers who composed its Legislature, and that it 
was confirmed by the capitulation in the British 
Conquest of Canada and by the treaty of peace be- 
tween France and England in 1763. He stated 
that his situation was like that of Vermont in re- 
spect to New York, even if the French government 
had no right to grant lands southward of the line 
of 45° ; and claimed he had paid dear for his land 
southward of that line and been at considerable 
expense in settling them, and desired the Legisla- 
ture should bring the matter home to themselves 
that they might feel the injustice they wxre about 
to do ; that they might conceive what his feelings 
would be if they should deprive him of so consid- 
erable part of his property. 

The fifth article of the treaty of 1783, stipu- 
lated , "That the Congress shall earnestly recom- 
mend to the Legislatures of the several States, to 
provide for the restitution of all estates, rights 
and properties w^hich have been confiscated belong- 
ing to real British subjects, and also of the es- 
tates, rights and properties of persons resident in 
districts in the possession of His Majesty's arms, 


and who have not borne arms against the United 
States." Great Britain insisted that this article 
had been violated b\' the United States, and John 
Jay, Secretary of foreign affairs, took the same 
view in a letter to Congress, but all British sub- 
jects did not take that view. When Governor 
Chittenden had Alburgh organized as a Vermont 
town in 1792, Henry Caldwell regarded it as fatal 
to his title ; Lord Dorchester and the British min- 
ister who took part in the correspondence on this 
disputed matter, regarded the action of Vermont 
as dangerous to the Caldwell title. Governor 
Chittenden thought he had strong reasons for as- 
serting the jurisdiction of Vermont over that 
town. B3' an act to w^hich Lord Dorchester him- 
self was a party in 1766, the town was severed 
from Canada and became and remained a part of 
New York in law, until the controversy, between 
Vermont and New York had been settled, and it 
was assigned to Vermont b\' the resolution of the 
Continental Congress of August 20, 1781, to 
w^hich New York consented in 1790, and Great 
Britain confirmed it to Vermont by the treaty of 
1783, and Congress confirmed it b\' the act of 
1791, which admitted the State into the Union. 
By the agreement entered into between the Ver- 
mont and New York Commissioners in settleing 
the controversy between the two States the bound- 
ary line between them extended to the 45° degree 
of north latitude. Therefore, Governor Chittenden 
in 1792, had a perfect right to maintain the juris- 
diction of Vermont and to assert that the estab- 
lishment of civil government there had no bearing 


Upon the legal rights of the citizens of the town or 
British subjects claiming or possessing land there, 
as the former had ample remed\' in the State 
Courts, and the latter under the treaty- of 1783, 
and the federal constitution, in the Courts of the 
United States. These remedies were afterwards 
resorted to b^^ Caldwell and Herman Allen who 
purchased and become successor to Caldwell's 
rights, in a part of the lands of the former. 
They failed in their litigation as the land 
holders w^on in the Courts of Vermont, on 
the ground they had gained a good title 
to their lands by long possession. This ques- 
tion arose and was decided in the case of the Uni- 
versity of Vermont against Re3'nolds reported in 
the third Vermont Reports on page 542. Thus Gov- 
ernor Chittenden was clearly justified in spiritedly 
resenting the intrusion of British troops. Strong 
as was the appeal of the Cald wells to the sympa- 
thy and generosity of the State, the relief asked 
could not be granted. 

In view of w^hat has been said the reader will be 
better able to judge as to whether the civil officers 
of Vermont or the British troops and British au- 
thority were in the w^rong in the disturbances 
which followed, that we will now proceed to relate 
and that came near to actual war. 

In 1792, a writ had been issued in favor of a 
Mrs. Grant against Patrick Conro\^ of Alburgh in 
the Counts- of Chittenden, that was delivered to 
Enos Wood, Deputy Sheriff, to serve; that on the 
8th day of June 1792, the Deputy w^ent to the 
house of Conroy in Alburgh and made an attach- 



ment of his cattle. One Michael Youmands who 
appeard to be there in the interest of Conroy, call- 
ed for the people in the house to get his pistol, and 
declared that the Deputy should not take Conroj^'s 
cattle; that Enos Wood, the deputy, ordered Ben- 
jamin Butler and Captain Hutchins of North Hero 
and Nathaniel Wood of Georgia, who were pres- 
ent, to take charge of said Youmands and assist in 
driving the cattle to the Tongue or Alburgh. They 
took charge of Y^oumands as directed, but released 
him on his promising good behavior and to be 
humble and not hinder the Deput3% and engage 
some one to receipt the cattle attached. When 
Enos Wood and his assistants arrived at the Ton- 
gue w^ith the cattle thej^ were overtaken by Y^ou- 
mands, and a party of armed British officers and 
soldiers under the command of Captain DeCham- 
beault of Point au Fair, who threatened violence to 
Butler and commanded the Deput3^ and his assist- 
ants to desist from driving away the cattle, and 
w^ould fire Butler through if he moved one step; 
that the Deputy Sheriff, Butler, and Nathaniel 
Wood were taken to Point au Fair and from there 
to St. Johns by a British escort and there impris- 
oned in the guard-house for two da3- s ; the Deputy 
in order to obtain his liberty was obliged to pro- 
cure one John Furgerson to pay in his behalf three 
pounds Halifax currenc3^ to pa\^ for two calves 
taken by virtue of the attachment ; that w^hen the 
Deput\' was at Alburgh his writ of attachment 
was taken and detained from him. The above re- 
lated facts were substantiated b}- the affidavits of 
Enos Wood, Nathan Hutchins and Benjamin But- 


ler, taken before Justices of the Peace in June 14, 
15 and 16, 1792. 

On June 12, 1792, Benjamin Marvin of Alburgli, 
while employed in his own jDrivate business, was be- 
set by an armed British force from Point au Fair, 
conducted to said Patrick Conro^^'s of Alburs^h, 
and was questioned as to whether he was acting as 
a Civil Magistrate, and on his stating he was act- 
ing as Magistrate and under Governor Chittenden's 
instructions, and that he considered himself as an 
inhabitant of the State of Vermont, and in duty 
bound to follow the duties of his office^ was order- 
ed into custody of the British force and conducted 
to the house of Samuel Mott, Esq. of Alburgh, 
before the British comnicinding officer of Point au 
Fair, who informed him he would send him to 
Quebec. He was immediately taken to the said 
house of Patrick Conroy, and on their waj^ there 
took two horses belonging to the Constable Joseph 
Mott and took them to Point au Fair. The pro- 
ceedings, after Alarvin was taken to Conroy 's were 
stated b\' Marvin in his affidavit to be as follows : 

" Soon alter we arrived at Conroy 's where I was 
detained some hours in the course of which time 
we conversed much on my official conduct which I 
informed him of very particularly and likewise my 
instructions from his Excellencj^ Governor Chitten- 
den; he then requested that I would show him those 
instructions which I accordingly^ did; he took and 
examined them, and then replied that he must for- 
ward them to his Excellency Governor Clark at 
Quebec. I desired him to return them to me as I 
considered them my right, but he positively refused 


and offered me a copy which was taken and attest- 
ed as a true one by the commanding officer and de- 
Hvered it to me. The officer then informed me that 
instead of taking me to the Point as before ob- 
served, he was wilHng to take my parole for the 
term of twelve days with directions not to offici- 
ate till then in my office, which was accordingly 
done, and I was permitted to return to m\' own 
house ; he then told me he had positive orders to 
warn me and Samuel Mott, Esq., to leave that 
place in the course of two months. The da3^ fol- 
lowing, having occasion to go up the Lake, I called 
on the commanding officer at Point auFair (which 
I considered myself under obligation to do in conse- 
quence of m^' parole) notified himof my wish which 
he consented to, and then showed me his orders 
directing him to oppose and take into custody- any 
officer acting under an3' other power than that of 
Great Britain within those limits which are now 
knowm and distinguished b\' thenameof Alburgh." 

Captain Timothy of South Hero, then a town 
in the County of Chittenden, on the 12th day of 
June, 1792, while on his wa^- down the Lake in a 
boat in company with several others, was hailed 
b3^ the Maria, a British armed vessel, and was 
taken, examined and permitted to pass on. 

The British authorities were conscious that they 
were infringing upon the jurisdiction of Vermont, 
for, when the Canadian authorities issued their 
writs for the election of a member to their Legisla- 
ture in the Count3^ of Bedford, the3' did not sum- 
mons an3^ person south of the Province line of 45°; 
and thev knew the laws of Vermont were then 


being enforced in Alburgh to said line. The affi- 
davit of Benjamin Marvin taken before Ebenezer 
Marvin, Councillor at Rutland on the 18th da^^ of 
October, 1792, puts the matter in a clear light. It 
is as follows :— 

'In the month of June, 1787, I went to live at 
Alburgh otherwise then called Caldwell's Manor, 
about five miles from the garrison at Point au Fair 
and south of the line commonly called the Prov- 
ince line or latitude 45^ about three miles ; at which 
place I have ever since lived, and at which time 
there was no kind of civil or militar}^ government 
exercised among the people of the place, except 
what was derived from ourselves bj^ rules adopted 
by us in meetings of our own vicinit^^ b\^ which we 
banished thieves and other criminal offenders, and 
enforced b\' other rules in compliance to aw^ards of 
arbitrators in civil disputes andw^hen persons were 
banished from the Province of Canada and were 
brought to the line and suffered to come into our 
vicinity, we drove them from us. Some years had 
elapsed from the settlement of the place w^hen Mr. 
Caldwell came amongst us and gave militia com- 
missions to Captains Conro\^ and Savage, and 
Subaltern's for two militia companies in that 
place now called Alburgh, with a promise that the 
British civil government should be put in force 
among us, and we protected as British subjects ; 
and Patrick Conro\^ who then lived north of the 
line of latitude 45° and was in commission of a 
Justice of the Peace in Canada, not long after, 
moved south of the line amongst us and issued 
some few precepts and took some affidavits, if a 


trial was had before him he went north of the afore- 
said line to hold his courts, but the inhabitants 
still kept up their old mode of government as de- 
rived from our own resolves as above-said without 
regard to Air. Conro^^ tilHve voluntarily organized 
and chose our officers by order of the Governor 
under the laws of the State of Vermont: and 
the militia officers above named never did act 
under the authority of their commissions except 
in one instance, viz : in February or March in the 
year 1791, Captain Conro\^ ordered his company 
to meet together south of the line, and in conse- 
quence of his orders issued for that purpose, they 
in part convened, and I think about one-third part 
of them embodied by his order, when some matters 
took place which occasioned Captain Conroy to 
step into a sleigh and ride off north of the line 
without dismissing his compan\' or giving them 
any orders, at which time some of our people ad- 
vertised him as a runaway from his company and 
offered as a reward for his return, one peck of 
potatoes; no other orders or after orders of the 
British government has been heard of amongst 
us except the taking of our persons and property 
by the British forces at Point au Fair in June last 
past — and I the deponent further sa\'in my opinion 
the nearest part of land in Alburgh is about two 
miles and one-half from the garrison at Point au 
Fair, and the deponent saith that civil government 
under Vermont is now executed without an\' resis- 
tance, and also that the late writs for warning the 
people in the County of Bedford north of the line 
and adjoining Alburgh were not served in Alburgh; 


nor \verean3' of the people in Alburgh ever warned 
to attend their elections that I ever heard of." 

On June 10, 1792, Governor Chittenden by let- 
ter bearino^ date at Williston, requested Joshua 
Stanton to go to Alburgh and procure authentic 
information as to troubles there, just narrated, 
the affidavits referred to were taken b^^ his direc- 
tion, and he charged Stanton to call on Benjamin 
Alarvin and Samuel Mott of Alburgh and request 
them to furnish information in wanting whether 
the inhabitants of that town had organized agree- 
able to the orders he had given, and what the ap- 
pearance and dispositon of the people were with 
respect to the government. The Governor, also, on 
June 16, 1792, addressed a letter to Governor 
Clarke of the Province of Quebec, stating to him 
that a British Captain with an armed force left his 
post and penetrated eight or nine miles within the 
acknowledged jurisdiction of Vermont and inform- 
ed him of their lawless, and injustifiable conduct, 
and said to him, " these are transactions that have 
taken place by the Command of DeChambault, 
Captain at Point au Fair within a few days past. 
— I feel m3'self therefore obliged immediately to re- 
quest from your Excellency- an explanation of this 
unprecedented conduct and unprovoked insult 
upon the government of Vermont, or at least, to 
know whether it has been done with your Ex- 
cellency's knowledge, direction, order or appro- 
bation." Governor Chittenden sent Levi Allen to 
Quebec with the letter together with affidavits 
substantiating his charges. And on the same day 
he also wrote President Washington, giving him 


full information of what had taken place within 
the jurisdiction of the United States, and that he 
had written to Governor Clarke concerning the 
flagrant breach of the laws. 

Alured Clarke, Governor of the Province of Can- 
ada, on July 5, 1792, from Quebec, replied to Gov- 
ernor Chittenden's letter delivered to him by Levi 
Allen, stating that Chittenden's representation led 
to questions beyond the sphere of his trust, and 
that he could only give command for investigation 
on subjects of such importance to the peace of the 
border, and if information showed that it affected 
points that belonged to national discussion the 
matter would be for the consideration of the sov- 
ereignty he served. And he presumed that Chit- 
tenden would refer the matter to the power *^to 
wdiich the State he governed w^as reputed to be 
subordinate, and trusted in the wisdom of the 
negotiations and counsels of the sovereignties 
concerned for the maintenance of the faith of 
treaties, and preservation of the common tran- 

On July 9, 1792, Thomas Jefferson wrote Gov. 
Chittenden from Philadelphia that, "I have the 
honor to enclose you sundry papers communicat- 
ed to me by the British Minister residing here, 
which have been duly laid before the President of 
the United States, and further to solicit from your 
Excellency information as to the facts therein 
stated, and while I am authorized to assure you 
that the government is proceeding sincerely and 
.steadily to obtain by the w^a^^ of negotiation a re- 
linquishment of our territory held by the British, 


I am at the same time to press that no measure be 
permitted in your State, which, by changing the 
present state of things in districts where the British 
have hitherto exercised jurisdiction, might disturb 
the peaceable and friendly discussion now in hand, 
and retarded, if not defeat, an ultimate arrange- 

In which letters was inclosed a letter written 
by Geo. Hammond a person representing the 
British interests at Philadelphia, as follows : 

"I have the honor of submitting to \'Our consid- 
eration copies of certain papers, which I have re- 
ceived from Canada. They contain information 
that some persons, acting under the authoritj^ 
of the State of Vermont, have attempted to ex- 
ercise legal jurisdiction within districts now occu- 
pied by the King's troops, and have committed 
acts of violence on the persons and property of 
British subjects residing under the protection of 
his Majesty's Garrison. 

"At this period, when the grounds of the subsist- 
ing differences between our respective countries are 
becoming the subjects of serious and temperate dis- 
cussion, I cannot but entertain the strongest con- 
fidence that the general government of the United 
States will entirely disapprove of the violent con- 
duct observed b\' the State of Vermont upon this 
occasion, and will in consequence thereof adopt 
such measures as may be best calculated to pre- 
vent a repetition of it in future." 

Also there accompanied Hammond's letter a 
copy of the warning issued by order of the Gover- 
nor signed by Samuel Mott and Benjamin Marvin, 


two Justices of the Peace of Alburgh, warning the 
inhabitants to meet and "choose such civil officers 
as the law directs in the State," with a copj^ of an 
order issued by Elijah Paine, Judge of the Supreme 
Court, as follows: viz. 

"State of Vermont. 
To the Sheriff of Chittenden County or either of 
his Deputies— Greeting. 
Whereas by the complaint of Samuel Hitchcock 
Esquire Attorney General of the State, we are 
given to understand that Patrick Conro^- of Al- 
burgh in the County of Chittenden hath for some 
time past used and exercised tHe office of Justice of 
the Peace at Alburgh in the County- of aforesaid 
without any legal warrant, lawful authority or 
right whatsoever, and hath claimed and still doth 
claim without any legal warrant, lawful authority 
or right whatsoever to be a Justice of the Peace at 
Alburgh aforesaid and to use and exercise the said 
office of Justice without any legal warrant, lawful 
authority or right whatsoever, but the same hath 
usurped and still doth usurp to wit, at Alburgh 
aforesaid, in contempt of the State and to 
the prejudice of the Dignity of the same. There- 
fore b^' the authority of the State of Vermont you 
are hereby required to make knowm to the said 
Patrick that he appear before the next Supreme 
Court to be holden at Burlington in and for the 
County of Chittenden on the fourth Tuesday of 
August next, to show cause, if any he have, why 
an information should not be filed against him the 
said Patrick for thus as it is said illegalh' exercis- 
ing the said office of Justice of the Peace within 


said County, to wit, at Alburgh aforesaid. Here- 
of fail not and make due return. Dated at Bur- 
lington this fifteenth da^' of May one thousand 
seven hundred and ninety-two;" also a copy of 
Minard Yeomans affidavit setting forth what he 
claimed took place on the occasion of the attach- 
ment of Patrick Conroy's property. 

On July 12, 1792, Thomas Jefferson wrote again 
to Governor Chittenden in which he stated. "I 
must renew m^^ entreaties to 3'our Excellence- that 
no innovation in the 3tate of things ma^' be at- 
tempted for the present. It is but lately that an 
opportunity- has been afforded of pressing on Great 
Britain our rights in the quarter of the posts, and 
it would be truh- unfortunate if any premature 
measures on the part of 3-our State should furnish 
a pretext for suspending the negotiations on this 
subject. I reh-, therofore, that you will see the in- 
terest even of 3-our own State in leaving to the 
general government the measures for recovering it's 
rights, and the rather as the events to which they 
might lead are interesting to every State in the 
highest degree." 

There accompanied Jefferson's letter. Gov. Chit- 
tenden's instructions for the organization of Al- 
burgh which was as follows: viz. 

"\Yilliston,16th May, 1792. 

"The Constitution and laws of the State require 
the executive officers of government to carry into 
effect the laws and government of the same. 

"It is therefore incumbent on you as Civil Mag- 
istrates to execute your functions and cause town 
officers to be appointed and sworn to a faithful 


discharge of their duty ; it is incumbent also on 
the people to assist you to form such regulations 
in the town of Alburgh which is now unquestion- 
ably established within the bounds of this and of 
the United States of America, and under the gov- 
ernment thereof. 

^'In case there are any of the inhabitants of said 
towm that have sworn allegiance to the King and 
Government of Great Britain, such obligations 
cease with the government and can be no objec- 
tion to a submission to the laws of this and the 
United States. 

"Would those people choose to be under the 
British government, they must move within its 
limits, otherwise they ought to submit to the gov- 
ernment of the State in w- hich the\^ live. 

"Your humble servant, (signed) 

Thos. Chittenden. 

"N. B. If your people refuse to pay attention to 
the above requisition I cannot think it will be 
long before this government w^ill call on them in a 
different way to submit to the laws thereof. 
Should they be put to the necessit\' of taking so 
disagreeable a measure, I should not think strange 
should they be obliged to pay up all the back taxes, 
since you were represented, as soine towns in this 
State in like circumstances have done. 

(signed) T. C. 

'^ Alessrs. Marvin and Mott Esq. and People 
of the Township of Alburgh.''^ 

Also was enclosed a cop\' of the w^rit on 
which Patrick Conroy's property was attached. 
The two governments took the controversy under 


consideration, but the discussion between the U.S. 
Secretan^ of State and the British minister was 
temperate until 1794, In Vermont, matters in 
reference to the controversy, stood in statu quo on 
both sides without any more serious difficulty till 
1794, the British troops holding their posts, and 
the people of Alburgh going on peaceably as an or- 
ganized Vermont town. But the two nations were 
drifting rapidh' towards war. On Februar3' 10, 
1794, Lord Dorchester, then Governor-General of 
Canada, declared that he would not be surprised 
if there should be war with the United States in 
the course of that year, and the movement of 
both nations indicated that might be the result. 

On April 16, 1794, John Ja^- was nominated as 
an envoy extraordinary to Great Britain. At this 
time President George Washington said the aspect 
of affairs was serious and expressed himself in 
favor of a friendh^ adjustment of our complaints 
and reluctant to enter into hostilities. As the gov- 
ernment had Great Britain to deal with, it w^as 
thought prudent to prepare for war, and on May 
9, 1794, Congress authorized the President to de- 
tach eighty thousand troops from the militia for 
service in any emergency ; and orders were at once 
issued therefor b^^ the President. The British were 
more than commonly insolent, but under great 
provocation the Governor of Vermont and her 
people did not retaliate, but waited patiently for 
the action of the national authorities and respect- 
ed the advice and policy of forbearance of Presi- 
dent Washington. 

In response to the requisition of President 


Washington under the act of Congress of Alay 9, 
1794, Gov. Chittenden, on the 21st ot June 1794, 
ordered a detachment of three regiments of Yer. 
mont miHtia numbering 2129, to be held in readi- 
ness as minute men, one regiment of which were 
to be furnished from Maj. Gen. Ira Allen's division. 
On Ma\^ 30, 1794, he had ordered the militia of Al- 
burg and the neighboring islands to be organized 
as an entire regiment which surrounded the British 
garrison on North Hero. Evidently war was ex- 
pected. Of course a dash could have been made 
and the British swept from the Vermont soil, but 
it would have brought on a certain protracted 
bloody conflict. Wiser counsels prevailed, though 
the war spirit ran high. The following appeared 
in the Vermont Gazette of May 2, 1794, "boats 
trading from the United States to Canada are de- 
tained and the men insolenth^ refused permission 
to return," with the following comment, *' Pride 
goeth before destruction and a haught3' spirit be- 
fore a fall." In the Farmer's Library of Rutland 
of May 27, 1794, there appeared the following: 
"The British have just completed a brig at St. 
John's mounting 12 guns ; the brig is in everyway 
completed and well manned, and is now stationed 
at Point au Fair on Lake Champlain, and a very 
large row galle\^is now building at St. John's; and 
that the garrison at Montreal was immediately to 
be strengthened b^^ the addition of a regiment of 
his Majesty's troops from Quebec." Information 
was obtained from Lansingburgh by letter of June 
10, 1794, "that great preparations were making 
under the pretense of defending the Canadian's 


from being plundered by the Vermonter's. * * * 
The forts are being put in a state of defence and 
many boats are building, and one of seventy oars 
was launched last week, alleged to be for carrying 
provisions. ^ * - Xen thousand troops were 
expected to arrive from Europe ^- * - and 
Lord Dorchester was daih' looked for from Quebec, 
to review the troops, militia, and forts." 

Royal Corbin of Alburgh, in his letter to Gov- 
ernor Chittenden of Aug. 18, 1794-, asking protec- 
tion from British injuries and insults, said : 

''The repeated injuries and insults this vicinity 
has suffered from the British, while in a time of 
peace, and within the jurisdiction of this State, 
are so glaring, and so very frequent, as to arouse 
the indignation of every one who has the smallest 
tincture of RepuVjlican blood, circulating in their 
veins. — The peculiar situation of m\^ business, be- 
ing in the merchatile line, and consequently having 
much necessary call to pass 3'our Lake Champlain 
up and down, as well as across, subjects myself to 
daily abuses from an armed vessel — and my prop- 
erty to an unjustifiable seizure and detention.— I 
am not suffered to pass southward to Isle laMotte 
— because they alleged I am within their lines, and 
must appl3" to the ship, lor libert3^ Neither am I 
allowed to pass to or from, St. John's, although 
within their lines — so I am deprived of every ad- 
vantage a citizen of ever\' State ought to enjo}-, 
as your Excellency will be pleased to observe." 

Corbin's representations were supported by 
several affidavits. 

On March 10, 1794, the British Minister had 


complained to the Secretar3^ of State that out- 
rages had been committed hj Vermonters. Lord 
Dorchester had been endeavoring to stir up the In- 
dians to aid the British against the Americans in 
case of war, and on Maj- 20th, Edmond Randolph, 
Secretary- of State, in spirited and peremptory 
terms called upon the British Minister to explain 
the belligerent speech of Lord Dorchester to a 
council of hostile Indians, and called his attention 
to the hostile movements of Lieut. Gov. Simcoe of 
Upper Canada with British troops to build a fort 
at the lower rapids of the Miami. George Ham- 
mond on May 22, 1794, after quoting from Lord 
Dorchester's speech, said : 

" It is manifest that Lord Dorchester was per- 
suaded, that the aggression which might eventu- 
ally lead to a state of hostiUt\', had proceeded from 
the United States : and so far as the State of Ver- 
mont, to which I presume his lordship principally 
alluded, was implicated, I am convinced that that 
persuasion was not ill-founded, * * * i assert 
with confidence that not only those encroachments 
have never been in an^- manner repressed hut that 
recent infringements in that quarter, and on the 
territory in its vicinity, have since been committed. 
" * * In regard to your declaration that ^Gov- 
ernor Simcoe has gone to the foot of the rapids of 
the Miami, followed b\' three companies of a Brit- 
ish regiment, in order to build a fort there' — I 
have no intelligence that such an event has actually 
occurred. * * * Before I conclude this, I must be 
permitted to observe that I have contined [com- 
plaints'] to the unrepressed and continued aggres- 


sions oi the State of Vermont alone, the persua- 
sion of Lord Dorchester, that they were indicative 
of an existing hostile disposition in the United 
States against Great Britain, and might ultimate- 
ly produce an actual state of war on their part." 

Secretary Randolph called for the facts from 
Gov. Chittenden, which he gave and are embraced 
in the following extracts from a letter of Gov. 
Chittenden of Juh% 1791, to Secretary Randolph, 

"'The letters \'Ou refer me to, written by your 
predecessor [Jefferson,] in consequence of com- 
plaints exhibted to him b^- the British Minister, 
urging the prevention of all movements which 
might tend to disturbe the harmon3-, subsisting 
between the United States and Great Britain,! can 
w^ith truth sa3% have been strictly adhered toby the 
government and the citizens of this State; in every 

"His next is an observation of pointed regret at 
these complaints : and he then goes on thus : 

" ' Before the reception of the above mentioned 
letters, written by 3'our predecessor, I had for- 
warded a particular statement with affidavits, 
relative to the complaints in said letters exhibited, 
directed to the President of the United States, to 
which I beg leave to refer you ; by which state- 
ment and affidavits is most manifesth^ made to ap- 
pear that British subjects had less cause of com- 
plaint than those of the United States. No just 
cause of complaint hath come to m3' knowledge, 
of any abuses done or committed by anv citizens 
of this or the United States, to British subjects as 


such : or of any infringements being made on gar- 
sisons, territories, or jurisdictions, which British 
subjects have ever made any serious pretensions to 
in this quarter.' 

"After a remark, relating to those who "pre- 
tend personal grievances," and a suspicion that 
the situation of the British garrisons is not gener- 
ally understood at a distance, the remaining pass- 
ages of his letter are the following : 

"Therefore in order to understand the force of 
the complaints it is necessary to premise that the 
only British garrison now established within the 
limits of Vermont is a place called Dutchman's 
Point, composed only of about twelve men, situ- 
ated on the north end of the North Hero, twelve 
miles south of the latitude line. This garrison 
does not pretend to hold or keep jurisdiction over 
any land within this State other than a few acres 
on which their garrison is situated.— And indeed 
citizens of this State are settled quite in the neigh- 
borhood of said garrison, on ever3^ direction, and 
the^^ are intimate with each other without any 
difficult J' to m3^ knowledge. 

" That part of the tract called Caldwell's manor, 
which lies wdthin the bounds of this State, hath 
long since been chartered as a town by the name 
of Alburgh— And the inhabitants thereof are in- 
corporated as citizens, with all the privileges of 
other towns within this State and have long since 
been in the peaceable possession of the same. With 
regard to the recent instance of misdemeanor com- 
mitted on the officer of the crown by the capture 
of a small part^^ (said to be made) on British 


subjects, in pursuit of a deserter before Dutchman's 
Point as complained by Mr. Hammond — The cir- 
cumstances which probably gave rise to the asser- 
tion are as follows, to wit : four armed men and 
in the common dress of the citizens of this State, 
appeared some time last winter in the town of 
Sheldon, alias Hungerford, within this State (a 
place about twenty miles distant from any place 
ever known or pretended to be claimed by British 
subjects) in disturbance of the peace — there made a 
Anolent assault upon the body of one John M'All, 
an inhabitant of that town, and then being in the 
peace of God and the State, in consequence where- 
of, in defence of the public peace, the said four men 
were taken into custody by a constable, and agree- 
able to the civil laws of this State convicted of 
breaking the peace, and accordingly lined. — It is 
said the\' were British subjects, which I am wilHng 
to admit — But that they had any authorit^^ as 
such from the British nation, to break the peace of 
this State within the known and acknowledged 
bounds of the same, did not appear from an3^ cre- 
dentials which they produced, nor does it yet ap- 
pear — But the contrary I believe to be true, there- 
fore as persons under the common protection 
of that government, they have been holden to re- 
spond for their breach of that protection, accord- 
ing to the civil law. 

"From the above statement it is conceived 
that Mr. Hammond's complaint of the capture be- 
fore Dutchman's Point, is ill founded and unjust. 
Of this you may be assured, that every attention 
has been paid by me to prevent all the movements 

^"* ,•■«' J^>. ^'^ /T > « 


which may tend to thwart the friendly negotia- 
tions now taking place between the two powers ; 
and I have pleasure to say, that nothing hath 
hitherto transpired, wherein I can think myself or 
any of the citizens of this Sate culpable. 

"And of this you may be further assured, that 
every precaution and means within my power will 
still be used to ensure the continuation of all good 
harmon3^ between citizens of the two govern- 

This communication from the governor of Ver- 
mont led Secretary Randolph to say, "that it 
leaves no room for comment on my part ; although 
to contrast it, sentence by sentence, with the rep- 
resentations which have occasioned it, w^ould 
afford grounds more and more striking, to appre- 
hend, that the Governor-General of Quebec has 
been mistaken." 

On the appointment of John Jay as minister to 
England, the negotiations on the whole contro- 
versy- were transfered to London, where an agree- 
ment was reached. John Ja^-, Envoy of the United 
States, wrote to the Secretary of State, Thomas 
Jefferson, from London under the date of July 12, 
1794. "We had an informal conversation relative 
to Simcoe's hostile measure. We concurred in opin- 
ion that during the present negotiation and until 
the conclusion of it all things ought to remain and 
be preserved in Statue quo — that therefore both 
parties should continue to hold their possessions, 
and that all encroachments on either side should 
be done away — that all hostile measures (if any 
such should have taken place) shall cease and that 


in case it should unfortunately^ have happened 
that prisoners or property have been taken the 
prisoners shall be released and the proper t^^ re- 
stored. And we have agreed, that both govern- 
ments shall immediately give orders and instruc- 
tions accordine^ly." 

Henry Knox, Secretary of War, wrote Governor 
Chittenden, Oct. 7, 1794, "that the agreement 
which it specifies should be duly observed as it re- 
spects the frontiers of Vermont. The statu quo 
as it existed immediately after the peace of 1783, 
is to be inviolably observed. All encroachments 
since that period are to be abandoned." 

In view of all the foregoing facts and what sub- 
sequently appeared, the said agreement of Jay at 
London, "that both parties should continue to 
hold their possessions," was a give away so far as 
it applied to the frontier of Vermont south of the 
line of 45^, as the Vermont government and her cit- 
izens did not exercise any jurisdiction over any ter- 
ritory or property north of that line. And it could 
be justified only on the ground to avoid the im- 
mediate clash of arms, and to give an opportunity^ 
for further negotiations on the subject. It is quite 
evident that England had no jurisdiction or rights 
south of that line. If the organization of Alburgh 
in June, 1792, w^as in violation of the treaty of 
1783, then the continuance of that organization, 
by representation in the Vermont legislature, and 
the appointment of Magistrates for the town by 
that body, in 1794-5, w^as in violation both of 
the treaty of 1783 and the agreement of fohn Jay 
in 1794, but no complaints had been made against 


the Vermont government or the National govern- 
ment in this matter, and, therefore, it is fairly pre- 
sumable any claim south of that line was not 
insisted upon, and Governor Chittenden was sus- 
tained in every particular. Even farther west the 
British abandoned their assumed jurisdiction. As 
late as Aug. 20, 1794, General Anthony Wayne 
fought a fierce battle near Fort Miami that Simcoe 
had built. In this battle Gen. Wayne had to con- 
tend against Indians and Canadian militia and 
Volunteers, the latter armed with British muskets 
and bayonets, and three British officers were on 
the battlefield at a respectable distance. In this 
victory a Vermont company bore their share. On 
Aug. 22, 1794, Gen. Wayne totally destroyed 
houses and cornfields above and below the fort, in- 
cluding the houses, stores and property of Col. 
M'Kee, the principal British stimulator of the war 
then existing between the United States and the 
savages. Under Jay's treaty of amity, commerce 
and navigation, concluded on Nov. 19, 1794, and 
proclaimed Feb. 29, 1796, by the second article of 
which the British posts in the United States were 
evacuated on or before the first day of June, 1796. 
After Vermont became a State of the Federal 
Union in 1791, there were three regiments added 
to the National army under the act of Congress of 
March 5, 1791, and President Washington assign- 
ed the first company of the third of these regi- 
ments to Vermont, and appointed William Eaton 
of Windsor Captain, James Underbill of Dorset as 
Lieutenant and Charles Hyde of Poultney, Ensign. 
A recruting office was opened at Bennington about 


the first of May, 1792, M' Ensign Hyde, and under 
the spurs of glittering promi3es of glory and 
fervid appeals, the ranks were soon filled and the 
company departed for the seat of war by the 31st 
of August following. The enlistments were for 
three years with a bounty of eight dollars for each 
recruit ; the privates to have the monthly pay of 
three dollars. It was stated at the time by those 
who saw a number of the other companies, that 
Captain Eaton's company was b\^ far the best 
who marched from any rendezvous whatever, and 
they left Bennington in good spirits and with that 
military ambition that becomes a soldier. Cap- 
tain Eaton was a brave and capable officer but se- 
vere in his discipline. He was President of a Court 
Martial at Albany, on the 26th of May, 1792, 
when a private in a New York company was lound 
guilty of desertion and punished by one hundred 
lashes. On Aug. 7th, a private in Eaton's company 
attempted to force the guard and was shot dead. 
The company reached Lancaster, Pa., on its way 
to join the army under command of Gen. Anthony 
Wayne that was at Pittsburgh on Sept. 20, 1792; 
and at that date Captain Eaton wrote to a friend 
at Bennington that, "not a single man has at- 
tempted to escape me since I left Bennington, and 
I have the reputation of marching the best com- 
pany of recruits that have passed through the 
country," and that Ensign Hyde has had a very 
handsome compliment paid to his abilities, in re- 
ceiving from the war office an appointment of 
Judge Advocate General of the United States 


The Vermont company joined Wayne at Pitts- 
burgh on Oct. 22, 1792, and the succeeding sum- 
mer was spent in organizing and drilling the army, 
for fighting Indians, on a plan prescribed by Presi- 
dent Washington, and in endeavors to negotiate a 
peace with the Indians. Wayne, failing in these 
negotiations, advanced eighty miles north of 
Cincinnati ajid there erected a fort on the site of 
Greenville, Ohio, where he remained till the spring 
of 1794. 

On Sept. 22, 1793, Captain Eaton wrote, that, 
"the Indians are collected in large numbers at the 
site of Fort Defiance and are determined to meet 
us on our route—they are elated w^ith their former 
success [in the defeat of St. Clair]— they are resent- 
ful, determinate and laugh at the idea of our ap- 
proaching their towns. These circumstances con- 
cur to make them less contemptable as an enemy. 
That the3^ will fight with desperation, we expect — 
and God grant they may have enough of it. W^e 
are well desciplined and well reconciled to the ex- 
pedition, and w^hatever may be our success, I will 
venture to assure you, that we shall not fly. Our 
business will be serious and decisive provided we 
are engaged of which I have not a doubt." He 
stated, also, in his letter, that Thomas Avery and 
Benjamin Coburn of his company had died, and 
that "they were excellent soldiers, and I consider 
their death a ver^^ great loss in m^^ company,— but 
death is arbitrary." About the first of January 
1794, a part of Captain Eaton's company, ad- 
vanced into the Indian country about thirt3'-five 
miles from Greenville and met a large party of In- 


dians, suprised and routed them, but the loss of 
the company was three killed and one wounded. 
About this time the company was out in skirmish- 
ing and scouting parties, and in gathering and 
burying the bones of those who were killed in St. 
Clair's defeat, and in reconstructing Fort Recov- 
ery on that disastrous battle ground. 

The Verm outers were engaged in the decisive 
battle near the British fort Miami on Aug. 20, 
1794. In that battle, James Underbill had suc- 
ceeded Eaton as Captain, and the Vermont com- 
pany was in the fourth sub-legion that lost in 
killed fourteen men, five of which were from Cap- 
tain Underbill's company. The fact, that five of 
the fourteen killed in that sub-legion, were from 
the Vermont company-, is proof that the Green 
Mountain Boys were in the thickest of the fight. 

An act of Congress of May 9, 1794, directed a 
detachment from the militia of eighty thousand 
men to be organized, armed and equipped and held 
in readiness to march on a moment's w^arning in 
the service of the United States. 2,139 of those 
men were assigned to Vermont. And on May 19, 
1794, President Washington issued his requisition 
to the Governors of the several states to use the 
most effectual means for making the necessary de- 
tachment. Governor Chittenden took immediate 
measures to raise the men and the work was 
promptly- done, but the men were not called into 
actual service. In anticipation that these militia 
would be called into active service b\' the general 
government, the Vermont Legislature, Oct. 30, 
1794, passed an act raising the monthly' pay to 


forty shillings to each private and a larger sum to 
the officers of the company. This was a precedent 
for the giving the extra State pay to volunteers 
from Vermont in the United States service in the 
war of the rebellion. 

During the administration of John Adams a 
requisition for men was made under the act of 
Congress of June 24, 1797 ; and under that requi- 
sition Governor Tichenor issued orders for the de- 
tachment of three regiments of Vermont militia, 
numbering in all 2,ly50 men to be under the com- 
mand of Big. Gen. Zebina Curtis of Windsor, but 
these men were not ordered into actual service. 

By an act of Congress of Jul^^ 16, 1798, twelve 
regiments were added to the U. S. Army, making 
the arm^' composed of sixteen regiments of which 
George Washington was to have the command as 
Lieutenant General. The 16th regiment was to be 
filled by enlistments in New Hampshire, Vermont 
and Rhode Island, and of these, Vermont was to 
furnish three companies. Enlistment offices were 
at once opened at Westminster, Newbury- and Bur- 
lington, and the rendezvous for the State was at 
Westminster under the command of Major Cor- 
nelius L3mde of V«' illiamstowm ; Captains and 
Lieutenants were appointed. None of these 12 
regiments were filled and only 233 men were en- 
listed for the 16th regiment; and in February, 
1800, enlistments were suspended, and the array 
reduced to four regiments. It has been seen that 
when Vermont sought to establish her independ- 
ence her brave sons stood forth against the un- 
just claims of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and 


New York for her territory, and rather than sub- 
mit to the grasping and intolerant power of New 
York, they were determined to maintain their in- 
dependence b3' force against the federal power. 
But when she became one of the States of the Fed- 
eral Union, she was ready and willing to furnish 
her share of men and money against aggressive 
foreign powers and to maintain the honor of the 



In the closing years of the eighteenth centur^^ 
there were several notable resignations of men 
from public office — some on account of the infirmi- 
ties of old age and some to take other and higher 
positions. Samuel Knight, on Oct. 19, 1791, in 
accepting the appointment as Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of Vermont, said, '*I am convinced 
from experience I have had for two years past, 
that the office of Judge of the Supreme Court is at- 
tended with manj^ and great difficulties, and that 
the number of persons completely qualified to fill 
that place are very few, among which number I 
cannot claim to be reconed." And on retiring 
from the office of Chief Justice he addressed the 
General Assembly on Oct. 15, 1794, and said, "I 
cannot but express a consciousness of the most 
upright intentions and view in the discharge of 
every part of the dut3^of that important office and 
I am happy to find that the people of this State 
have not complained that any part of m\^ official 
conduct has appeared unto them to deviate from 



the strictest rules of justice, equity or propriety." 
The House through their speaker, Daniel Buck, said 
in answer, the House "take the liberty to express 
to 3'ou the liveh' sense with which they are im- 
pressed of the justice and propriety- of ^-our con- 
duct, in the discharge of the various duties of the 
important office of Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court — and of the dignity- with which 3'ou have so 
long presided. * * * And in retiring, sir, from 
the public business of the State, we wish 3'ou may 
enjo3^ all the satisfaction appertaining to private 
and social life, — long continue a blessing to your 
family and society-, and when the curtain of life 
shall drop, receive a crown of Glorv that shall 
never fade away." 

Knight, never having received a grant of land 
from the State, or the government of New Hamp- 
shire, or New York, the Legislature at the same 
session, granted leave for Samuel Knight to bring 
in a bill granting him two thousand acres of land, 
if there was that quantity unlocated, and an act 
was passed accordingh-. 

Elijah Paine stated in his letter of acceptance 
of his appointment as Judge of the Supreme Court 
of the State, Oct. 19, 1791, that " I have a greater 
ambitition to serve the State in which I live while 
I can do it to their satisfaction, than I have to 
serve any other government," but he complained 
of the then inadequacy- of compensation. He served 
the State in that capacity until 1793; he was 
elected United States Senator from Vermont in 
1795, which position he resigned in 1801, to ac- 
cept the office of Judge for the U. S. District of 


Vermont. On his election to the United States 
Senate, he said, ''I dare make no promise but I 
cannot but hope that the lively impressions I now 
feel, will on all occasions produce an uniform zeal 
for the welfare of this and the United States." 

Roger Enos on tendering his resignation of the 
office of Major General of Militia of the State on 
Oct. 31, 1791, to Governor Chittenden, said, "It 
has ever afforded me satisfaction to serve my 
country in every sphere in which I have been called 
to action. But it has been my highest ambition 
to merit their approbation in a faithful discharge 
of the duties of the different military offices with 
which I have been honored." 

Peter Olcott, on Aug. 1794, who had served 
the State as Lieutenant Governor from 1790, de- 
clined a re-election on account of infirmities of age 
and bodily indisposition, and made the request in 
the choice of his successor, "to elect some person 
of known integrity and abilities and acceptable to 
the community at large." 

'' Israel Morey resigned his office of Brigadier 
General, Oct. 18, 1794, after having .served in the 
military department for nearh^ twenty yeears. He 
represented Fairlee several years in the Vermont 
Assembly and was Judge of Orange County Court 
three 3'ears and member of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1793. His son Samuel propelled a 
boat b^^ steam in 1792 and 1793, ten years be- 
fore Robert Fulton constructed his experimental 
steamboat. Fulton in fact had the benefit of 
Morey's invention and prospered by it. 

Enoch WoodhridgQ on accepting the office of 


Judge of the Supreme Court, Oct. 29, 1794, said, 
''I feel, sir, as if the lives, liberties and property of 
my fellow citizens are to be in some degree com- 
mitted to my charge." He resided at Vergennes 
and was its first Mayor. The last few 3^ears of 
the eighteenth century found the people of Vermont 
in great poverty except in land, and the taxes that 
had to be imposed for the ordinary expenses of 
government, and to pay the thirty thousand dol- 
lars to New York due that State in settlement of 
the long drawm out controversy, so fully set forth 
in these volumes, were very burdensome. 

In 1796, the crimes of highway robbery, horse 
stealing and other high crimes had been committed 
in the Province of Canada and the supposed crimi- 
nals had fled to Vermont or other States of the 
Union. And on March 31, 1796, Lord Dorchester 
then of Quebec, addressed a circular to Governor 
Chittenden and Governors of other States, stat- 
ing therein that Ephraim Barnes and James C. 
Freeman, against w^hom the Grand Jury of the 
District of Montreal had found bills, either for 
highwa^^ robbery and horse stealing or accessory to 
those who did commit the crimes, had made their 
escape and fled to one of the neighboring States, 
and requesting the Governor, if they were found in 
his government, to cause them to be delivered up to 
the bearer of the circular. Governor Chittenden 
did not comply with that demand on the ground 
that he was not authorized so to do by the then 
late treat\^ between Great Britain and the United 
States. The words of the treaty were, "that his 
Majesty and the United States on mutual requisi- 


tions, by them respectively or b\' their respective 
Ministers or officials, authorized to make the same, 
will deliver up to justice all persons charged with 
murder or forgery." The requisition of Lord Dor- 
chester included neither of those crimes. The re- 
fusal of Gov. Chittenden to issue the requsition led 
the British Minister to address a note to Timothy 
Pickering the Secretary of the United States, and 
claimed that although the treaty included the 
crime of murder and forger^-, as to the other crimes 
it was left as it was before the treaty, to natural 
discretion, whereupon on June 3, 1796, the Sec- 
retary- of State wrote Gov. Chittenden that he 
had consulted the Attorney General on the ques- 
tions, and said, "the reciprocal delivery of murders 
and forgers is positively stipulated by the 27th 
article of the treaty- — the conduct of the two gov- 
ernments with the respect to the other offenders is 
left as before the treaty, to their natural discre- 
tion — but this discretion will doubtless advise the 
delivery of culprits for offences which affect the 
great interests of society-." And admitted that 
the view of Lord Dorchester of the questions was 
right, but the surrender of the fugitives should be 
done on such evidence of criminality as by the laws 
of the peace where the fugitive shall be found, 
would justify his arrest and commitment for trial, 
if the offence had been there committed. The 
Governor requested advice from the House, and 
it was ordered by the House that a committee of 
three join a committee that should be appointed 
by council to draft and report to the House a bill 
directing the mode of delivering up fugitives ; 


and the House passed a resolution as follows : 
''That it is the opinion of this House that the 
great interests of society- requires that offenders of 
the above description should be brought to con- 
dign punishment, and that his Excellency- be advis- 
ed to deliver up the said culprits (if to be found 
within the State) agreeablv to the request of 
Lord Dorchester." 

The matter of extradition came up again in 
1799, upon an application from the Acting Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts to the Governor of Ver- 
mont for the extradition of Peter Gilson who had 
been charged with the crime of forgery, which was 
referred to the Council that finally decided that in 
order to extradite a fugitive for alleged crime, the 
Governor should issue his warrant for that pur- 
pose, and a form w-as adopted to be used in such 

It has been stated in the first volume of this 
histor^^ that the laws of Vermont never recog- 
nized the existence of slavery within the State and 
no person was ever held or ow-ned as a slave with- 
in her borders. The general sentiment at an early 
da3' w^as against the institution, and that it would 
gradually die out in the States where it existed, 
and the sentiment of the political parties was 
against its extension, but no organization in the 
State made any effort to interfere with its exis- 
tence in the States where it was allowed under 
State laws, until the formation of the abolition 
party. There was a strong sentiment being devel- 
oped in the United States against the importation 
of slaves. As the s^'stem of slavery became firmly 


rooted in the southern portion of the Union and 
its advocates were striving to extend its era, the 
northern States soon saw that the bearing of its 
influence was against their interests, and unless it 
w^as put in the way of ultimate extinction, it 
would breed great trouble in the government. 
There was a growing feeling that slavery was 
w^rong and that the government could not well 
exist half slave and half free, and as William H. 
Seward expressed it, in 18.60, that there was an 
"irrepressible conflict between freedom and slav- 
ery." It was unfortunate that it was provided 
in the Constitution of the United States, "that 
Representatives shall be apportioned among the 
several States according to their respective num- 
bers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
whole number of free persons, including those 
bound to service for a term of 3^ears, and exclud- 
ing Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other per- 
sons," and that it was also provided by that in- 
strument that in the choice of President and Vice- 
President the number of electors were to be equal 
to the whole number of Senators and Representa- 
tives to which the State may be entitled in the 
Congress. Evidently the unequal basis of repre- 
sentation was the result of compromise. It was 
unjust that while the slave had no voice in elec- 
tions, the planter in a slave State possessing fifty 
slaves, treated as his property, was considered as 
having thirt\^ votes, while a farmer in a free State 
having in value the same amount of property was 
confined to a single vote. The Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts and the State of North Carolina 


sent to Governor Isaac Tichenor resolutions on 
proposals of amendment of the Constitution of 
the United States, for the consideration of the 
Vermont Legislature, to do away with said un- 
just representation. The resolutions from Massa- 
chusetts after stating the provision of the Con- 
stitution on the subject proceeded as follows : 

" And whereas the effect of these provisions has 
been rendered more unequal and injurious by the 
course of events since the Constitution was estab- 
lished, by an augmentation of the number of 
slaves in the Southern States, and also b^^ an in- 
crease of personal property in the Eastern States, 
arising from the commercial spirit of the inhabi- 
tants : 

"And whereas the said provisions have been 
rendered more injurious, by important political 
changes, introduced during the present adminis- 
tration, in the purchase of Louisiana, an exten- 
sive countr\', which will require great numbers of 
slaves for its cultivation, and when admitted into 
the Union, agreeably to the cession, will contribute, 
by the number of its slaves, to destro^^ the real in- 
fluence of the Eastern States in the National Gov- 
ernment ; and also in the original mode of electing 
the President of the United States, whereby, in the 
appointment of that important Alagistrate, the 
right of the small States, (among which are most 
of the Eastern States,) where there are tew or no 
slaves, is greatly diminished : 

"And whereas in the apportionment of the di- 
rect taxes, the only compensation proposed bj^ the 
Constitution, to the States not holding slaves, for 


the aforesaid unequal principle in the representa- 
tion, is now merely nominal, as the National Reve- 
nues are principalh^ derived from commercial im- 
posts, the present administration having repealed 
the excise laws, which operated in some measure, 
by a tax on luxuries, to equalize among the several 
States the contributions to the public burthens ; 
and having also recently assessed additional mil- 
lions on commerce, of which the Eastern States 
must pa3^ much more than their due proportion, 
so that instead of contributing less than their 
proportionate share of public expense, as was 
contemplated b^-- the Constitution, as a counter- 
part to unequal representation, the3' contribute 

" And whereas a union of the States, a measure 
so important in its consequences, cannot harmoni- 
ously exist for a long period, unless it be founded 
on principles which shall secure to all free citizens 
equal political rights and privileges in the govern- 
ment, so that a minority of free citizens ma^' not 
govern a majority, an event which, on the princi- 
ples of representation now established, has alreadj^ 
happened, and may alwa3's happen. 

" Therefore, to preserve the Union of the States, 
upon sound and just principles, and to establish a 
foundation for general harmonv and confidence 
among all the citizens of the United States, by 
securing to them now, and at all future periods, 
equal political rights and privileges : 

''Resolved, That the Senators of this Common- 
wealth in the Congress of the United States be, 
and they are hereby instructed to take all proper 


and legal measures to obtain an amendment of 
the Constitution of the United States, so that the 
Representatives be apportioned among the several 
States according to the numbers of their free in- 
habitants respectively, and for this purpose, that 
they endeavor to obtain a resolution of two-thirds 
of both Houses of Congress, proposing such 
amendment to the Legislatures of the several 
States in the Union." 

The resolutions from the Legislature of North 
Carolina were to the effect that their Senators and 
Representatives were requested to take steps to ob- 
tain an amendment to the Federal Constitution 
so as to authorize Congress to pass a law, to pre- 
vent the further importation of slaves, or people 
of color from any of the West India Islands, from 
the coast of Africa or elsewhere, into the United 
States, and requested their Governor to transmit 
copies of their resolutions to the Executives of 
the different States of the Union, that the same 
might be laid before their respective Legislatures 
for their concurrence and adoption. Governor 
Titchenor in his speech to the Council and House 
of Representatives, said as to these resolutions, 
"it cannot, I flatter myself, be necessary that I 
should impress upon your minds, that the genius 
of universal emancipation ought to be cherished by 
Americans, and that there is no complexion in- 
compatible with freedom ; and that we owe to 
the charter of our country, in the abstract, and the 
laws of humanity, our best endeavors, to repress 
the impious and immoral traffic." These resolu- 
tions came before the Assemblv for consideration 


when the committee of the whole, at first made re- 
port adverse to the resolutions. At this time ex- 
citement ran high between the Federal and Jefter- 
sonian parties. This adverse report was favored, 
generally by the Jeffersonians and opposed by the 
Federalists ; and in the message drafted in reply to 
Governor Tichenor, they said that the amend- 
ment proposed to the Constitution of the United 
States, "would have a tendency to destro^^, rather 
than confirm, the Union among the Federal States 
so essential to our prosperity." But later the Jef- 
fersonians had another opportunity to put them- 
selves on record in respect to slavery, and disarm 
any criticism of their action in rejecting the 
amendment of the Constitution proposed by 
Massachusetts, so far as it touched slaver3^ And 
the\^ united wnth the Federalists, in adopting the 
following : viz. 

" The amendment proposed by North Carolina, 
and adopted by Massachusetts, for putting a stop 
to the importation of slaves into the United 
States, should be duly attended to. Universal free- 
dom is one of those fundamental principles of our 
political institutions w^hich are engraven on the 
mind and live in the affections of every true Ameri- 
can. And although our country is alread^^ infested 
with slavery, the toleration of which might 
seem to contravene the general s^^stem of our 
polic3% w-e trust that the humanity and justice of 
our country will prevent the increase of the depre- 
cated evil, and arrest, as soon as possible, that 
execrable traffic in human flesh." 

On Oct. 30, 1806, the Council took into consid- 


eration the following resolutions received from the 
House: viz, ''Whereas there have been a number 
of instances of negro persons, who were minors, 
having been transported b^- evil minded persons 
from this to other States and Province of Canada, 
where slaver3^ is established by law, and there dis- 
posed of as slaves, which practice is contrary to 
the genius and principles of the good people and 
government of this State, and, therefore, the evil of 
which pernicious practices to prevent: — Resolved, 
there be a committee oi five members to join a com- 
mittee from the Council to take under considera- 
tion the propriety of passing a law for remedying 
the evils above mentioned and report to this House 
by bill or otherwise." This resolution w^as adopt- 
ed, and resulted in passing, on Nov. 8, 1806, an act 
to prevent kidnapping. By the act, the offender, 
if found guilty "of carrying, removing or aiding 
and assisting in transporting any person or per- 
sons ^vho are or shall be residents in this State, 
into any other State, Province or Government 
and dispose of the same into servitude for any 
longer term of time, or in a different manner 
than he or the^' could have a right by law to do 
within this State, should be publicW whipped on 
the nacked back not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, 
or, pay a fine of $1000 and be confined to hard 
labor or imprisonment not exceeding seven years." 
On Oct. 25, 1819, the Vermont Colonization 
Societj^ was organized at a large meeting consist- 
ing of members of the Legislature, and other per- 
sons, without distinction of party, Governor Gal- 
usha presiding. Its officers were selected from the 


most able men of the State, and their avowed pur- 
pose was to aid in the extinction of slavery. In 
the proclamation for a fast, issued on the next day, 
Governor Galusha enjoined prayer to Almighty 
God, that He w^ould "put down the t\^ranny and 
oppression, and open a way for emancipation of 
all that degraded class of human beings who are 
held in slaver3%especiall3^ those in this highly favor- 
ed country." In response to a petition of the Col- 
onization Society the General Assembly on Nov. 
5, 1819, adopted the following: viz., ''Holding 
as sacred the great principle, 'That all men are 
born equally free and independent, and have cer- 
tain natural, inherent, and inalienable rights, 
among which are the enjoying and defending 
life and libert\% acquiring, possessing, and pro- 
tecting property-, and pursuing and obtaining hap- 
piness and safety.' 

''Resolved, That, w^hilst this General Assembly 
deeply deplore the degraded and abject situation 
of the colored population of the United States, 
and most sensibly feel a s^^mpathy for the white 
population of the South, on whom, without their 
own procurement, is entailed a great calamitj', it 
is with heartfelt satisfaction they witness the 
laudable and humane exertions of many good men 
from different sections of the countr\% especially 
from the middle and southern States, in establish- 
ing the American Colonization Society, for the 
purpose of colonizing the free people of color of 
the United States, on the west coast of Africa, a 
measure wisely calculated, in the opinion of this 
General Assembly, to alleviate human w^oe, and 


eventualh^ to secure this countr3^ from great and 
impending evils. 

'^ Resolved, also, that this Assembly do most 
cordially' approbate the recent organization of the 
Vermont Society, auxiliary to the society aforesaid, 
and cheerfully recommend the same to the favorable 
consideration and encouragement of the good 
citizens of this State, confidently hoping that, un- 
der the guidance of a beneficent, all wise, over- 
ruling Providence, their benevolent exertions for 
extension of human happiness may be crowned 
with abundant success. 

''i?eso7Fec/, also, That the Senators of this State 
in the Congress of the United States be instructed, 
and the Representatives requested, to exert their 
influence lor the adoption of such measures as will 
more effectually promote the great and benevolent 
views and objects of the society' aforesaid, and 
use their best endeavors in supporting all con- 
stitutional measures to prevent the further exten- 
sion of that great national evil." 

In February 1819, a proposition came before 
Congress to authorize the people of the territory of 
Missouri to adopt a Constitution with a view to 
admission into the Union as a State. The propo- 
sition to exclude slavery was brought to the front. 
The people of Vermont generally took a decided 
stand in favor of the exclusion of slavery, and all 
of her Representatives and Senators in Congress, 
except Mr. Palmer, voted to exclude slaver3^ The 
political opponents of Senator Palmer availed 
themselves of the favorable opportunity^ to censure 
him for his course on this question. The people of 


Vermont viewed with deep concern the attempt to 
introduce slavery into the territories of the United 
States, and to legalize it in the States to be admit- 
ted into the Union ; the3' regarded it as a measure 
tending to increase and perpetuate an evil of 
great magnitude and danger, as it w^ould deprive 
a portion of mankind of those privileges which 
Republican principles guarantee to all, and at no 
distant period, subject the master to the vengeance 
of the slave, andw^ould tend to perpetuate slavery 
by adding the influence and power of States to 
be found within our territories, which eventually 
might constitute a majorit^^ of the Union. The 
people of Vermont did not perceive that the prin- 
ciple of compromise, that conceded to the slave- 
holding States the legal right for the people there- 
in to hold slaves, extended to States thereafter to 
be admitted into the Union. They took the ground 
that the powers of Congress were adequate to pro- 
hibit the further introduction of slavery and not 
bound to admit any State into the Federal Union 
unless on such conditions as shall be consistent w4th 
the general welfare. Resolutions embod^^ng these 
principles, and instructing the Vermont Senators 
and requesting her Representatives in Congiess to 
use their influence to prohibit the introduction of 
slavery into the territories of the United States 
and to prevent its being legalized in any State 
thereafter to be admitted into the Union w^ere pre- 
sented to and received b^' the Vermont Assembly 
in 1819, but were ultimately, after debate on them, 
dismissed. The record that they w^ere adopted 
and then tabled and then taken up and dismissed 


is erroneous. The avowed reason for the dismis- 
sal of the resolutions were that the above quoted 
resolutions in response to a petition of the Ver- 
mont Colonization Society, sufficiently expressed 
their anti-slaverj^ principles. Undoubtedh' the 
Legislature considered the principles and powders 
and restrictions contained in the Missouri 
Constitution that was strongW fovored by the 
South, as anti-republican and repugnant to the 
Constitution of the United States. The subject 
w^as agitated w^th great warmth in Congress, and 
the parties in that body were marked by geographi- 
cal division, and were actuated by feelings danger- 
ous to the Union. The southern part^^ alleged 
that the admission of Missouri without restriction 
would not tend to perpetuate slaver3^nor increase 
the number of slaves, but they would simph- re- 
move from one State to another ; and it w^ould be 
a dangerous and tyrannical act in the Federal 
Government and infringe upon the sovereignties of 
the States should the restriction of slavery- be per- 
sisted in and adopted. These claims were unsound 
and the policy of the advocates of slavery bad in 
its conseqtiences as the sequel has proved. The 
bill passed for the admission of Missouri without 
any restrictions, but with the inhibition of slavery 
throughout the territories of the United States 
north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude. 
At the session of the Legislature in November 
1820, the Governor transmitted to the Assembly 
resolutions on the same subject which w^ere referred 
to the following committee: viz. Chancy^ Lan- 
don of Castleton, Moses Robinson of Bennington, 


Matthias S. Jones of Waitsfield, Benjamin Miner, 
Jr. of Bridport, Isaac Fletcher of Lyndon, and 
William Gill of Leicester, of the House, and Lieut. 
Gov. Cahoon of the Council, who made a report 
to the Assembly on the Virginia resolution^ and on 
so much of the Governor's speech as related to the 
admission of Missouri into the Union. The report 
was made Nov. 15, 1820, and showed the deep 
seated anti-slavery sentiment that was generally 
entertained by the people of Vermont at the time 
and was as follows : 

"That the history of nations demonstrates, 
that involuntary servitude not only plunges the 
slave into the depth of miser\% but renders a great 
proportion of communit\^ dependent and wretched, 
and the remainder t^^rannic and indolent. Opu- 
lence, acquired In- the slavery of others, degener- 
ates its possessors, and destro3'S the phj-sical pow- 
ers of government. Principles so degrading, are 
inconsistent with the primitive dignity of man, 
and his natural rights. 

''Slavery is incompatible with the vital princi- 
ples of all free governments, and tends to their 
ruin. It parah^zes industry', the greatest source of 
national wealth, stifles the love of freedom, and 
endangers the safety of the nation. It is prohibit- 
ed by the laws of nature, which are equally bind- 
ing on governments and individuals. The right to 
introduce and establish slavery, in a free govern- 
ment, does not exist. 

"The declaration of Independence declares, as 
self-evident truths, "That all men are created 
equal — that they are endowed by their Creator 


with certain unalienable rights, that among these 
are life, liberty-, and the pursuit of happiness. 
That to secure these rights, governments are insti- 
tuted among men, deriving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed : That when- 
ever any iorm of government becomes destructive 
of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter 
or abolish it.' 

"The Constitution of the United States, and of 
the several States, have recognized these principles 
as the basis of their governments : and have ex- 
pressly inhibited the introduction or extension of 
slaver^', or impliedU^ disavowed the right. The 
power of Congress to require the prohibition of 
slaver\^ in the Constitution of a State, to be ad- 
mitted as one of the United States, is confirmed by 
the admission of new States according to the or- 
dinance of 1787, and b3^ a constitutional "guar- 
rantee to ever^^ State in the Union of a republican 
form of government.'^ This power in Congress is 
also admitted in the act of March 6, 1820, which 
declares that in all that territory ceded, under the 
name of Louisana, which lies north of 36 deg. 30 
min. north latitude, ''slaverv and involuntary 
servitude shall be forever prohibited.' 

"Where slavery existed in the States, at the 
time of the adoption of the Constitution of the 
United States, a spirit of comprom.ise, or painful 
necessit3^ may have excused its continuance, but 
can never justify its introduction into a State to 
be admitted from the territories of the United 

" Though slavery is not expressh' prohibited by 


the Constitution, 3'et that invaluable instrument 
contains power, first principles, and self-evident 
truths, which bring us to the same result, and lead 
us to liberty and justice , and the equal rights of 
man, from which we ought never to depart. "In 
it is seen a deep and humilating sense of slavery " 
— and a cheering hope that it would, at some 
future period, be abolished — and even a determina- 
tion to do it. 

"It is apparent that servitude produces in the 
slave-holding States peculiar feelings, local attach- 
ments, and seperate interests : and should it be 
extended into new States — it will have a tendency 
to form a combination of power, which will con- 
trol the measures of the general government;" 
and which cannot be resisted, except by the physi- 
cal force of the nation. 

"The people of the United States adopted the 
Constitution " to form a more perfect Union of the 
several States, to establish justice, to securedomes- 
tic tranquility, provide for the common defence, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the bless- 
ings of liberty;'' and have thereb\^ blended and 
inseperably connected the interests, the safety and 
welfare of every State in the Union. We, therefore, 
become deeph^ concerned in the fundamental prin- 
ciples of the Constitution of an\^ new State to be 
admitted into the Union. Whatever powers are 
necessary to carr3^ into effect the objects of the 
Union, are implied in the Constitution, and vested 
in the several departments of the general govern- 

"The act of the United States, authorizing a 


provisional admission of Missouri into the Union 
as a State, does not pledge the faith of govern- 
ment to admit, whatever may be its Constitution 
or system of State government : for that Consti- 
tution, by the act, must be Republican, and not 
repugnant to'the Constitution of the United States. 

"From information, it is to be seriously appre- 
hended that Missouri will present to Congress, for 
their approbation, a Constitution which declares 
''the General Assembly shall have no power to 
pass laws — First, for the emancipation of slaves, 
without the consent of their owners, or without 
pa\^ing them, before emancipation, a full equivalent 
for such slaves so emancipated— and, secondh^, 
to prevent emigrants from bringing slaves into 
said State, so long as slavery is legalized therein. 
It is also made the imperious duty of its Legisla- 
ture to pass laws, as soon as may be, ' To prevent 
free negroes and mulattoes from coming to, and 
settling in that State, under any pretence what- 

"These powers, restrictions, and provisions, to 
legalize and perpetuate slavery, and to prevent 
citizens of the United States, on account of their 
origin, color or features, from emigration to Mis- 
souri, are repugnant to a Republican government, 
and in direct violation of the Constitution of the 
United States. 

"If Missouri be permitted to introduce and legal- 
ize slavery by her Constitution, and we consent to 
her admission, we shall justh^ incur the charge of 
insincerity^ in our civil institutions, and in all our 
professions of attachment to liberty. It will bring 


Upon theConstiution and Declaration of Independ- 
ence, a deep stain, which cannot be forgotten, or 
blotted out! It will deeph'- affect the Union in 
its resources, political interests, and character. 

*'The admission of another new State into the 
Union, with a Constitution which guarantees 
securit3' and protection to slavery- , and the cruel 
and unnatural traffic in any portion of the hu- 
man race, will be an error which the Union can- 
not correct, and an evil which ma3' endanger the 
freedom of the nation. 

" Congress never ought, and we trust never will, 
plant the standard of the Union in Missouri, to 
wave over the heads of involuntary slaves, who 
have nothing the3' can call their own, except their 
sorrows and their sufferings, and a life be3'ond 
the grave — and who can never taste the sweets of 
libert3% unless the3' obtain it b3' force or b3' flight. 
Nor can a communit3% made up of masters and 
slaves ever enjo3' the blessings of libertv, and the 
benefits of a free government : these enjo3^ments 
are reserved for a communit3' of freemen, who are 
subject to none, but to God, and the laws." 

The committee submitted with said report, and 
in harmon3' therewith, the following resolutions : 

"Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Legis- 
lature, slaver3% or involuntarv servitude, in an3^ of 
the United States, is a moral and political evil, 
and that its continuance can be justified b3' neces- 
sity' alone. The Congress has a right to inhibit an v 
further introduction, or extension of slaver3', as 
one of the conditions upon which an3^ new State 
shall be admitted into the Union. 


"Resolved, That this Legislature views with 
regret and alarm, the attenapt of the inhabitants 
of Missouri to obtain admission into the Union as 
one of the United States, under a Constitution 
which legalizes and secures the introduction and 
continuance of slavery-— and also contains provis- 
ions to prevent freemen of the United States from 
emigrating to and settling in Missouri, on account 
of their origin, color and features. And that, in 
the opinion of this Legislature, these principles, 
powders and restrictions, contained in the reported 
Constitution of Alissouri, are anti-republican and 
repugnant to the Constitution of the United 
States, and subversive of the unalienable rights to 

"Resolved, That the Senators from this State 
in the Congress of the United States be instructed, 
and the Representatives requested, to exert their 
influence and use all legal measures to prevent the 
admission of Missouri, as a State, into the Union 
of the United States, w^ith those anti-republican 
features and powers in their Constitution." 

" The report and the resolutions w^ere agreed to 
by both Houses without division. 

"The strong pro-slaverv policy- to extend the 
area of the institution and the persistent and 
sucessful effort to admit Missouri without re- 
striction as to slaver\^was la3'ing an Qcrg that was 
later hatched out in the shape of a decision from 
the Supreme Court of the United States in the 
Dred Scott case in the opinion of a majority of 
the court announced by Chief Justice Tane^', in 
w^hich he stated that at the time of the Declaration 



of Independence and at the time of the adoption of 
the Constitution of the United State, the "unfor- 
tunate race were regarded as beings of an inferior 
order, and altogether unfit to associate with the 
white race, either in social or political relations; 
and so far inferior, that the^^ had no rights w^hich 
the white man was bound to respect ; and that 
the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to 
slaver \^ for his benefit." This decision went so far 
as to hold that slave-holders could take their 
slaves into any territory of the United States and 
hold them there as slaves and was expressed in the 
following language: "It is the opinion of the 
court that the act of Congress which prohibited a 
citizen from holding and owning property of this 
kind in the territory of the United States north of 
the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by 
the Constitution and is therefore void." These 
antagonistic views and principles and the heated 
party spirit culminated in the rebellion of 1861, 
and resulted in the procfamation of emancipation 
of President Lincoln, Jan. 1, 1863. 

"When we look back upon the free and inde- 
pendent spirit that had ever animated the people 
of the State, and are reminded that no slave has 
ever troden Vermont soil, and contemplate the 
strong, firm stand they have taken against the 
keeping in bondage a part of the human familj^ 
and in favor of the widest libert3^, consistent with 
good government, w^e have reason to feel a just 
pride that we can be reckoned as Yermonters. 

GHflFTtR V. 



1791 TO 1808. 

In the early history of Vermont it was not al- 
ways that each town had a separate representa- 
tive to the General Assembly. In 1795, the town 
of Londonderry and a Gore, called Mack's Leg, 
were erected into two separate towns by the names 
of Londonderry and Windham with the right of 
only one representative in the Assembly for both 
towns, but in 1804, the two towns were given all 
the privileges and immunities belonging to other 
incorporated towns. Previous to 1808, the towns 
of North Hero and Middle Hero (Grand Isle) were 
entitled to but one representative to the General 
Assembly, but subsequentl}^ on petition each of 
those towns were granted a representative. 

At an early day the law required that, a person 
to be admitted as a member of the bar, should have 
several years of residence in the State, but in 1791, 
it was enacted that an3^ person, it of good moral 
character and competent knowledge of the law, 
might be admitted as a practicing attorney on tak- 
ing an examination of the court and bar; this act 
did not require a previous residence. 



It was not the practice of the Governor for 
many years, in the earh* histor\^ of the State, to 
appoint a day of Fast or Thanksgiving independ- 
ent of a request from the AssembU'. The custom 
v\>'as for the General Assembly to pass a resolve 
" that his Excellency the Governor be requested by 
and with the advice of the Council, to appoint the 
day," named in the resolution to be observed as a 
day of Public Thanksgiving and Praise or Fast, 
throughout the State. 

In 1793, Samuel Knight, President of the Coun- 
cil of Censors, addressed the Legislature and stated 
it had, in some instances, too hastih' and inconsid- 
eratelj", passed insolvent acts, and acts suspending 
the operation of law against particular persons, 
and acts granting exclusive rights and privileges 
to individuals. He said that acts granting exclu- 
sive privileges to individuals except the exclusive 
right to their owm inventions, were wrong. He, 
also adjudged it inconsistent with the spirit and 
genius of a free people, that a man should be ad- 
judged to pay costs in criminal cases after an im- 
partial jur^^ has declared he is not guilt\', and rec- 
ommended the repeal of an act that allowed that 
to be done. He said on taking a retrospective 
view of the business of the Legislature, on the 
whole, "he was happy to find that wisdom and 
stability mark the proceedings of our public bod- 
ies, and that this government is gaining knowl- 
edge and respectabilty." 

In the earh' da3's of Vermont the property of 
man^^ of her citizens who had joined the enenn^, 
during the Revolutionary^ struggle was confiscated 


to the use of Vermont, and in some cases their gen- 
eral creditors petitioned the General Assembly that 
the\^ might receive from the State a just propor- 
tion of the estate confiscated, but the petitions 
v^ere denied. The Legislature deemed it not advis- 
able to make provision for the pa^-ment of the 
debts of persons whose propert^^ had been confis- 
cated in consequence of their treasonable conduct. 

In the year 1795, a petition was presented to 
the Legislature by General Ira Allen then of Col- 
chester praying that the name of the Universit^^ of 
Vermont be changed to "Allen's University," and 
at the same time proposing a donation of one 
thousand pounds worth of books for a library and 
a deed to the corporation of fifteen hundred acres 
of land. The offer was not accepted by the Leg- 
islature and Allen had leave to withdraw the pe- 
tition ; the committee to which the petition was 
referred, expressed it as their opinion that the 
proposition of Allen was liberal. 

The pay of town representatives to the Assem- 
bly, Councillors, State officials and their incidental 
expenses were much less for many years after the 
State first became a member of the Federal Union 
than they are at the present writing. In 1795, the 
pay for Councillors, was one dollar and forty-six 
cents, and for members of the House and Auditors 
of Accounts one dollar and twenty-five cents per 
diem. The appropriation for State expenses for 
the Legislative year from October 1795, to Octo- 
ber 1796, was but 1,723 pounds for debentures of 
Lieut. Governor, Council, General Assembly, and 
necessary officers including Auditors of Accounts ; 


three pounds for wood and candles for the Council 
room; eighteen shillings for wood and candles for 
Clerks; fifu^ dollars for powder used on election 
day. A pound was reckoned at $3.33%. 

On Nov. 2, 1796, an act passed the House and 
was read and concurred in b^- the Council that con- 
ferred upon the Constitution of the State the dignity 
to which it was entitled : to wit, the supreme law 
of the State. The acts 1779, 1782 and 1787, re- 
lating to this subject, simply adopted the Consti- 
tution as a part of the laws of the State. 

On Nov. 3, 1797, the Governor and Council un- 
dertook to recommend to the House by resolution 
how that bod3' should proceed in the consideration 
of bills, as appears from the following statement 
and resolution sent to the House by the Council : 
viz., ''Whereas, by an existing law, directing the 
mode of passing bills, and b^^ the Constitution of 
this State, it becomes the dut\' of the House of Rep- 
resentatives, on receiving a bill from the Council, 
with the proposals of amendment thereto, to pro- 
ceed to try the sense of the House, whether they 
will concur with the Council in the amendments 
proposed, and on non-concurrence to return the 
bill to the Council, with the reasons of their dis- 
sent, that the Council ma}' proceed further there- 
on. And whereas it appears from the journals of 
the House of Representatives, that the bill entitled 
"An act relating to the office and dutj- of an At- 
torney General, State's Attornej-s, Clerks of the 
Supreme and County Court, the County Treasur- 
ers," returned to the House of Representatives, by 
the Council, on the 23d of October last, with pro- 


posals for amendment, has been dismissed b^- the 
House without acting on the amendments so pro- 
posed as aforesaid contrary to the opinion of the 
Council, to the express letter of the law, and a 
just construction of the Constitution : Therefore, 
Resolved, that it be recommended to the House of 
Representatives, to proceed and act upon the 
amendments proposed b^' the Council, in the man- 
ner prescribed hj law." 

The election sermon of the 3'ear was preached 
by Rev. Daniel C. Sanders, then of Yergennes, and 
later, President of the University of Vermont. 

On Oct. 17, 1798, the two Houses met in Gen- 
eral Committee to consider the constitutionality of 
private acts of insolvenc\', and resolved that the 
Legislature have a constitutional right to pass 
such acts. 

On Oct. 21, 1800, Luke Knowlton, on tender- 
ing to Governor Tichenor his resignation of his 
office and seat at the Council board, said, in part, 
that "the repeated and unsolicited suffrages of the 
free and enlightened citizens of this State will ever 
reflect the highest happiness to that mind whose 
greatest glor\' rests on the good esteem of his fel- 
low creatures. You will permit me, as I am now 
retiring from public life in which I have been so 
long placed, whether in the Legislative, Executive, 
or Judicial departments, it has been my constant 
aim and design to discharge the duties imposed on 
me with firmness, wisdom and integrity — and if in 
anj' instance have erred, it arose through defect 
of the head and not of the heart." 

There were manv bills in the earlv lesislation 


of Vermont that were passed into law suspending 
civil process against persons for a term of years ; 
such laws have been regarded bj^ thoughtful minds 
as unwise and bad polic3^, and unjust as discrimi- 
nating between persons similarly situated, and 
such legislation has become infrequent or entirely 
discontinued. The Council of Censors sometime 
before November, 1813, had recommended the re- 
peal of the act of 1812, suspending civil process 
against officers and soldiers while in the service, as 
being in violation of several provisions of the Con- 
stitution of the United States and also of Vermont, 
undoubtedh^ having reference to that clause of the 
Constitution of the United States, declaring that, 
" no State shall pass a law impairing the obliga- 
gation of contracts." 

On Oct. 17, 1796, the Legislature of Vermont 
presented an address to President George Wash- 
ington in answ^er to his farewell address to his fel- 
low citizens of the United States. The answ^er 
embraced the foUow^ing expressions : viz. 

''When w^e contrast the gloomy aspect, both of 
our domestic and foreign affairs, a few years since, 
with the flattering prospect now before us, we at 
once appreciate the advantages w^hich resulted im- 
mediately from one general government, and the 
justice, magnanimitj^ and moderation which has 
marked your administration. 

" Convinced of our true interests, you have suc- 
cessfully opposed faction, and maintained that 
neutrality so necessar3^ to our national honor and 
peace — accept, sir, the only acknowledgment in our 
power to make, or yours to receive, the gratitude 
of a free people. 


" Ardently as we wish your continuance in pub- 
lic office, yet w^hen we reflect on the 3'ears of anx- 
iety you have spent in your country's services, we 
must reluctantly acquiesce in 3^our wishes, and 
consent that you should pass the evening of 3^our 
days, in reviewing a well spent life, and looking 
forward to scenes beyond the grave, where our 
prayers shall ascend for a complete reward for all 
your services, in a happ^^ immortality : and we re- 
ceive your address to your fellow citizens, as ex- 
pressive of the highest zeal for their prosperity, 
and containing the best advice to insure its con- 

"We cannot, sir, close this address (probably 
the last public communication we ma^^ have occa- 
sion to make to you) without assuring you of our 
affection and respect. Maj^the shade oi private life 
be as grateful to you as the splendor of 3'our pub- 
lic life has been useful to 3^our country. 

''We shall recollect you with filial affection; 
your advice as an inestimable legac\^ and shall 
pride ourselves in teaching our children the impor- 
tance of that advice, and a humble imitation of 
your example." 

President Washington on Dec. 12, 1796, said in 
part, in a reply, addressed to Elijah Paine and 
Isaac Tichenor, Vermont Senators then in Congress. 
" Gentlemen, With particular pleasure I receive 
the unanimous address of the Council and General 
Assembly of the State of Vermont.— Although but 
lately admitted into the Union, yet the importance 
of your State, its love of libertj^ and its energy, 
were manifested in the earliest periods of the revo- 


lution which established our Independence. Uncon- 
nected in name onh^ but in reality united with the 
confederate States, these felt and acknow^ledged 
the benefits of 3'our co-operation. Their mutual 
safet\' and advantage duly appreciated, will never 
permit this Union to be dissolved. 

"I enjoy great happiness in the testimony you 
have presented, and in other proofs exhibited from 
various parts of our Country, that the operations 
of the general government have justified the hopes 
of our citizens at its formation, wdiich is recog- 
nized as the era of our national prosperity-. The 
voluntar3' acknowledgements of my fellow citizens 
persuade me to believe that my agency has con- 
tributed to produce this effect. This belief will be 
to me a source of permanent satisfaction, and those 
acknowledgements a rich rew^ard." 

It is but stating a recognized truth that no citi- 
zen of the United States ever won an equal respect 
and confidence both in w^ar and peace as did 
George Washington with the people of the Ameri- 
can Union. He w^as cool and correct in judgment, 
bold and fearless in danger ; methodical and clear 
in all his business arrangements, and possessed the 
basis of a strong and elevated character. H. T. 
Headle\'in his life of Washington said of him, "this 
soul, poised on its own center, reposed calmly there 
amid all the tumult and turbulence that shook 
the land. The ingratitude and folly of those who 
should have been his friends, the insult of his foes, 
and the frowms of fortune, could not provoke him 
into rash acts or delude him into error." The lib- 
ertv loving and brave Green Mountain Boys, while 


strugglino- for admission into the Federal Union 
against the powerful opposition of New York, had 
a friend in George Washington. 

In 1798, the people of the Union had become 
separated quite sharph' into two political parties, 
the Federalist party, and the opposition was cris- 
talizing into w^hat was then denominated the 
Republican part^-. Daniel Buck who had been a 
member ot Congress from 1795, to 1797, and a 
strong Federalist was active in fostering a division 
of sentiment and strengthening the Federal party, 
while Matthew Lyon, also a member of Congress, 
was over-zealous in his labors in behalf of the op- 
position or Republican part\\ On Oct. 20, 1798, 
an address to President John Adams was presented 
to the General Assembh^, expressing the sentiment 
of the Federalists, in which it was stated that, 

" We have been represented as a divided people ; 
but this report has been fabricated, and cherished, 
by men whose destructive policy would lead them 
first to excite disunion, and like the incendiary, to 
profit b^^ the confusion the^- have created. 

" That the great bulk of our citizens are firmly 
attached to our excellent F'ederal Constitution of 
government, and highh' approve its administra- 
tion, A^ou may be assured is an incontrovertible 
fact. That some men should not appreciate its 
advantages, or that some should be bad enough 
to strike at its very existence, is not strange. 
When we consider government as the association 
of the honest, the pious, and the peaceable, to pro- 
tect themselves from the wickedness of the dis- 
honest, the impious, and the unruly; it is not 


strange that if the beneficial designs of the former 
be effected, the latter will complain, and attempt 
to break ever\^ barrier which protects societ3^ We 
know of no government, ancient or modern, that 
was ever celebrated for its excellency, w^hose 
archives were not disgraced with impediments of 
opposition, and the page of whose history is not 
stained with frequent insurrection. Even under 
the divine theocracy of the Jews, the people mur- 
mured amidst plenty; and, while their first magis- 
trate was in immediate conference with Heaven for 
their good, a stupid faction of that people lost the 
remembrance of their divine government, in the 
adoration of a molten god. 

*'But you, sir, can accurate^ distinguish be- 
tween the voice of your country, and the clamor 
of party : we here offer \^ou the genuine sentiments 
of our constituents, the freemen of Vermont, as 
delivered through their constitutional organ, the 

''In the infancy' of French political reformation, 
with our bretheren of the United States, we wished 
w^ell to the cause of French patriotism, because 
we supposed it the cause of virtue, religion and ra- 
tional liberty. But when Gallic virtue was suc- 
ceeded by licentiousness and inhumanity; when 
religion gave place to atheism, and rational liberty 
to grievous oppression ; when, no longer contented 
w^ith abortive attempts to reform their own gov- 
ernment, they boldly obtruded their political creed 
upon the order and tranquility of other nations ; 
and with rapacious ambition, unknown to their 
proudest monarchs, dissolved ancient govern- 


ments, annexing plundered provinces to their own 
blood-stained territories ; when the\' violated the 
neutral rights of the United States, commissioned 
their ambassadors to excite us to foreign war and 
domestic insurrection, and made the most un- 
provoked depredations on our commerce ; when 
the\^ insulted our messengers of peace, and insid- 
iously attempted to degrade them into the mean 
instruments of subjecting their country- to a scan- 
dalous tribute; w^hen the^^ refused to stop the 
hand of plunder, for a little period, while our gov- 
ernment might attempt, b^^ discussion or conces- 
sion, to avert the calamities of w^ar ; when thej' 
violently and insidioush^ struck at our national in- 
dependence, ever\^ tie of affection for Frenchmen 
was dissolved ; and we clearl3' perceived, that we 
could no longer be attached to that nation, but at 
the expense of our morals, our religion, and the 
love of our country. 

"This, sir, is a da\^ which calls loudly for deci- 
sion : and we are proud to declare our attachment 
to the Constitution of the United States ; we 
believe its prosperity- deeply involves our own ; we 
have the firmest reliance on the executive adminis- 
tration of our general government. Your instruc- 
tions to our national envoi's to France carr^- con- 
viction with them of 3'our uprightness. Your 
resolution to send no other envoi's to that haughty 
nation, unless previoush' assured of their honor- 
able reception, evidences beyond doubt, your firm 
attachment to the interest and honor of 3'our 
country. You have justified your country in the 
face of the worid ; and if the consequences of 


French duplicity and rapacity shall involve us in a 
war, which we pray heaven to avert, we pledge 
ourselves to our country, our firmest support of 
her violated rights. 

"Permit us to add assurances of our personal 
respect ; while wc honor you as our Chief Magis- 
trate, we respect you as a man ; and it is to 3'our 
glory we can say, we regard John Adams because 
we love our country." 

This address was adopted by a vote of 129 yeas 
to 23 nays. In reply the President said, " Among 
all the addresses which have been presented to me, 
from communities, corporations, towns, cities and 
Legislatures, there has been none more acceptable 
to me, or which has aifected my sensibility or com- 
manded my gratitude more than this very senti- 
mental compliment from the State of Vermont — a 
State which, within my memory, has been convert- 
ed from a wilderness to a fruitful field. Knowing 
as I do, 3'our origin and progress, the brave, hard^', 
industrious, and temperate character of the peo- 
ple, their approbation of their Representatives, 
their attachment to the Constitution, and deter- 
mination to support the government, are the 
more to be esteemed. * * " The French have 
rendered it impossible for us to follow them in 
their notions and projects of government, or to 
submit to their arbitrary conduct and extravagant 
exactions to us: we must therefore defend our- 
selves against all their attempts." 

In 1801, an address was adopted by the Assem- 
bly and presented to Thomas Jefferson, in which it 
was stated that the people of Vermont admired 


the Federal Constitution and that they contem- 
plated that the general government to be the sheet 
anchor of their peace at home and safety abroad, 
and that they regard the Presidency with a cordial 
attachment and profound respect; that they revered 
the President's talents and were assured of his 
patriotism and relied on his fidelity, and express- 
ed the hope that the general government would 
draw around the whole nation such lines of de- 
fence as shall prove forever impossible to every 
foreign foe. The President in repW expressed his 
thanks for the friendly, favorable sentiments, and 
joined them cordialh^ in admiring and revering the 
Constitution of the United States, the result of 
collected wisdom of our country ; he would draw 
around the whole nation the strength of the gen- 
eral government, as a barrier against foreign foes, 
and that he would watch the borders of every 
State, that no external hand may intrude, or dis- 
turb the exercise of self-government, reserved to 
itself. In 1803, after the Louisiana purchase had 
been effected by Jefferson, the General Assembly 
addressed the President again. The address in 
part was as follows : — 

"While we contemplate the acquisition of an 
extensive and fertile territory, with the free navi- 
gation of the river Mississippi, we cannot but ven- 
erate that spirit of moderation and firmness, 
which among divided councils finally enriched our 
country without the effusion of blood : and it is 
with much satisfaction we learn from the highest 
authority, that no new^ taxes will be requisite for 
the completion of the payment for this valuable 


acquisition. Permit us then to tender you, sir, our 
warmest thanks for the conspicuous part you 
have taken in this important arrangement. 

" We gratefulh' contemplate those humane and 
benevolent measures which civilize our once savage 
neighbors, and learn them to exchange their hos- 
tile weapons for the implements of argriculture 
and household manufacture. 

''We recognize with sentiments of esteem, that 
vigilance and parental care which has enlarged 
our territory- by a negotiation with one of the 
friendly tribes of Indians. 

"From kno\ving that our maritime force is di- 
minished, and that our trade is still protected, we 
obtain imposing proof, that vigilance and econ- 
om3' go hand in hand in the management of our 
governmental affairs. 

"The flourishing state of our treasury demon- 
strates our growing greatness, and must convince 
every good citizen that the incident and vilifying 
expressions too frequently uttered through the 
medium of the press against the administration of 
our government, must finalh\ with equal certainty 
as justice, revert on the authors. 

"Your advice to the House of Representatives 
respecting our conduct towards the contending 
powers of Europe, merits our highest approba- 

"From our own feehngs, as well as from the 
general knowledge we possess of the sentiments of 
our constituents, j'ou ma3' be assured that the 
hardy sons of Vermont, though earnestly engaged 
in their peaceable pursuits, will be read^^ to fl}", on 


the call of their country, at the risk of their lives, 
their fortunes and domestic felicity, to maintain 
their rights as an independent nation — preferring 
every consequence to insult and habitual wrong. 

"Permit us to assure you of our most earnest 
wish that every possible happiness may attend 
you through life, and that you may finallv receive 
the plaudit of the great Judge of all." 

On Nov. 10, 1798, the Legislature of Kentucky 
adopted resolutions that embodied the doctrine of 
nullification that found their logical and final out- 
come in the gigantic rebellion of 1861. These 
resolutions were condemned by several of the 
States, whereupon on Nov. 14, 1799, Kentucky re- 
afl^irmed its doctrine of State rights in the follow- 
ing language. "That the several States that 
formed the Constitution being sovereign and inde- 
pendent, have the unquestionable right to judge of 
the infraction ; and that a nullification by those 
sovereignties of all imauthorized acts done under 
the color of that instrument, is the rightful rem- 
edy. The resolutions adopted b\' Kentuck^^ on 
Nov. 10, 1798, were drawn b3' Thomas Jeffer- 
s6n and sent to Vermont for the consideration 
and adoption by the Legislature, one of which was 
as follows : 

"Resolved, That the several States composing 
the United States of America, are not united on 
the principle of unlimited submission to their gen- 
eral government; but that, b3' compact under the 
style and title of a Constitution for the United 
States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted 
a general government for special purposes, delegat- 


ed to that government certain definite powers, re- 
serving, each State to itself, the residuary 
mass of right to their own self-government; 
and, that w^hensoever the general government 
assumes undelegated powders, its acts are 
unauthorative, void, and of no force; that 
to this compact each State acceded as 
a State, and is an integral party ; that this gov- 
ernment, created by this compact, was not made 
the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the 
powers delegated to itself, since that w^ould have 
made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the 
measure of its powers ; but, that as in all other 
cases of compact among parties having no com- 
mon judge, each party has an equal right to judge 
for itself, as w^ell of infractions as of the mode and 
measure of redress." 

The answer of Vermont to the nullification res- 
olutions were sound in principle and have been 
adhered to by the national government ever since, 
and are as follows: viz., 

" To the Legislature of the State of Kentucky. 

''We have maturely considered your resolutions 
of November 10th, 1798. As 3'ou invite our opin- 
ion, you w^ll not blame us for giving it without 
disguise, and with decision. In your first resolu- 
tion, you observe, in substance, ' That the States 
constituted the general government, and that each 
State as party to the compact, has an equal right 
to judge for itself as w^ell of infractions of the 
Constitution, as of the mode and measure of re- 
dress.' This cannot be true. The old confedera- 
tion, it is true, was formed by the State Legisla- 


turc, but the present Constitution of the United 
States was derived from a higher authority. The 
people of the United States formed the federal Con- 
stitution, and not the State, or their Legislatures. 
And although each State is authorized to propose 
amendments, yet there is a wide difference between 
proposing amendments to the Constitution, and 
assuming, or inviting, a power to dictate or con- 
control the general government. 

"In your second resolution, you certainly mis- 
construe and misapply an amendment to the Fed- 
eral Constitution, which, if your construction be 
true, does not surely warrant the conclusion that 
as a State j^ou have a right to declare an^^ act 
of the General Government, which you shall deem 
unconstitutional, null and void. Indeed, you act- 
ually do declare two acts of the Congress of the 
United States null and void. If, as a State, you 
have a right to declare two acts of the Congress 
of the United States unconstitutional and therefore 
void, you have an equal right to declare all their 
acts unconstitutional. Suppose each Legislature 
possesses the power you contend for, each Legisla- 
ture would have the right to cause all the acts of 
Congress to pass in view before them, and reject or 
approve at their discretion, and the consequences 
would be, that the government of the Union, falsely 
called General, might operate partially in some 
States, and cease to operate in others. Would not 
this defeat the grand design of our Union ? " 

The State of Virginia also sent state-rights 
resolutions drawn by James Madison, to be adopt- 
ed b}' the Vermont Legislature, though not quite 


SO rank with the sentiment of nullification as 
those of Kentucky, but still embodied dangerous 
principles and they were replied to as follows : 

''Resolved, That the General Assembly of the 
State of Vermont do highly disapprove of the 
resolutions of the State of Virginia, as being un- 
constitutional in their nature, and dangerous in 
their tendency. It belongs not to State Legis- 
latures to decide on the constitutionality of laws 
made by the general government ; this power be- 
ing exclusively vested in the Judiciary Courts of 
the Union.'' 

Thus it may be seen that Vermont has ever 
taken a consistent, safe and conservative course 
ever since her admission into the Union, and has 
always stood firm in upholding the true principles 
of the Constitution as sustained b\'the courts and 
now recognized as sound throughout the Nation. 

In October 1805, the Legislature refused to con- 
fer upon one Charles Aliller, a subject of his Bri- 
tannic Alajesty the rights of a citizen of the State 
to enable him to hold a certain parcel of real estate 
in this State, when he did not intend to become a 
resident citizen of the State or of any of the United 
States, and had not brought himself within the 
provisions of the law of Congress on the subject 
of naturalization. 




OF VERMONT FROM 1808 TO 1836. . 

In 1808, there was a matter of considerable 
magnitude that arose growing out of an attempt 
in the general government to enforce the "land 
embargo " law, of March 12, 1808. It was openW 
declared, especially by smugglers, that the inhabi- 
tants on Lake Champlain would never submit to 
enforce that law. On Aug. 3, 1808, a partj^ of 
twelve of the Vermont militia had captured a 
notorious smuggling vessel, called the Black 
Snake, then moored in Winooski river, and as 
they were taking it down the river to the lake, 
the smugglers /requentlj^ fired upon them, killing 
Elias Drake of Clarendon and Asa Alarsh of Rut- 
land and wounding Lieutenant Daniel Farrington 
of Brandon. A murderous wall-piece, charged 
with fifteen bullets, slugs, and buck-shot was dis- 
charged among them. Jonathan Ormsb^- of Bur- 
lington who joined the government part\^ to aid 
in arresting the murderers was killed as was Asa 
Marsh. The smugglers were all seized but two 
who then escaped, but afterwards were arrested. 



On Aug. 23, 1808, a special term of court was 
held; and at that time the grand jury returned 
true bills against Samuel I. Mott of Alburgh, 
William Noaks, Slocum Clark and Truman Mud- 
gett of Highgate, Cyrus B. Dean and Josiah Pease 
of S wanton, David Sheffield of Colchester, and 
Francis Ledyard of Milton. These men were tried 
for the crime charged against them. Mott and 
Dean w^ere convicted of murder ; Dean was sen- 
tenced to be hung on Oct. 28, 1808, but his sen- 
tence w^as respited till the 11th day of November 
1808, when the sentence was carried into execution 
at Burlington. Sheffield and Ledyard w^ere also 
convicted of the crime charged against them. 
Mott and Sheffield were granted new trials, both 
of whom with Ledyard were convicted of man- 
slaughter at the January term of the court 1809. 
These three men were sentenced to stand one hour 
in the pillory, be confined ten years in the State 
prison, and pay cost of prosecution, and in addi- 
tion to those penalties, Mott and Sheffield received 
fift^' lashes. The three were pardoned by the Gov- 
ernor: Ledyard, Nov. 12, 1811 ; Sheffield, Nov. 4, 
1815 ; and Mott Oct. 15, 1817. Tlje sentiment of 
a large majority of the people of the State of Ver- 
mont w^ere against the national embargo law" as it 
was oppressive and worked against the interests of 
Vermont, and, therefore, the people of Vermont 
were not enthusiastic for its enforcement and gave 
lukewarm obedience to it. At the special term of 
the Supreme Court, held in January 1809, at Bur- 
lington, the grand jury published an address to 
the freemen of Chittenden Countv, in which they 


which strangers were principally the actors, we 
view with satisfaction and admiration, the 
loyalty and patience of our fellow citizens, and 
that the charge of Insurrection and Rebellion, 
lateh' exhibited against them, are vile aspersions 
against the honor and the dignitj^ of this county." 
Evidently the jury did not favor the President's 
policy of the national government respecting the 
embargo act. It is not the purpose of the writer 
at this time to go into a full consideration of the 
embargo act and the polic\' of the national gov- 
ernment respecting it, but it will be further consid- 
ered when we come to consider the causes of the 
war of 1812, in Chapter YII. Governor Tichenor 
in his speech to the Council and House of Represen- 
tatives in 1808, well voiced the sentiment of Ver- 
mont when he said : — 

" The business which our constituents have con- 
stitutionally assigned to their General Assembly, 
embracing the civil and political interests of 
the State, is the great object which will 
necessarily engage your attention. It cannot 
be concealed but these have been conisder- 
ably affected by a late law of the United 
States and the measures pursued to enforce 
it. Among a people accustomed to honest industry, 
and under a government which had permitted 
them freely to dispose of the fruit of their labor, 
as a natural and unalienable right, it was to be 
feared there might exist a strong disposition to 
evade its restrictions. Nothing but an appeal to 
their patriotism, and strong conviction of the 


utility of the measure, could enforce obedience to a 
law which in its operation blighted the best hopes 
of the laborer and destroyed every incentive to 
useful and honorable enterprise. While therefore 
we regret the stain upon the character of a re- 
spectable portion of our citizens, in consequence 
of the conduct of a few, who had violated a law 
of the government, suspending our commerce by an 
embargo without limitation, w^e sincere^ regret 
that the law was not accompanied with that evi- 
dence of national necessity or utility which at once 
w^ould have commanded obedience and respect. 
We also must as sincerely deplore that, instead of 
an application in the first instance to the civil 
authority, in common with my fellow^ citizens, the 
evils which result from that law, I cannot but hope 
that the wisdom of the national Legislature will 
induce an early repeal oi the same. If how^ever 
this should not be deemed wise or expedient, I 
must strongW enjoin the necessity of a quiet submis- 
sion to the privations and inconveniences that may 
be experienced, until we are relieved in a constitu- 
tional way." 

On Nov. 3, 1808, the United States Circuit 
Court commenced a special session at Burlington, 
held by Brockholst Livingston and Elijah Paine, 
Judges, when Frederick Job and John Hoxie were 
tried for high treason, in levying war against the 
United States, but they were speedily acquitted by 
the jury. 

The following statement or confession was 
made by Benjamin Whitcomb in his last sickness, 
to David Goodall, Esq. of St. Johnsbur^^, asserting 


that he, during the war between the Americans 
and the British, on orders from Washington to 
shoot a British General in retaliation for the wan- 
ton massacre of Americans by British Indians and 
their officers, w^ent from Ticonderoga into Canada 
and shot Gen. Gordon, and received a Major's 
commission therefor. Washington characterized 
the shooting of Gordon as assassination. It was 
stated in Thompson's Vermont Gazetteer, that 
Whitcomb shot General Gordon in July 1776, and 
took his sword and watch, but in a letter of June 
12, 1777, found in Anbury's Travels, a British 
account in detail was given of the affair, and in 
that account no robbery was charged against 
Whitcomb, and no responsibility' against ^ny 
American officer. The General in command at 
Ticonderoga, expressed his diapprobation of the 
act in the highest terms, and Whitcomb to effect 
a reconciliation, promised to capture a British offi- 
cer; he captured a friend of Anbury at the very 
spot where Gordon had been shot. 

A ver\' important affair to the public and unfor- 
tunate for the individual concerned, occurred at the 
Legislature. Abel Spencer a member of the Legis- 
lature from Rutland, and a former speaker of the 
House, was charged with highly dishonorable con- 
duct. A committee was appointed to investigate 
the charges against him ; he was found guilty by 
the committee of feloniously taking ninety-three 
dollars in bank bills, the property of three other 
members of the House. He was by a unanimous 
vote of the House expelled from his seat in the 


In 1804, a resolution was sent from the House 
to the Council, stating that '' Whereas the Honor- 
able Judges of the Supreme Court have been im- 
plicated b^' a' member of the House for taking and 
receiving fees and perquisites in certain cases which 
are not allowed by law. Therefore, Resolved, 
That, a committee of three from this House be 
appointed to inquire and ascertain the fees and 
perquisites" that the judges had taken and re- 
ceived for the time mentioned in the resolution and 
report, but the Council did not concur. The result 
of the inquiry in the House was to relieve the 
judges from an^- blame in the matter of fees in the 
opinion of the committee. In 1805, the investiga- 
tioh was renewed and it resulted in a resolution 
declaring the fees complained of were taken by the 
judges with upright views, and that the3^ are hy 
law made judges of w^hat is a reasonable and fair 
construction of the fee bill. 

On Oct. 12,1805, Gov. Tichenor transmitted to 
the speaker of the House resolutions of Kentucky 
w^hich were the same in substance that had been 
transmitted to the speaker b^- Pennsylvania, pro- 
posing to amend the Constitution of the United 
States so as to exclude the Federal Courts from 
jurisdiction in cases between a State and citizens 
of another State; between citizens of different 
States ; between citizens 9f the same State claim- 
ing lands under grant of different States ; and be- 
tween a State or the citizens thereof, and foreign 
States, citizens or subjects. The position of Ken- 
tucky towards Virginia was vefy much the same 
as that of Vermont had been with New York be- 


fore the settlement of the controversy in 1790, and 
that the Legislators of Vermont, therefore, under- 
stood the grievance of Kentucky' and s^-mpathized 
with her people. The Legislature postponed the 
matter till the session ot 1806, when a favor- 
able report was made and resolutions adopted in- 
structing the Vermont Representatives in Congress 
to use their best endeavors to procure such an 
amendment to the Constitution as will confine the 
judiciary power of the courts of the United States 
to cases in law and equity arising under the Con- 
stitution and laws of the United States and treaties 
made or that shall be made under their authority; 
cases affecting ambassadors and other public min- 
isters and consuls ; cases of admiralty and mari- 
time jurisdiction ; controversies to which the 
United States shall be a party, and controversies 
between two or more States. The Legislature in 
adopting the resolutions made the following dec- 

"It is the opinion of this Legislature, that the 
good people of this State experience nearl}' all the 
inconveniences and evils expressed in the resolu- 
tions from the State of Kentucky ; and that two 
independent courts, having no corrective over each 
other and holding jurisdiction over the same sub- 
ject in controversy^, cannot continue to exist in the 
same State without engendering seeds of jealousy 
and ill will, naturally tending to establish differ- 
ent and clashing rules of decision, and also form- 
ing two rallying points and erecting two stand- 
ards for the resort of political partizans, and lay- 
ing a foundation for that discord which may 



eventually terminate in the dissolution of our 
happy Union ; which, together with the great ex- 
pense of the service of w^rits returnable at so great 
distance, and of witnesses attending courts, (no 
depositions being taken within one hundred miles 
of court,) and the fees of counsel above what is 
required in our State courts, induce this Legisla- 
ture fully to concur with the Legislature of the 
State of Kentucky." 

A sufficient number of the States did not ratify 
all of the proposed amendments and no change 
was ever made in the Constitution as proposed, 
except as provided in Article XI of the amend- 
ments to the Constitution : That article is as fol- 
lows : viz., ''The judicial power of the United 
States shall not be construed to extend to any suit 
in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against 
one of the United States b\^ citizens of another 
State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign 

On Jan. 13, 1808, the Legislature of Virginia 
adopted a resolution proposing an amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States, so, "that 
the Senators in Congress of the United States ma3^ 
be removed from office by the vote of the majority 
of the whole number of the members of the respec- 
tive Legislatures by which the said Senators have 
been or may be appointed." This proposal was 
rejected in 1809; the Assembly declared as their 
opinion that the Senators did not hold their office 
during a period of sufficent duration to render 
such amendment necessary-. At the October ses- 
sion of 1809, a proposition came from Pennsylva- 


nia to amend the Constitution, so "that an impar- 
tial tribunal ma\' be established to determine dis- 
putes between the General and State Governments." 
The Legislature rejected this proposal, giving as 
reasons for its action, that such disputes are not 
so frequent, nor of sufficient magnitude to render 
such a tribunal necessary. 

In 1811, the Congress of the United States pro- 
posed the following amendment to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States: viz., "If any citizen of 
the United States shall accept, claim, receive or 
retain anj^ title of nobilit}- or honor, or shall, 
without consent of Congress, accept and retain 
any present, pension, office or any emolument what- 
ever, from any emperor, king, prince or foreign 
power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the 
United States, and shall be incapable of holding any 
office of trust or profit under them or either of 
them." This proposal was presented to the General 
Assembly bj' Governor Galusha on Oct. 17, 1811, 
and acted upon by the Assembly on October 22d 
of that 3'ear, and was agreed to, ratified and con- 
firmed on the part of the State. 

In 1807, the General Assembly', by their com- 
mittee drafted an address to President Jefierson 
urging him to stand as a candidate for the Presi- 
dency of the United States for a third term. The 
federalists made no opposition to this address, and 
it was adopted. President Jefferson on Dec. 10, 
1807, made the following reply : 

" To the Legislature of Vermont. — I received in 
due season the address of the Legislature of Ver- 
mont, bearing date the 5th of November 1806, in 


which, with their approbation of the general course 
of my administration, they were so good as to 
express their desire that I would consent to be 
proposed again, to the public voice, on the expira- 
tion of my present term of office. Entertaining, as 
I do, for the Legislature of Vermont those senti- 
ments of high respect which would have prompted 
an immediate answer, I was certain, nevertheless, 
they would approve a delay which had for its ob- 
ject to avoid a premature agitation of the public 
mind, on a subject so interesting as the election of 
a Chief Magistrate. 

"That I should lay down my charge at a proper 
period, is as much a duty as to have borne it faith- 
fully. If some termination to the services of a 
Chief Magistrate be not fixed by the Constitution, 
or supplied by practice, his office, nominally for 
years, will, in fact, become for life; and history 
shows how easih^ that degenerates into an inheri- 
tance. Believing that a representative govern- 
ment, responsible at short periods of election, is 
that which produces the greatest sum of happiness 
to mankind, I feel it a dutA^ to do no act which 
shall essentially impair that principle; and I should 
unwillingly be the person who, disregarding the 
sound precedent set by an illustrious predecessor, 
should furnish the first example of prolongation 
beyond the second term of office. 

"Truth, also, requires me to add, that I am 
sensible of that decline which advancing years 
brings on ; and feeling their physical, I ought not 
to doubt their mental effect. Happ}^ if I am the 
first to perceive and obey this admonition of 

OF VERM(3NT. 159 

nature, and to solicit a retreat from cares too 
great for the wearied faculties of age. 

" For the approbation which the Legislature of 
Vermont has been pleased to express of the princi- 
ples and measures pursued in the management of 
their affairs, I am sincerely thankful ; and should I 
be so fortunate as to carry into retirement the 
equal approbation and good will of m3' fellow- 
citizens generally, it will be the comfort of my 
future da3^s, and will close a service of forty 3^ears 
with the only reward it ever wished." 

B3' an act of the Legislature of New York passed 
June 8, 1812, and an act of the Legislature of Ver- 
mont passed November 6th, 1812, three Commis- 
sioners from each of the two States were appoint- 
ed and authorized to designate and mark a perma- 
nent boundar\' line between the two States. The 
Commissioners on the part of New York were 
Smith Thompson, Simeon DeWitt, and George 
Tibbits, and on the part of Vermont, Joseph Bee- 
man, Henry Olin and Joel Pratt, 2nd. In 1813 
and 1814, the Commissioners accomplished the 
work assigned them and made their report under 
their hands and seals bearing date October 25, 
1814, which is too lengthy to insert here. 

On October 25, 1814, the Governor put before 
the Council a letter from the Secretary of War of 
the United States and one from the Assistant Ad- 
jutant General of the Army of the United States, 
and in the latter there appeared the following 
clause, "It is the wish of the Government that two 
thousand of the militia of your State should be 
drafted and organized for immediate service, sub- 


ject to the call, when necessary, of the command- 
ing officer in this quarter." The Governor there- 
upon proposed to the Council for their considera- 
tion and advice, the following: "can the militia, 
when called into actual service, be legalh' com- 
manded by any officers, except such as are ap- 
pointed by this State?" The Council appointed a 
committee to take the question into consideration 
and make report. The Committee in their report 
to the Governor, after referring to Art. 1, Sec. 8, 
and Art. 11. , Sec. 2, of the Constitution of the 
United States, said, "The President ma\' undoubt- 
edly command the arm\' and nav\' of the United 
States b3' officers lawfulh' commissioned by him- 
self; but he cannot so command the militia of the 
States, when called into actual service of the Unit- 
ed States, for the appointment of their officers is a 
right reserved to the States respectiveh'. If, there- 
fore, the President would command the militia 
when in actual service of the United States, he 
must do it in person, or exercise his command ov- 
er them by officers appointed by the State, and 
not by officers appointed b3^ the President. ^ ^j. ^ 
As well might the officers of the militia, appointed 
by this State, when in the actual service of the 
United States, claim the right to command the ar- 
my of the United States, as the officers of the ar- 
my of the United States to command the militia. 
There is no constitutional provision for either to 
claim such right or exercise such command." 

The General Assembly at its October session 
of 1814, passed an act appropriating a certain sum 
of monev out of the Countv Treasurv of Addison 


Count\' for the relief of Laban Cousins, which the 
Governor and Council, \visel_v did not concur in 
passing and stated in their reasons for non-concur- 
rence, ''that they doubted the existence of a power 
in the Legislature to pass a law directing monev 
to be paid out of any treasur3' in this State b^' wa^' 
of gift of any individual, except it be out of the 
State Treasur3\ * * * Corporations, as 
well as individual citizens, have their rights, 
which cannot be infringed b\^ the Legislature. * * * 
It is true that the Legislature ma^- by its act em- 
power a corporation to make a donation, but the 
Legislature cannot direct a corporation to make a 
donation an^- more than it can a private citizen." 
This bill was dismissed on its being returned to 
the House, but another w^as passed empowering 
the judges of the court, if they deemed it expedi- 
ent, to allow not exceeding eight \' dollars, for 
Cousins' relief ^nd draw orders for the same on 
the County- Treasurer. 

In 1813 and 1814, there w^as an eftbrt made to 
give the State Supreme Court Judges the right to 
hold their office during good behavior, though re- 
movable by a concurrent vote of two-thirds of 
each of the Legislature. The Council of Censors 
(composed of Federalists) made such a proposal of 
amendment to the Constitution. This and all 
other proposed amendments, the convention of 
1814, rejected by a vast majority-. One article in 
the proposed amendment was one providing for a 
Senate in place of the Council, but it was rejected 
b^- a vote yeas 20, nays ISS. Governor Galusha 
in his speech of 1815, referring to the proposed 


amendment to give the judges the right to hold 
their office during good behavior, said, '* When the 
citizens of this State saw an attempt at such an 
alteration in their Constitution, as would remove 
the election and accountability of many of their 
officers, at a greater, and truly dangerous distance 
from them— without distinction of party, they ral- 
lied around the standard of their libert}^, and in the 
exercise of their sovereignty, secured the happy 
form and principles of a government, whose pecu- 
liar blessings they had long enjoyed." 

The year of 1815, opened with the brightest 
prospects of peace. The war that had been waged 
between Great Britain for three 3'ears had been 
brought to a close; the time, money and men 
that had been devoted to a defensive war, now 
could be turned to the cultivation of the soil, the 
improvement of manufactures and other manifold 
industries, so as to supply the people with food, 
raiment and all the blessings of peace. 

Governor Galusha in his speech to the Legisla- 
ture in October 1815, said, " We are assembled at 
a highly interesting period ; a period succeeding 
the most surprising events that ever burst upon 
the view of an astonished world. * "^ " The 
important contest in which we were deeply engaged 
with one of the most potent nations of the earth, 
has been happily terminated ; and instead of the 
horrors of war we are surrounded with all the 
rich blessings of peace." 

But in the year of 1816, the people met with a 
new experience. The spring and summer of this 
year was uncomm.onlv cold. Snow fell in almost 


every part of the State, and in nian^^ places to the 
depth of a foot and a half; a heavy fall of snow 
came as late as the 8th of June ; the weather was 
cold and all crops were small and sickly-, and great 
apprehension was lelt that they would not 
mature ; but little rain fell to moisten the earth ; 
the earth was both dr^^ and cold, and provisions 
were scarce. A general famine was apprehended 
from the uncommon failure of crops. Governor 
Galusha in his speech to the Legislature at the 
October session of the year 1816, said, "The un- 
common failure of some of the most important 
articles of produce on which the sustenance of man 
and beast depend is so alarming that I take the 
liberty to recommend to you, and through you to 
the people of this State, the most rigid economy in 
the early expenditure of those articles of provis- 
ion most deficient, that by peculiar precaution we 
may avoid, as far as possible, the foreboding evil 
of this unparalled season." 

In the 3'ear 1815, the Legislature passed a most 
extraordinary and unwise act, granting to a com- 
pany the exclusive right of navigating Lake Cham- 
plain by steam for twent^'-three years. This act 
met with a determined opposition in the House, 
but was passed by a vote of 91 to 70. It was 
found to be afterwards unconstitutional and void. 

From the year 1797 to the year 1816 it had 
been the practice of the House to return an answer 
to the Governor's speech, and at this session Rich- 
ard Skinner of Alanchester and Heman Allen of 
Colchester (both anti-Federalists,) and George 
Robinson of Burlington (Federalist) were appoint- 


ed a committee to draft an answer to the Govern- 
or's speech; the anti-Federalists made a report 
expressing sentiments favorable to the speech, 
which was adopted by a vote 109 to 86; on these 
occasions, usually, a majority- and a minority re- 
port would be made, when the reports would be 
discussed bringing out strong part^- feelings. With 
the session of 1816, terminated the practice of re- 
turning an answer to the Governor's speech, as 
the discussions consumed much time and gave rise 
to the most violent party contention. 

In 1817, the internal affairs of the State as- 
sumed a more harmonious and prosperous condi- 
tion; a bountiful harvest supplied the wants of 
the people; returning peace had brought tran- 
quilit^' to its borders, and business became gener- 
ally more fixed and certain. Private acts were 
passed remunerating certain individuals for losses 
sustained in attempting to carr^^ into effect the 
Vermont non-intercourse act, and Col. Fifield was 
granted $1,112 for his loss. Later, other claims 
were presented of the same nature, but the non- 
intercourse act having been declared unconstitu- 
tional by the Supreme Court of the State and all 
proceedings under it void, the Legislature refused 
to remunerate the claimants. These losses having 
been incurred in enforcing the Legislatvie acts, and 
declared illegal by the judiciary, in justice ought to 
have been paid b^'the power that occasioned them. 

It was during the year 1817, that an arrange- 
ment was concluded with the British Government 
and the United States for the reduction of the na- 
val force of both countries on the lakes, byprovid- 


ing that neither government should keep in ser- 
vice on lakes Ontario or Champlain more than one 
armed vessel, and that to have only one gun. 

In the year 1818, a medical academy was insti- 
tuted at Castleton by an act of the Legislature 
for the purpose of instructing in the science of 
physic, surgerA^, chemistry, and all the various 
branches connected with the healing art. That 
institution has been connected with Middlebury 

In 1821, the Vermont Legislature took strong 
ground against Congress appropriating the public 
land in unjust proportion to the States for educa- 
tional purposes. Governor Skinner had received 
propositions from both New Hampshire and 
Mar3dand to be acted upon by the Vermont Legis- 
lature, declaring that the public lands of the United 
States are the common property of the Union, and 
ought to be applied to the common use and benefit 
of the States in just proportions, and not to the 
use and benefit of any particular State or States, 
to the exclusion of others ; and that any such 
partial appropriation of them, for State purposes, 
is a violation of our national compact, as well as 
of the principles of just and sound policy. And 
that, as large appropriations of the public lands 
have been made by the United States, to certain 
particular States for the purposes of education, the 
rights of other States, will be violated unless a 
like appropriation be made to them, of the public 
lands, for the same purpose, in just proportion. 
These views were embodied in resolutions and 
adopted by the Legislature. Governor Skinner in 


layin;^ before the Legislature the resolutions from 
New Hampshire and Maryland accompanied by 
reports of committees of their respective Legisla- 
tures, said, that "no State, in proportion to their 
ability contributed more to the acquisition of 
those rights, which w^ere purchased by the toils, 
distresses and sacrifices of the revolutionary war, 
than Vermont. Situated upon the frontier, they 
constituted a barrier between the enemj^ and the 
Confederate States. Not having been acknowl- 
edged as a member of the confederation, no part 
of the expense thtj incurred in the w^ar, has been 
assumed by the general government, w^hile they 
have participated in the burden of the funded 

In 1821, the Legislature became awakened to 
the evils of treating in ardent spirits among the 
militia. On Nov. 9, 1821, the House sent up for 
the concurrence of the Council the following: 
"Resolved, That the custom which prevails 
with the commissioned officers of the militia of 
this State of giving, by w^ay of treat, ardent 
spirits to those under their command, is attended 
with pernicious consequences to the militia, and 
merits the disapprobation of this General Assem- 
bly. The practice becomes burthensome to officers, 
corrupts the morals of the soldiers, tends to intro- 
duce disorder, confusion and disobedience and 
ought to be discountenanced by all classes of the 
communit^^" In a second resolution the officers 
were requested to use their exertions, in orders or 
otherw^ise to carry into effect the resolutions. The 
resolutions w^ere concurred in. 


Previous to 1824, the three judges of each 
County Court had consisted mainly of farmers, 
mechanics, merchants, and clergymen, but rarel^^ 
of a lawyer or a man learned in the law. Courts 
so composed, undoubtedh^ endeavored to do jus- 
tice between litigants, but it is obvious that they 
w^ere liable to frequent error through a lack of 
know^ledge of the law^ Through an act drawn by 
Hon. Samuel Prentiss of Montpelier in 1824, this 
serious defect was remedied, as it was provided b\' 
that act that ever^^ chief justice of a County Court 
should be some one of the judges of the Supreme 
Court, presumably a jurist of high repute — w^hile 
the two assistant judges w^ere left to be appointed 
as before. This change added dignit3^ to the 
County Courts, and inspired litigants with confi- 
dence in having their legal rights secured. That 
system still continues. 

On Oct. 14, 1825, the speaker of the House was 
authorized to assign a seat upon the floor of the 
House to some person to report the debate and 
proceedings. The reports were printed in the Ver- 
mont Watchman, then the only newspaper printed 
in Montpelier. This was the origin of official leg- 
islative reports. For a time slips of legislative 
reports were printed daih^ for the use of both 
Houses by order of the Legislature, and this 
speedily grew^ into a small daily newspaper during 
the session, with which members were supplied at 
the expense of the State, which served as an aid in 
the discharge of their official duties. Edward V. 
Sparhawk was selected as the first oflicial reporter. 

At the legislative session of 1825, the House 


had passed a bill which the Council suspended 
until the session of 1826. At the last named ses- 
sion the House repassed the same bill and declared 
it to be a law without the concurrence of the Gov- 
ernor and Council. Thereupon the Council on Nov. 
1, 1826, resented the action of the House by pass- 
ing the following resolutions: viz. Resolved, in 
the opinion of the Council, that no bill originally 
introduced into the House of Representatives, can 
become a law without the concurrence of the Gov- 
ernor and Council. Resolved, That any attempt 
of the House of Representatives to pass laws 
without the concurrence of the Governor and 
Council is an infringement upon the constitutional 
powers and prerogatives of the Governor and 
Council. Resolved, That the late act of the House 
of Representatives to declare a bill entitled, '*An 
act repealing part of an act therein mentioned, 
to have become a law without the concurrence of 
the Governor and Council, is an assumption of 
power unprecedented and unwarranted by the 
Constitution." E. P.Walton, on this action, says 
in the Governor and Council, the custom had been 
to send such bills to the Council for concurrence, 
which had been granted as a matter of course — so 
the Council was right in its resolution on this 
question. But were the Council not to concur in 
a suspended bill, nevertheless, on its re-enactment 
by the House, it would become a law. So on that 
point, the House was right. The House had 
simply neglected a courtesy which had been custo- 

On Nov. 6, 1827, Heman Allen of Milton was 


elected Judge of the Supreme Court in the place of 
Stephen Ro^'ce, Jr. declined, but Allen also declined 
and later, Royce was induced to accept the posi- 
tion. It was this year that the Vermont Mutual 
Fire Insurance Company was incorporated, which 
ever since has been doing a successful business, the 
managers of which have had the confidence of the 
people. On Nov. 13, 1827, the House instructed 
the Vermont delegation in Congress to favor the 
purposes of the American Colonization Society by 
government aid. 

On Oct. 27, 1832, a resolution was presented in 
the House by Charles Carron, Jr., the Representa- 
tive of Isle La Aiotte, and concurred in by the 
Council, to effectually protect the citizens of the 
State engaged in the manufacture of marble from 
competition. It was the first resolution inviting 
the attention of the Legislature to one of the most 
admirable and valuable x)roductions of the State. 

At the October session of the Legislature of 
1833, Solomon Foot of Rutland, afterwards a dis- 
tinguished member of the United States Senate, 
introduced a resolution in the House, "that the 
Governor be requested to procure a sword, orna- 
mented with devices emblematical of the capture 
of the Cyane and Levant, by the American Frigate 
Constitution, and present the same to Lieutenant 
Horace B. Sawj^er, as a testimony' of the high 
sense which the General Assembly entertain for his 
services and gallantry in that memorable action." 
This resolution was adopted without division, but 
rejected by the Governor and Council. In 1834, 
the House again adopted the resolution, and again 


it was rejected by the Council ; in 1835, the same 
resolution failed in the House, but in 1856 both 
the House and Senate concurred in paying the well 
deserved compliment. Captain Sawwer recipro- 
cated b^^ presenting to the Governor for the Execu- 
tive Chamber, an elegant chair, manufactured 
from the w^ood of the old frigate Constitution. 
Captain Horatio Bucklin Saw^^er was the grand- 
son of Col. Ephraim Saw3'er w^ho commanded a 
Massachusetts regiment at the Battle of Bunker 
Hill and Saratoga, and son of Col. James Sawyer, 
an officer in the War of the Revolution. Captain 
Sawyer was born in Burlington, Yt., Feb. 22, 
1797; he was appointed midshipman in the U. S. 
Navy in 1812, and commenced service on Lake 
Champlain ; he was captured on the sinking of the 
sloop Eagle in 1813, and detained for a year at 
Quebec as a prisoner; and on his release he was as- 
signed to the frigate Constitution under Commo- 
dore Stewart, and served with credit in the action 
which resulted in the capture of the British ships 
named in^said resolution. While engaged in pre- 
serving neutrality, at Derby Line, during the 
'' Patriot Rebellion" in Canada, he was appointed 
lieutenant commandant in the Navy, and in 1854, 
received a commission as post captain. He had a 
long and honorable service in the Navy. He died 
at the city of Washington, Feb. 14, 1860. 

In 1835, there was no election of Governor by 
the people, but Silas H. Jenison w^as elected Lieu- 
tenant Governor. It had been the practice for the 
Governor-elect to issue the commissions to the offi- 
cers elected by the Legislature during the session. 


It was a matter of convenience that they should 
be so issued ; and the question arose who should 
sign the commissions. On Nov. 6, 1835, the fol- 
lowing resolution was introduced before the Coun- 
cil: ''Resolved, That His Honor the Lieutenant 
Governor be requested to issue commissions, to 
the officers elected bv the General Assembl3^ and 
other officers entitled to commissions in all cases 
when it hath been, heretofore usual to issue com- 
missions during the session." A committee was 
appointed who reported, bj^ George P. Marsh for 
the committee, to the Lieutenant Governor and 
the Council, that the Lieutenant-Governor, in 
their opinion, had the undoubted right to issue the 
commissions, "whether the late incumbent of the 
gubernatorial chair be holden to be still in office 
or not," but referred the question to the Supreme 
Court. Section XI of the second part of the Con- 
stitution then read as follows : — 

" The Governor, and in his absence, the Lieuten- 
ant Governor, with the Council {the major part of 
whom including the Governor or Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor, shall be a quorum to transact business,) 
shall have power to commission all officers, and 
also to appoint officers, except where provision is 
or shall be otherwise made b3' law, or this frame 
of government ; and shall supply ever3' vacanc\' in 
any office, occasioned b^^ death or otherwise, until 
the office can be filled in the manner directed by 
law^ or this constitution." 

Judges Titus Hutchinson and Samuel S. Phelps 
furnished the Council their opinion of the question 
involved, the full text of which is too long to be 


stated, but the substance of which was that the 
''Plan or Frame of Government " which declares 
that the person having the major part of votes to 
be Governor, for the 3^ear ensuing, does not limit 
the exercise of the powers of Governor to the pre- 
cise period of twelve calendar months, or one solar 
year ; it is not to be understood that the powers 
of Governor shall cease before a successor is elected. 
While the election of Governor is pending in the 
Legislature, it must be considered, that the powers 
of the incumbent continue until a successor is 
elected, and this from the necessity of the case. 
The expression "the year ensuing" was undoubt- 
edly intended to mean the political year. The 
court did not decide that the Governor would 
have any power to act as Governor after the dis- 
solution of the legislative session without electing 
a successor of the Governor. Undoubtedly if the 
Legislature should take a final adjournment with- 
out electing a governor, in case the people had 
failed to elect one, the powers of the Governor 
would cease and the Lieutenant Governor would 
be the Acting Governor as it was in the year from 
November 1835, to the next session of the Legisla- 
ture in 1836, when Silas H.Jenison, elected as Lieu- 
tenant, was ex-officio Governor on account of the 
failure of William A. Palmer, the leading candi- 
date for Governor or other persons, to be elected 
as Governor. 

mriiK VII. 




England has been and is called our mother 
country and in some respects that is true, and 
Americans have been willing that that appella- 
tion should be applied to them, but for man3^ 
years after the American Colonies gained their in- 
dependence England showed anything but a moth- 
er's care or respect for them. It was a bitter dis- 
appointment for the haught^^ British nation to 
surrender all authority over the American Colonies 
that she had clung to w4th such unparalleled ten- 
acit3^ and acknowledge their attempted coercion 
a failure. 

After the separation was accomplished, instead 
ot fostering a just and friendh' spirit, a domineer- 
ing, captious and an illiberal spirit pervaded her 
dealings with America. Any small unintentional in- 
fractions of national law were greath' magnified. 
She acted as though the colonies that had been 
wrenched from her grasp, by reason of England's 
oppressive course, had no rights that Englishmen 
were bound to respect. This state of feeling was 
exhibited in their reluctance or refusal to with- 



draw their troops from Dutchman's Point and 
the entire town of Alburo^h h'in^ south of 45^, the 
line agreed upon between Canada and the Ameri- 
can territory- in the treaty granting the Colonies 
their independence; it was seen in the British incit. 
ing the Indians to barbarous acts of cruelty 
against the settlers in the frontier States, and to 
acts of war against the United States for many 
years after the Revolutionary^ War; it w^as seen in 
building and holding Fort Miami and committing 
other depredations along our western frontier 
and sending English troops with savage Indians 
on to American territor3^ with hostile designs; it 
was seen in the flagrant abuse of impressment of 
seamen ; in the forcible seizure of American citizens 
for service in the British Navy. England not con- 
tent wih reclaiming deserters, or asserting the 
eternity of British citizenship, through her naval 
authorities, w^as compelling thousands of men of 
unquestioned American birth to help fight her bat- 

Robert Stewart Castereagh, a British states- 
man, admitted that there had been sixteen hun- 
dred bona fide cases of this sort by Jan. 1, 1811. 
In her conduct with other nations, and in exercis- 
ing, even her just claims, she ignored international 
law, as well as the dignity and sovereignty of the 
United States. The odious right of search she 
shamefully abused. When pressed by America for 
apology or redress, she showed no serious willing- 
ness to treat upon the complaints, but seemed to 
resolve to utilize our weak and too trustful policy 
of peace. An instance of their insolent policy 


is shown in the Chesapeake affair. In June 1S07, 
Commodore liarron, in command of the United 
States war vessel Chesapeake was attacked by the 
Leopard a British two-decker of fifty guns, out- 
side of the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, to recover 
three sailors, falsely alleged to be British born, on 
board. Surrender being refused, the Leopard 
opened fire. The Chesapeake received twenty-one 
shots in her hull, three of her crew were killed and 
eighteen W'Ounded. This attack upon the Chesa- 
peake w^hile unsuspicious of danger concentrated 
upon the British nation the whole weight of popu- 
lar indignation. The American vessel being unpre- 
pared struck her colors and was boarded by a 
detachment from the Leopard. Humphrey, the 
Leopard's commander, declined to take the Chesa- 
peake as a prize, and said he had obe3^ed his direc- 
tions in seizing the men and w^anted nothing more 
of the vessel. On investigation it was ascertained 
that three of the men taken from the Chesapeake 
were citizens of the United States, w^ho had been 
impressed into the British service and afterw^ards 
made their escape. This wanton exercise of power 
derogatory to national honor aroused the spirit 
of our people. The rancor of American party 
spirit which had so long embittered the inter- 
course of social life subsided in the desire to 
avenge the injury- , and to support the govern- 
ment by treats' or war, to obtain satisfaction 
for the insulting outrage. The President issued a 
proclamation prohibiting all British ships of war 
from continuiitg or entering within the harbors or 
w^aters of the United States. Reparation for the 


injury, and security against any future aggression 
was demanded. The act of the commander of the 
Leopard, after a long delay, was disavowed b3' the 
British government; but the delay to adjust the 
difficulties and refusing to adopt adequate meas- 
ures to prevent the continuance of aggression, feel- 
ings of hostility against England rose to a high 

The General Assembly- of Vermont, co-operat- 
ing in their views with the general sentiment of the 
American people adopted a resolution, with but 
one dissenting vote, stating that the3' viewed with 
indignation and abhorrence the unjustifiable con- 
duct of the British cruisers, in the impressment 
and murder of American citizens, and plundering 
of their propert^^ upon the high seas and even in 
the ver\^ entrance of our harbors, and more especi- 
ally- in the late hostile attack made upon the 
American frigate Chesapeake by the British ship 
Leopard. And the Assembly ''Resolved, That at 
this awful crisis, w-hen our national honor and in- 
dependence are insulted by a nation with whom 
we, forgetful of former injuries, have not onh- en- 
deavorad to cultivate harmony, by preserving a 
strict and perfect neutrality, but to conciliate their 
friendship b,v ever3^ act of benevolence, humanity- 
and assistance compatible with the justice due to 
ourselves and others, it is the dutyof ever^- Ameri- 
can to rally around the constituted authorities of 
his country and to support them with his life and 
fortune, in resisting an\- encroachments on our 
national and individual rights b^- any foreign 
power whatever; and in procuring redress for the 


many injuries we have sustained and which our 
patience and friendly forbearance has suffered too 
long, injuries committed in a manner unusually 
barbarous and calculated to fix an indelible 
stigma." The Assembly also passed a resolve 
commending the course of the President in the 
trying occasion and expressed confidence in his 
wisdom, integrit3' and ability, and transmitted a 
copy of them to the President, Thomas Jefferson. 

A state of war existed between England and 
France and they treated all neutral powers as 
enemies if they continued commercial relations 
with the nation with which they were at war; 
consequently these two powers which were at war 
with each other subjected the carr34ng vessels and 
their cargoes of the neutral nations, continuing 
their friendly and commercial relations with the 
other nation with which they were at war, to seiz- 
ure and confiscation contrary- to the enlightened 
law of nations. This position placed the American 
nation between the '' devil and the deep sea." Evi- 
dently the time was hastening w^hen the United 
States must either declare war against England or 
France or both, or continue to submit to the 
seizure of their vessels and cargoes and destruction 
of their navy and the cruel and barbarous treat- 
ment of two arrogant nations. The latter course 
the United States could not do without losing its 
honor and self respect. 

On Dec. 17, 1807, Bonaparte, by his ''Milan 
Decree" subjected American commercial vessels to 
seizure, and on April 17, 1808, he ordered the 
seizure and confiscation of all American vessels in 


France, or that should afterwards arrive there. 
The policy of England against America continued 
to be enforced with rigor, and a great number of 
American vessels, with valuable cargoes, fell into 
the hands of English cruisers. Nine hundred and 
seventeen American vessels had been, before 1810, 
taken by the English since 1803. 

On March 23, 1810 Bonaparte ordered the sale 
and confiscation of one hundred and thirty-two 
American vessels, (detained in France b3' previous 
decree) and their cargoes of the value of $8,000, 
000. The French nation had seized, confiscated 
and destroyed five hundred and fifty-eight vessels. 
Before the war of 1812 was declared upwards of 
six thousand cases of impressment were recorded in 
the American department of State, and in all these 
the American flag had been violated by England. 
The French nation laid the blame for these extra- 
ordinar\' proceedings at the doors of the English 
government; that the French justified their course, 
to retaliate on England for her course and policy 
against the French nation. The English course 
and policy was to constrain all neutrals, compris- 
ing almost every maritime nation of Europe, to 
pay tribute, if they traded with France or her 
allies. This was immediately succeeded by the 
said Milan Decree, declaring that every neutral ves- 
sel which submitted to the British restrictions, 
should be confiscated if they were afterwards 
found in their ports, or taken 133' the French cruis- 
ers. This state of affairs existed at the time the 
American embargo proclamation was issued. 
This was designed to coerce the belligerent powers 


to return to the observance of the laws of nations, 
by witholding from them the advantages of the 
American trade. In March 1809, a non-inter- 
course act, prohibiting all intercourse with France 
or Great Britain during one year, was substituted 
by Congress for the embargo. This non-inter- 
course law expired in May 1810, and the national 
government made proposals to both France and 
England, that if either would revoke its hostile 
edicts this law should only be revived and enforced 
against other nations. It had ever been the Ameri- 
can polic\^to observe a perfect impartialit}^ toward 
eacb belligerent. The authorities of France in- 
formed the American officer that the Berlin and 
Milan decrees w^ere revoked, to take effect the first 
day of November 1810. England was called upon 
to revoke her orders of confiscation, but she refused 
and established a kind of blockading system, 
through the principal harbors of the United States, 
so that vessels departing or returning, were boarded 
and searched, and some of them sent to British 
ports as legal prizes, and American commerce nearly 
destro3'ed, and that of France badly crippled b\^ 
the powerful British Navy. 

The people of the country became very restive 
under the embargo act of Dec. 22, 1807, and Ver- 
monters especially under the act of March 12, 
1808, commonly called the "land embargo," which 
was promulgated simultaneous^ with the opening 
of navigation on Lake Champlain. Under the first 
named act the attention of Vermont people turned 
to Canada for a market for their timber, and pot 
and pearl ashes which were then their chief articles 


of export. This market was interfered with by the 
''land embargo" and the distress of the people, 
and the zeal of the Federal politicians who made 
the most of their opportunities, excited great dis- 
satisfaction with the national government. Smug- 
gling became a regular business with many and 
had the sympathy of many citizens. Jabez 
Penniman the collector of the Vermont District, 
received the embargo law on April 1, 1808, and he, 
through the advice of Asa Aldis and C. P. Van- 
Ness, addressed a letter to Mr. Gallatin, Secretary 
of the Treasury, stating it was impossible to exe- 
cute, the land embargo law, without a military 
force. The enforcement of this law brought on the 
serious affair of the "Black Snake" which has al- 
ready been referred to in Chapter VI. President 
Jefferson was fully determined to put an end to the 
smuggling, and enforced the embargo Acts of Con- 
gress, and to furnish Collector Penniman with suf- 
ficient authority and force to enable him to enforce 
the law in his district. This determination is 
clearly shown by his letter to the Secretary of the 
Treasury of April 19, 1808, which is as follows: 

"We have concluded as follows: 1st. That a 
letter from your department to the Collector on 
Lake Champlain, shall instruct him to equip and 
arm what vessels he can and ma^- think necessary, 
and engage as many persons on board them as 
ma^^ be necessary, and as can be engaged voluntar- 
ially, b\' force of arms, or otherwise, to enforce the 

"2d. The Secretary of State writes to the Mar- 
shall, if the opposition to the law is too powerful 


for the collector, to raise his posse, (which, as a 
peace officer, he is fullv authorized to do on any 
forcible breach of the peace,) and to aid in suppress- 
ino^ the insurrection or combinations. 

"3d. The Secretar3' of War desires the Gover- 
nor, if the posse is inadequate, to publish a proc- 
lamation with which he is furnished, and to call 
on the militia. He is further, by a private letter, 
requested to repair to the place, and lend the aid 
of his counsel and authority according to exigen- 

"We have further determined to build two gun- 
boats at Skenesborough, [Whitehall, N. Y.] " 

The proclamation referred to is as follows : 
''By the President of the United States, 
A Proclamation. 

"Whereas information has been received that 
sundry persons are combined or combining and 
confederating together on Lake Champlain and 
the country thereto adjacent, for the purposes of 
forming insurrections against the authorit3^ of the 
laws of the United States, for opposing the same 
and obstructing their execution ; and that such 
combinations are too powerful to be suppressed 
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or 
by the powers vested in the Marshals, by the laws 
of the United States : 

"Now therefore, to the end that the authority 
of the laws may be maintained, and that those 
concerned, directh' or indirectl3^ in an\' insurrec- 
tion against the same ma^^be duly warned — I have 
issued this m\^ Proclamation, hereby command- 
ing such insurgents, and all concerned in such com- 


binations, instantly and without delaj^ to disperse 
themselves and retire peaceably to their respective 
abodes : And do hereby further require and com- 
mand all officers having authority, civil or militar^^ 
and others, civil or militar\^ who shall be 
found within the vicinage of such insurrec- 
tions, to be aiding and assisting by all the 
means in their power, by force of arms or other- 
wise, to quell and subdue such insurrection or com- 
binations, to seize upon all those^therein concerned, 
who shall not, instantly and without dela}', dis- 
perse and retire to their respective abodes ; and to 
deliver them over to the civil authorit^^ of the 
place, to be proceeded against according to law. 

" In testimon}' whereof, I have caused the Seal 
of the United States to be affixed to these presents, 
and signed the same with my hand. Given at the 
city of Washington, the 10th of April 1808, and in 
the sovereignty and independence of the United 
States the thirty-second." Th: Jefferson. 

The military power was invoked. On May 5, 
1808, by order of Governor Israel Smith, Gen. 
Levi House ordered out a detachment from the 
first regiment of his brigade in Franklin County 
who were stationed at Windmill Point. The spe- 
cial purpose was to prevent several rafts from 
passing into Canada. People had been accustomed 
to take advantage of darkness and a strong favor- 
able wind and escape into Canada, and this too, af- 
ter the Franklin County detachment had been 
called into service to prevent ; this called in ques- 
tion the efficiency of the Franklin County militia, 
and therefore one hundred and fifty militia on May 


31, 1808, were marched from Rutland County for 
that service, and were reinforced by a detachment 
of U. S. Artillery, and all but seventy-five oi the 
Franklin County men w^ere discharged to their 
great indie^nation. Later in October ot that year 
all of the Vermont militia w^ere withdrawn and 
their places supplied by United States troops. 
This resort to force by the government served 
to increase the fervor of the Federal part^^ and 
gave them the victory at the then ensuing election 
of State officers. 

Early in 1809, after the passage of the new 
embargo act of Jan. 9, the following circular was 
sent to Governor Tichenor, prepared by Thomas 
Jefferson himself for the Governors, viz : 

^^ Sir, — The pressure of the embargo, although 
sensibly felt b^^ ever3^ description of our fellow citi- 
zens, has \'et been cheerfull^^ borne by most of them, 
under the conviction that it was a temporary evil, 
and a necessar}^ one to save us from greater and 
more permanent evils, — the loss of propert\' and 
surrender of rights. But it w^ould have been more 
cheerfully borne, but for the knowledge that, w^hile 
honest men were religioush^ observing it, the un- 
principled along our sea-coast and frontiers were 
fraudulently evading it; and that in some 
parts they had even dared to break through 
it openl3^ by an armed force too powerful 
to be opposed by the collector and his as- 
sistants. To put an end to this scandalous insub- 
ordination to the law^s, the Legislature has 
authorized the President to empower proper per- 
sons to employ militia, for preventing or suppress- 


ing armed or riotous assemblages of persons resist- 
ing the custom-house officers in the exercise of their 
duties, or opposing or violating the embargo laws. 
He sincerely hopes that, during the short time 
these restrictions are expected to continue, no 
other instances will take place of a crime of so 
deep a die. But it is made his duty to take the 
measure necessar\^ to meet it. He therefore re- 
quests 3'ou, as commanding officer of the militia 
of your State to appoint some officer of the militia, 
of known respect for the laws, in or near to each 
port of entry within your State, with orders, 
when applied to by the collector of the district, to 
assemble immediately a sufficientTorce of his mili- 
tia, and to employ them efficaciousl3^ to maintain 
the authority of the laws respecting the embargo, 
and that j^ou notify each collector the officer to 
whom, by j^our appointment, he is so to apply for 
aid when necessar\\ He has referred this appoint- 
ment to your Excellenc3^, because \^our knowledge 
of characters, or means of obtaining it, will enable 
3^ou to select one who can be most confided in to 
exercise so serious a power, with all the discretion, 
the forbearance, the kindness even, which the en- 
forcement of the law will possibl3^ admit — ever to 
bear in mind that the life of a citizen is never to be 
endangered but as the last melanchol3^ effort for 
the maintenance of order and obedience to the 

In Februar3' 1809, meetings were held at St. 
Albans adopting resolutions strongly condemning 
the course of the national administration. At this 
period Gov. Tichenor visited Northern Vermont 


and it was understood, advised political opposi- 
tion to the national administration, instead of 
resistance to the laws by force. 

Fresh causes of complaint against England b3' 
America multiplied; their unjustifiable intrigue 
and war-like conduct continued. Great Britain 
was seeking to dismember the American Union ; 
she sought the renewal of the policy adopted by 
her as to Vermont from 1779 to 1783, as shown 
in the Haldimand correspondence. 

To bring before the reader the nature of the in- 
trigue referred to, it will be necessary to present 
two characters that took leading parts in the in- 
trigue, James Henry Craig and John Henr\^ Craig 
was born in Gibralter in 1749, commissioned as 
Ensign in the British Army in 1763, and 
served in America in various positions from 
1774 until 1781. He was in the Battle of Lex- 
ington, Bunker Hill, Hubbardton, and at Free- 
man's Farm and was severely wounded in the 
three last. He was made Lieut. -General in 1801, 
and appointed Commander-in-chief of Canada in 
August 1807. He proved unfit for a civil station. 

John Henry was a native of Ireland and came 
to Philadelphia about 1794; he possessed consid- 
erable literary abilit3\ He became naturalized 
and was appointed Captain in the United States 
Army in 1798, and commanded at Fort Jay near 
New York City and at Newport, R. I. He quit the 
service and settled upon a farm in Vermont, stud- 
ied law and wrote some violent articles against 
the Jeffersonian administration. He went to Can- 
ada in 1808. His strictures in the public print 


against Republican government attracted the at- 
tention of the British government and Craig became 
desirous of his acquaintance and invited him to 
Quebec. He went to Montreal where he said, 
"everything I had to fear, and all I had to hope, 
was disclosed to me." He was sent on a mission 
to New England and his services there were com- 
plimented but not rewarded b^^ the British govern- 
ment; and indignant at this injustice, he revealed 
the correspondence to President Aladison, and re- 
ceived therefor fifty thousand dollars. The object 
of England was to concert measures to detach 
New England and effect a political connection with 
Great Britain. 

On Alarch 9, 1812, James Aladison laid before 
Congress the following message, viz : 

"I lay before Congress copies of certain docu- 
ments which remain in the Department of State. 
They prove that at a recent period, whilst the 
United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sus- 
tained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of 
peace and neutrality toward Great Britain, and in 
the midst of amicable profession and negotiations 
on the part of the British government, through its 
public minister here, a secret agent of that govern- 
ment, was emplo3'ed in certain states, more especi- 
ally at the seat of government in Massachusetts, 
in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authori- 
ties of the nation, an in intrigues with the disaf- 
fected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance 
to the laws, and, eventuall^^, in concert with a 
British force, of destroj'ing the Union and forming 
the eastern part thereof into a political connection 
with Great Britain. 


"In addition to the effect which the discovery 
of such a procedure ought to have on the public 
councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the 
hearts of all good citizens, that happy union of 
these states, which, under Divine Providence, is 
the guaranty of their liberties, their safety, their 
tranquility, and their prosperity." 

Herman W. Ryland, Secretary to Sir James 
Craig, Governor General of Canada, on Jan. 26, 
1809, addressed a letter to Henry, marked, " Most 
secret and coufidential," in which he asked Henry 
to acquaint him for his Excellency's information, 
whether he could make it convenient to engage in 
a mission, as indicated above. It seems that 
Henr3' accepted the mission and service for Gov- 
ernor General Craig speaks in his letter to Henry 
of Feb. 6, 1809, of Henry having "readih' un- 
dertaken the service" and requested him to re- 
pair to Boston and endeavor to obtain informa- 
tion of the true state affairs in that part of the 
Union, and cautioned him as to the true mode of 
proceeding with his mission; to assertain public 
opinion, both in regerd to their internal politics 
and the probability^ of a war with England ; the 
comparative strength of the two great parties 
and their views and designs. In which letter the 
Governor General stated : 

"It has been supposed that if the federalists of 
the eastern states should be successful in obtaining 
that decided influence, which may enable them to 
direct public opinion, it is not improbable that 
rather than submit to a continuance of the diffi- 
culties and distress to which they are now subject, 


they will exert that influence to brin^ about a 
separation from the general union. The earliest 
information on this subject may be of great con- 
sequence to our government, as it may also be, 
that it should be informed, /zow/ar in such an event 
they would look up to England for assistance or 
he disposed to enter into a connection with us.^^ 
* " ^ He further stated in the letter, ''In pass- 
ing through the State of Vermont, you will of 
course exert 3^our endeavors to procure all the in- 
formation that the short stay you will probably 
make there will admit of," and gave him directions 
not to address all his letters for him to one per- 
son but to different persons named. Craig gave 
Henry the following credentials under his hand 
and seal: "Sir, — The bearer Mr. John Henry is 
employed b\^ me, and full confidence may be placed 
in him for an3^ communication which an3^ person 
may w^ishto make to me in the business committed 
to him.'" Henry by his letter to the Gov. -General 
bearing date at Montreal Feb. 10, 1809, acknowl- 
edged the receipt of the letter of instruction, the let- 
ter of credence, and the c^-pher for carrying on the 
correspondence, and said he had "bestowed much 
pains on the cypher," and said, "Should it, how- 
ever, be necessary at an^^time, I take leave to sug- 
gest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and 
simple mode. In it there is a number for every let- 
ter in the alphabet, and particular numbers for 
particular phrases ; so that when I do find in the 
index the particular word I want I can spell it 
with the figures which stand opposite the letters." 
Henry on his way to Boston stopped two days at 


Burlington, to make himself acquainted with the 
opinion of the leading people. He wrote the Gov.- 
General from Burlington Feb. 14, 1809, that ''on 
the subject of the embargo law^s, there seems to be 
but one opinion: namely, "that they are unneces- 
sary, oppressive, and unconstitutional," and that 
the execution of them is so invidious, as to attract 
towards the officers of government, the enmity of 
the people;" he said the Governor of the State 
was then visiting the Northern part of the State, 
and that he "makes no secret ot his determina- 
tion, as Commander-in-chief of the militia, to re- 
fuse obedience to any command from the general 
government," and he said, "It is farther intimated 
that in case of war, he w411 use his influence to pre- 
serve this State neutral and resist, with all the 
force he can command, any attempt to make it a 
party. I need not add, that, if these resolutions 
are carried into effect, the State of Vermont may 
be considered as an ally of Great Britain." He 
could not say w^hat the sentiment w^as in the east- 
ern part of the State, but he claimed the leading 
men of the federal party acted in concert, and 
therefore inferred that a common sentiment per- 
vaded the w^hole body throughout New^ England, 
but he had learned there was a very formidable 
majority in Congress on the side of the adminis- 
tration. He said there was ever^- reason to hope 
that the Northern States in their distinct capacity 
will unite and resist by force, a war with Great 
Britain. He closed his letter to the Gov. -General 
by saying, " and everything tends to encourage the 
belief, that the dissolution of the Confederacv will 


be accelerated by the spirit which now actuates 
both poHtical parties." There was another side 
of the question that Henry did not care to, or, at 
least, did not take into consideration. The feeling 
against Jeifersons administration on account of 
the enforcement of the embargo laws were much 
stronger in Northern Vermont than in other parts 
of the Union, and stronger even than in Eastern 
and Southern Vermont as the embargo and non- 
intercourse laws deprived the people in the northern 
part of the State of their market; and the American 
people still remembered the cruel and barbarous 
treatment they received from the British during the 
Revolution, and that the hardships now the\' were 
called upon to endure by reason of the embargo 
and non-intercourse laws were brought on by the 
course pursuedby the English nation. 

On Feb. 19, 1809, he wrote again from Windsor. 
He did not find the sentiment so strong against 
the government. He said, the Democrats assert 
that in case of war with Great Britain "the people 
will be nearly divided in equal numbers. This dif- 
ference of opinion is not to be wholh^ ascribed to 
the prejudices of part\\ The people in the eastern 
section of Vermont, are not operated upon by the 
same hopes and fears as those on the borders of 
the British Colon^^ They are not dependent on 
Montreal for the sale of their produce, nor supply 
of foreign commodeties. They are not apprehen- 
sive of an\^ serious danger or inconvenience from a 
state of war." Still he thought that Vermont 
would in all probabilit\' unite with other neighbor- 
ing States in resistance to a war. Henry next 


wrote from Amherst, New Hampshire, Feb. 23, 
1809, and said he had not had sufficient time 
nor evidence to enable him to form an^^ opinion of 
the lengths to which the Federal party will carry 
their opposition to the National government, in 
the event of war, but he w^as not apprehensive of 
immediate war. He thought means would be 
taken to excite England to commit some act of 
hostility so as to place the responsibility on that 
country. While at Boston, Henry wrote a series of 
letters from March 5, 1809 to June 25, 1809. In 
several of his letters he cast a slur upon American 
political institutions; he said, "there is nothing 
perminent in its political institutions, nor are the 
populace under any circumstances to be relied on, 
when measures come inconvenient and burden- 
some." Under the date of March 7, he said Con- 
gress in May would begin by '^ abrogating the 
offensive laws." He closes his letter of March 13, 
by saying, "Although the non-intercourse law 
affords but a ver\' partial relief to the people of 
this country, .from the evils of that entire suspen- 
sion of commerce to which they have reluctantly 
submitted for some time past, I lament the repeal 
of the embargo, because it was calculated to accel- 
erate the progress of these States towards a revo- 
lution that would have put an end to the only re- 
public that remains to prove, that a government 
founded on political equality, can exist in a season 
of trial and difficult\', or is calculated to ensure 
either security or happiness to a people." He 
closes his letter of March 29, by saying, " It should 
be the peculiar care of Great Britain to foster 


divisions between the North and South; and by 
succeeding in this, she may cai:ry into effect her 
own projects in Europe, with a total disregard of 
the resentments of the Democrats of this country." 
In his letter of May 5, he says, '^ Although the re- 
cent changes that have occurred quiet all apprehen- 
sion of war, and consequently lessen all hope of 
separation of the States; and speaking of Presi- 
dent Madison, he says ''Whatever his motives may 
be, I am very certain his party will not support 
him in any manh^ and generous policy. 

"Weak men are sure to temporize when great 
events call upon them for decision, and are slug- 
gish and inert at the moment when the worst of 
evils is inaction. This is the character of Demo- 
crats in the Northern States." These expressions 
show great ignorance on the part of the writer 
of them or an evil and pusillanimous spirit, and 
was in fact near the close of a discreditable under- 
taking; his mission was an utter failure; it did 
not appear that he succeeded in corrupting the 
fidelity of any individual and much less in separat- 
ing an}' State from the Union. 

His last letter from Boston to the Gov.-General 
Craig was dated June 25, 1809, in which he says, 
"The unexpected change that has taken place in 
the feelings of political men in this country, in con- 
sequence of Madison's prompt acceptance of the 
friendly proposals of Great Britain has caused a 
temporary- suspension of the conflict of parties. 
* * * I beg leave to suggest, that in the pres- 
ent state of things in this country-, my presence 
can contribute verv little to the interest of Great 


Britain." H.W. Rvland wrote Henry from Quebec, 
May 1, 1809, in which after stating he expected 
him to arrive at Montreal by the middle of June 
and that he had the whole of his correspondence 
transcribed for the purpose of being sent to the 
home government where they could not fail of 
doing him great credit and eventually contribute 
to his permanent advantage, said "I am cruelly 
out of spirits at the idea of old England truckling 
to such a debased, and accursed government, as 
that of the United States." 

Henry returned to Canada and made applica- 
tion to the British authorities for reward for his 
services and expenses and to receive some lucrative 
employment under the English government, but 
he failed to get either from Great Britain. He then, 
voluntarily' disclosed to President Madison not 
only the nature of the plot and intrigue by the ac- 
tual correspondence relating thereto, for which he 
received fifty thousand dollars. Afterwards the 
British officials undertook to deny that the gov- 
ernment had an^' hand in the intrigue. Augustus 
J. Foster, the British Minister at Washington, 
March 11, 1812, wrote to James Monroe disclaim- 
ing, on his own part of having had an^- knowledge 
of an existence of such a mission, and expressed 
his conviction that no countenance was given by 
his associate British officers to any scheme hostile 
to the internal tranquility of the United States, 
and requested the American government and Con- 
gress to suspend any further judgment on its 
merits until the circumstances shall have been 
known to his majesty's government. It is dificult 


to believe that the English government were not 
concerned in the scheme. 

The letters of Mr. Erskine the British Alinister 
written about the time that Henrv received his 
commission, as related b\' James Fisk, one ot Ver- 
mont's members ot Congress, showed he had en- 
deavored to assertain the views and strength of 
the Federal party, and to w^hat extent they would 
be willing to resist the measures of the party in 
power; and also stating in his letters that he had 
heard that a dissolution of the Union "had been 
seriously contemplated by many of the leading 
people in the eastern district." This attempt to 
dismember the Union by a secret mission adds to 
the list of British wrongs and another well ground- 
ed cause for a declaration of w^ar against Great 

The year of 1812, when the United States de- 
clared war against England, w^as an eventful period 
in the history of the American Union, Nathan 
Hoskins in his histor3^ of Vermont, sa3's, it was a 
time when " faction and its concomitant evils had 
disordered the Union of society — war and its de- 
vastating consequences destroyed the subjects and 
resources of the government— commerce w^as driven 
from the ocean, and peace from the hallowed sanc- 
tuar\^ of freedom. Rulers were distrusted b_v the 
people, and the people in return were charged with 
infidelity to the government. Silence was con- 
strued into disaffection and loyalty into oppres- 
sion." Vermont stood in the very forefront of 
danger la3^ing on the frontier, where in case of war 
with Great Britain the heaviest blows would be 


Before the declaration of war Governor Jonas 
Galusha in his speech to the Legislature in Octo- 
ber 1811, stated the situation as follows: "At 
no period since the commencement of the differ- 
ences has appeared to me soportentious as at pres- 
ent. Great Britain seems not inclined to relinquish 
her offensive orders in council, surrender up our 
impressed seamen, or permit us to enjoy the com- 
mon and legal rights oi a neutral nation — but as- 
sume the attitude of a threatening invader, al- 
though France has mitigated the rigor of her hos- 
tile measures, and so modified her Berlin and Milan 
decrees that they have ceased to operate against 
the United States. Let us as far as possible, be 
prepared for any event which ma}- occur. To be 
united is indispensably necessary to be prepared 
either for a state of war or for the full enjoyment 
of peace." 



It seems that the British government had failed 
to observe the terms of its treaty with United 
States. Its conduct had become so obnoxious and 
overbearing towards the United States government 
it hastened a conflict with the latter. The perni- 
cious effect of the orders of the British government 
against our commerce, the arrogance of the British 
Navy on the sea, "the right of search," the utterly 
unreasonable character of their claims of dominion, 
their repeated seizure of men — American citizens at 
that — from the decks of our ships on the plea that 
they were British subjects, their entire disregard of 
our flag, their contempt for America and Ameri- 
cans, finally led to a declaration of war against 
England by Act of Congress on June 18, 1812. In 
preparation for the expected bloody- conflict. Con- 
gress, on April 10, 1812, authorized the President 
to detach one hundred thousand militia, to be or- 
ganized and held in readiness to march at a minute's 
notice, and to serve six months after arriving at 
the place of rendezvous. 

On May 28, 1812, the Secretary of War appor- 
tioned three thousand of the number to Vermont, 
and thereupon Governor Galusha as Commander-in 
Chief of the militia of the State ordered that Ver- 



mont's detachment should form one brigade to 
consist of four regiments of ten companies each — 
eight of infantry, one of artillery and one of ca vaW, 
and to be taken from the four divisions, command- 
ed respectiveh^ b\^ Major General Lewis R. Morris, 
William Cahoon, David Robinson and Hezekiah 
Barnes, and directing them to take special care 
that the men detached from their divisions be 
prompth^ organized, and completely equipped, 
with arms and accoutrements fit for actual service, 
including blankets and knapsacks. The Governor 
closed his general order in the following patriotic 
and determined language : 

"The Commander-in-Chiet views it of the great- 
est importance, at this momentous crisis, that we 
should be prepared to defend oiir sacred rights and 
dear bought liberties, and protect the honor and 
independence of the nation, against the invasion 
of any foreign power: he, at the same time, pos- 
sesses the highest confidence in the patriotism, 
zeal and bravery of the officers and soldiers of the 
militia of this State, and is full^^ persuaded, that 
on the present occasion, they will b^^a speed}- and 
cheerful compliance w-ith these orders, evince to the 
\vorld, that the\' are ready to meet any exigency 
that ma\' occur, and have but one mind when their 
country calls." 

The order was responded to promptly, and the 
Vermont troops were at Plattsburgh as early as 
Sept. 21, 1812, or at least a part of them. General 
Jonathan Orms was in command of all the militia 
in Vermont during the war and had his headquart- 
ers at Burlinsrton. 


The causes for a declaration of war against 
Great Britain had existed so long before the dec- 
laration was issued and the parties differing as to 
the policy- of declaring war, a large portion of the 
people had concluded there w^ould be no war and 
w^ere unprepared for it. The official return of the 
militia of Vermont in 1809, showed 15,543 rank 
and file, with 11,523 muskets, 5,273 bayonets, 6, 
302 cartridge boxes, 5,657 steel ramrods. No rifles 
were returned and only 1,041 pairs of pistols and 
no canons, but in 1812, the United States added 
2,500 muskets. The declaration of war aroused 
the people to action, especially along the northern 
border of the State, through patriotism and to 
secure their own safety from British and Indian 
attacks. The nursery tales of Indian havoc and 
w^arfare were rehearsed, the people seem to have 
been seized with a sort of panic, and supposed 
that hordes of Canadian Indians would be let loose 
upon them. The northern counties of Vermont 
w^ere sparsely settled in 1812, and were actually 
exposed to attack from their neighbors in Canada, 
and the consequence was that a great part of the 
people abandoned their farms and houses, but 
some only for a short time. The Selectmen of 
Troy warned a town meeting to be held on May 
12, 1812, in anticipation of war, to see what 
method the town would take in the important 
crisis to furnish the militia of the town with arms 
and ammunition, the result of w^hich was an order 
to the Selectmen to borrow twenty muskets and 
ba^'onets on the credit of the town, and to pur- 
chase twenty-five pounds of powder and one hun- 


dred weight of lead, if it could be purchased on vsix 
months credit. This shows the people were not 
prepared for war. Immediately after the declara- 
tion of war had been promulgated the Selectmen 
of many of the northern towns of the State fur- 
nished and supported a small namber of men as 
guards at the frontier towns of Tro3% Derby and 
Canaan. The Selectmen of the following towns 
especialh' took those precautionar\' measures : viz, 
Irasburgh, Craftsbur^^ Greensboro, Hard wick, 
Walden, Cabot, Peacham, Troy, Canaan, Morris- 
town, Kelley vale [Lowell,] and Glover; and for the 
services of the men and expenses of their support 
the State allowed and paid $1,188.80. Palisades 
were constructed at Tro3' and Westfield. 

On Oct. 13, 1812, Charles Rich of Shoreham in- 
troduced into the Vermont House the following: 

''Resolved, That the constituted authorities of 
our country have declared war between the United 
States and Great Britain and her dependencies, it 
is our duty as citizens to support the measure, 
otherwise we should identify- ourselves with the 
enemy with no other distinction than that of local- 
ity. We therefore pledge ourselves to each other, 
and to our government, that with our individual 
exertions, our examples, and influence, we will sup- 
port our government and country in the present 
contest, and reh^ on the Great Arbiter of Events 
for a favorable result." 

This resolution was disliked by the P>deralists 
and the\' offered another as a substitute which 
w^as rejected by a vote of 129 to 80, but on 
November 2nd the following were adopted by a 
vote of 116 to 40 : viz.. 


''Resolved, That this assembly have the fullest 
confidence that the constituted authorities will 
at all times be anxious to bring the said war to a 
close, when it can be done consistently with the 
honor and interest of our country. 

2. ''Resolved, That although this assembly 
deem it their duty to give to the general govern- 
ment ever\^aid in their power in the prosecution of 
the present just and necessar3^ war, 3^et they will 
with pleasure hail the happy da\^ when the war 
shall be brought to an honorable conclusion." 

Governor Galusha in his annual speech to the 
Council and House of Representives in 1812, re- 
commended the united support of the war meas- 
ures of the government against England and to 
enter the contest with patriotic zeal for the protec- 
tion of its own citizens, and to save the nation 
from dishonor. After stating that all honorable 
negotiations were exhausted to preserve the State 
of peace with England without success, the cup of 
our sufferings was full. Congress had resorted to 
the last remedy of an injured nation — an appeal to 
arms, he said : 

''Although some doubt the propriety' of the 
measure adopted, yet war being declared by the 
constituted authorities of our country, it ought no 
longer to remain a question of policy, but it has 
become the duty of the state governments, and of 
every individual, with promptitude to espouse the 
sacred cause of our injured country, second the 
measures of our general government, provide for 
the defence and safet^^of our citizens, and with zeal 
pursue such measures as will tend to procure an 


acknowledgment of our national rights, a release 
of our impressed seamen, remove the encroach- 
ments on the great high\va3' of nations, put a final 
period to the calamities of war, and establish a 
permanent and honorable peace. At so important 
and interesting a crisis as the present, it is expedi- 
ent that \Ye lay aside all party prejudices and unite 
in one common cause to maintain our independ- 
ence, and transmit to posterit^^ those invaluable 
rights which v^^ere sealed to us by the blood of our 
heroes, and by our example invite ever3^ citizen and 
friend of liberty to divest himself of all selfish and 
local policy, and with patriotic zeal embrace the 
cause of our common countr^^ a country abound- 
ing wnth every necessar3' of life and in the full tide 
of civil and religious libert\\ 

"It is expected that the general government 
will direct all the important operations of the war, 
and provide means of defence in the several parts 
of the Union. I5ut situated as this state is, con- 
tiguous to the populous settlements of the enemy 
and exposed to the whole military force in Lower 
Canada, I should be deficient in m3' duty if I did 
not recommend to you in the most pressing man- 
ner, b\^ every means in your power to put this state 
in the best possible posture of defence ; to have 
the militia properly equipped, ready to take the 
field, and provide for their speedy and eftectual 
movement to any place of danger whenever occa- 
sion requires. The militia law will need a thorough 
revision, and many additions to render it efficient 
for the exigencies of war. A committee w^as ap- 
pointed at our last session for that purpose, and I 


trust a report will be seasonably made, that there 
may be a full investigation of the s^'Stem. The 
promptitude with which the detatched miHtia, in 
most of the towns, have marched to the defence of 
the frontier, has exceeded my highest expectations. 
Such a patriotic and militar3' ardor pervades the 
state, that many thousands of the inhabitants, 
who were b\' law exempt from military dut\',have 
enrolled themselves, elected their officers, and ten- 
dered their services to support the laws and gov- 
ernment of their coimtry, suppress insurrections 
and repel invasions." 

On Nov. 6, 1812, the Legislature passed an act 
to provide for the raising of a volunteer corps, for 
the service of the United States, consisting of sixtv- 
four companies of infantry, two of artillery, and 
two of cavalry, to be divided into two brigades, 
for which the Governor and Council appointed the 
necessar}^ officers. It was intended by this act 
that this corps was to consist of persons who w^ere 
exempt from military- duty and organized to sup- 
press insurrection, to repel invasion, and in short 
to prevent any of those w^anton acts of riot, per- 
sonal abuse, and disturbance of the peace, that 
were liable to arise in trying times. This force was 
to take the field at a moments warning, and to 
serve in the arm\' of the United States until the 
first of May 1813. The writer is not certain that 
this corps was ever fully raised. An Act of Con- 
gress of Jan. 20, 1813, provided that any person 
might enlist into the army w^hile *' performing a 
tour of military duty," and it is probable that 
many volunteers, and many of the detached raili- 


tia enlisted into the army of the United States. It 
is certain, that several of the officers, appointed by 
the Governor and Council for the proposed volun- 
teer corps, were officers in the 30th and 31st Regi- 
ments of the United States Army, organized Feb. 
23, 1813; and all of the officers of those two regi- 
ments were Vermonters. 

The Legislature of 1812, passed several other 
acts having special relation to the war. The first 
w^as an act to prevent intercourse with the enemy 
of Vermont and the United States on the Northern 
Frontier; the act forbid under severe penalties, 
any person passing from or through Vermont into 
Canada or from Canada into Vermont, without a 
permit from the Governor or some person author- 
ized. And second an" act forbidding the moving, 
any horses, cattle or other property- into Canada, 
and authorized the inspection of trunks, or papers 
b3^ an}^ justice of the peace without warrant, and 
the detention of letters and papers at the discre- 
tion of the justice. All officers of the State, civil 
and military, were required to aid in the execution 
of the act, and in some instances it was rigorously 
enforced so as to provoke complaint and censure; 
questions involving the right were taken to the 
State and United States Courts for Vermont, when 
the act was condemned, and the officers who had 
enforced it, were mulcted in damages and costs, 
that the State ultimately refunded. The sum of 
$1,112.23 was refunded to Lieut. Colonel Edward 
Fifield for losses sustained b^^ him in consequence 
of his faithful enforcement of the non-intercourse 
act on the Northern Frontiers . judgments were 


rendered against him both in the Federal and State 
Courts ; Col Isaac Clark who was very efficient in 
executing the act and arresting smugglers was 
joined with Fifield as defendant. 

The Council of Censors of 1813, composed of 
Federalists, recommended the speedy and unquali- 
fied repeal of the act, as it was in violation of the 
Constitutions both of the United States and of 
Vermont, and it was repealed Nov. 16, 1813. Al- 
though the House was nearly equally divided 
politically, the repealing act passed b3' a vote of 
118 to 27. There was another act passed Nov. 6, 
1812, suspending civil process against the persons 
and property of the officers and soldiers of this 
State while in service, which was also condemned 
by the Council of Censors, as being unconstitu- 
tional ; this act was also repealed, Nov. 15, 1813, 
except as to non-commissioned officers and sol- 

There was an act passed Nov. 9, 1812, direct- 
ing the mode of detaching the militia for service in 
the war and b3' which the Selectmen of each town 
were required to furnish the non-commissioned offi- 
cers, musicians or privates of their respective towns 
in the State with arms and equipments, knapsacks, 
blankets, camp utensils, cartridges, ffints, rations, 
and transportation for their necessar\^ baggage; 
and also pay each non-commissioned officer, musi- 
cian, and private $3.34 per month; and the same 
amount be paid b\^the State to the militia detached 
previous to the date of the act — this was in addi- 
tion to their regular monthly pa\\ This left it 
to the towns to raise the extra jd^J for all 


militia detached subsequent to Nov. 9, 1812. 
But after this the large additional force 
raised in 1814, mainl3' consisted ot enlist- 
ments in the regular arm^^ and volunteers. A 
report of the Paymaster of the United States 
Army showed that between Jan. 27, and Sept. 
24, 1814, out of $1,944,828.98 disbursed for 
bounties and premiums to recruits $109,300 was 
disbursed in Vermont. 

The Yermonters, lor the most part, who served 
in the regular armv, were in the 11th, 26th, 30th, 
and 31st Infantrv. The 11th was organized in 
1812, and served during the war. The 26th, 30th 
and 31st were organized in the Spring of 1813, to 
serve one 3'ear; a remnant of the 30th and 31st 
was in the Battle of Plattsburgh in September, 
1814. The year for which the 26th Infantry had 
engaged to serve having expired, orders were issued 
to convert it into a rifle regiment, and in May 
1814, a recruiting office w^as opened in Burlington 
by Col. Isaac Clark, originally of the 11th Infantry, 
and by September 292 men had been enlisted, but 
the writer is not aware that the regiment was filled 
or that it ever commenced any actual service. 
After the 26th Infantry was originally organized 
in May 1813, it was in 1814, consolidated with 
the 48th Infantry, and was armed with rifles, and 
hence was sometimes called the 26th Rifle Regi- 

It is not the purpose of the writer to go into 
the history of the entire war, but to present 
enough of it to give an intelligent view of the part 
that Vermont tcok in it. The plan of the cam- 


paign was to garrison the coast fortifications with 
the local militia, assisted by some regulars, while 
the remainder of the regulars, volunteers, and 
militia, were to be employed in invading Canada, 
particularly from Detroit, and the Niagara frontier 
in New York. The army gathered at Plattsburgh 
numbered about eight thousand men, one half of 
whom were Vermonters ; these were designed to 
protect northwestern New York, and the frontier 
of Vermont, and threaten the Canadians in Lower 
Canada to prevent the transfer of British troops 
from Lower to Upper Canada. But little was 
done in northeastern New York and in Vermont 
during the summer of 1812, but to organize and 
get read3' for the expected conflict. 

On Nov. 16, 1812 ; a large portion of the army 
at and near Plattsburgh under the immediate com- 
mand of Major General Henry Dearborn of Massa- 
chusetts, then the senior officer of the arnn-, moved 
north and about five thousand of them on the 
18th encamped about a half mile south of the Cana- 
dain line near the British force that did not exceed 
three thousand. When Dearborn was prepared 
to cross the line the British Major Salaberry was 
prepared to meet him. On the morning of the 20th 
a detachment of Dearborn's army forded the La- 
coUe river and surrounded a British guard house 
which was occupied by Canadian militia and a 
few Indians who broke through the American lines 
and escaped. In the meantime a second party of 
Americans advanced and commenced a sharp fire 
on those in possession of the ground, not know- 
ing the}' were the first American detachment, 


mistaking them for the British pickets. This lire 
continued for nearly half an hour before the mis- 
take was discovered, after having killed five and 
wounding several of their own number; they 
then retreated to Plattsburgh, when the militia 
were disbanded and the 11th Regiment sent to 
Burlington, with the 9th, 21st and 25th Regiments 
under the command of Brig. General John Chan- 
dler of Maine, Col. Zebulon M. Pike, a good of- 
ficer, commanded the advanced party, and would, 
doubtless, have performed his dut\' creditably, had 
Dearborne persisted in the invasion. Government 
did not regard Colonel Pike deserving of censure 
as in March following he was selected to command 
the expedition for the capture of Toronto in which 
he was killed. 

On Feb. 10, 1813, the Secretary of War ordered 
Gen. Dearborn to move the two brigades at Platts- 
burgh, numbering 2,480 men to Sackett's Harbor, 
leaving no troops at Plattsburgh, and only Col. 
Clark's regiment of infantr^^ and a company of 
artiller\' at Burlington and on May 13th five hun- 
dred men from Clark's 11th regiment were also 
ordered to Sackett's Harbor and left Burlington 
for that point on May 31st under the command 
of Lieut. Timothy Upham of New Hampshire. 

In June of 1813, the United States suffered a 
loss of two of the three sloops of war which com- 
prised the nation's force on Lake Champlain under 
the command of Thomas Macdonough, then a 
Lieutenant in the Nav\\ The three vessels were 
the President, commanded b\^ Lieutenant Mac- 
donough; the Growler, b}^ Lieutenant Sidney Smith; 


and the Eagle, under the sailing Master, Loomis. 
Capt. H. A. Sawyer of Burlington was a midship- 
man on the Eagle, in the engagement resulting in 
the loss of the Eagle and the Grow^ler. The princi- 
pal part of the crew were Capt. Herrick's company 
of McCobb's Maine regiment and some volunteers 
from Col. Isaac Clark's 11th United States regi- 
ment of infantry. The following account of this 
engagement taken from "Paluser's Lake Cham- 
plain," viz: 

"About the first of June Macdonough received 
information of an attack, by several British gun- 
boats, upon some small craft at the lower [north- 
ern] end of the lake. In consequence of this intel- 
ligence he ordered Lieutenant Smith to move 
towards Rouses Point wath the Growler and Eagle, 
in order to attack the gun-boats should they again 
make their appearance. Lieutenant Smith left 
Plattsburgh harbor with his vessels on the morn- 
ing of the 2d of June, and about dark cast anchor 
within a mile of the lines. The next morning 
about daybreak, he got under way, and proceeded 
down the Richelieu as far as Ash Island (Isle au 
Tetes), where he discovered and gave chase to 
three British gun-boats. The wind was blowing 
fresh from the south at the time, and soon brought 
the sloops, the Growler leading, within sight of 
the w^orks at Isle aux Noix. The sloops now tacked 
and began to beat back towards the open lake, 
having the wind against them, with a slight ad- 
verse current in the river. 

"As soon as the British were aware of the ad- 
vantages these circumstances gave them, three of 


their ro\v-galle_vs came out from under the works 
at Isle aux Noix, and opened a brisk fire upon the 
sloops. As the galleys carried twenty-fours, while 
the largest guns on the sloops were eighteens, the 
former were able to select their own distance, nor 
could the latter come to close quarters without 
running within range of the fire of the batteries 
on the island. To render the situation of the 
sloops still more critical, the British now lined the 
woods on each side of the river, and opened upon 
them with musketry-. This fire was returned with 
constant discharges of grape and canister, and, in 
this manner, the contest was continued for several 
hours with great gallantry- on both sides. About 
four hours after the commencement of the action, 
a shot from one of the galleys struck the Eagle 
under her starboard quarter and passed out on the 
other side, ripping off a plank under water. The 
sloop went down almost immediately, but fortun- 
ateh' in shoal water, and her crew were taken off 
by boats sent from the shore. Soon after this ac- 
cident the Growler had her fore sta}^ and main 
boom shot away, when she became unmanageable 
and ran ashore. 

"In this engagement the Growler had one killed 
and eight wounded, and the Eagle eleven wounded, 
including the pilot, Mr. Graves. The whole num- 
ber of men on board both vessels, when they went 
into action, was one hundred and twelve, includ- 
ing Captain Herrick and thirt^'-three volunteers 
from his company. The ofiicers and men were taken 
prisoners and sent to Canada. The two sloops, 
having been refitted, were transferred to the British 



service, their names being changed to the Finch 
and Chub, and were subsequently recaptured b\^ 
Macdonough in September 1814. The loss of the 
British in this engagement was never correctly 
ascertained. It must have been very severe, how- 
ever, as their forces advanced to the banks of the 
River, where, destitute of shelter, the3^ received 
broadside after broadside of canister and grape. 
A sergeant ot the 11th regiment, who had volun- 
teered on one of the sloops, and who was paroled 
on account of his wounds, reported that he counted 
thirtv of the enem\^ dead upon one small spot. The 
current belief, in the neighborhood of the action 
was that the British loss exceeded two hundred, 
but this was probably an exaggeration." 

Artillery w^as placed, and three hundred troops 
were scatterd along both shores of the Richelieu 
River within musket range of the imprisoned ves- 
sels, by the British ; that the fireing commenced at 
seven oVlock in the morning; the Eagle was sunk 
at half past twelve in the afternoon, and the 
Growler disabled some fifteen minutes later — mak- 
ing the length of the action five hours and three- 
quarters; the Court of Inquire, subsequently held, 
bore testimonv to the gallantry of our officers and 
men, and to the resolute constancy of a defence 
which was protracted till further resistance became 

The war was carried on during 1812, 1813 and 
1814, both on land and water with varying suc- 
cess and defeat. The land campaigns w^ere not 
especially brilliant or successful, but neither of the 
contending nations showed any signs of giving 


over the contest. The American Navy on the 
lakes and ocean were eminently successful, and 
the commanders of the vessels and crews won a 
world wide fame for ability and courage. 

It is not the purpose of the writer to give a 
detailed account of the battles between the Ameri- 
cans and the English, either upon land or sea 
except it be on Vermont territory or where Ver- 
mont men were engaged to some extent, at least, 
but will simph' name some of the engagements on 
lake and ocean outside of Vermont where Ameri- 
can endurance and bravery were shown and bril- 
liant success won. 

On Aug. 19, 1812, the United vStates frigate 
Constitution, Captain Hull, captured the English 
frigate Guerriere; on September 7th the United 
States frigate, Essex, captured the Alert in eight 
minutes; on October 15th the United States sloop 
of war. Wasp, captured the British sloop of war 
Frolic, but both were recaptured the same da\^ by 
the British ; on October 25th Captain Decatur, of 
the frigate, United States, captured the British fri- 
gate Macedonia; on December 29th the United 
States frigate Constitution, Commodore Bain- 
bridge, captured the British frigate Java. 

On Feb. 24, 1813, the Hornet captured the Brit- 
ish Brig, Peacock; in August the American frigate, 
Essex, Captain Porter, captured twelve armed 
British whalers; on August 13th the American 
sloop of war, Argus, captured twenty-one British 
merchant men, but the Argus, afterwards, was re- 
captured In^ the British Pelican; on September 
10th Commodore Perry on Lake Erie captured six 


vessels, and sent the following concise despatch to 
General Harrison, '* We have met the enem}-, and 
they are ours." On October 5th Commodore 
Chauncey captured five British vessels on Lake 

On April 27, 1814, the United States sloop of 
war, Peacock, captured the British brig-of-war, 
Epervier, with $118,000 specie on board ; on June 
28th the United States sloop of war, Wasp, captured 
the British sloop Reindeer; on September 1st the 
United States sloop of war. Wasp, captured the 
British sloop Avon. The battle on Lake Cham- 
plain under Commodore Macdonough on Sept. 11, 
1814, w411 receive a separate consideration. On 
March 28th the United States frigate. Constitution , 
captured tw^o British vessels of war, the frigate, 
Cyane and the sloop Levant, off the island of Ma- 
deria, and on the same day the United States fri- 
gate, Hornet, captured the British brig Penguin on 
the coast of Brazil. The two last mentioned cap- 
tures w^ere made after the treat\' of peace was 
signed at Ghent on the 24th da3^ of December, 1814, 
but before the commanders of those vessels had in- 
formation that the treaty had been made and rati- 
fied by the American government. 

After the capture of the Eagle and Growler on 
the Richelieu, Colonel Clark of the 11th U. S. regi- 
ment on June 10, 1813, called out two militia com- 
panies of Burlington, and on June 11th Col. Wil- 
liam Williams' regiment — all of whom responded 
prompth'. This call was made because of an ex- 
pected attack immediately on Burlington b^- the 
British flotilla ; the militia were discharged on the 


13th, and their places suppHed by five full compa- 
nies of the 30th U. S. Infantry under Lieut. Colonel 
Martin Norton; and in September the third brigade 
of the third division of militia was called out, for 
three months service on the frontier ; this brigade 
was reviewed at Burlington by Gov. Martin Chit- 
tenden. This brigade served in both Vermont and 
New York. On July 8, 1813, Maj. General Dear- 
born w^as permitted to retire and w^as succeeded in 
command by Alaj. General Wade Hampton. The 
United States War Department contemplated that 
Hampton who was at Burlington should push his 
headquarters as far north as was held by the 
army in the previous campaign on Lake Cham- 
plain, and that a requisition should be superadded 
for ten thousand militia of New York and Vermont 
to carry out the plan of the campaign, but only 
Fassett's brigade alone was called out. General 
Hampton had been criticised for his inactivity in 
not responding to repeated requests to aid in de- 
fending Plattsburgh against the British force un- 
der Colonel Murra\^ The British were tempted by 
the defenceless condition of Plattsburgh and the 
entire western side of Lake Champlain, and Colonel 
Murray crossed the line on Jul3^ 30, 1813, with two 
w^ar sloops, three gun-boats, and fortv-seven long 
boats, with over 1400 men, and landed at Platts- 
burgh on the afternoon of the 31st, without oppo- 
sitionand oommenced the w^ork of devastation 
and plunder and continued it until he re-embarked 
at ten o'clock the next day after having destro3'ed 
twenty-five thousand dollars of public property 
and plundered more than eight thousand dollars 


of propert3' of private citizens. General Hampton, 
at Burlington with an army of between three and 
four thousand, but twenty- miles distant, who had 
had twenty-four hours notice of the intended at- 
tack, did nothing to prevent it. About three hun- 
dred New York militia that were hastely gathered, 
captured, as the enemy left the town, a picket 
guard of twenty-one men who had been left by 
Murray. These were sent to Burlington as jDris- 
oners of war. The long boats and two of the gun- 
boats, proceeded to Sw^anton, where the men de- 
stro3'ed and plundered several citizens, and like 
depredations were committed on the New York 
side of the lake at Cumberland Head, Point au 
Riche, and Chazy Landing. Two sloops and the 
other gun-boats sailed up the lake beyond Burling- 
ton, destroyed eight or ten long boats engaged in 
transportation, and captured one Durham boat 
loaded with flour. On passing Burlington they 
fired at the place, but bore awa\' as soon as the 
batteries on shore began to play upon them. 

A letter written at Burlington Aug. 3, 1813, 
quite fully and accurately describes the affair as 
follows, a4z : 

"Y^esterday afternoon the Eagle and Growler, 
lately taken by the enemv on the lake, with some 
armed gallies, were seen advancing. At a quarter 
before 3 o'clock the gallies commenced firing on 
the town and battery, which was returned by the 
vessels in the bay and from the batter\'. The fir- 
ing continued brisk on both sides for about half an 
hour, when the enem\^ drew^ off a little, seemingly 
in expectation that our vessels would leave the 


bay and give them battle; which the}' attempted 
to do, and after sailing, five in number, within a 
league or four miles from the enemy, expecting in a 
few minutes the action would commence, our ves- 
sels came to anchor, and soon after returned into 
the ba^', under the batter3% to the great mortifica- 
tion of thousands who witnessed it. The Gnemy 
seems neither to have slumbered or slept, for dur- 
ing the night the3'cut out and captured four of the 
best sloops on the lake, with provisions, and burnt 
one laden with salt. It is also said they have 
burnt two sets of barracks on the lake [at Platts- 
burgh and Swanton ;] and this morning at four 
o'clock the\' were seen with their prizes in triumph 
sailing to their companions. Not the smallest in- 
jury has been done to this city." 

In another letter written from Burlington Aug- 
ust 5th stated, "Last Mondav Burlington was 
cannonaded, shot thrown into buildings, and the 
people in Water Street had to leave their homes. 
This took place in sight of the camp and of my 
house. The British came with two sloops, (the 
late) Growler and Eagle, and one small row-galley 
with twent3'-four pounders. We had twice the 
number of vessels, but in no state of preparation, 
and no officers but a Captain. The British moved 
south unmolested, took three merchant vessels 
wath a rich booty, and returned in our sight back 
towards Plattsburgh. We expect another visit 
evervhonr. We have no means of defence. Is this 
taking Canada ? " 

On Aug. 2, 1813, the U. S. Inspector General 
gave the number of men at Burlington belonging 


to the dragoons, artillery, infantry, and volunteers, 
fit for duty at 3,047 men. The U. S. Naval force 
on Lake Champlain on Aug. 20, 1813, consisted of 
the President, 12 guns; Commodore Preble, 11 
guns; Montgomery, 11 guns ; Frances, 6 guns ; two 
gun-boats of one 18 pounder each; and six scows 
of one 12 {founder each; amounting in all to 48 

In the month of September 1813, Captain Mac- 
donough sailed out of the lakes to the northward. 

In the Fall of 1813, an attempt was made to 
invade Canada. On Oct. 4, 1813, Maj. General 
Hampton wrote the Secretary of War: 

"I have directed the commencement of a petty 
war, or invasion of the lines, at and near Lake 
Champlain, by Col. Clark, w4io has some volun- 
teers, and Brigadier General Elias Fassett, (our 
Colonel,) who has, at my instance, called out his 
brigade of militia. The latter, I understand, turn 
out but badly; but the\^ will make, together, I 
suppose, from six hundred to a thousand men. 
There has been inculcated by the artifices of the 
British, a shameful and corrupt neutrality on the 
lines, for the purpose of gain. I have directed 
these officers to break the truce. And, should 
other means fail,]to act the part of the mischievous 
urchin, who, to get two peaceable tabbies at 
" making- the fur )^y," held them up together b^^the 
tail. To be serious, it is really time each individual 
shall take his side, and that traitors to either 
should meet their due reward. What I am aiming 
at, however, is tranquility on the road [down the 
Chateauguay river] b^^ kicking up a dust on 


the lines. It will also create a diversion at a 
proper point. Of Hopkin's New York militia, but 
about two hundred and fift\^have arrived, and not 
more than fifty or sixt^^ ot them have consented to 
pass the line. Such as refused, General Parker was 
authorized to keep on the lines below, and to ex- 
cite all the alarm he could, with them and the Ver- 

He wrote again on the 12th, that " Colonel Clark 
is carr3'ing on his [small war, on the lines with all 
the effect contemplated. The enemy's motlj^ force 
have everywhere nearly disappeared. He is con- 
centrating, no doubt, in points in my way, or on 
the river. It appears from the American State 
Papers that a w^riter, referring to the expression 
in the letter, "making the fur fly " said, " Possibly 
if the same trick, w4th the addition of permanently 
suspending them, had been put upon the three 
Generals who commanded the Vermont troops in 
1812-13, it would have made the British fur fly 
at Montreal." And on Nov. 17, 1813, Alaj. General 
Wilkinson w^rote that the "game [Montreal] was 
in view," and had Hampton, "performed the 
junction directed it would have been ours in eight 
or ten days." 

On the verv da\' that General Hampton wrote 
his letter last quoted, Colonel Clark made a 
successful dash at Alissisquoi Village in St. Ar- 
mand, Canada, and the following is Clark's report 
of the same to the Secretar\^ of War bearing date 
Oct. 15, 1813: 

" It is with great pleasure I can inform 3'ou of a 
successful attack upon the enem\' at Missisquoi 


Bay, on the morning of the 12th inst. At this time 
I had only the riflemen with me, the artiller^^ mov- 
ing slow and the militia protecting their rear. 
We proceeded to the village (Missisquoi) and ar- 
rived within 15 rods of the enem\' before we were 
discovered. We found them drawn up under Maj. 
Powell in a manner that would have anno^-ed us 
much, had w^e attacked them by water, but wholly 
unprepared to defend themselves on the land side. 
The3^ commenced a fire on the left flank, but in ten 
minutes after the first attack the^^ laid down their 
arms and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. 

" Understanding that a force of 200 men under 
Col. Lock was marching to attack us, I despatched 
Capt. Finch with his com pan v to reconnoitre 
them and ascertain their course. He proceeded 
with such promptness and ability as to surprise 
and capture the advanced guard, consisting of 
cavalry-, excepting one man who escaped and 
gave information, when the enemy retreated. 

"The prisoners were then put on board our 
boats and sent to Burlin£:ton. Our whole force 
engaged was 102 — the number of prisoners taken 
is 101 : their killed 9, and wounded 14." 

It appears that Clark visited the same place 
again, as it was stated in a letter dated at Mon- 
treal, Nov. 6, 1813, that, "The famous Colonel 
Clark has again been over to Missisquoi Bay and 
taken over ninety head of cattle, which he had fol- 
lowed from the other side of the line. In this 
excursion the Colonel is said to have behaved very 
honorabh', and we are glad to give, the devil his 


On July 3, 1813, the Secretary of War indicated 
his plan of the campaign against Kingston. Gen. 
Hampton was to co-operate b\' an advance in 
force against Montreal, and orders were issued ac- 
cordingly. On August 5th the scheme was submit- 
ted to Maj. General Wilkinson who had been put 
in command of the 9th military district — which 
covered Vermont and New York north of the 
Hilands. On the 26th August at his headquarters 
at Sackett's Harbor held a council of officers to 
whom four questions were proposed, one of which 
was : 

'* To rendezvous the whole of the troops on the 
lake Ontario in this vicinity, and in co-operation 
with our squadron, to make a bold feint upon 
Kingston, slip down the St. Lawrence, lock up the 
enem\' in our rear to starve or surrender, or oblige 
him to follow us without artillery, baggage or 
privisions, or eventualh' to la3' down his arms, to 
sweep the St. Lawrence of armed craft, and in con- 
junction with the division under Major-general 
Hampton, to take to Montreal." 

This proposition met the approved of the Coun- 
cil and this plan covered the Vermont troops, to 
wit, the batalion of the United States infantry 
then at Sackett's Harbor, and all in Vermont 
under Hampton. The Secretary of War warned 
Hampton that the English Gen. Prevost's rear 
[Montreal] "is manifesth' neglected, and we must 
not loose the advantage he presents for attacking 

Before we sketch Gen. Hampton's inglorious 
career in the 9th militarv district, and in attribut- 


ing to him in a large degree the responsibility for 
the failure of the campaign of the northern army, 
it will be well to get the correct view of his dis- 
position, and his s\^mpathy for the southern por- 
tion of the Union, It has been asserted, with 
strong probability of its truth, that government 
never intended a real invasion of Canada for fear 
that the reduction of Montreal and other impor- 
tant points on the St. Lawrence might ultimately 
result in the annexation of Canada to the United 
States, and consequently a large increase of politi- 
cal power in the North. Hampton was born in 
South Carolina in 1754, and was grandfather of 
Gen. Wade Hampton of the late rebel army in the 
war of 1861. He distinguished himself in the Revo- 
lutionary war, and rose to the position of Major 
General March 2, 1813. In 1808, he was in com- 
mand at New Orleans, but quarrelling w4th his 
subordinates, he was superseded by Wilkinson in 
1812. Both were assigned to the 9th military 
district in 1813, but Hampton insisted upon hav- 
ing an independent command. He was, however, 
subjected to Wilkinson, and the result proved that 
the two would not co-operate, and hence the fail- 
ure of the campaign against Montreal when its 
capture was apparent^ easy. On Sept. 15, 1813, 
Hampton had concentrated most of his arm^^ at 
Cumberland Head, and on the 19th the army 
landed near Champlain Village. Two corps 
marched over the line, had a skirmish w4th a few 
pickets and Indians, killed or captured most of the 
pickets, loosing one killed and two wounded. On 
October 4-th Hampton reported his army at Chat- 


eauga3- where he ramined until October 21st when 
he returned to Canada, and on the 25th made an 
attack on a small bod}- of British troops, and failed 
with a loss of fifteen men in killed and twenty-three 
wounded. The British lost five killed and sixteen 
w^ounded and three missing. Hampton returned 
to Chateaugay. On November 6th Wilkinson ad- 
vised Hampton to meet him at St. Regis; this 
Hampton declined to do and proposed to meet at 
Cognawaga; and on the 15th notified the Secre- 
tar\' of War of the disagreement with Wilkinson 
and should arrange to place his army in winter 
quarters. He went to Washington and resigned 
April 6, 1814. It seems from Hampton's corres- 
pondence with the Secretary- that he had no con- 
fidence in the newh' raised militia and regulars, 
but it was proved that the troops honored them- 
selves whenever the^- had a fair opportunity- as vat 
Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, Fort Erie, Chrystler's 
Farm, St. Armand and Plattsburgh. Gen. John E. 
Wool has said, referring to Hampton's engagement 
with the British, that "no officer who had an^- re- 
gard for his reputation would voluntarih^ acknowl- 
edge himself as having been engaged in it." General 
Wilkinson left Sackett's Harbor and made his way 
with the American Armv down the St. Lawrence, 
but had several sharp engagements with the British 
and a bloodj^ battle at Chryster's Farm — some- 
times called the battle of WilHamsburgh. Wilkin- 
son pursued his course to St. Regis, but was dis- 
appointed in not finding Hampton there as re- 
quested. He called a council of war and determined 
to suspend the attack on Montreal, and to remove 


to French Mills, and there went int'^ winter (juart- 
ers. The battalion of the 11th with Wilkinson's 
arm}^ consisted of three companies from Vermont 
and three from New Hampshire, though the sold- 
iers from both States were somewhat mixed in all 
the companies in the regiment. 

About Dec. 1, 1813, Macdonough sailed to 
King's Bay and anchored under Point au Fer; 
on the 4th Captain Pring entered the lake with six 
British galley's, and landed at Rouses Point and 
burned a small shed which had been used as a pub- 
lic store-house. Macdonough attempted to bring 
the enemy into action, but they refused 
to engage and returned into Canada. On 
Dec. 27, a detachment of British troops, under 
Capt. Barker of the frontier light infantry, crossed 
the line into Vermont and destroyed some public 
store-houses and extensive barracks, for the ac- 
comodation of 1200 men, which had been erected 
at Derby. In consequence of these depredations and 
the threatening movements of the British on the 
Richelieu, AVilkinson in February of 1814, broke 
up the camp at French Alills, and the troops, 
magazines, and provisions were removed to Lake 

During the year 1818, the business ot smug- 
gling, and the attempt to prevent it attended with 
blood-shed and violence were kept up although the 
perpetrators of the offence of smuggling, were in- 
dicted in the courts of the State as well as the 
United States. Resistance had proceeded to fear- 
ful extremities in the northeastern part of the 
State. The liberties taken by the deputies of the 


custom house department, and the authority- given 
to justices of the 'peace to stop and search the 
premises of any person they chose, without war- 
rant from the civil authorit3', caused great personal 
conflict and a constant disturbance of the peace 
of societ}'. In charging the Grand Jury, the Su- 
preme Court directed them to make inquiry and 
present all cases where people were searched for 
propert^^ without a warrant; and on trial, parties 
were not justified in molesting people and taking 
their property by virture of a commission only. 
Hoskins, in his history i elates that about the com- 
mencement of the year 1813, Samuel Beach of 
Canaan received a permit from the Governor to go 
into Canada for the purpose of repairing a saw 
mill. Having sent forward his workman and 
teams, he soon followed, when his team was taken 
by John Dennet and others; Beach in attempting 
to regain his team was fired upon by Dennet and 
killed. Dennet and his associates were taken and 
committed to jail from w^hich Dennet escaped in 
Januar3^ 1814, into the adjoining wilderness where 
he continued till the following August when he 
was taken but not till he was mortally wounded 
by his pursuers. Dennet resisted arrest, and while 
he was attempting to kill one Alorgan, he was 
shot by Sperrv, one of the pursuers. 

On July 23d a part^' of smugglers proceeded 
from Missisquoi Ba3' to St. Albans, and on their 
w^a^' there their number increased to about eight\', 
and all were armed with pistols and other weapons. 
Air. Hathaway- of S wanton was riding by and 
w^as rushed u]ion, forced from his horse into a 


house, and there beaten in a shocking manner; a 
Grand Juror of St. Albans was one of these riot- 
ers. This mob declared their determination to 
''give Georgia a scouring and root out the high- 
wa}^ robbers," as the_y called the custom house 
officers. ThcA' took a Air. Anthony a long with 
them as a prisoner; the^- halted at a Mr. Blodget's 
of Georgia, awoke him from sleep and informed 
him that the smugglers had come and his assist- 
ance was wanted in capturing them. Blodget and 
his sons had no sooner arrived at the place where 
the^^ were gathered than he was levelled to the 
ground b^^ clubs. One of his arms was broken and 
badly wounded in various places. The windows 
of his house were broken in and a Mr. Conger also 
taken prisoner. They proceeded to the south part 
of Georgia and called on a Airs. Hubbell and gave 
her notice to leave her house, for on their return 
they should destroy it. An officer of the custom 
house department, supposed the\' had smuggled 
goods, requested them to stop, when suddenh- the 
mob surrounded Alessers. Lee, Baker and Robin- 
son, took them, and tied their arms behind with 
cords, and took them, with their other prisoners 
three miles to a Airs. H^^de's in Georgia. Here a 
large number of armed citizens soon collected to 
oppose them. The mob discovering their danger 
immediately dispersed. 


WAR OF 1812— 1814— COXTKXUED. 

The non-intercourse and embargo Acts of Con- 
gress, and the State legislative regulations, which 
were opposed bv the Federal party, proved un- 
popular, especially- with the people in North- 
ern Vermont, and man3' of the supporters ol 
the war abandoned the then Republican ranks and 
w^ent over to the opposition. As the State election 
in 1813, approached, both parties put forth their 
utmost efforts, the one to gain and the other to 
preserve the ascendency — the one to re-elect Jonas 
Galusha and the other to elect Martin Chittenden 
Governor, but with all their exertion and industry 
no election was made by the people. When the 
Assembly came together in October the parties 
were found to be exactU' equally divided, but after 
much maneuvering and several trials, Martin 
Chittenden, the Federal candidate, was elected by 
a small majority ; William Chamberlain the Lieu- 
tenant-governor, the Secretary- of State and Coun- 
cil then elected, were of the same part}-. 

The Governor's speech and the answer to it had 
a strong Federal tone and consequenth' in direct 
opposition to the war and the measures of the 
general government, but the minority, seventv-five 
in number, protested against these sentiments and 

14 (225) 

226 p:arly history 

entered their reasons upon the journal of the 
House. Nearly all th2 appointments were made 
from the Federal party, and the Legislature pro- 
ceeded to repeal the laws that had been enacted 
that were obnoxious to the Federalists. The party 
spirit was now wrought up to the highest pitch, 
and the parties did not hesitate to brand each 
other, with the names of tories, traitors, and 
enemies to their country. This spirit ran so high, 
that it, in many cases, destroj^ed the peace and in- 
tercourse of families and neighbors. 

Governor Martin Chittenden was subjected to a 
great deal of sharp criticism by the administration 
party because of his luke-warm support of the war 
which he regarded as unnecessary and that should 
have been avoided, but it must be remembered he 
was but carrying out the sentiment of a large part 
of the party that elected him during the progress 
of the war. The criticism, to a large extent, grew 
out of the purpose and action of the Governor to 
keep the militia of the State within its borders and 
for the protection of her jurisdiction and people. 

The Governor said in his first speech to the 
Legislature, that "the importance of the subject 
of the militia will not fail to claim your deliberate 
consideration. I have always considered this force 
peculiarly adapted and exclusively assigned for the 
service and protection of the respective States; 
excepting in cases provided for by the National 
Constitution: viz, to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions." 

''It never could have been contemplated by the 
framers of our excellent constitution, w^ho, it ap- 


pears, in the most cautious manner, guarded the 
sovereignty of the States, or b^^ the States, who 
adopted it, that the whole body of the militia 
were, by any kind of magic, at once to be trans- 
formed into a regular army for the purpose of 
foreign conquest; and it is to be regretted, that a 
construction should have been given to the consti- 
tution, so peculiarly burdensome and oppressive 
to that important class of our fellow^ citizens. 

"The war, in which we are engaged, would re- 
quire the united wisdom and energy of the nation 
to sustain. It was delcared under circumstances 
which forciblj^ induced a great proportion of the 
people to consider it at least doubtful, as to its 
necessity, expedience, or justice. And its contin- 
uance has become still more so, since the removal 
of the Orders in Council, the principal alleged 
cause of it. The subject of impressment never hav- 
ing been considered a sufficient cause of war by 
either of the preceding administrations, and having 
been once adjusted by two of the present cabinet, 
Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, ministers on our 
part, is such a manner as was by them stated to 
be both safe and honorable to our country, it 
would seem that it ought not now to be considered 
an insuperable obstacle to a fair and honorable 
peace, or an adequate cause for a protracted, ex- 
pensive and destructive war. The conquest of the 
Canadas, of which so much has been said, if desir- 
able under an\^ circumstances, must be considered 
a poor compensation for the sacrifices, which are 
and must necessarily be made." 

The report of the majority of the committee 


appointed to draft an answer to the speech, ap- 
proved of the speech, and was adopted by the 
House b3' a vote of 96 to 89. A minority- report 
of 79 members condemned the political portion of 
the speech and answer. 

Pending the abortive movements of Wilkinson 
and Hampton in Nov. 1813, in Northeastern New 
York and on the Canadian border, a portion of the 
militia of the third brigade and the third division 
of Vermont militia, under Lieut. Colonel Luther 
Dixon, crossed the lake into New York, and put 
themselves under the command of Hampton. This 
was contrary to the views of Governor Chittenden 
as already referred to. The said third brigade had 
been called out by Gen. Elias Fassett from the 
district of his command in October, in view 
of the removal of Hampton's army to the 
Cognawaga to join Wilkinson, which left the 
Champlain defenceless. When Hampton returned 
from his advanced position as heretofore stated, 
and brought his army to Chazy, the necessit3' of 
retaining the Vermont militia at Plattsburgh had 
passed ; Vermont was exposed and there was much 
discontent at the absence of the militia from the 
State. Under these circumstances Gov. Chittenden 
on Nov. 10, 1813, issued the following proclama- 

" A Proclamation. 

" Whereas, it appears that the Third Brigade of 
the Third Division of the Militia of this State has 
been ordered from our frontiers to the defence of a 
neighboring State: And whereas it further ap- 
pears, to the extreme regret of the Captain General, 


that a part of the Militia of said Brigade have 
been placed under the command and at the disposal 
of an officer of the United States, out of the juris- 
diction or control of the Executive of this State, 
and have been actually marched to the defence of a 
sister State, fully competent to all the purposes of 
self defence, whereby an extensive section of our 
own Frontier is left, in a measure, unprotected, 
and the peaceable good citizens thereof are put in 
great jeopard3% and exposed to the retaliatory in- 
cursions and ravages of an exasperated enemy: 
And whereas, disturbances of a ver3' serious nature 
are believed to exist in consequence of a portion of 
the Militia having thus been ordered out of the 

" Therefore, to the end that these great evils may 
be provided against, and, as far as ma\' be, pre- 
vented for the future : 

^' Be it known — that such portion of the Militia 
of said Third Division, as may be now doing dut3' 
in the State of New York or elsewhere, beyond the 
limits of this State, both officers and men, are here- 
bj' ordered and directed, b\^ the Captain General 
and Commander in Chief of the Militia of the State 
of Vermont, forthwith to return to the respec- 
tive places of their usual residence, within the ter- 
ritorial limits of said Brigade, and there to hold 
themselves in constant readiness to act in obedi- 
ence to the orders of Brigadier General [acob Da- 
vis, who is appointed by the Legislature of this 
State, to command said Brigade. 

"And the said Brigadier General Davis is hereby 
ordered and directed, forthwith, to see that the 


Militia of his said Brigade be completely armed 
and equipped as the Law directs, and holden in 
constant readiness to march on the shortest notice 
to the dtfence of the Frontier ; and in case of 
actual invasion, without further orders, to march 
with his Brigade, to act, either in co-operation 
with the troops of the United States, or separately, 
as circumstances ma^'- require, in repelling the 
enemy from our territor3% and in protecting the 
good citizens of this State from their ravages or 
hostile incursions. 

" And in case of an event, so seriousl\' to be de- 
precated, it is hoped and expected, that every 
citizen, without distinction of party, will fly at 
once to the nearest post of danger, and that the 
only rallying words will be— OUR COUNTRY. 

"Feeling, as the Captain General does, the 
weight of responsibility which rests upon him 
with regard to the constitutional duties of the 
Militia, and the sacred rights of our citizens to 
protection from this great class of communit^^ so 
essentially necessary to all free countries — at a mo- 
ment, too, when they are so imminently exposed 
to the dangers of hostile incursions, and domestic 
difficulties — he cannot conscientiously discharge the 
trust reposed in him by the voice of his fellow 
citizens, and by the Constitution of this and the 
United States, without an unequivocal declaration, 
that, in his opinion, the Military' strength and re- 
sources of this State must be reserved for its own 
defence and protection, exclusively — excepting in 
cases provided for by the Constitution of the 
United States ; and then, under orders derived 


only from the Coinmander in Chief [i. e. the Presi- 
dent of the United States.] 

This order was not well received by the Ver- 
mont troops at Plattsburgh, but on the contrary 
was treated with contempt, and on Nov. 15, 1813, 
at Plattsburgh the officers met and signed a reply 
to it which was drawn up by Captain Gadcomb, 
and is as follows : viz, 

" To His Excellency, Martin Chittenden, Esq., 
Governor, Captain General, Commander in Chief, 
in and over the State of Vermont. 

'' Sir : A most novel and extraordinary Procla- 
mation from 3'our Excellency', "ordering and direct- 
ing such portion of the MiHtia of the Third Brig- 
ade of the Third Divisionof the Militia of Vermont, 
now doing duty in the State of New Vork, both 
officers and men, forthwith to return to their re- 
spective places of their residence," has just been 
communicated to the undersigned officers of said 
Brigade. A measure so unexampled requires that 
we should state to your Excellency the reasons 
which induce us, absoluteh^ and positively, to re- 
fuse obedience to the order contained in your Excel- 
lency's Proclamation. With due deference to j^our 
Excellenc\''s opinion, we humbly conceive, that 
when w^e are ordered into the service of the United 
States, it becomes our duty when required, to 
march to the defence of any section of the Union. 
We are not of that class who believe that our 
duties as citizens or soldiers are circumscribed 
within the narrow limits of the Town or State in 
which w^e reside; but that we are under a para- 
mount obligation to our common countrv, to the 


confederation of States. We further conceive that 
while we are in actual service, and during the 
period for which we were ordered into service, 
your Excellency's power over us, as Governor of 
the State of Vermont, is suspended. 

If it is true, as 3'our Excellency states, that we 
" are out of the jurisdiction or control of the Exe- 
cutive of Vermont," we would ask from whence 
3'Our Excellency derives the right or presumes to 
exercise the power of ordering us to return from 
the service in w^hich w^e are now engaged ? If we 
were legally ordered into the service of the United 
States, 3^our Excellancy must be sensible that j^ou 
have no authority to order us out of that service. 
If we were illegally ordered into the service, our 
continuance in it is either voluntary or compulsory. 
If voluntary, it gives no one a right to remonstrate 
or complain ; if compulsory we can appeal to the 
laws of our country for redress against those who 
illegally restrain us of our libert3^ In either case 
W'C cannot conceive the right your Excellency has 
to interfere in the business. Viewing the subject 
in this light, w^e conceive it our duty to declare un- 
equivocally to 3'our Excellenc3^, that we shall not 
obe}' your Excellency's order for returning; but 
shall continue in the service of our countr^^ until 
we are legall^^ and honorably discharged. An in- 
vitation or order to desert the standard of our 
country will never be obe\^ed by us, although it 
proceeds from the Governor and Captain General 
of Vermont. 

"Perhaps it is proper that we should content 
ourselves w^ith merelv giving 3'our Excellencv the 


reasons which prevail upon us to disregard your 
proclamation ; but we are impressed with the belief 
that our duty to ourselves, to the soldiers under 
our command, and to the public, require that we 
should expose to the world the motives which pro- 
duced and the objects which w^ere intended to be 
accomplished by such extraordinar3^ proclamation. 
We shall take the liberty to state to your Excel- 
lency, plainh^, our sentiments on this subject. We 
consider your proclamation as a gross insult to 
the officers and soldiers in service, inasmuch as it 
implies that they are so ignorant of their rights as 
to believe that you have authority to command 
them in their present situation, or so abandoned 
as to follow \^our insidious advice. We cannot re- 
gard 3^our proclamation in any other light than 
as an unwarrantable stretch of executive author- 
ity, issued from the worst motives, to effect the 
basest purposes. It is, in our opinion, a renewed 
instance of that spirit of disorganization and 
anarchy w^hich is carried on by a fraction to over- 
whelm our country with ruin and disgrace. We 
cannot perceive what other object 3'our Excellency 
could have in view than to embarrass the opera- 
tions of the army, to excite mutin}^ and sedition 
among the soldiers and induce them to desert, that 
the3^ might forfeit the wages to which they are 
entitled for their patriotic services. 

" We have, however, the satisfaction to inform 
j'our Excellency, that although j^our proclama- 
tions have been distributed among the soldiers by 
your agent delegated for that purpose, they have 
failed to produce the intended effect— and although 


it ma^' appear incredible to 3'our Excellency, even 
so7(iiers have discernment sufficient to perceive that 
the proclamation of a Governor when offered out 
of the line of his duty, is a harmless, inoffensive 
and nugatory document. The\^ regard it with 
mingled emotions of pity and contempt for its 
author, and as a striking monument of his folly. 

" Before we conclude, we feel ourselves injustice 
to 3^our Excellency bound to declare that a knowl- 
edge of 3'our Excellency's character induces us to 
believe that the folly and infamy of the proclama- 
tion, to which 3'our Excellenc3^ has put your. sig- 
nature, is not wholh' to be ascribed to 3^our Ex- 
cellenc3% but chiefly to the evil advisers with whom 
we believe 3'our Excellenc3^ is encompassed." 

On Jan. 6, 1814, the National House of Repre- 
sentatives took into consideration the Proclama- 
tion of Governor Chittenden. Mr. Sharp a mem- 
ber from Kentuck3^ said, 

"This act was in direct violation of the stat- 
ute, which makes it penal to entice the soldiers 
in the service of the United States to desert. This 
act was done, too, at a critical time, and by a 
person standing in so conspicious a station as to 
require particularh' the punishment due to his of- 
fence. Mr. Sharp adverted to the peculiar station 
of the miHtia thus ordered home, on a frontier 
requiring their presence for its protection ; and 
whereas, he said, from their character, the\^ might, 
indeed, be expected, being the descendents of the 
Green Mountain Boys who so much distinguished 
themselves during our Revolution under the illus- 
trious Allen, to have voluntarily^ aided in the in- 


vasion of the territor\' of the enem^-. Under these 
circumstances, and when their services were most 
needed, thej were invited by Governor Chittenden 
to desert their position. His conduct in this respect 
must meet the decided reprehension not onh' of 
every member of this House, but of every good 
citizen of the Union. It ought then to receive legal 
scrutiny. His offence ought to be punished, lest 
our laws should be subject to the remark which 
was applied to Solon's : that they were like cob- 
webs, which entangled the weak, but which the 
strong could breakthrough. To bring this subject 
directly before the House, he offered the following 
resolutions : 

^'Resolved, That the militia of any of these 
United States, or the Territories thereof, when 
lawfully employed in the service of the United 
States, are subject to the same rules and articles 
as the troops of the United States. 

''Resolved, That every person not subject to 
rules and articles of war, who shall procure or en- 
tice a soldier in the service of the United States to 
desert is guilty- of an infraction of the laws of the 
the United States and subject to punishment. 

''Resolved, That His Excellency Martin Chit- 
tenden, Governor of the State of Vermont, by is- 
suing his proclamation, dated at Montpelier, on 
on the 10th day of November in the 3'ear of our 
Lord 1813, did entice soldiers in the service of the 
United States to desert. Therefore, 

''Resolved, That the President of the United 
States be, and he is hereb\% requested to instruct 
the Attornev General of the United States to insti- 


tute a prosecution against the said Martin Chit- 

These remarks and resolutions were followed 
by additional remarks from Mr. Fisk of Vermont, 
who said "he had hoped, and in so sajnng he be- 
lieved he expressed the sense of the whole delega- 
tion from the State of Vermont, that these resolu- 
tions would not have made their appearance. He 
believed that very few persons in Vermont ap- 
proved of that proclamation. He was certain 
there were none of the delegation from the State 
who approved it. The act was unjustitiable, but 
it was the act of the Governor of a State. The 
resolutions were objectionable in several points of 
view, of which he would briefly notice only one or 
two. If Gov. Chittenden had committed an of- 
fence against the laws, he was liable to the proper 
tribunal. It was not proper that the House of 
Representatives should turn informers. The courts 
of justice should be as clear from any improper in- 
fluence as possible. If the resolutions should be 
adopted, and the weight of the opinion of the 
House of Representatives were such as it ought to 
be, it would be conclusive against the individual 
concerned : if, however, they failed in convicting 
him, and merely' excited public sympathy in his 
favor b3^ their accusation, it would place this body 
in an unpleasant, if not ridiculous point of view. 
In such case the House had no constitutional 
power; and all resolutions on the subject must be 
improper. As well as for another reason : these 
declare the law to be so and so, and resolutions 
then declare the Governor to have violated the law. 


Now, said Mr. Fisk, our resolutions neither make 
or strengthen laws, and therefore can be of no use. 
Viewing the resolutions as objectionable in ever^v 
point of view, he moved that the3'lie on the table." 
Other members of the House, while not com- 
mending the course of the Governor, favored a 
laying the resolutions on the table. They argued 
that if Governor Chittenden had committed an of- 
fence against the laws let the judiciar^v, under the 
Constitution and law, decide the question, whether 
the Governor had acted constitutionalh^ and were 
opposed to the House giving its opinion on the law 
or directing the prosecution of anyone. The reso- 
lutions were tabled and never considered again. 
The Governors of Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
and Rhode Island seemed to have acted in respect 
to their militia not inconsistent with the views of 
of Gov. Martin Chittenden. The Governor of 
those three States "objected to the requisitions 
made on their several states for parts of their re- 
spective quotas of militia on the folio wing grounds : 
1st, That the president has no power to make a 
requisition for any portion of the militia, for either 
of the purposes specified b3'the constitution, unless 
the executive of the state on whose militia such 
call is made, admits that the case alleged exists, 
and approves the call. 2d, That when the militia 
of a state should be called into the service of the 
United States, no officer of the regular army had 
a right to comniand them. or other persons, except 
the president of the United States in person." 

The Vermont militia returned from New Vork 
State before their time of service expired and no 


particular notice of the course that the Governor 
had taken with the miUtia was afterwards taken. 
It is evident as he as Governor, acted in the mat- 
ter, not only in harmony with the majority of his 
part\^ in Vermont, but in the manner that he re- 
o^arded his plain dut\\ His character was shown 
and principles were expressed in the following 
statement in his speech to the Legislature of 1814, 
when he said, " The true patriot can submit to no 
sacrifice of truth or principle, to procure his own 
advancement, or promote the interests or views of 
a part\\ Men may change, and parties may 
change — but truth, principle, and virtue are minu- 
table. It ought therefore, to be our firm determi- 
nation to persue the plain pathof duty with steadi- 
ness and fidelity." It will be iDorn in mind that 
though Governor Chittenden was scrupulous as 
to his rright not to comply with the orders to 
send the militia out of the State, to be commanded 
by a United States oflicer, he did not undertake to 
prevent volunteers going to the assistance of Gen. 
Alexander Macomb and Gen. Samuel Strong of 
Plattsburg, but he called for volunteers, and the 
call was responded to, not onh' in the western 
counties of the State near the scene of conflict but 
from central and eastern Vermont. 

As the campaign ot 1813, drew to a close. Com- 
modore Macdonough went into winter quarters 
at the Otter Creek River near Vergennes, with his 
flotilla, on Dec. 19, 1813. 

It was determined by the Cabinet that the cam- 
paign of 1814, in the north should be the same as 
that of 1813: viz, the invasion of Canada. Gen. 


Croo^an was to move against the British on the 
upper lakes; Gen. Brown on the Niagara frontier; 
and Gen. Izard in the Champlain region, who was 
to cut the connection on the St. Lawrence between 
Montreal and Kingston. The Vermont troops 
w^ere employed in two of the three parts of this 
arrangement. Part of the U. S. regiment [Clark's] 
on the Niagara frontier, and the remainder of the 
11th and the 30th [Fassett's] and the 31st [Dana's] 
and the Vermont militia and volunteers in the 
vicinity of Lake Champlain. At the same time 
war was to be kept up on the smugglers as well as 
the harrassing of the Canadians in the vicinit3' of 
the Vermont and New York frontier lines in which 
Colonel Clark continued to be very efficient. 

On Jan. 14, 1813, a detachment of thirteen 
mounted infantry was ordered to the frontier in 
Highgate, to look after smugglers and smuggled 
property, and they passed over the line into Can- 
ada finding no smuggled propertv, returned to 
Vermont side to take supper at a Mr. Dibble's ; 
on preparing to depart after supper, they were 
met by a party of thirty armed smugglers who 
commenced firing upon them, and the fire was re- 
turned with spirit for a time w^hen the smugglers 
charged in upon them, but the door was strongly 
defended till seven of their number escaped and 
the remainder were taken prisoners by the smug- 
glers, except Sergeant Butler commanding, who 
was mortally wounded and was left. 

On February 13th, pursuant to orders from the 
War Department, Gen. Wilkinson broke up the 
cantonment; seven regiment of infantry, including 


a part of the 11th regiment, one company of artil- 
lery marched for Sackett's Harbor under General 
Brown ; sixth regiment of infantry- with two com- 
panies of artillery marched to Plattsburgh ; and 
one brigade, including the 30th and 31st regiments 
marched to Burlington under Gen. Macomb. 

As soon as the American troops had left their 
winter quarters the British on Feb. 19, 1814, 
made a raid for plunder at French Mills and vicinity, 
and on the 21st Gen. Wilkinson marched with three 
thousand men from Plattsburgh about ten miles 
toward the enemy, and learned the\' had left for 
Canada. The British secured a considerable plun- 
der, but lost more than one hundred regulars by 
desertion, fifty of whom came to Plattsburgh and 
and the remainder to Sackett's Harbor. 

On Feb. 24, 1814, at Burlington Col. Isaac 
Clark of the 11th infantr3^ issued orders for all the 
othcers and men of his regiment, who were absent 
to return to their duty or the^- would be consid- 
ered deserters unless they reported to the command- 
ing officers on the expiration of their furlough. 
Gen. Wilkinson was determined to destroy the 
traitors' intercourse that had been kept up between 
those calling themselves Americans with the enemy 
in Canada ; therefor Col. Clark marched on March 
8th with a detachment of eleven hundred mounted 
riflemen, all Green Mountain Bo^'s, to take posses- 
sion of the entire northern frontier of Vermont ; 
and three hundred riflemen and sixty dragoons 
marched under Major Forsyth to guard the lines 
west of Lake Champlain. It was the intention of 
the officers of these detachments to make prison- 


ers of every British subject found within the United 
States, and to apprehend and deliver to the civil 
authority-, for trial and punishment every American 
citizen found in Canada. 

On March 17th Colonel Clark advanced with 
his detachment into the enem\''s country within six 
miles of Isle aux Noix, captured the enem\''s ad- 
vanced guard, took sixt3^ stand of arms, four oxen 
and six horses and returned to Missisquoi Ba3'and 
there raised the American standard and took up his 
quarters, and there he was joined by General Ma- 
comb with infantry and artillery from Plattsburgh. 
General Clark in this proposed invasion of the 
enemies' countr\' designed to carry on the war on 
true war principles, and gave positive orders to 
his troops to respect private property under the 
pains and penalties of the rules and articles of war. 
Major Fors^^th advanced and made his headquart- 
ers at or near Chazy. By the 29th of March Col. 
Clark had crossed the lake, with his troops that 
had been stationed at Missisquoi Bslj, and formed 
a junction with the forces of Maj. General Wilkin- 
son on the western side of the lake and had ad- 
vanced within six miles of the enem3^, who were 
posted and fortified at the river LaCole. Colonel 
Clark and Major Fors3'th were in the advance; on 
the afternoon of that da3^ a battle was fought be- 
tween the Americans and the British in which the 
Americans failed to drive the enem^- from their for- 
tified position. Lossing states the American loss 
in this battle at 13 killed, 128 wounded and 13 
missing; and the British loss at 11 killed, 2 oflicers 
and 44 men wounded and 4 missing. A reliable 



account was ^iven of the battle at the time as 
follows : 

"General Wilkinson so disposed the troops as 
nearly to encircle the mill and brought up a how- 
itzer and one 12 pounder to batter the walls, but 
after considerable time it was found little effect 
was produced. The enemy kept up a galling fire 
during the whole time our troops lay before the 
place from the loop holes cut in the Mill, and di- 
rected a great portion of his fire on the two pieces 
of artillery ; our troops returned the fire with 
great coolness and with deliberate aim. The 
enemy made two sallies and charged Brig. General 
Smith's left in the first, but were repulsed wdth 
considerable loss. Towards the evening, a British 
regiment arrived and made a charge on part of 
Brig. General Bissell's brigade, but was so warmly 
received that they instantly fell back, leaving 
twelve men dead on the field, and suffered severely 
in wounded, (from their own accounts.) The 
American troops behaved with the utmost coolness 
and suffered less than the enemj^ notwithstanding 
the advantage he had in point of position. 

"The enemy's force was not ascertained, but 
computed at 1500 ; our force was double that 
number, but not more than one-half was brought 
into the action. The whole of Brig. General Ma- 
comb's command w^as in the reserve and not at all 
engaged. Maj. Forsj^th's Riflemen and Clark's 
detachment formed the line round the Mill. The 
American army returned to their camp late in the 
evening, without leaving a single man behind, or 
even a single article for the enemy to claim as a 


The mill in which the enem3^ sheltered them- 
selves, was a heav\' stone structure, with walls 
eighteen inches in thickness, and its windows bar- 
ricaded with heav3^ timbers, through which were 
loop holes for muskets. The British also occupied 
a block-house and a strong barn, around which 
were entrenchments. On the other hand the 
Americans were in the open fields exposed to the 
galling fire from the protected enemy, who re- 
peatedly charged upon them, but in vain. General 
Wilkinson was tried by court martial in 1815, in 
which his connection with this affair was full^^ in- 
vestigated, but he w^as honorabh^ acquitted; he 
failed on account of the mill being imprevious to 
such artillery as he had ; the eighteen pounder that 
the Americans broke down on the march could not 
be brought on to the field. There w^as no six 
pounder, but the3^ had a five inch mortar, which 
with the twelve pounder was placed in battery at 
the distance of two hundred and fifty yards from 
the mill, under the command of Capt. McPherson, 
who was wounded and compelled to retire ; Lieut. 
Larabee succeeded him in command of the battery, 
who was also wounded and retired, when Lieut. 
Sheldon commanded and continued to pl3^his artil- 
lery^ vigoroush' until he was ordered to withdraw 
with the arm3\ 

On General Wilkinson's trial Col. Isaac Clark 
testified that "the mill he should judge is about 
fifty or sixty feet long and forty feet broad. It is 
a strong building, and the stones which form the 
walls are principally^ large and hesLXj. The wall 
must be from two and a half to three feet thick, 


and resisted what were called twelve pound ball 
for two hours, and no visible impression was 
made on them. There were several log buildings 
adjacent to the mill which appeared to be occupied 
by the enemy and from which there was firing. 
There was also a building called a block-house, but 
he did not conceive it was built purposely for that 
use. He thought the enemv had one piece of artil- 
lery ; but w^hether the shot proceeded from the mill 
or from a gun-boat adjacent he could not sa^'. It 
was impossible to ascertain the number of the 
enem3'' from appearance, as they were under cover. 
But from information given by deserters and pris- 
oners there must have been six or seven hundred 
men in and about the mill, consisting of four com- 
panies of the 18th regiment and forty or fift^- in- 
corporated militia. In addition to these, two 
companies of voltigeurs, came up, an hour and a 
half after the commencement of the action, at- 
tacked our line, and on being repulsed also retired 
into the mill. The walls of the mill are three 
stories high, and in every direction were loop holes 
and apertures for musketry, and some through 
the roof. The mill had one door on the east side, 
but none was visible in the south, where we made 
our approaches. Half an hour after the attack 
commenced, two pieces of artillery, a twelve and 
a six pounder [mortar,] were brought up and 
opened a fire upon the mill, but the eighteen 
pounder did not approach the scene of action 
within a number of miles. Why it remained be- 
hind he could not sav; but after finding that no 
impression was made by the two pieces employed. 


he rode to General Wilkinson and asked if he had 
not some heavy artiller3\ The adjutant-general, 
or some other officer near him, replied that the 
carriage of the eighteen pounder was broken. He 
also deposed, that the roof of the mill was of 
wood, but that no red hot shot was used to set 
fire to it as they had no furnace. During the attack 
two companies, who he understood from deserters 
were part of the 13th regiment, sallied from the 
mill upon the center of our Hne, apparently to take 
the field pieces. They were defeated wdth great 
loss, very much cut to pieces, and after their re- 
pulse re-entered the mill. It would have been 
rather difficult for our troops to have followed 
them up and entered the place with the enemy, as 
the mill was very w^ell guarded, and he heard no 
proposition of that effect at the time. He does 
not know whether the surrender of the place was 
demanded, but was confident there w^as no flag 
sent out. 

''The mill was on the north side of a stream 
frozen over; our attack was against the south 
side. The advance was regularly posted, and the 
fire of the artillery was kept up about two hours ; 
there w^as perhaps a short cessation for want of 
cartridges. The firing of musketry, on both sides, 
continued until our artillery was moved out of 
danger, and the whole ceased near sundown." 

The army returned from the field and the next 
day commenced their retrograde march to Platts- 
burgh. It was evident that the failure to capture 
the mill was the want of artillery sufficently pow- 
erful for the w^ork and not to any lack of bravery 


of the men. Nine or ten of the killed and one- 
third of the wounded were from the corps, com- 
posed of Vermont troops commanded b_v Colonel 
Clark; this indicated that the Vermont troops 
bore their share in the fight. 

On March 31st General Wilkinson in a general 
order, said, " The affair is honorable to the troops, 
and gives them a title to the thanks of the General 
and their country. The constancy and courage 
exhibited under tedious galling fire of the enemy 
was exemplary, and would have done credit to 
the oldest troops in the w^orld." He closed his 
order as follows: "Let the meritorious dead be 
collected and buried with the honors of war in the 
same grave. Let the w^ounded be cherished with 
the utmost tenderness, and removed to the hos- 
pitals in the rear. And let the troops be immedi- 
ately completed to sixty rounds of ammunition, 
and held perfectly ready to meet the enemy should 
he venture to advance." 

On April 1814, General Wilkinson, who was at 
Champlain, informed Macdonough, who w^as at 
Yergcnnes, that the vessels of the enemy on Lake 
Champlain would soon be ready to sail, and prob- 
ably would attempt to land a force for the purpose 
of destroying his vessels that were in the Otter 
Creek and on the stocks ; Wilkinson added that 
he could not erect batteries at Rouses Point to 
command the lake for want of canon. Governor 
Chittenden ordered out the militia in Franklin, 
Chittenden and Addison Counties, five hundred of 
wdiich were to be stationed at Burlington, and one 
thousand at Vergennes to guard the shipping and 


public property on the lake. Most of the Vermont 
militia were soon discharged on condition that 
they should rally on the firin;? of alarm signals, 
and General Macomb was ordered to send a force 
of five hundred men to Vergennes. 

On Ma3^ 14th a little before sunrise, the British 
fleet, consisting of a bomb sloop and eighteen gal- 
lies, commenced a heav^^ and spirited fire on the 
batter}', that had recently been erected at the 
mouth of Otter Creek. The fire was returned b^' 
the batter\^ by the men stationed there aided b\' 
some militia from the town of Addison and other 
neighboring towns. Macdonough promptly came 
down the river with his new sloop of war 
and several galWs and in one hour and a half the 
enemv were forced to retreat. The Americans suf- 
fered no loss ; the British lost two fine new row- 
boats. After this repulse, their gallies entered the 
river Bouquet to seize some government stores, 
and on returning, were fired upon by a body of 
New York militia, and nearlj^ all the men in the 
last galle^^ w^ere killed or wounded. Within a few 
days of this aftair, Macdonough entered the lake 
with his fleet and anchored in Cumberland Ba^- 
near the site of his subsequent memorable victor;/. 

By the month of June both armies had been 
largeh' increased. Maj. Genenal Jacob Brown suc- 
ceeded Gen. Wilkinson to the command of the ninth 
military district, and Maj. General George Izard, a 
native of South Carolina, was in command of the 
right wmg of the northern arm}'. The British 
concentrated at Lacolle and other points near the 
line, with their fleet near at hand. Between the 


11th and the 31st of June the American army in- 
cluding the 30th and 31st U. S. regiments, ad- 
vanced from PlattsburghtoChamplainandChazy. 
Macdonough co-operated by anchoring his fleet in 
King's Bay, north of the mouth of the big Chazy 

On June 24th Lieut. Colonel Forsyth, advanced 
to Odletown with seventh" riflemen, where he was 
attacked b3^ a detachment of two hundred light 
armed British troops. Forsyth repulsed them and 
returned to Champlain with a loss of one killed 
and five wounded, the British loosing three killed 
and five wounded. On the 28th he was ordered to 
enter Canada again for the purpose of driving the 
British across the line into an ambuscade and suc- 
ceeded in drawing out Captain Mayhew w^ith 
about 150 Indians, and as the3^ approached the am- 
buscade, Forsyth stepped upon a log to watch 
their movements and was shot through the breast 
by an Indian. The American rifles were immedi- 
ateh^ uncovered and fired upon the enemy, w^ho 
retreated in great haste, leaving seventeen of their 
number dead upon the field. Forsyth w^as from 
North Carolina and had distinguished himself on 
various occasions and was regarded as one of the 
best officers in the army; and his men declared they 
would avenge his death, and this they did by kill- 
ing Captain Mayhew, who, with Forsyth was 
buried at Champlain. Forsyth and Col. Isaac 
Clark of the 11th U. S. infantry had been as- 
sociated in active service on the frontier, and 
in April 1814, were transferred to the 26th in- 
fantry, consisting of riflemen ; and on June 30th 


Colonel Clark, learning of the death of Forsyth 
who bravely fell at Odletown on the 2Sth fighting 
the defence of the rights and liberties of his countr\% 
announced that the officers of the regiment "will 
wear crape on the left arm thirty daj's in testimony 
of their regret for the loss of that valuable and 
distinguished officer." This order was issued at 

Lieut. Colonel Fors3'th was suceeded by Maj. 
Daniel Appling of Georgia, who also distinguished 
himself, subsequently at the battle of Platts- 
burgh. Captain Z. Ta3^1or was made Major of 
the said 26th regiment, and became President of 
the United States in 1849. 

During the summer ot 1814, military opera- 
tions on the frontier farther west werever3^ active. 
Two fierce battles in which Vermont troops parti- 
cipated should be specially mentioned : viz, Battle 
of "Chippewa Plains" and "Lund3''s Lane." 
The battle ground of the first was between the 
streets and Chippewa Creek and bounded on the 
east by Niagara River, and on the west b\^a forest. 
The plain admitted of close work, face to face; 
that battle was fought on JuW 5, 1814, the day 
w^as clear and hot. After the contending forces 
had got hotW engaged the description of the con- 
flict is as follows : 

"The battle raged with fur\' along the entire 
line of both armies. Several times the British line 
was broken, and then closed up again; and it 
often exposed as man\^ flanks as it had regiments 
in the field. This unskillful manoeuvring had been 
observed b\^ Scott, who had advanced, halted, and 


fired alternately, until he was within eighty paces 
of the foe. Observing a gap in his lines which 
made a new flank, he ordered a quick movement in 
that direction by McNeil's Eleventh Regiment. 
He shouted with a voice that was heard above the 
din of battle, ' the enem\' sa\' we are good at long 
shot, but cannot stand the cold iron ; I call upon 
the Eleventh instantly to give the lie to that 
slander. Charge!' This movement was immedi- 
ateW made, with the most decisive effect. A similar 
charge was made by Leavenworth, who held an 
oblique position on the American right. At the 
same time Towson's batter3^ poured in an oblique 
fire of murderous canister-shot, after silence the 
enemies' most effective battery- by blowing up an 
ammunition wagon; and presently the whole left 
and center of the British broke and fled in confu- 
sion. The effective £ank movement hy McNeil was 
the one, there can he no doubt, which gave the vic- 
tory to the Americans. " 

Maj. General Brown in his report of the battle 
to the Secretary of War July 7, 1814, says, "Brig. 
General Scott is entitled to the highest praises our 
country can bestow — to him more than to any 
other man am I indebted for the victory of the 5th 
of ]\x\y. His brigade has covered itself with glory. 
Every officer and ever\^ man of the 9th and 22d, 
11th and 25th regiments, did his duty, with a zeal 
and energy worthy of the American character. 
When every officer stands so pre-eminenth' high in 
the path of dut^^ and honor, it is impossible to dis- 
criminate, but I cannot deprive m^^self of the 
pleasure of saying that Major Leavenworth com- 


manded the 9th and 22d, and Alajor McNeil the 
11th. Col. Campbell [of the 11th] was wounded 
early in the action, orallanth' leading on his regi- 

The American loss, killed, wounded and missing 
was 308 ; the British loss was 49i. The loss in 
the 11th U. S. regiment to which most of the Ver- 
monters belonged were sevent^^-three ; this was 
the heaviest loss of any American regiment en- 
gaged in the battle. 

On the morning of July 25, 1814, while the 
army under Maj. General Brown was encamped 
on the field of their victor\% last above described, 
Maj. General Brown received a report that the 
British were in force at Queenstown, but nine 
miles distant, and that Brown's depot of supplies 
was their object. In the afternoon Brown ordered 
General Scott "to march down to Queenstown, 
and find the enemy and beat him;" he found the 
enemy in Lundv's Lane drawn up in line of battle; 
the force of the enem3^ was more extensive than 
those that the American's had met on the 5th at 
Chippewa, some of which were fresh troops from 
the victorious army of Wellington. Scott at once 
sent word to Gen. Brown of his critical situation, 
but he held the enem3', b3^ fierce fighting until 
Brown arrived about 9 o'oclock in the evening. 
The enemv were finalh^ repulsed, but no attempt to 
secure the fruits of the victor3' in the darkness and 
in the shattered condition of the American troops, 
and under the order of Gen. Brown the Americans 
returned to Chippewa for rest and reorganization, 
and the British reoccupied their position and re- 



gained their lost cannon except one that the 
Americans carried away as a troph3\ Maj. Gen. 
McXeil was severely wounded and removed from 
the field. After General Brown arrived on the 
field with Riple\^'s brigade Gen. Brown and Gen. 
Scott were both w^ounded and retired and the 
command devolved upon Gen. Riple\\ In this bat- 
tle the British had about 4500 men and the Ameri- 
cans a little less than 2600 men ; the grand and 
brave work of the Americans is seen when it is re- 
membered that from the beginning of the battle 
until nine o'clock at night, less then 1200 Ameri- 
cans held the entire British force and repeatedly 
repulsed their advances and badly cut them up. 
The American loss in the battle was 853 men and 
that of the British 878 men. Maj. General Brown's 
return for the 11th regiment was 28 killed, 102 
wounded and 3 missing. An extract from a letter 
written soon after the battle by Lieut. F. A. Saw- 
3'er of Burlington, of the 11th regiment and who 
participated in the battle, gives many particulars 
of the contest, he sa3^s, ''the late engagement was 
perhaps the most sanguinar\^ one ever fought on 
this continent. We engaged the enem3^ the 2oth of 
Juh^ at 6 P. M. near the falls of Niagara, and con- 
tinued the fight until half past eleven at night, 
when by verj^ inferior numbers the enemy was 
compelled to retire, leaving us in quiet possession 
of the field of battle. 

" The first brigade, [Scott's,] as usual, bore the 
brunt of the action. We maintained our ground 
for one hour and a half against the whole forces 
of the eneni}', which were four times our number, 


before we were supported by a solitary- individual 
of Gens. Ripley's and Porter's brigades — the3- how- 
ever joined in time to prevent us from being whollv 
cut up, and contributed a little in giving the enemv 
a heart\' drubbing. 

"On leaving camp, no one anticipated a general 
engagement. It was the impression that the brig- 
ade was ordered out to disperse four or five hun- 
dred, as it was supposed, of the enemy's militia 
and Indians, who were hanging on our rear for 
the purpose of annoying our piquets and kidnap- 
ping those who might be led by curiosity to visit 
the falls. As we advanced, a few of the enem^- 
would form, and then retire; this manoeuvre was 
continued until we had advanced within half mus- 
ket shot of the enemy's lines, when the battle com- 
menced. The enemy's position was a most excel- 
lent one — their line of infantry was posted behind a 
fence, which formed a semicircle and encompassed 
a field which our troops were compelled to accept 
of, if they made the attack ; their flanks were pro- 
tected by woods filled with militia and Indians, 
and in their rear, at a desirable distance, was a 
height on which their artillery w^as planted ; na- 
ture could not have formed a more advantageous 
position. Under these disadvantages our troops 
attacked them. The 9th and 25th were ordered 
to attack their flanks, while the 11th and 22d met 
their front. We endeavored to form a line in face 
and e3'es of all their infantry and artillery, but 
they opened such a deadly and destructive fire up- 
upon us that we were compelled to retire a few 
paces and form in the skirts of a wood, and before 


we opened upon them more than two-thirds of the 
two regiments were cut down. However, we then 
maintained our ground until a reinforcement 
joined us, when we advanced and drove the ene- 
my in every direction. Col. Miller with his regi- 
ment charged and took their artiller\^ consisting 
of nine pieces, but they repossessed themselves [on 
the next morning, when our army had left the 
held,] of all but two brass six pounders. For an 
hour the two lines were within four rods of each 
other, firing with as much deliberation as if it had 
been a sham fight, and now and then for a change 
the point of the bayonet w^as used. Here for the 
first time I witnessed a charge. It did not prove 
as destructive as I had expected, but God knows 
it was destructive enough. Towards the close of 
the action, as there was hardly a company 
remaining of our regiment, and but one man 
in my platoon, I volunteered in the 9th, and was 
assigned to Capt. Hull's company. He was killed 
in the last charge we made upon the enemy. Capt. 
Pentland and two or three subalterns were also 
wounded. The latter part of the action w^as the 
most severe. " Generals Brown and Scott remained 
untouched, as well as the greater part of the field 
officers, until the action was near at an end. That 
part of the fight proved much more destructive to 
the enem^^ than to us, as our men did much better 
execution w^hen in close contact with them. Our 
fire at length proved so destructive, that the 
enem3^'s bugle sounded the retreat for the last 
time, and our troops were left in undisturbed pos- 
session of the heights." 


On the night of Aug. 15, 1814, the Battle of 
Fort Erie was fought, when, after a severe and 
bloody contest in which the 11th regiment and 
many Vermont troops were engaged, the Ameri- 
cans were completely successful. The American 
forces were under the command of General Gaines. 
The enemy undertook to take the fort by storm ; 
at one time they gained possession of a bastion, 
but were driven from it and the entire force put to 
flight. The enem\^ admitted their loss to be 805 
men. The American loss w^as 17 killed, 56 w^ounded 
and 14 missing. 

On Sept. 17, 1814, the Americans under Gen. 
Brown made a sortie from the fort against the 
British army encamped about tw^o miles from the 
fort, when another battle w^as fought and in which 
a large part of the British force on the Niagara 
frontier was put hots du combat — the remnant of 
their force abandoned their encampment and re- 
treated to Chippew^a. The total loss of the I British 
in this battle was about 1000 men, w^hile the 
American loss killed, wounded and missing w^ere 
but 511. The battle closed the severe, brave and 
honorable service of the 11th infantr\^ on the 
Niagara frontier. 

It would not be out of place to give individual 
instances of meritorious service and the conspicu- 
ous, brave and heroic conduct of the rank and file 
of Vermont troops, but it does not seem best to go 
too much into details. 

During the summer months of 1814, it was evi- 
dent that the time was hastening when a trial of 
strensfth must come between the American and 


British arms on or near Lake Champlain, in which 
Vermonters would be especialh' concerned. Prep- 
eration for the contest was being made by both of 
the contending parties. 

Late in the summer of 1814, not less than fif- 
teen thousand troops, most of them Wellington's 
Veterans fresh from victories over the French, ar- 
rived in Canada and were encamped between the 
St. Lawrence and Sorel rivers. The British Naval 
force on Lake Champlain had also been strongly 
reinforced. The British forces were under the com- 
mand of Sir George Prevost. Prevost was born 
in New York Citj-, Ma^- 19, 1767, and son of Maj. 
General Augustine Prevost of the British Arm\', 
and entered the arm\' 3'oung and served with dis- 
tinction. In 1805 he was made Alajor General and 
created a baronet; and in 1811, was made Lieu- 
tenant General and military- commander of British 
North America. His plan of the campaign was a 
repetition of Gen. Burgo^^ne's in 1777, supplemented 
b^^ a naval force that he supposed to be sufficient 
to command the lake; and like Burgo\'ne, he began 
his undertaking w4th a proclamation bearing date 
Champlain town, Sept. 2, 1814, that read as fol- 
lows : 

''The Commander of His Britannic Majest3^'s 
FORCES, which have entered the State of New 
York, makes known to its peaceable and unoffend- 
ing inhabitants, that the\' have no cause for alarm 
from this invasion of the country, for the safet3^ of 
themselves and families, or for the securet3'of their 
property. He explicith' assures them, that as long 
as the^' continue to demean themselves peaceably. 


they shall be protected in the quiet possession of 
their homes, and permitted freeh' to pursue their 
usual occupations. 

"It is against the Goyerxmext of the United 
States, by whom this unjust and unprovoked war 
has been declared, and against those who support 
it, either openly or secretly, that the arms ot his 
Majesty are directed. The quiet and unoffending 
inhabitants, not found in arms, or otherwise not 
aiding in hostility, shall meet with kind usaofe and 
generous treatment; and all just complaints 
against any of his Majesty's subjects, offering vio 
lence to them, to their families, or to their posses. 
sions, shall be immediately redressed. 

"Those, therefore, who ma3^ have been induced 
to retire at the approach of his Majesty's troops^ 
from any mistaken apprehension respecting their 
object and their views, are hereby invited to return 
to their farms and habitations as the best means 
of securing them. 

"The magistrate and other civil authorities, 
who in the faithful discharge of their respective 
stations shall continue to exercise their ordinary 
jurisdiction, for the punishment and apprehension 
of crimes, and the support of good order, shall 
not fail to receive countenance and protection." 

Prevost was assisted by an experienced General, 
De Rottenburg, with his splendid arm^^ of veterans 
of fourteen thousand men preparing to advance 
as soon as his flotilla could co-operate. 

Early in August of 1814, General Alacomb and 
Bissell, under the command of Gen. Izard were, at 
Champlain with eleven regiments, watching the 



British, a considerable l^ociy of whom, under the 
personal observation of Prevost, had concentrated 
at Isle aux Noix. Gen. Izard was ordered to march 
four thousand of his men to the Niagara frontier. 
This left Gen. Macomb with only 3,400 men, 1,400 
of which were invalids. Gen. Izard protested 
against this detachment being sent to Niagara 
and wrote to the Secretary of War on August 11th 
that, "I will make the movement [westward] 3'ou 
direct, if possible; but I shall do it with the appre- 
hension of risking the force under my command, 
and w4th certainty that everything in this vicinity 
but the lately erected works at Plattsburgh and 
Cumberland Head will, in less than three da^^s 
after my departure, be in the possession of the 
enemy. He is in force superior to mine in front ; 
he daily threatens an attack on m3^ position at 
Champlain ; we are all in hourly expectation of a 
serious conflict." 

On the 29th of August Gen. Izard left Cham- 
plain and Chazy with his army for the West. On 
August 30th the British under Gen. Brisbane oc- 
cupied Champlain, and Prevost with his splendidly 
equipped army cc;:upied the same place and made 
preparation for an advance as soon as his flotilla 
could co-operate. Gen. Alexander Macomb w^as 
an excellent army ofiicer; he entered the army in 
1799, and had risen b\^ promotion through the 
several grades to Brig. General in 1814, and after- 
wards in 1828, to Alaj. General and commander of 
the U. S. Arm\\ He w^as in the battle at Sackett's 
Harbor, Fort Niagara, Fort George, and at Platts- 
burgh, and took the field for a time in the Florida 


War. His first work, under the circumstances in 
which he was placed, with a formidable British 
army to contend with, was to call upon New York 
and Vermont for reinforcements and to strengthen 
the three forts and block-house lying on the right 
bank of Saranac River at Plattsburgh and com- 
manding the territor^^ to the shore of the lake. 
Of these, Fort Brown was garrisoned by detach- 
ments of Vermonters from the 30th and 31st in- 
fantry-. Macomb sent out partis to retard the ad- 
vance of the enem3^ and to anno^- them as much 
as possible, but the small force could not stay 
their progress. And the American skirmishers 
were driven across the Saranac, but the\^ took up 
the bridge behind them. These detachments that 
had been sent out to annoy the enemy did good 
service during the dav before they recrossed the 
river. The report of the affair given from the 
headquarters at Plattsburgh Sept. 7, 1814, stated, 
''In the afternoon, the militia met the British 
regulars in the woods near the Saranac river, and 
after disputing the passage of that stream for 
some time, the enemy retired with considerable 
loss. Here the mihtia did their duty, and it is by 
meeting the enemy in the woods, and flanking and 
anno3'ing him on all occasions, that the most essen- 
tial service can be rendered by them. The killed 
and wounded on our part is trifling. That of the 
enemy is reported to be from two to three hundred. 

" Capt. Sheldon has been directed by Gen. Ala. 
comb to call on all volunteers, and request that 
they report immediately to the scene of action." 

In this brave work a detachment of Vermonters 


of the 30th and 31st U. S. regulars served under 
Gen. Wool. 

On Aug. 31, 1814, Gen. Macomb, then at Platts- 
burgh, addressed a letter to Governor Chittenden 
in which he stated, that the enemy were advancing 
in full force and had crossed the Chazy at Cham- 
plain Village, and suggesting that he throw a 
detachment over the lake so as to advance to his 
assistance on the road leading from Essex, and on 
September 4th he wrote the Governor again that 
he had learned that the enemj^'' will marchfor this 
place with his whole force this morning and that 
the enemy must beseige us, as our works are now 
in a tolerable state of defence." He also said much 
is at stake and aid is actually w^anted, and am 
sure you will not hesitate to afford us all the 
assistance in your power. The Governor replied 
from Jericho September 4th that I ''shall take the 
most effectual measures to furnish such number of 
volunteers as may be induced to turn out to your 
assistance;" and on the same date the Governor 
wrote Gen. John Newell, and recommended that 
he take the most effectual method to procure such 
number of volunteers as ma^^ be had for his imme- 
diate assistance from his brigade, and advised 
that the troops cross the lake at McNeil's Ferry. 
General Newell answered the letter September 5th 
from Charlotte, and wrote, "If I righth^ under- 
stand 3'our letter, I can perceive no request, or 
order, from your excellency, directing me to have 
the militia under my command, or any portion of 
them, march to Plattsburgh, or any other place, 
for the assistance of Gen. Alacomb, or for any 


Other purposes. From your letter, therefore, I 
consider mj'self unauthorized to order out any 
portion of the militia under my command, or to 
do more than your excellency has recommended, 
namely, to offer my advice, which may be followed 
or not. As I consider myself, with the brigade I 
command, fully under your direction and control, 
and as our assistance is requested, and seems very 
much needed at Plattsburgh, I regret that 3^our 
excellency has not ordered either the whole or a 
portion of this brigade to their assistance, as I 
shall cheerfully obey any request, direction or order 
3^ou may give, to repair to Plattsburgh, or any 
other place, to assist in opposing the enemy, pro- 
tecting our territory and citizens, and in defending 
our country from invasion ; " and on the same day 
the Governor wrote Gen. Newell '*I do not consider 
mj'self authorized, either by the Constitution or 
laws under which we act and from which all our 
powers are derived, to order the militia out of the 
State, but considering the peculiar situation of the 
army at Plattsburgh, it was my desire that every 
aid, constitutionally in our power, should be 
afforded." On September 7th Col. Elias Fassett 
made a request to the Governor for a quantit^^ of 
ammunition that was at Yergennes, and the Gov- 
ernor gave him an order for the same, also strongly 
recommended to him to use every exertion to pro- 
cure such number of volunteers, from his brigade, 
as could immediately be induced to cross the lake 
to the assistance of the army at Plattsburgh. 

Gen. Samuel Strong, who w^as with the troops 
at Plattsburgh, wrote Governor Chittenden on 


September lOth, the day before the battle, that 
"from the best information I can obtain, the 
enemy are 8,000 or 9,000 strong, all regular 
troops, except a few. * * * I have been up the 
river (Saranac) this morning, five or six miles, 
v^rhich Y^^as lined with the enemy on the north side. 
Thej^ have made several attempts to cross, but 
without success. This is the line to be defended. 
I have ascertained to a certainty, the number of 
militia from Vermont now on the ground, well 
armed, is 1812 men ; from New York 700 ; regular 
troops under Gen. Macomb are 2000. We have 
strong expectations ot 2000 detached militia, or- 
dered out by Gen. Moore, arriving soon. * ^ * 
I hope 3^ou and your friends will send four or five 
thousand to our assistance as soon as possible, 
if you should think best. If not, we shall, if our 
courage holds out, keep close to them. Do not, 
sir, let my wish turn you, from correct principles, 
you have heretofore persued, as Governor of Ver- 

On Sept. 11, 1814, at 7 o'clock P. M. Gen. 
Strong wrote the Governor as follows: 

" Dear Sir,— We are now encamped, with 2500 
Vermont volunteers, on the south bank of the Sar- 
anac River, opposite the enemy's right wing, which 
is commanded by General Brisbane. We have had 
the satisfaction to see the British fleet strike to our 
brave Commodore Macdonough. The fort was 
attacked at the same time, the enemy attempting 
to cross the river at every place fordable for four 
miles up the river. But they were foiled at every 
attempt, except at Pike's encampment, where we 


now are. The New Ycrk militia are posted at this 
place, under Gens. Moore and Wright. The\' were 
forced to give back a few miles, until the3^ were 
reinforced by their artillery. The General informed 
me of his situation, and wished our assistance, 
which was readily afforded. We n:et the enemy, 
and drove him across the river, under cover of his 
artillerj'. Our loss is trifling. We took twenty or 
thirty prisoners. Their number of killed is not 
knoAvn. We ha^-e been skirmishing all da^^ on the 
river. This is the onh' place he crossed, and he 
has paid dear for that. I presume the enemy's 
force exceeds the number I wrote 3'ou. What will 
be our fate to-morrow, I know not, but am will- 
ing to risk the consequences attending it, being 
convinced of the bravery and skill of my officers 
and men. We are abundantly supplied with am- 
munition and provisions, from Gen. Macomb. I 
am, dear Sir, yours, with esteem, Samuel Strong. 

"His Excellency, Martin Chittenden. 

"If God permits, you shall hear from me again, 

As cautious and careful as Governor Chittenden 
was, respecting what he regarded his right and 
duty not to order the militia out of the State to be 
commanded b^^ United States officers, he called for 
volunteers, and his call was responded to, not only 
in the western counties, nearest the scene of con- 
flict, b\^ men who arrived in time to take part, but 
from central and eastern Vermont as well. Irre- 
spective of party, opinion or age, the people turned 
out — father and son, veterans of the Revolution 
and lads too 3'ouiig for military service — all pressed 


towards the lake. Had Prevost carried Platts- 
burgh and undertaken to winter at Ticonderoga, 
the Vermonters alone would have forced his army 
to surrender. Doubtless it was this apprehension 
of danger from the Green Mountain Boys, which 
filled the mind of Burgoyne in 1777, and the same 
apprehension induced Prevost to invade New 
York rather than Vermont. 

General Prevost on the 11th arranged his land 
forces in tw^o columns preparatory to the com- 
mencement of the action. One of the columns was 
stationed over the Saranac and the other in the vil- 
lage, ready to move whenever circumstances should 
demand. Such was the situation when the British 
fleet sailed into Plattsburgh Bay under Captain 
Downie where the^- found the United States squad- 
ron ready to meet them. The British opened their 
batteries b3^ land as soon as the engagement be- 
tween the fleets commenced. The main body of the 
British for ceattempted to cross the river in the 
rear of the fort near Pike's cantonment, which at- 
tempt, after a brave resistance from three hundred 
and fifty of the New York and Vermont volunteers, 
was effected, but on the arrival of Lieut. Sump- 
ter's artillerj^, the enemy made a precipitate re- 
treat. The rear of the retreating party were at- 
tacked by the Vermont volunteers who succeeded 
in capturing three officers and several privates. 
Five of the Americans were killed and and eight 
wounded. When the shouts of victory at half past 
eleven resounded through the American lines an- 
nouncing the result of the battle on the lake, the 
efforts of the enem}- were perceptably weaker. In 


the afternoon their entrenchments were deserted, 
and in the night succeeding, the enemy's whole 
force commenced a retreat to Canada. 

Commodore Alacdonough commanding the 
American Squadron made to the Secretary of the 
Xavy the following report Sept. 13, 1814, of his 
battle with the British fleet, viz : 

''I have the honor to give you the particulars 
of the action which took place on the 11th instant 
on this lake. For several days the enemy were on 
their wa^^ to Plattsburgh by land and water, and 
it being understood that an attack would be made 
at the same time b3' their land and naval forces, I 
determined to wait at anchor the approach of the 

"At 8 A. M. the lookout boat announced the 
approach of the enemy. At 9 he anchored in a line 
ahead, at about three hundred yards distance 
from my line; his ship opposed to the Saratoga, 
his brig to the Eagle, Capt. Robert Henlej^ his 
galleys, thirteen in number, to the schooner, sloop, 
and a division of our galle3^s ; one of his sloops 
assisting their ship and brig, the other assisting 
their galleys ; our remaining galle^^s with the Sara- 
toga and Eagle. In this situation, the whole 
force on both sides, became engaged, the Saratoga 
suffering much from the heavy fire of the Confiance. 
I could perceive, at the same time, however, that 
our fire was ver\^ destructive to her. The Ticon- 
deroga, Lieutenant Commandant Cassin, gallantly 
sustained her full share of the action. At half past 
ten o'clock, the Eagle, not being able to bring her 
guns to bear, cut her cable, and anchored in a 


more eligible position, between mv ship and the 
Ticonderoga, where she very much anno^^ed the 
enem3^ but unfortunately leaving me exposed to a 
galling fire from the enemy's brig. Our guns on 
the starboard side being nearh' all dismounted or 
not manageable, a stern anchor was let go, the 
bower cable cut, and the ship winded, with a fresh 
broadside on the enemy's ship, which soon after 
surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to 
bear on the brig, which surrendered in about fifteen 
minutes after. 

" The sloop that was opposed to the Eagle had 
struck sometime before, and drifted down the line ; 
the sloop w^hich was with their galleys having 
struck also ; three of their galleys are said to be 
sunk, the others pulled off. Our galleys were 
about obeying, with alacrit}', the signal to follow 
them, when all the vessels were reported to me to 
be in a sinking state ; it then became necessary to 
annul the signal to the galleys, and order their 
men to the pumps. I could only look at the 
enem^^'s galleys going off in a shattered condition, 
for there was not a mast in either squadron that 
would stand to make sail on ; the lower rigging, 
being nearly all shot away, hung down as though 
it had been just placed over the mast-heads. 

" The Saratoga had fiftA'-five round shot in her 
hull ; the Confiance one hundred and five. The 
enemy's shot passed principally- just over our 
heads, as there were not twenty whole hammocks 
in the nettings at the close of the action, which 
lasted, without intermission, two hcurs and 
twentv minutes. 


" The absence and sickness of Lieutenant Ray- 
mond Perr^' left me without the services of that 
excellent officer. Much fairly ought to be at- 
tributed to him for his great care and attention in 
disciplining the ship's crew, as her first lieutenant. 
His place was filled by a gallant young officer, 
Litutenant Peter Gamble, who, I regret to inform 
you, was killed early in the action. Acting Lieu- 
tenant Vallette worked the first and second divi- 
sions of guns, with able effect. Sailing Master 
Brum's attention to the springs, and in the execu- 
tion of the order to wind the ship, and occasionally 
at the guns, meets with m\^ entire approbation ; 
also Captain Young's, commanding the acting 
marines, who took his men to the guns. Mr. 
Beale, purser, was of great service at the guns, 
and in carrying m\' orders throughout the ship, 
with Midshipman Montgomery. Master's Mate 
Joshua Justin had command of the third division; 
his conduct during the action was that of a brave 
and correct officer. Midshipmen Monteath, Gra- 
ham, Williamson, Piatt, Thwing, and Acting Mid- 
shipman Baldwin, all behaved well, and gave evi- 
dence of their making valuable officers. 

*'The Saratoga was twice set on fire by hot 
shot from the enemy's ship. 

"I close, sir, this communication with feelings of 
gratitude for the able support I received from ever^- 
officer and man attached to the squadron which 
I have the honor to command." 

The Purser on board of the United States ship 
Saratoga September 13th, w^rote to Thomas Mac- 
donough commanding the United States Squadron 


that, "From the best information received from 
the British officers, from my own observations, 
and from various lists found on board the Confi- 
ance, I calculate the number of men on board of 
that ship, at the commencement of the action at 
270, of whom 180 at least were killed and w^ounded, 
and on board the other captured vessels, at least 
eighty more, making in the whole, killed and 
wounded, 260. This doubtless is short of the 
real number, as man3^ were thrown overboard 
from the Confiance during the engagement." The 
prisoners captured from the British were 27 officers, 
340 seamen and 47 wounded men paroled. The 
forces engaged was 86 guns and 820 men in the 
United States Squadron, and 95 guns and 1050 
men in the British Squadron. Measuring b^^ the 
size of the guns in pound balls the U. S. Squadron 
carried 2140 and the British 1880. This shows 
the British were superior in the number of guns 
and men, and the United States superior in the cal- 
ibre of the guns. 

Robert Henley commanding the United States 
Brig Eagle reported on September 14th, ''I am 
happ\' to inform 3'ou that all my officers and men 
acted bravely and did their dut3' in the battle of 
3'esterda3^ with the enem\\ We have thirty-nine 
round shot in our hull, (mosth^ twenty-four 
pounders,) four in our lower mastes, and were all 
peppered with grape." 

Stephen Cassin, Lieutenant Commandent of the 
U. S. Schooner Ticonderoga, reported to Macdon- 
ough Sept. 12th, ''It is with pleasure I state that 
everv officer and man under mv command 


did their duty yesterday'." The Americans in 
this naval engagement lost in killed 52 and 
wounded 58 men. The prize monev, distributed 
to the officers and men of the U. S. Squadron for 
the capture of the British vessels on Lake Cham- 
plain Sept. 11, 1814, amounted to $290,438.19; 
Macdonough received $22,807, and in addition 
to that Vermont and New York gave him farms ; 
so he said he became a wealthy man from a poor 

The Vermont volunteers poured in rapidlv to 
Plattsburgh down to and including the 11 Sept. 
and reported to Gen. Strong and not to Gen. 

Gen. Prevost after the battle did not remain 
to conduct the retreat of his army. As soon as 

the battle was over and before noon Prevost 


started for Canada with a small escort; he dated 
his report at Plattsburgh on the 11th but it was 
not written until he was safe in Montreal. 

Gen. Alexander Macomb's general order and 
report of the battle dated at Plattsburgh Sept. 14, 
1814, is as follows : 

"■ The Governor General of the Canadas, and 
Commander in Chief of the British forces in North 
America, having invaded the territories of the 
United States, with the avowed purpose of con- 
quering the country as far as Crown Point and 
Ticonderoga, there to winter his forces with a 
view to further conquest, brought with him a 
powerful army and flotilla. An army amounting 
to fourteen thousand men completely equipped and 
accompanied by a numerous train of artillery, and 


all the engines of war — men who had conquered in 
France, Spain, Portuo:al, the Indies, and in various 
other parts of the globe — and led by the most dis- 
tinguished General of the British army ; a flotilla 
also, superior to ours in vessels, men, and guns, 
had determined at once to crush us both by land 
and water. 

" The Governor General, after boasting of what 
he would do, and endeavoring to dissuade the 
loyal inhabitants of the United States from their 
allegiance by threats and promises, as set forth in 
his proclamation and orders, fixed his headquarters 
at the village of Champlain, to organize his army 
and to settle the gOA^ernment of his intended con- 
quests. On the second day of the month he 
marched from Champlain, and on the 6th ap- 
peared before the village of Plattsburgh with his 
whole arm}^ and the 11th, the day fixed for the 
general attack, the flotilla arrived. 

"The enemy's flotilla at 8 a. m. passed Cum- 
berland Head, and at 9 a. m. engaged our flotilla, 
at anchor in the bay of the town, fully confident 
of crushing in an instant the whole of our naval 
force; but the gallant Commodore Macdonough, 
in the short space of two hours, obliged the large 
vessels to strike their colors, whilst the galWs 
saved themselves by flight. This glorious achieve- 
ment was in full view of the several forts, and the 
American forces had the satisfaction of witnessing 
the victory. The British army was also posted on 
the surrounding heights, so that it could not but 
behold the interesting struggle for dominion on the 


" At the same time the fleets engaged, the enemy 
opened his batteries on our forts, throwing hun- 
dreds of shells, balls, and rockets, and attempted 
at the same time to cross the Saranac, at three 
different points, to assault the works. At the 
upper ford he w- as met b^^ the militia and volun- 
teers, and after repeated attempts, was driven 
back with considerable loss in killed, wounded, 
and prisoners. At the bridge, near the village, he 
was repulsed by the pickets and the brave riflemen 
under Captain Grosvenor and Lieutenants Hamil- 
ton and Riley, and at the bridge in the town he 
was foiled by the guards, block-houses, and the 
artillerv of the forts, served by Capt. Alexander 
S. Brooks, Captains Richards and Smith, and 
Lieuts. Mountford, Smyth and Cromwell. The 
enemy's fire w^as returned with effect from our bat- 
teries, and by sunset we had the satisfsction to 
silence seven batteries which he had erected, and 
see his column returning to their camp, beyond the 
reach of our guns.. 

" Thus beaten, by land and by w^ater, the Gov- 
ernor General withdrew his artillery and raised 
the siege at 10 o'clock at night, sent off his heavy 
baggage, and under cover of the darkness, returned 
with his whole army towards Canada ; leaving his 
wounded on the field, and a great quantity of 
bread, flonr, and beef, which he had not time to 
destroy, besides a quantit3^ of bomb-shells, flints, 
and ammunition of all kinds, which remain at the 
batteries, and concealed in ponds and rivers. As 
soon as his retreat w'as discovered, the light troops, 
volunteers, and militia were in pursuit and followed 


as far Chazj, capturing several dragoons and 
soldiers, besides covering the escapes of hundreds 
of deserters, who continue still to be coming in. 
A violent storm and continual fall of rain prevented 
the brave volunteers and militia from further pur- 

''Thus have the attempts of the invader been 
frustrated b\^ a regular force of only 1500 men, a 
brave and active body of militia of the State of 
New York under Gen. Moore, and volunteers of 
the respectable and patriotic citizens of Vermont, 
led by General Strong and other gentlemen of dis- 
tinction. The whole not exceeding 2500 men. 

" The British force being either expelled or cap- 
tured, the services of the volunteers and militia 
ma3' be dispensed with. General Macomb cannot, 
however, permit the miHtia of New York and the 
volunteers of Vermont to depart without car- 
r3ang with them the highest sense he entertains 
for their merit. The zeal with which they came 
forward in defence of the country when the signal 
of danger was given by their Generals, reflects the 
highest lustre on their patriotism and spirit. Their 
conduct in the field has corresponded with the 
laudable motives which led them into it. They 
have deserved the esteem of their fellow citizens 
and the warm commendation of their commander. 
They have exemplified how speedly American citi- 
zens can be prepared to meet the enemies of their 
country. In testifying his sense of the merits of 
the troops, the General cannot but express his sor- 
row and regret for the loss of some brave and vir- 
tuous citizens, and for those who have been 


wounded ; the loss will no doubt be keen!}- felt by 
their friends and countrymen, but, at the same 
time, will be borne with that fortitude and resig- 
nation which become good citizens and good 

"The afiection of the General will accompany 
his brave associates in arms wheresoever they niav 
go, nor will anything give him more pleasure than 
opportunities of testifying to them individually, 
by actions as well as words, the high regard he 
cherishes for them. 

" The General, in the name of the United States, 
thanks the volunteers and militia for their distin- 
guished services, and wishes them a happy return 
to their families and friends." 

The American loss upon land from September, 
6th, to and including the 11th was 37 killed, 62 
wounded, and 20 missing: the British loss includ- 
ing deserters was not less than twenty-five hun- 
dred. The British vessels bore as ballast, cannon 
and other munitions of war, and winter clothing 
for the arm^^, and if their squadron had been vic- 
torious, they doubtless would have attempted to 
winter at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, but if 
the attempt had been made, there are reasonable 
grounds to believe, a greater disaster would have 
befallen them. 

" Among the many acts of valour performed by 
the Vermont volunteers, we notice the following 
brave exploit : The inhabitants of Orwell, to the 
amount of two hundred and forty, had marched, 
on the first report of approaching danger, to 
Plattsburgh, and tendered their services to the 


Commanding General. Among this number was 
a small but a brave corps of cavalry of about 
twenty men, raised principally through the exer- 
tions of Captain A. Scovell of Orwell, and Cap- 
tain [probabl3' Barnard] Ketchum of Sudbury, in 
which many distinguished citizens were enrolled. 
The corps selected for their commander Captain 
Scovell; and on their arrival at Plattsburgh, find- 
ing the enemy had decamped, they did not wait 
for general orders, or to be joined by other forces, 
but pursued the enem3^ surprised his rear guard at 
Chaz3', captured seven dragoons with their horses 
and equipments, took the contents of two bag- 
gage wagons, and returned with the loss of only 
one horse killed." 

Although the plan of the British campaign of 
1814, at least, so far as the invasion of Northeast- 
ern New York and Vermont was concerned, had 
utterly failed, still there was a large British army 
hovering on the frontier of those States which 
might be used for an invasion by land, consequently 
the militia and people of Vermont were warned 
b3' the situation and b3' the proclamation of Gov- 
ernor Chittenden to be in constant readiness for 
defence if an invasion was determined upon. The 
attitude of the Federal party in Vermont that was 
at the commencement of the war against its pros- 
ecution, had to a considerable extent changed, and 
there was a united feeling for its prosecution. And 
Governor Chittenden in his proclamation of Sept. 
19, 1814, stated,— 

"Whereas it appears that the war, in which our 
countr3^ is unfortunately engaged, has assumed an 


entire!}' different character since its first commence- 
ment, and has become almost exclusively defensive, 
and is prosecuted by the enemy with a spirit un- 
exampled during pending negotiations for peace, 
which leaves no prospect of safety but in a manly 
and united determination to meet invasion at 
every point, and to expel the invader : 

" And whereas, notwithstanding the signal and 
glorious naval victory lately achieved b}^ our gal- 
lant Commodore Macdonough and his brave sea- 
men, over a superior British naval force on Lake 
Champlain, and a like discomfiture of the enemy's 
whole land force, concentrated at Plattsburgh, by 
General Macomb's small butvaliant band of regu- 
lar troops, aided and powerfulh^ supported by 
our patriotic, virtuous, and brave volunteers, who 
flew to meet the invader with an alertness and 
spirit unexampled in this or any other countr}^ — 
it is made known to me, that the British army is 
still on the frontier of our sister State, collecting 
and concentrating a powerful lorce indicating fur- 
ther operations of aggression : 

'^And whereas the conflict has become a com- 
mon, and not a party concern, the time has now 
arrived when all degrading party distinctions and 
animosities, however we may have differed re- 
specting the policy of declaring, or mode of prose- 
cuting the war, ought to be laid aside ; that every 
heart may be stimulated, and every arm nerved, 
for the protection of our common country, our 
liberty, our altars, and our firesides— in the defence 
of which we may, with a humble confidence, look 
to Heaven for assistance and protection : " 


He therefore as Governor and Commander-in- 
Chief in and over the State of Vermont, exhorted 
all the good people of the State to unite in defence 
of our common interest and everything dear to 
freemen; and enjoined upon all the officers of the 
militia to exert themselves in placing those under 
their command in a complete state of readiness to 
march at a moment's warning to meet any inva- 
sion which might be attempted, and to chastise 
and expel the invader; and even called upon those 
who w^ere exempt from militar_v duty to organize, 
equip and stand in readiness to meet the then ap- 
proaching crisis; and recommended to the select- 
men and civil authorities of towns to be vigilant 
is providing ammunition and in affording such as- 
sistance to the militia as their situation might 

Early in the winter of 1814-15, great prepara- 
tions were made in Canada for a winter campaign, 
in sleighs with a view of destroying the American 
squadron, at Whitehall. All subjects of the United 
States, by order, were required to leave Canada 
forthwith, and communication b3^ way of L'Acadie 
woods and Missisquoi Bay was cut off. The Brit- 
ish army at that time, on the border was repre- 
sented to be sixteen thousand men with an immense 
train of heavy artillery- mounted on sleighs. In 
view of this situation Gen. Strong from Vergennes 
on Jan. 9, 1815, issued a general order, setting 
forth in substance that an invasion was probable, 
which rendered it highlv important that the mili- 
tia be prepared for a short winter's campaign; 
and everv one must be aware, that to ourselves 


alone we are to look for security and defence. 
After detailing the duties of the commanders of 
companies and of the selectmen of towns in get- 
ting read^^ for active service, said in his order, " It 
is not to be expected that, if the enemy invades us 
again, they will by proclamation and slow marches 
forewarn us of their approach. Sad experience 
must have taught them wisdom. Let it not be 
said that they caught us slumbering. ' ' The several 
brigades in the State held themselves in readiness 
to march at the shortest possible notice ; and 
numerous companies of volunteers through the 
State were formed. And on March 10, 1815, the 
Governor in commending them for their prompt- 
ness, said "You will,my Fellow Citizens, be pleased 
to accept m\' grateful thanks for the respect you 
have paid me in organizing, equipping, and offer- 
ing 3^our services under ray command. The evi- 
dence 3^ou have given of j^our readiness to place 
yourselves between our enemies and the s.afety of 
our countr^^ affords me perfect assurance that, had 
our services been demanded, I should have found 
j'our foremost in the field of danger. Nor have 
3^our expectations been in vain — 3^our patriotic 
example is of public utility, and an honor to the 
several towns to which 3^ou belong." The ex- 
pected invasion was not made. 

On Feb. 17, 1815, while the victory at New Or- 
leans was animating the feelings of the Americans, 
the welcome tidings of a treaty of peace, executed 
at Ghent on the 24th of December, 1814, was 
brought to America and ratified. Actual war con- 
tinued for some time after the treat}- was signed 


at Ghent before that event was kno wn in America 
as no rapid way of communication across the 
ocean was then knowm. The battle at New^ Or- 
leans under Gen. Jackson w^as fought after that 
treaty was signed at Ghent. 

In 1817, the Legislature of New York voted 
that a sw^ord be presented to Maj. General Samuel 
Strong in consideration of his services rendered by 
him at Plattsburgh in 1814. The sw^ord was pre- 
sented to him at Vergennes on June 26, 1817, by 
a committee appointed by the Lieutenant Gover- 
nor of that State. The committee in presenting 
the sword said in part: " We are not unmindful 
that, uninfluenced by local considerations, with no 
motives but the love of country— no prospect of 
fame except at the sacrifice of your life— no interest 
but a sense of duty— and, notwithstanding every 
discouragement, you. Sir volunteered in defense of 
a sister State. The act wall be remembered by 
that people with gratitude. Accept, Sir, this 
sword. It is the gift of a free people to a free man. 
It bears on its hilt the service of a Herculean 
Mountaineer, crushing in his arms the British 
Lion. It will be as a memento for your sons to 
imitate your example, and excite them to deeds of 
glory. It is given not as a rew^ard but as a pledge, 
which the State of New York will redeem when 
occasion shall present itself." To this presentation 
and address Strong made a happy and appropri- 
ate response. 

Governor Martin Chittenden in his speech to 
the Legislature in 1814, speaking of the war said, 
•'By it the enemv have been taught a useful, 


although mortifying lesson, that the soil of Free- 
men will not bear the tread of hostile feet with 

"At the same time it reflects the highest honor 
on the patriotism, spirit and valor, of our fellow 
citizens, who, without distinction of age, charac- 
ter or partv, were ready to brave danger, in its 
most formidable appearance, for the defence of our 
countr3^ And it w^ould seem, that it ought to 
palsy the tongue of slander — every desirable object 
having been secured, and in a manner the least 
burthensome and offensive to the feelings of a free 
and enlightened people. 

"Much is due to Gen. Stkoxg, and our brave 
volunteers ; and I am requested by the Secretary 
of War to present them the thanks of the general 
government 'for their prompt succor and gallant 
conduct in the late critical state of this frontier.' 

"I should do injustice to my own feelings, as well 
as violence to ever\^ correct principle, were I to 
refrain from testif34ng the high sense which I en- 
tertain of the brilliant achievement of Commodore 
Macdonough, and his intrepid associates, on Lake 
Champlain, over a far superior naval force— an 
achievement which renders all encomium feeble 
and inadequate. 

"I should likewise do injustice, if I should neg- 
lect to notice the cool, perserving, and brave con- 
duct of Brig. Gen. Macomb, and his alike brave 
associates in arms, in the discomfiture of a greatly 
superior force of veteran troops, commanded by 
experienced officers. 

" These glorious achievements are not surpassed 


in the records of naval and military warfare. New 
lustre is added to the national character. But the 
effects are more immediately^ experienced by the 
northern sections of the States of Vermont and 
New York." 

The Legislature expressed their thanks by vote, 
to Generals Macomb and Strong and to Commo- 
dore Macdonough and to other officers, seamen, 
and soldiers, and the high sense that body enter- 
tained of their valor and public spirit, and their 
meritorious services rendered in repelling the inva- 
sion by the British troops and the British squad- 
ron in September 1814. 

Macdonough was a religious as well as a brave 
man. He made a most appropriate prayer over 
those who fell in battle on September 11th, con- 
nected with the squadron under his command. At 
the moment the British were bearing down on him 
just before the firing commenced, an officer asked 
permission of the Commodore to issue an extra 
ration of grog to the men. He repHed, "No, my 
men shall go cool into action, excited by no stim- 
ulus except their native valor." 

The thanks of the general government were 
given to the brave and patriotic citizens of Ver- 
mont, for their prompt succor and gallant conduct 
in the war in the critical period on the frontier. 

At the October session of the Legislature of 1814, 
an act was passed granting to Commodore Mac- 
donough a farm belonging to Vermont and Wing 
upon Cumberland Head and in full view of the 


place of his uaval victorious contest with the Brit- 
ish Squadron. 

At the ratification of the treaty signed at Ghent 
the tumults of war ceased, the gloom that over- 
hung our land disappeared and our soldiers were 
converted into citizens, and the implements of war 
into instruments of husbandry; and the people 
were glad to hear the peaceful hum of business 
instead of the tramp of soldiers, the roar of can- 
non and the trumpet of war. 

While Henry Clay one of the American Com- 
missioners, was on a tour through the Netherlands, 
a British Commissioner forwarded to him at Brus- 
sels a London newspaper, containing the official 
account of the destruction of the public buildings 
at Washington City by the British, with an apol- 
ogy suitable to the occasion. Mr. Clay had just 
received a Paris Journal bearing the news of the 
victories at Plattsburgh, and he hastened to send 
it to his British friend with a like apolog\^ 

We cannot better bring this chapter to a close 
than to give to the reader the lines that were sug- 
gested by the successful manoeuvre of the Saratoga 
at the turning point of the battle on the lake the 
11th of September 1814. Just as the American 
Squadron was going into action, the Commodore 
displayed this signal : " Impress'd seaman call on 
every man to do his duty," w^hich excited in every 
bosom an enthusiastic ardor that would not be 
defeated. The lines were from one who served on 
the vessel, to his father who had been in the victori- 
ous battle of 1777, on the field of Saratoga, and 
written Sept. 13, 1814, and were as follows: viz. 


" Dear Dad— I oft have heard you tell 
How many fought, how manv'fell, 
And how the foe you drubbed well, 

On the plains of Saratoga. 
I'ts now my turn with pride to boast, 
We conquered Britain's warlike host ; 
On Champlain's lake we rule the roast, 

On board the Saratoga. 

At 9 A. M. on Sunday- morn 
The mighty foe approached in form, 
And viewed us with contempt and scorn 
On board the Saratoga. 

How frequently I've heard you say. 
That those who fight ought oft to pray : 
Our Commodore did both that day 
On board the Saratoga. 

Then with the Christian's hope we fought, 
Nor ought of fear or danger thought, 
But death or victorv we sought 
On board the Saratoga. 

The battle rag'd for near three hours, 
When aided by the Almight\' powers 
We claim'd the enemy as ours 
On board the Saratoga. 

O had 3'ou seen the sore dismay 
Of poor Sir George, who ran away, 
And bitterh' he curs'd the da^- 
He saw the Saratoga. 

Then brave Macomb hung on his rear. 
For our firesides we've naught to fear 
Whilst heroes to their country dear 
Command our forts, our vessels steer; 
Success will still crown their career, 
And Sailor's Rights, and Free Trade's cheer, 
Shall be extended far and near. 
Whilst Patriots yet unborn shall hear 
The fame of the Saratoga. 


And now let Saratoga's name 

Be niched in th}^ temple's fame ; 

By land or water be it bless'd, 

By all admired, b^- all confess'd, 

And while for Gates the harp's unstrung, 

Macdonough's glor^^ shall be sung, 

For he the British Lion stung 

On board the Sarato2:a." 



The Cognawaga Indians have pressed a claim 
against Vermont since 1798, from time to time till 
1874, of about ninety thousand dollars for more 
than two million of acres of land. It will not be 
the purpose of the writer especially to investigate 
the title of the Indians to these lands or to report 
on the validity of their claim, but rather to give a 
history of their claim and the presentation of the 
same to the State for allowance and the result of 
the action of the State respecting those claims. 
The Cognawaga tribe was a branch of the Iro- 
quois. The Iroquois, were originally a single tribe 
residing in Montreal and vicinity, in subjection to 
theAdirondacks and subsequently entered upon the 
lands of New York, and became five tribes, to wit, 
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and 
Senecas. To these were added the Tuscaroras in 
the 3^ear 1712. From that time the Iroquois were 
called and recognized as the Six Nations. Accord- 
ing to their own tradition they resided on the St. 
Lawrence as far down as Gaspee, but were driven 
back South of Lake Ontario by the Algonquin 
tribes. From this it may be inferred that those 



found b^' Cartier at Montreal in 1534, were really 
Iroquois. When the French recovered Canada in 
1632, the\' found the Iroquois dominant. Hostil- 
ities were kept up much of the time between the 
Iroquois and the French till 1691. In the wars 
between England and France which deprived the 
latter of Canada, the Iroquois were generally neu- 
tral, but thev were not peaceful. The western 
Iroquois took the part of England in her war with 
the United States, while the French Iroquois in 
Canada were inclined to the cause of the United 

The claims of the Indians for compensation for 
their hunting grounds was not made by the Iro- 
quois of New York but b^- an off-shoot of that 
tribe, the Cognawagas who had abandoned all 
their rights with the Iroquois of New York about 
the year of 1789, and man3^ of them had joined 
their enemies the French before that time. The 
claimants admitted at some of the hearings on 
their claim that some of their ancestors became 
allies of the French as early as 1660, and there 
was evidence that others of the Cognawagas be- 
came so in the ^-ears 1671, 1720, and 1749. It is 
certain that the Cognawagas as a tribe could not 
have acquired any distinct rights in Vermont lands 
after 1789, as Vermont had been almost wholly 
covered with grants to and actuallv occupied b\' 
the people of Vermont before that date. If any 
bod^' of Indians were entitled to compensation for 
lands in Western Vermont, it would have been the 
original tribe of the Iroquois and not those who 
separated from the tribe; besides, those that sepa- 


rated from the main body were not deserving. 
For many years after the Cognawaga and other 
Indians who are the claimants against Vermont, 
abandoned the Iroquois League in New York and 
became allies of the French, the Iroquois League 
waged incessant war upon the French and all their 
allies. Western Vermont, and Lake Champlain es- 
pecially, was then the w^ar path of the Iroquois in 
their raids upon Canada, and it was not possible 
that any Indians, in alliance with the French, 
could have used Western Vermont as a hunting 
ground, except to a very limited degree and on 
rare occasions; certainh^ not to such a degree as to 
give them an exclusive title. 

The Iroquois proper did not live entirely by 
hunting; they were not without civilization. They 
had an original system of government, somewhat 
like that of the American Confederation of States; 
they dwelt in permanent villages; they had castles 
for defense ; and they were an agricultural people 
to the extent of raising corn, squashes, and beans, 
but relying upon fish and the proceeds of the chase 
for meat. Honorable E. P. V/alton stated in a note 
in the "Governor and Council" that, "The Iroquois 
in New York were allies of the King of England un- 
til the treaty of 1783 ; while the Cognawaga Iro- 
quois admit that they were allies of the King of 
France until 1763, and have been allies of the 
Crown of England ever since that date. And that 
seventeen of the Vermont towns, covered by the 
Cognawaga claim, were granted by the King of 
England, previous to the surrender of the French 
possession to England, Feb. 10, 1763, and while 


the Cognawagas were allies of France and en- 
gaged in fighting the English." 

In 1798 five of the Indian Chiefs made applica- 
tion to Governor Isaac Tichenor to be heard on 
their claim to Vermont lands; the\' were intro- 
duced to the Governor by the High Sherift' at the 
city of Vergennes. On that introduction Unowee 
Goodstream, the Chief of the Cognawaga tribe, 
delivered the following talk : viz., 

"Great Friends, — we had the luck to come so 
far from the great Council fire of our own nation, 
to tell you of the J03' we have to talk with Hon- 
orable Governor of the Great Father of Vermont. 

Great Friends, — We wish the great Chiefs of the 
Council happiness. 

Great Friend, and Friends, — Since we have 
come so far to speak to the great Council of Ver- 
mont, in their big Wigwam in the city of Ver- 
gennes, we hope we shall be heard with attention. 

Big Fathers, — I who now speak to you am 
Chief of the Cognawaga Indians. I hope you will 
hear me on behalf of my whole nation. May the 
Great Spirit brighten the chain of friendship be- 
tween our tribes; may the pathway between us be 
kept so plain as that a little child may find it when 
the Sun is asleep in his blanket under the western 
w^aters." They then presented a letter from Meld 
Woolse3^ bearing date at Cumberland Head, Oct. 6, 
1798, in which he stated that he was called on by 
a deputation of seven Chiefs of the Seven Nations 
of lower Canada to give them a letter of introduc- 
tion to the Governor, and he stated that these 
Chiefs are of the first respectability^ among their 


own people, and are now proceeding to attend the 
Legislature of the State. They have some claims 
similar to those made on the State of New York 
that were extinguished at a treaty- between them 
and New York. 

The Governor sent a message to the House call- 
ing the attention of the Assembly to claims of 
those Indians. The Claim of the Seven Nations for 
hunting lands were quite extensive and were de- 
scribed as follows, "Begining on the East side of 
Ticonderoga, from thence to the great Falls on the 
Otter Creek, and continues the same course to the 
height ot land, that divides the streams between 
Lake Champlain and the river Connecticut; from 
thence along the height of lands to opposite Mis- 
sisquoi and then down to the Ba3\" They claimed 
this land belonged to them and they asked Ver- 
mont to settle for the same. Certain questions were 
submitted by the Governor to them to answer. 
Thereupon on October 18, 1798, they appeared 
before the Governor with their Agent, Mr. Fraser, 
and read the following document, — 

"Great Brother: You require how the lands 
w^hich we claim became ours, to which we answer 
that it was given to our forefathers by the su- 
preme spirit for our inheritance, together with the 
w^ild beasts for their food, and the skins thereof 
for their clothing; from* our forefathers it descend- 
ed to their children, and as the^^ have not sold nor 
given it to an^- one it remains our proper inheri- 

''Brother: Our claim is equitable, we hope 3'ou 
will therefore consider it and do us justice. You 


inquire who were our neio^hbors, to which we 
answer, that on the south west were the Stock- 
bridges, and on the northeast by the Abenakees of 
St. Francois, of whom you may enquire as to th^ 
justice of our claims, and also of our brothers, the 
white people of Canada. 

^^ Brother, Our desire is to make an amicable 
settlement, so that if any of 3'our people should 
come amongst us we ma\' feel tow^ard them as 
brothers, who have used us well; and if an3^ of us 
should happen amoungst your people we wish to 
be considered as brothers in friendship. 

^'Brother: As our demand is unexpected to you, 
should 3^ou w4sh to delay, ior the purpose of in- 
forming jyourself, it will be very agreeable to us, 
for all we want is justice; but at all events we 
have to request that you will return us an answer 
in writing to this and the papers w^e have handed 
as soon as convenient, for the purj)ose of showing 
to the Grand Chiefs of the Seven Nations of Lower 
Canada, and we wish you to take copies of the pa- 
pers w^hich W'C have heretofore handed, and return 
to us the originals. Should you wish for any fur- 
ther information of us, w^e will endeavar to give it 
to you. Mean time I remain with sincere wishes 
of welfare to yourself and family, great brother, 
Your most obedient humble servant. Honasio' 
Orator for the Seven Nations/' 

"The Governor inquired of the chiefs, whether 
their ancestors, the Cognowagahs, w^ere not an- 
ciently of the Seven Nations of Indians?" 

Ans. That was an old affair, the\' however be- 
lieved it w^as so. 



Ones. Did they not separate iVoni the Confeder- 
acy in the wars between the Kings of England and 
France? And did they not remove into Canada 
and join the King of France in all his wars against 
the King of England? 

Ans. They acknowledged it was so, but were 
ignorant of its consequences, and were enticed 
from their lands by the French. 

Cues. The Governor asked them if they had any 
evidence of a settlement with the state of New 
York, as stated in Mr. Woolsey's letter. 

Ans. The chief replied they had papers which 
would show a settlement with New York, but 
supposed it unnecessary to bring them to a differ- 
ent state and had left them at home. 

The Governor informed the Chiefs that he would 
lay their matters before his brethren, the Legisla- 
ture. The subject matter w^as refered by the Legis- 
lative to an able committee, who reported that 
while the committee were of the opinion that the 
Indians have had aclaim to the land, by a title 
arising from an agreement entered into with other 
nations, the aborigines of this country, they could 
not ascertain whether that title had been extin- 
guished, and that the committee were of the opin- 
ion that no settlement could be made with those 
Indians respecting those land claims by the Legis- 
lature without the permission of the United States, 
as the Act of Congress passed July 22, 1790, de- 
clared "that no sale of land made by Indians, or 
any nation or tribe of Indians within the United- 
States, shall be valid to any person or persons, or 
to an\^ State, whether having the right of preemp- 


tion to such lands or not, unless the same shall be 
made and duh^ executed at some public treaty, held 
under the authont\^ of the United States." But 
the Legislature by an act passed Nov. 5, 1798, au- 
thorized the Governor to make the Indians a pres- 
ent of one hundred dollars and also procure infor- 
mation of the nature of their settlement with New- 
York for their claim against that State, and inves- 
tigate their claim to lands in the State of Vermont. 
The Governor paid the Indians the one hundred 

Governor Tichenor at the October Session made 
a report to the Legislature as follows: — 

"I cannot learn that the state of New York 
was governed so much b3^ a principle of justice, 
as policy, in the compensation made b}^ them, in 
their late treat}" with these people. The claims of 
the Indians to lands in the state of New^ York, 
and for which they received a compensation from 
that goverment, I conceive to be somewhat vari- 
ant from their claims to lands in this state. The 
greater part of our lands was granted b\" the 
King of England, without any express reservation 
of an Indian claim; while the lands in New York 
were principally vacant, and the hunting ground 
of the claimants. 

"It has not been in ni}" power to obtain any 
documents that would give an\" accurate inform- 
ation of the ancient claim of these Indians to the 
lands in question, but from the long and settled 
usage and principles which have governed na- 
tions in similar cases, I conceive their right, what- 
ever it mav have been, extinguished. 


•'These Indians, the Cognawagahs, are ancient- 
ly of the confederacy- called the five [subsequently- 
six Iroquois] nations; which confederacy, or some 
nation of that confederacy, might have once had a 
good right to the territory now claimed. 

"In the former wars, between the English and 
French, while the English King held the gover- 
mentsofthis country, it is believed the Cogna- 
w-aghas separated from the confederacy, removed 
into Canada, put themselves under the French, 
and joined their fortunes with the French King in 
his wars with the English; the latter being victor- 
ious conquered the French, and all their allies in 
this countr_v and in Canada; upon which the 
whole country was yielded to the English, in 
right of conquest. 

"The treaty which terminated that w^ar, and 
which was made for all those who were united 
with the French, or were inhabitants or held 
rights in the province of Canada, reserved certain 
rights and privileges, to all the conquered people 
of that province. Their rights, so reserved, were 
considered to extend beyond the limits of that 
province; in this the Indians acquiesced, for and 
during all the time the English were in the pos- 
session and goverment of this countrv. It is also 
believed that the Indians never caused the voice of 
their claims to be heard, respecting these lands, 
during the existence of this goverment, or at any 
period since the conquest, or since the grant of 
these lands by his Britannic majesty. 

'T may also add, that in the year 1775, when 
the King of England who had granted these 


lands, made war upon this country, these Indians 
were his allies in that war, and thereby subjected 
themselves and interest to its consequences. The 
people of the United States were victorious, and 
the King of England by treaty, yielded to the 
United States all the lands to the south of Can- 
ada. Thus, in my view, the claims of the Indians 
have been extinguished." 

This report was referred to a committee, who 
reported to the House that the claims of the Chiefs 
of the seven nations of Indians of Lower Canada 
were not founded in justice or equity and the 
House accepted the report, and resolved that they 
were fully of the opinion that the claim of the In- 
dians "if it ever did exist, has long since been done 
away and become extinct, in consequence of the 
treaty of peace in 1763, between the King of 
Great Britain and the French King; and the treaty 
of peace between the King of Great Britain and 
the United States, of which this is a part, in the 
3'ear 1783, and that the said Indians have now no 
real claim, either in justice or equity." At the Oc- 
tober Session of the Legislature of 1800, the Gov- 
ernor reported that he had informed the Indians 
of the action of the Legislature and endeavored to 
explain to them the reason why the Legislature 
decided against the justice of their claim, and said 
he was well persuaded that they w^ill not trouble 
the Legislature in future. But in this prediction 
the Governor was mistaken, for at the October 
Session of the Legislature in 1812, the following 
Memorial was communicated to the Legislature by 
Lieut. Gov. Brigham in the absence of Gov. 
Galusha: viz, 


"'Most Honorable Brother: We, the Chiefs of 
the Iroquois or Cognahwaghah nation, in mutual 
council, agreed to send the following speech to 
our great brother, the Governor of the State of 

''Most Honorable Brother: We, the Chiefs of 
the Iroquois nation, do now, in behalf of the 
whole nation, speak to 3'ou and others who are 
now sitting with you in the Great Council House. 

"'Most Excellent Brother, now attend! — We, 
the red people, have inhabited ^ind owned this is- 
land [America] from the time of immemorial. Our 
land extended from rising to the setting sun, and 
from the cold region of the North to the hot 
climes of the South. The Great Spirit above m.ade 
it, and gave it to the Indians for their use. He 
created various kinds of animals for our food and 
their skins served us for clothing. He scattered 
them over this extensive countr}^ and taught us 
how^ to kill them. He made the earth to produce 
Indian corn for bread. He made also the innumer- 
able inhabitants in the great waters to run up 
and dowm in our rivers, and taught us how to 
catch them. The Great Spirit created all these for 
the use of his red children because he lOved them. 
Great Brother, continue to listen! When 3'our an- 
cestors crossed the great lake [the Atlantic Ocean] 
and landed on this Western island, they were poor 
and few^ in number. Our fathers had compassion on 
them, and protected them. T\iQy told our fathers 
the^^ had fled from their own countr\^ for fear of 
wicked men, and had come here to enjoA' their 
religion. They asked for a small tract of land. We, 


the red people, gave them a seat, and the\' sat 
down among us. We instructed the manner of 
painting and dressing the Indian corn. We carried 
them upon our backs through rivers and waters, 
and when an\' of them or their children were lost 
in the woods, and in danger of perishing with 
hunger or cold, we carried them to our wigwams, 
fed them, and restored them to their parents and 
friends. We gave them corn and meat when pinch- 
ed with famine. We relieved their distresses, and 
prevented their perishing in a strange land. 

*'Thus 3^ou see, Brother, when your ancestors 
came into our country-, you did not find us ene- 
mies — but friends. Great Brother, you have now 
become a great people, but we are decreased and 
now smaller in comparison to what we once were. 
Your territory has become to be very large now, 
and we poor Indians have scarcely a place left to 
spread our blankets. You have got our country-, 
and now what shall we say? We say, brother, in 
truth we are distressed on account of it. You have 
settled where we formerly caught moose deer and 
bears — and now we hardly know where to go to 
find them. 

*'Most excellent Brother, we would now once 
more request you to continue to listen. We would 
now remind you that in the year 1798 we met 
you at 3'our council fire, and we then requested 
you that 3'ou would give us something in compen- 
sation annuall\% for our land, which 3^ou have 
taken possession of. But our Brother, who was 
then Governor in Yermout, said that in justice 
and equitv the lands we claimed did not belong to 


US. He required us to exhibit documents as proofs 
that the land which was then claimed did belong 
to us — and this he well knew we could not do — as 
you well know, Brother, w^e are destitute of writ- 
ings, records, and history. With us, to preserve 
the memory of our public affairs and transactions, 
we depend upon our most aged men to keep them 
in their head and mind. He also required us to fur- 
nish the necessar\^ documents authorizing the 
State of Vermont to trade w4th us. This he also 
w^ell knew' , we were totally ignorant where to go 
to find the necessary documents for the State of 
Vermont to treat with us. 

*'We would now speak a few words to the 
honorable Representatives of the] people of Ver- 

"Brethren and friends: The land we now claim 
never was purchased of us either by the French or 
English, and w^e never sold it nor was it ever con- 
quered by our Indian brethern, but it has always 
been in our hands, and when you made settle- 
ments upon it, w^e considered then it belonged to 
us. And now "Injustice and equit\^ it does not be- 
long to us!" Yes, brethern, we believe it belongs 
to us, and we shall claim it as long as the sun 
rolls from the East to the West. In the j^ear 1683 
our ancestors had a considerable dispute as to the 
boundary line of the land, which we now claim, 
with the eastern Indians. A French Jesuit, w^ho 
was well acquainted of our claim, wrote the fol- 
lowing paragraph to Governor Dongan, of New- 
York: "The Iroquois, of the Sault St. Louis or 
Cognawagahah, have alwa3'S claimed the country 


lying in the East side of Lac de Champlain." The 
boundary line is as follows, viz: beginning at the 
head of Lac de [Champlain [Lake George] running 
thence east up to the heights of the great moun- 
tain, thence north to the Fort Chamblee." Thus 
3'ou see, brethren, the Jesuit makes it appear that 
our ancestors have always claimed the land where 
you now live, and much larger than we do now. 
We claim as follows : " Beginning on the east side 
of Ticonderoga, from thence to the great falls on 
Otter Creek [Sutherland's Falls,] and continues 
the same course to the height of land that divides 
the streams between Lake Champlain and Con- 
necticut river, from thence along the heights of 
land opposite Missisquoi, and down to the Bay: " 
that is the land which we claim. 

" Now brethren and friends, we do not ask 
you, that you must give us so much. No, far from 
that, for we know that 3^ou and the brethren in 
Vermont are generous and kind. We also know, 
that you will do justice to a nation who has been, 
and is now, much abused and despised — a nation, 
who have been cheated and driven from their an- 
cient settlements. We do hope and pray to the 
Great Spirit, that the great governor, the honor- 
able representatives and the good people in Ver- 
mont will have compassion on their red brethren 
and give them something annually in compen- 
sation for their land. 

*' Most Excellent Governor and respected Gen- 
tlemen, Representatives of Vermont: We, the 
Chiefs of Cognawagah, have now spoken to 3'our 
ears of our mind — we hope 3^ou will take into con- 


sideraiion what we have said. We wish to live in 
peace with you, and we hope 3'ou will ever con- 
sider us 3'our brothers — we hope we shall always 
live on friendly term?. This is all your red breth- 
ren have to sa3\" 

The Committee to whom the memorial was re- 
ferred reported against the claim, but the Legis- 
lature appropriated $100 as a present to the Ind- 
ian Chiefs and $100 to pa\^ their expenses w^hile in 
the State on their embass\'. The Committee rec- 
ommended that the Governor have a talk with 
the Chiefs and inform them that the State could 
not accede to their claim for lands nor stipulate 
an annual payment of monev. The Lieutenant 
Governor met the Chiefs of the Cognahwaga na- 
tion accompanied by their interpreter and had the 
following talk with them: viz, 

"Brothers, Chiefs AND Councillors of the 
Iroquois or Cognawaghah Nation :— I have 
heard your talk and have told it to the great 
council of this State. We have all considered it; 
we now answer. Brothers, w^e are very glad of 
your friendship— we love peace. The Great Spirit 
did not make us^to kill one annother, but to live 
in peace, to enjoy his rich bounties, and prepare 
for happiness. You live among a people at war 
wath us — thev have injured us, and our great na- 
tion has waged war w^ith them for it. It is for 
3'Our interest and ours, it is for j^our happiness 
and ours, that we should be at peace. 

"Brothers: It has been the policy of our great 
father and his council to help our red brethren of 
the west to such things as they could not provide 


for themselves, and to cultivate peace and friend- 
ship with them; and our enemy has told them 
wicked and strong stories — so that our chain of 
friendship has become dull and broken, and w^ar 
with all its horrors has taken the place of peace. 
Brothers, we love justice, — it is an attribute of the 
Great Spirit. You love it as well as we. We don't 
think we have injured you. We don't complain 
that 3'ou have injured us. We have bought our 
lands a great while ago. We have paid a great 
deal of money for them. You love justice, — You 
don't want we should pay for our lands again. 
We can't get back the money we have paid for 

"Brothers: let us forget the past,— let us en- 
joy the future, — let us live in peace. 

'• We have much confidence in 3'our wishes for 
our good, and w^e are anxious for your good; we 
shall not fail to recommend you to our councils in 
future. Brothers, you say ' we have become a 
great people.' True. The Great Spirit has blessed 
and increased us. He loves us and makes us love 
peace. He makes us willing to fight w^here we 
can't have peace. We are a great nation. We, the 
Vermonters, are onU^ a little part of that great 
nation. We are cemented to the whole by our 
great charter. If we break that charter we forfeit 
its protection. In that charter are these words: 
" No State shall, without the consent of Congress, 
enter into any agreement or compact with a for- 
eign power. " So you see, brothers, we can't agree 
to pay you mone3' annually without an act of 
Congress. You see we are just— not to break our 


great charter which binds us to our nation, our 
great charter which binds our nation to protect 
us. You love justice. You approve it in us. We 
hail you as friends. We hail you as brothers. We 
tender j^ou our friendship; we solicit yours. We 
pray the Great Spirit to make them both perpet- 
ual. Thus you have the end of our talk. Receive, 
brothers, this small testimonial of our friendship 
and sincerity." 

On Oct. 21st, 1826, Gov. Butler communicated 
to the General Assembly another memorial of the 
Iroquois tribe residing in Sault St. Louis in the 
district of Montreal, much of the same tenor of 
the one quoted above, but we quote from it the 
following statement: — 

" That under the French and British Govern- 
ments, and during their respective possessions of 
the above tract of land, they (your memorialists) 
never were troubled or molested in an3^ manner 
whatsoever; on the contrary it was known and 
acknowledged by those governments to be .your 
memorialists' property. They were protected and 
supported in the full and peaceable enjoyment and 
possession of it — where they used to fish and hunt 
exclusively to any other persons— for the use and 
maintenance of themselves and famillies. But now 
they see with sorrow, that since many years they 
have been dispossessed of their father's inherit- 
ance, by force, and deprived of enjoying it as they 
did from immemorial time — being at present in 
the possession and occupied by persons, who pre- 
tend to be the real proprietors of it in virtue of 
legal titles from the State of Vermont. 

OF VERMONT. . ^^>()1 

It is notorious that this tribe never have reHn- 
quished or given any titles, or ever received any 
compensation or recompense for their rights to 
the said land, or for any part thereof: So that 
your memorialists are dispossessed of their prop- 
erty without their consent, without any indem- 
nification whatsoever, and deprived of the only 
means the\' had to support and maintain their 
famillies, and find themselves confined to such a 
narrow state of limits that the3^ are most reduced 
to want. 

This memorial was also referred to a committee 
who in their report set forth the action the State 
had taken on the several occasions when the Ind- 
ian claims had been urged for allowance, and 
reached the same result; and the report was ac- 

On June 14, 1853, Gov. Stephen Royce appoint- 
Hon. Timothy P. Redfield to ascertain the claims 
of the Iroquois Indians to compensation for lands 
in Vermont, and cause the result of his examina- 
tion to be laid before the General Assembh' of the 
State at its then next session. The result of his in- 
vestigation reported to the Assembly was in sub- 
stance, that the Iroquois who represent the ancient 
confederacy of the Six Nations assert a claim to 
compensation for land in the State, the bounds of 
which have been given; that the Iroquois had pos- 
session of these lands, and exercised dominion of 
the same until dispossessed by the encroachments 
of civilization; that they had never parted with 
their title bv any treaty or compact to which they 
as a trible had been a party; that it has been con- 


ceded that the claimants, prior to the treaty be- 
tween Great Britain and France in 1763. had pos- 
session of the lands as their "hunting ground" and 
thatsuch title, Great Britain and theUnited States 
have uniformly treated with respect in their inter- 
course with the Indians; that the claim of the Ver- 
mont authorities that they could not treat with 
the Iroquois without the consent of Congress, by 
reason of the prohibition of the tenth section of 
the first article of the United States constitution 
and by reason ofanactof Congress relating to 
trade and intercourse with Indian tribes passed 
July 22, 1790, "that no sale of lands made by 
any Indians, or any nation or tribe of Indians, 
within the United States, shall be valid to an3^ 
person or persons; or to any State, whether hav- 
ing the right of preemption to such lands or not, 
unless the same shall be made and duly executed 
at some public treaty held under the authority of 
the United States, " was not well founded; that 
the proposition to treat with the Indians respect- 
ing these lands could not be called strictly a pur- 
chase, as the jurisdiction of the State over these 
lands was not disputed, and the lands had been in 
the peaceable possession of the citizens of the State 
for more than half a century, with undoubted ti- 
tle to the same ; that if the Legislature should 
deem that the Iroquois were entitled, '^in the forum 
of conscience,'' to some remuneration for lands 
long since granted and appropriated by the State, 
and should make appropriation for such remuner- 
ation, that such proceedings would neither con- 
flict with the provisions of the act of Congress 
nor the Constitution. 


Redfield also reported that the main objection 
to the allowance of the Indians claim was that 
the lands were granted by the King of Great 
Britain without reservation of Indian titles and 
that the Iroquois were subjects then of that King, 
and that by the treaty of 1783, by which this 
territor\^ was ceeded to the United States the Ind- 
ian title became extinguished; and also it had been 
objected that in the war between Great Britain 
and France, the Iroquois were allies of France, and 
that war resulted in the conquest of Canada by 
Great Britain and that by the treaty between 
those powers in 1763, the Iroquois' claim was ex- 
tinguished, but in his report he contended that the 
Six Nations, during the "French War" and also of 
the Revolution, in the main, were attached to the 
crown of England, although the French made 
great efforts to obtain their alliance during the 
former war and sometimes were successful, but 
he contended even if it was conceded that the 
Iroquois were allies of France, the cession of 
Canada to the crown of England would not ex- 
tinguish the title to lands within the British Col- 
onies, and England did not so regard it, and that 
from 1763, to 1783, the British Sovereign, by his 
agent, negotiated with the Chiefs of the Six 
Nations respecting their land, and they were treat- 
ed as having the undisputed title; and that the 
Indians did not loose their title by the treaty be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain in 
1783; that the Crown treated with them, as an 
independent power, before the treaty of 1783, and 
the United States have since that time; that the 


authorities of New York through Abraham Ogden, 
a commissioner of the United States, concluded a 
treaty with the ''Seven Nations" by w^hich they 
ceeded to the people of the state of New York all 
title to their adjacent lands in that state for the 
consideration paid by New York, of 1447 pounds, 
one shilling, four pence, and New York also stip- 
ulated to pay them annually, thereafter, 212 
pounds, six shilling and eight pence. 

The Supreme Court of the United States stated 
in the case of Clark vs. Smith, 13 Peters Reports, 
195 page, that, "the ultimate fee, encumbered with 
the right of Indian occupancy-, was in the Crown 
previous to the Revolution, and in the States 
of the Union afterwards, and subject to grant. 
The right of occupancy was protected by the polit- 
ical powers, and respected by the Courts, until ex- 
tinguished." In the case of United States vs. Clark, 
9 Peters' Reports, the same Court said, that 
"friendly Indians w^ere protected in the possession 
of lands they occupied, and were considered as 
ow^ning them, by a perpetual right of possession 
in the tribe or nation inhabiting them as their 
common propertj^ from generation to generation, 
not as a right of individuals located on particular 
spots. Indian possession was considered in refer- 
ence to their habits and modes of life ; their hunt- 
ing grounds were as much in their actual posses- 
session as the cultivated fields of the whites.." 
Redfield finally said in his report that "If the 
Iroquois have been divested of their title, it would 
seem more legitimate to say that they had been 
divested, and the title obtained by conquest." 


The report was referred to a committee who 
reported resolutions to the House directing the 
Governor to appoint a Commissioner to ascertain 
the amount and extent of the claim; and also em- 
powering the Treasurer to pay the Indians in at- 
tendance fifty dollars for their expenses. 

Gov. Royce on the 22nd day of January, 1S55, 
appointed the Hon. James AI. Hotchkiss as such 
commissioner, who commenced the hearing of the 
claim of the Indians on the 14th day of June, 1855, 
at Massena, New York. There were two branches 
of the Iroquois that presented themselves, through 
their agents, before the Commissioner as claim- 
ants, the Coughnawagas and the Lake of Two 
Mountains. The former objected to the latter par- 
ticipating in the claim, upon the ground that they 
were not descendents of the Coughnawagas. The 
Lake of Two Mountains claimed they sepa- 
rated from the Caughnawagas about the year 
1789, and soon emigrated to the Lake of Two 
Mountains and claimed to belong to the Iroquois. 
The Coughnawagas claimed the\' had no record 
of a separation. The Commissioners over-ruled 
the objection and allowed both parties to partic- 
ipate in the hearing and investigation. The Ind- 
ians claimed before the Commissioners more than 
two million acres of land east of New York line 
exclusive of the waters of Lake Champlain as 
their former hunting grounds, and as compensation 
asked to be paid the average price of land per acre 
ceded to the United States by twenty of the most 
favorable treaties made between the United States 
and the different tribes of Indians for the then last 



thirty- years — the treaties to be selected by the 
Indians. This proposition the Commission treated 
as inadmissible, as being too indetinite, and tlie 
mode of ascertaining: the price exceedingly difficult 
and expensive, and informed them that their title 
to lands in Vermont was not only doubtful, but 
utterly denied, and that they had only asked 
compensation for the lands their ancestors once 
occupied as their hunting ground. And he remind- 
ed them that their ancestors emigrated to Canada 
about the year 1676, and placed themselves under 
the Crown of France, and soon after swore alleg- 
iance to his Majesty's government, became allies 
of the French and the enemies of the English and 
American colonies. The Vermont Territory was 
found to be vacant at an early day and grants of 
land were made to the people of Vermont by the 
Governor of Xew Hampshire and by New Vork 
without requiring a previous purchase from the In- 
dians, and that Vermont subsequently paid New 
York $30,000 to relinquish her claim to the terri- 
tory of Vermont. 

The Commissioner asked them to fix upon a defi- 
nite sum as their claim. The Indians thereupon 
fixed their demand at four cents per acre for their 
hunting grounds or pay them $89,600. The Com- 
missioner in reph' to this proposition stated to 
them that the Documentary Histor3' of New York 
showed that lands on both sides of the Lake Cham- 
plain to a ver\^ great extent, by an agreement' 
with the Iroquois Indians, were granted by the 
government of New York to British subjects pre- 
vious to the year 1731, and that their last prop- 


osition to pay them $89,600 was entireh' out of 
the question, and that unless the\^ made a very 
different proposition he should feel under the ne- 
cessit\' of declining their proposition altogether. 
On October 18, 1855, the Indians proposed to 
submit their claim direct to the Legislature of Ver- 
mont, without further debate as to the sum that 
ought to be paid, "and rely upon the justice and 
humanity of the Government of Vermont," and re- 
linquish all claim upon Vermont, in consideration 
of such sum as the Legislature shall appropriate 
for that purpose. The Commissioner in his report 
to the General Assembly of 1855, stated as facts 
that in the 3'ear 1609, a Frenchman by the nameof 
Champlain in company with several other French- 
men and about one-hundred of the Canadian 
Indians, started from Quebec upon an expedition 
against their enemies, the Iroquois Indians; that 
the object of Champlain was to explore the coun- 
tr3' and assist the Canadian Indians in their war 
against the Iroquois; he soon reached the lake 
to which he gave his own name. As they proceed- 
ed up the lake they came in sight of the Green 
Mountains on the east side of the lake; Cham- 
plain was told bv Indians that that was the coun- 
try of the Iroquois who lived farther south upon 
the west side of the lake. It was subsequenth^ as- 
certained that the Iroquois were a very powerful 
confederacy: that the Mohawk branch of them re- 
sided in the valley of the Mohawk river, and it 
was admitted In^ the people of New Vork, and by 
historians that their territory extended into the 
present limits of Vermont at a very early day; 


that immediately after the settlement of the pro-, 
vince of lower Canada was commenced bv the 
French, their Jesuit missionaries went amono^ the 
natives of the forest with the purpose of bringing 
them over to tlie interest of the French and induce 
them to embrace the Roman Catholic faith— in 
this they were successful, and as earlv as 1G70, 
the\^ induced a large portion of the Mohawk tribe 
to emigrate to the province of lower Canada near 
Montreal, where the}' swore allegiance to the 
French Government. That portion of the tribe 
that did not emigrate, were firm friends of the En- 
glish during the French and English war and re- 
mained so till after the American Revolution, when 
they emigrated to the province of upper Canada. 
The Commissioner reached the conclusion that that 
portion of the tribe, that emigrated to lower Can- 
ada known as the Coughnawagas are the right- 
ful claimants upon Vermont for compensation for 
their lands, and said there was but ver\' little ev- 
idence that the Iroquois had ever parted with the 
title to their lands in Vermont. The habits and cus- 
toms of the Indian tribes were such that the occu- 
pation of any territory- for the purpose of hunting 
and fishing rendered the possession of that terri- 
tor^' as really theirs as though they had cultivat- 
ed fields, and built houses. If thev parted with 
the title to their lands it had been usually for a 
mere pittance. 

At the October Session of the Legislature of 
1855, the Senate passed a bill appropriating 
S5000 to discharge the Indian claim but the 
House did not concur. The bill was again pre- 

OF VERMONT. ' 309 

sen ted in 1856, but it was rejected. A deputation 
of Indians again appeared at the session of the 
Legislature in 1857, but the claim was not pressed 
for allowance. On October 13, 1874, delegates of 
the Iroquois of Caughnawaga, St. Regis, and of 
the lake of Two Mountains again urged their 
claim before the Legislature for the quantit^^ of 
land heretofore described of about 2,240,000 acres 
and for w^hich they demanded the sum of $89,600. 
The committee to whom the claim was referred, re- 
ported a resolution in which it was stated that if 
such claim ever existed it was extinguished by the 
treaty between France and Great Britain in 1763, 
and b3^ the treat\^ between Great Britain and the 
United States in 1783; " and that the Indians 
have no legal or equitable claim or interest in the 
lands. The resolution was adopted b\' the House 
and concurred in by the Senate. 

The more one investigates the claim of the 
Caughnawagas to land in Vermont the clearer it 
will become to him that the claim stands upon a 
slim foundation; it is evident that if they ever had 
a substantial right it had been lost or extinguish- 
ed. The Iroquois from whom the Caughnawagas 
sprang had a government and laws though not ex- 
pressed in writing, but were nevertheless under- 
stood by ever\^ tribe and individual of their na- 
tion. According to those laws, the fee of their land 
was in the nation, and ever\^ tribe had onlv the 
use of the land within its boundary and every 
Indian had only the use of that which he actually 
occupied and improved. When the Caughnawagas 
left the Mohawk nation, thev could sell their im- 


provements, Ijut when the}' emigrated they neces- 
sarily abrmdoned the land to the nation. The 
same law covered the territory conquered by the 
Iroquois. The abandonment of the Mohawks, of 
the land formerly occupied by the Caughnawagas, 
was conclusive against the latter and their de- 
scendants. In 1775 the Alohawks voluntarily 
abandoned all their territory in New York and re- 
moved to Canada, selling to New York in 1795, 
whatever interest they had in the lands. The 
Vermont lands were abandoned by the Indians at 
the same time they abandoned the New Y'ork 
lands, if not before with like effect. The Mohawks 
since their removal to upper Canada have never 
asserted an}^ claim to Vermont land, and it would 
seem absurd that the Caughnawagas, descendants 
from the Mohawks, should assert a claim that the 
Aloha wks themselves never made. The claims of 
the Caughnawagas, either in their own right, or 
in the right of the Iroquois of New York, can not 
be sufficienth' supported by anything the}- have ad- 
vanced, or that has been found in the history of 
the Iroquois of New York, or Vermont. It should 
be stated that the ancestors of Indians who claim- 
ed compensation for lands in Vermont left their 
ancient hunting ground and emigrated to Canada 
about the year 1676, and placed themselves under 
the Crown of France and soon after swore alle- 
giance to his Alajesty's government, became allies 
of the French and the enemies of the English Col- 
onies. The lands for which compensation was 
claimed was found vacant at an earh^ da\', and 
grants of land were made to the people of Vermont, 


first b^' the Governor of New Hampshire; then 
New York claimed the territor3' of Vermont upon 
the ground that it was a part of the Dutch pro- 
vince from which the British succeeded by conquest, 
and that the Dutch before the conquest purchased 
the territory from the Indians; and subsequently 
New York made grants of land extending upon 
Vermont territory without requiring a previous 
purchase from the Indians, which is strong proof 
against the existence of any title of the claimants 
for compensation through their ancestors. And 
then again, man\' of the early settlers of Vermont, 
after purchasing their lands from New Hampshire 
repurchased them of New York; and finally Ver- 
mont extinguished the New Yoik title if they had 
any, by paying that State the $30,000 in the 
settlement of the controversy- with that State. 

The board of trade at London declared that 
the government of New York by an agreement 
with the Iroquois Indians granted lands on both 
sides of Lake Champlain, to a ver^^ great extent 
to British subjects, previous to 1731. The claim 
of the Indians on Vermont was not made till 
1798, twenty years subsequent to the organiza- 
tion of the State. If they had had a beneficial 
claim against Vermont, it is fair to assume, it 
would have been made before. The claim advanc- 
ed against New York ''by the St. Regis and 
Caughnawaga Indians, in 1792, to a vast tract 
embracing most of the territory between the Mo- 
hawk and the St. Lawrence, was urged for sev- 
eral years with £;reat pertinacity-. This claim not 
onlv embarrassed the title to the lands of the set- 


tiers, but it agitated the public mind from the ex- 
treme terror which prevailed in the exposed settle- 
ments of savage hostility. Just and vigilant in- 
vestigation amply established the conclusion that 
these tribes never possessed a title to the tract, 
but that the Iroquois were the original proprie- 
tors who had long before alienated it to the 
whites b3^ treaty or sale. " It is obvious from 
this and other New York records, that that State 
rejected all claims of the Cognawagas as descend- 
ants, and descendants from the Iroquois; no record 
had been found showing any concessions were 
ever made to the Cognawagas in respect to the 
lands in question, or that any rights were ever 
attempted to be transferred to them by the Iro- 
quois or Alohawks. It is very evident that 
Vermont territory during the seventeenth century 
and for long before was not permanently^ occupied 
by any Indian tribes, but was used b}^ the Iroquois 
as a hunting ground to some extent. The reason 
why it was not permanently occupied, w^as in 
view of the facts that North-western Vermont 
was then, and had long been, the war-path 
of the Iroquois of New York; they were a power- 
ful tribe and it was impossible that the Cogna- 
wagas or an\^ Indians hostile to the Iroquois, 
could have had any continuous occupation of that 
portion of Vermont even for a hunting ground. 
From 1735 to 174-4, was a period when the King 
of France assumed jurisdiction of Western Ver- 
mont and recognized no right to the land of the 
Cognawagas or anv other tribe, for even hunting 
and fishing, except in subjection to his grantees, 


subsequent to 174-4. Vermont was again the the- 
atre of war and the alHes of the French could not 
have gained peaceable possession of Vermont 
lands adjacent to Lake Champlain. Even Cham- 
plain sa^'S in his account of his first visit to this 
lake in 1609, '* that here the country was former- 
ly inhabited, but it was at that time to a great 
extent abandoned on account of the continued 
wars. " There is strong evidence it was never in- 
cluded within the Iroquois countr\' and that 
proves that Lake Champlain was the eastern 
boundarv of the Iroquois territor3\ E. P. Wal- 
ton says, there are many maps covering the Iro- 
quois country and but one has been found which 
includes Xorth-western Vermont, and that the 
proof is overwhelming that the Iroquois never oc- 
cupied or resided in Vermont, and, therefore, any 
claim of the Cognawagas on that ground is dis- 
proved, and the\^ never had in their own right 
such possession or use of the land as would entitle 
them to compensation. 

There was a branch of the VIohegans called the 
Stockbridge branch, deriving their name from 
the tribes of that name in Massachusetts and New 
York where the3^ formerly resided, who claimed 
twelve or more townships of land, situated on 
the west line of the province of New Hampshire, 
as chartered by Benning Went worth. These 
lands were in the south-western part of Vermont. 
On Nov. 30, 1767, a subscription was made at 
Bennington to discharge the claim whenever it 
should be proven. 

In 1779, an Indian claim was mide bv Asa 


Douglass to GoY. Chittenden. This proYed to be a 
claim of the Moheakunnuk, the vStockbridge In- 
dians whose territory was described as "west ol 
the Connecticut riYcr, extending a short distance 
west of the Hudson, and into the State of Ver- 
mont/' This made them next neighbors to the 
Mohawks, and in fact the tribe was ultimately' to 
liaYc a home in the Iroquois nation. This claim 
was finall3' discharged b\' a grant to these Indians 
b}^ Vermont, of the township of Marshfield. This 
was the only Indian claim to land in Western 
Vermont until the Cognawagas made their claim 

in 17#S. 

mmiK XI. 


While Vermont stood as an independent State 
or Nation from 1777, to the time it was admitted 
into the Federal Union in 1791, there was no 
place fixed by statute for meeting and holding the 
sessions of the Legislature; as it was expressed 
in the legislative act of 1791, there were no places 
of "residence of the Legislature; it had no 
seat of government— no State House. Previous 
to the passage of that act the Legislature met in 
different places about the State as was most con- 
venient and as would meet the wishes of the mem- 
bers of the Legislature. The Legislature met and 
its sessions were held as follows; at Windsor in 
March and October 1778, February and AJDril 
1781, June 1782, February 1783, October 1785, 
and October 1791; at Bennington in February 
1779, October 1780, June 1781, January 1782, 
February 1784 and 1787, and January 1791; at 
Manchester October 1779, 1782 and 1788; at 
Westminster March 1780, October 1783, and 
1789; at Charlestown, N. H., October 1781; at 
Rutland in October 1784 and 1786; at Norwich 


in June 1785; at Newbury in October 1787, and at 
Castleton in October 1790. The Governor and 
Council also met in special sessions at Bennington 
in June 1778, November 1779, July and August 
1780, and June 1790; at Arlington in April and 
December 1779, February, June and Jul^^ 1780, 
March and April 1781, Alay 1782, and April, 
May and June 1783; at Windsor in Juh' 1779, 
March 1786, and May 1801; at Manchester in 
[anuar^^ 1780; at Shattsbur3' in March 1782, and 
April 1784-; at Rutland in August 1788, and 
March 1799; and at Fairhaven in March 1789." 
On November 1, 1791, an act was passed de- 
claring in the preamble, that a "great inconven- 
ience and expense have arisen to this State by rea- 
son of having no fixed place for holding the sess- 
ions of the Legislature, and that no place near the 
center is sufficienth' settled to accommodate the 
same," and therefore designated Rutland for the 
session of 1792, and after that at Windsor and 
Rutland alternately for the space of eight years, 
and also provided that the then next adjourned 
session should be holden at Windsor, and after 
that alternately at Rutland and Windsor for the 
spate of eight years. The regular October sess- 
ions of 1792, 179-1 and 1796 were held at Rut- 
land, an*d in 1793, and 1795 were held at Wind- 
sor. This covered but five years of the eight, and 
the only adjourned session was held at Rutland in 
Februar\^ 1797, instead of at Windsor as the act 
of 1791, provided it should be. This was caused 
by the repeal of the act of 1791, in 1796. In fact 
Rutland and Windsor were subsequently selected 


as the places of the meeting of the Legislature but 
not exclusive of other towns. Before the Legis- 
lature was permanently located at Montpelier. 
the sessions were held at Rutland in February- 
1797, and October 1804; at Windsor in October 
1797, and in 1799, and January 1804; at Ver- 
gennes in 1798; and at Middlebury in 1800 and 
in 1806; at Newbury in 1801, Budington in 1802, 
Westminster in 1803, Danville in 1805, and at 
Woodstock in 1807. 

The act of 1791, located the sessions at Wind- 
sor and Rutland and on condition that those 
towns should at their own expense furnish wood 
and sufficent houses for the reception of the Legis- 
lature. At Windsor a "meeting house" was fur- 
nished and at Rutland a "State House" was fur- 
nished for the use of the Legislature. 

In the General Assembly on October 1803, Sol- 
omon Wright of Pownal, Samuel Porter of Dum- 
merston, Samuel Shaw of Castleton, William 
Perry of Hartland, Amos Marsh of Vergennes, 
Thomas Porter of Vershire, Udne\' Hay of Under- 
hill, Reuben Blanchard of Peacham, Benjamin 
Holmes of Georgia, Samuel C. Crafts of Crafts- 
bury and Daniel Dana of Guildhall on the part of 
the House, and Xoah Chittenden ot Jericho, James 
Witherell of Fairhaven,Eliakim Spooner of Weath- 
ersfield and Lieut. Gov. Paul Brigham of Norwich 
on the part of the Council, were ap])ointed a com- 
mittee to take into consideration the expediency 
of the measure ot" establishing a permanent seat 
for the Legislature and report bv l')ill or otherwise. 
Paul Brigham ior the committee reported, "that 


in their opinion there ought to be appointed a 
committee consistin"^ of a member from each 
County, to be nominated by the several County 
Conventions, as County officers are, for the pur- 
pose of examining and fixing upon the most prop- 
er place for a permanent seat of government and 
to report at the next session of the Legislature." 
And accordingly such a committee was appointed. 

On November 12, 1803, a bill entitled an act 
appointing the committee named to fix a place 
for a permanent seat for the Legislature was be- 
fore the Legislature, but it went over to the ad- 
journed session when it was again under con- 
sideration and went over to the next regular 
session. On November 6, 1804", a new bill on the 
subject of place for a permanent seat ot govern- 
ment was presented but it went over to the next 

On October 15, 1805, the new bill was referred 
to a committee of one member from each County, 
joined by a committee from the Council, who re- 
ported "that they were unanimously agreed on 
the expedienc\^ of the measure of fixing a perma- 
nent seat, and that the3' have also agreed on the 
towm of Montpelier, as being the most conven- 
ient place for the accommodation of the State at 
large;" and recommended that a bill be drafted 
accordingh'. A bill was introduced on the 6th, 
and after some amendments the bill was passed 
Nov. 8, 1805, and it became a law and is as fol- 
lows: — 

''An act establishing the permanent Seat of the 
Legislature at Montpelier. 


"Section 1. It is hereby enacted b\' the General 
Assembly of the State of Vermont, That Elijah 
Paine [of Williamston,] Ezra Butler [of Water- 
bury,] and James Whitelaw [of Ryegate,] be, and 
they are hereby appointed a committee to fix up- 
on a place in the town of Montpelier, for the 
erection of buildings for the accommodation of 
the Legislature of this State, and to prepare a 
plan for such buildings. 

"Sec. 2. And it is hereby further enacted. That 
if the town of Alontpelier, or other individual per- 
sons, shall, before the lirst day of September, 
which will be in the year of our Lord one thous- 
and eight hundred and eight, erect such buildings 
on the place designated b\^ the aforesaid com- 
mittee, to their acceptance, and shall compensate 
said committee for their services, and also convey 
to the State of Vermont, the property of said 
buildings and the land whereon they shall stand, 
and lodge the deed of conversance, duly^ executed, 
in the Secretary of State's office, then, and in that 
case, said buildings shall become the permanent 
seat of the Legislature, for holding all their 

"Sec. 8. Provided nevertheless, and it is hereby 
further enacted, That if any future Legislature 
shall cease to hold their sessions in said town of 
Montpelier, those persons, w^ho shall erect said 
buildings, and convey the property of the same, 
and of the land as aforesaid, shall be entitled to 
receive from the treasury of this State, the full 
value of the same, as it shall be, then, fairly ap- 


It will be noticed that no provision was made 
in said Act for raising money to erect the Capitol 
building. The Legislature made Montpelier the 
permanent seat of the Legislature for holding all 
their sessions with tw^o conditions: first, that 
Montpelier should give the land for a Capitol, and 
build the house b\^ the first of September, 1808: 
and second, that if a future Legislature shall cease 
to hold their session in Montpelier, the State shall 
pa\' to Montpelier the value of the property. 

At a legally warned meeting of the freemen of 
Montpelier a committee was chosen to receive 
subscriptions and donations for a State House 
and to superintend the building of the same at the 
expense of the subscribers; 133^ the action of this 
meeting the town was not to be made liable either 
to pav for the House or to compensate the com- 
mittee for their services. The individual subscrip- 
tions received and expended b}- the committee 
amounted to $6,138.88, the most of which was 
paid in produce, neat stock, materials, and labor; 
but in the spring of 1808, it became absoluteh' 
necessary to have money for the purchase of glass 
and nails, and to finish the house, and on May 12, 
1808, a meeting was warned and held at which 
the town voted to raise a tax of four cents on the 
dollar of the inhabitants of the town on the list of 
1807, "two thirds part pa3'able in grain, butter, 
and cheese, at cash price to the State House com- 
mittee on or before the third da^' of October next, 
and one third in specie or current bank bills, or 
orders from said committee, or receipts or orders 
from Svlvanus Baldwin," which sums were to be 


applied towards the completion of the State 
House under the direction of the committee. This 
tax raised $942.79. In proceeding to collect the 
tax, the constable met Samuel Rich, a sharp and 
substantial inn-keeper residing in the town, who 
refused to pa3^ his tax on the ground that the 
town had no authority to tax to build a 
State House. This legal point was regarded as well 
taken, and for a time w^as alarming; the Hon. 
Daniel Baldwin, then a minor, was appointed to 
collect the tax, and the opposition was with- 
drawn, and the tax cheerfully paid by the people. 
The land for the State House grounds was 
conveyed to the State by Thomas Davis of Mont- 
pelier on August 23, 1808, and was described as 
follows: being part of a tract of land knowm by 
the description of Colonel Jacob Davis' lower 
pitch, containing two acres, bounded as follows, 
to wit: beginning on the northerly side of the 
Turnpike road leading from said Montpelier to 
Burlington, so far westerW of a large brick house 
lately built by said Thomas Davis that a line 
turning northerly at right angle with said road 
will pass by said house one half rod westerly 
therefrom, thence northerly on right angle with 
said Turnpike road sixteen rods, thence westerh^ 
a parallel line with said road twenty rods, thence 
southerlv on a right angle sixteen rods to said 
Turnpike road, thence eastwardly on the north- 
erly side of said road twenty rods to the place of 
beginning, together with the buildings thereon, 
latel}^ erected for the accommodation of the Leg- 
islature of the State of \ ermont. The "lars^e 


brick house lately built by said Thomas Davis," 
referred to in said deed to the State was the orig- 
inal Pavilion hotel, which was then the largest, 
most thoroughly constructed, and most elegantly 
finished hotel in the State. The grantor of said 
deed died December 17, 1864:', in his 93th \^ear of 

The first State House was erected and finished 
on the grounds selected at Montpelier, to the sat- 
isfaction of the committee appointed by the Legis- 
lature, the first day of September 1808, and occu- 
pied by the Legislature on October 13, 1808, and 
it continued to be the Capitol until it was super- 
ceeded in October 1836. It was a* three stor\^ 
building, well constructed of wood and covered a 
space of 50 by 80 feet on the ground and 36 feet 
high above the basement, surmounted by a belfry. 
The Representatives hall occupied all of the second 
story except the vestibule. The hall w^as warmed 
by a large stove in front of the speaker's desk. The 
Council Chamber was in the southeastern part of 
the third story, and was furnished with a table 
and chairs for fifteen members of the board includ- 
ing the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Sec- 
retary. In rear of the Council Chamber, over the 
hall of the House, was a large room called "Jef- 
ferson Hall," which was used b}^ canvassing com- 
mittees and for caucuses; and from this hall there 
was access to several smaller committee rooms. 
E. P. Walton, in his Governor and Council, says of 
the House, "were not the dry pine benches too 
strong temptations for the gratification of the 
Yankee propensity for whittling, the first State 


House would have been good for half a ceiitur\^ 
at least. The truth is, this old house was literally 
whittled out of use. The holes were too big for 
putty and paint, and too ugly to be agreeable, 
So a new house was indispensable, while, in all 
but the seats, the old was not half worn out." 

The first meeting of the Legislature at Mont- 
pelier in the new State House was honored by all 
the ceremonies and courtesies, civil and military, 
that were possible. The election sermon was by 
Rev. Tilton Eastman. Escort duty was perform- 
ed "by United States troops, under the command 
ot Colonel Earned Lamb of Montpelier, who at 
that time had received a commission in the U. S. 
Army and raised a company. A large number of 
people attended to witness the opening of the Leg- 
islature and the proclamation of the State officers, 
and but a very small part of them could gain ad- 
mission to the House. Colonel Lamb's company 
had filed in after the representatives and occupied 
the back seats of the hall of the house, when Mr. 
William Templeton objected strongly to the pres- 
ence of United States troops to the exclusion of 
the freemen of the State, and especially of those 
who had contributed for the building of the State 
House. He was clamorously seconded, and the 
troops were ordered to withdraw from the hall." 

Several attempts were made to remove the 
State House from ^lontpelier. At the session of 
1810, when the bill constituting a new Count3^ by 
the name of Jefferson (now Washington) was be- 
fore the House, the following amendment to the 
bill was offered: 


"Provided nevertheless, And it is hereby further 
enacted, That this act shall not take effect, nor 
said count3' of Jefferson be organized, nor an\^ Su- 
preme court hold any session therein, until the in- 
habitants of said county hereb}' created, shall pay 
to the inhabitants of said Montpelier, and other 
individuals, who assisted in building the state- 
house in said Montpelier, the full value of said 
State-house and the land on which it stands, so as 
to discharge the state from all liabilit\^ to pa\' 
said value upon the legislature's ceasing to hold 
its session at said Montpelier; and be free from all 
obligations to hold any future sessions at said 
Montpelier, and be at liber\^ to hold their sessions 
in any part of this state which they shall think 
proper, without incurring an3^ expense to the State 
in an\' wajv', on account of said state-house, and 
the said inhabitants of said county, so soon as 
thej^ shall have paid for said state-house as afore- 
said, and shall have rendered the said Legislature 
free to hold their sessions out from said Mont- 
pelier, without expense to this state, shall be en- 
titled to receive from this state all the right and 
title this state has to said state-house and the 
land on which it stands," but the amendment pro- 
posed was rejected. On November 3, 1812, on mo- 
tion of Titus Hutchinson of Woodstock, a com- 
mittee was ordered to inquire into the expediency- 
of repealing the act of 1805, which made Mont- 
pelier the Capitol, and fixing upon some other 
place or places for holding the sessions; the com- 
mittee reported that the subject ought to be re- 
ferred to the then next session, and this was 


agreed to, but on November 6, 1S12, a committee 
consisting of one member from each of the Coun- 
ties of Rutland, Addison, Chittenden, Windsor, 
Orange, and Caledonia, were apx^ointed by the 
House to receive such proposals as might be made 
relating to the removal of the seat of govern- 
ment. This committee reported to the Legislature 
October 26, 1813,— 

"That in case the present Legislature should 
think it for the interest and convenience of the 
state, to remove the seat of government from 
the town of Montpelier, the inhabitants of 
the city of Vergennes, in the county of Addison, 
propose to lurnish the state with a commo- 
ious house in said city of Vergennes, for hold- 
ing their future sessions — furnished with as many 
good stoves as may be necessary for their 
convenience and accommodation : and also to 
pay the treasurer of the state, within sixty 
da3^s, or at such other time as may be required, 
a sum equal to one half the present value of the 
state house, now erected in said Montpelier, and 
take a conve\^ance of the same with the appurte- 
nances thereto belonging. The said inhabitants 
of Vergennes secondly propose, that in lieu of said 
proposition and conveyance, to pay the treasurer 
of the state the sum of two thousand dollars as 
aforesaid, and leave the disposal and benefit of 
said buildings and premises to the state. 

'*The inhabitants of Windsor, in the count3' of 
W^indsor, propose to furnish a suitable building 
for the accommodation of the Legislature, and al- 
so to pay to the treasurer of the state a sum equal 


to one half the present value of the state-house, at 
such time as ma}- be required; and take a convey- 
ance of the same as aforesaid. 

"The inhabitants of Burlington, in Chittenden 
count}', propose to furnish the state with a suit- 
able building for the accommodation of the Legis- 
lature — and also to pay the treasurer of the state 
a sum equal to one half of the present value of the 
State-house in Montpelier, at such time as may be 
required; and take a conveyance of the same as 

"The foregoing propositions were made b_v the 
inhabitants of the cit\' of Vergennes, and the towns 
of Windsor and Burlington, on conditions that 
the Legislature shall, at their present session, pass 
a law establishing two of said towns as the per- 
manent place for holding their future sessions, al- 
ternateh^ and those places only which are desig- 
nated for the purpose aforesaid shall be hoi den to 
comply with the aforesaid proposals— and, should 
the said Legislature hereafter think proper to re- 
move their sessions from the aforesaid places, then 
and in that case it is expected and required, that 
the said state shall refund the aforesaid sums of 
money paid by the said inhabitants from the 
towns aforesaid." 

The committee on Nov. 6, 1813, reported that in 
their "opinion the removal of the seat of govern- 
ment from Montpelier is inexpedient and im- 
proper;" the House accepted the report. 

At the October session, 1815, another committee 
was appointed to inquire into the propriet^^ of re- 
moving the permanent seat of the Legislature from 


Alontpelier to Burlington and Windsor alternate- 
\y, and the Council concurred in adopting a resolu- 
tion with that end in view; and it was provided in 
one of the resolutions that, "in case of a removal 
to make provision for the appraisal of, and the 
pa3'ment for the public buildings in Montpelier 
agreeably- to 3rd section of an act passed the 8th. 
day of Nov. 1805, entitled"an Act Establishing the 
Permanent Seat of the Legislature at Montpelier," 
but nothing came of it. In 1824 another attempt 
was made b\' bill to establish the permanent seat 
of the Legislature at Burlington and Windsor. The 
bill was thoroughly debated but was dismissed by 
a vote of 118 to 49. 

B^^ 1831, the population of the state had so in- 
creased and the inadequate accommodations at 
the State House for the needs of the Legislature 
was so manifest, various propositions were made 
to enlarge the State House or to build a new one 
so as to meet the increasing wants of the Legisla- 
ture, and to satisf>' the commendable pride of the 
people. On October 21, 1831, a resolution was 
moved authorizing the committee of Wa^'S and 
Means to inquire into the expediency of appoint- 
ing commissioners to receive proposals from the 
citizens of Montpelier, Burlington, W^oodstock, 
Windsor, Rutland, Middlebury and Randolph fo^ 
the erection of a new State House; this was amend- 
ed so that proposals might be received from every 
town in the State. The resolution was agreed to. 
A committee was appointed who reported at the 
next session in 1832, that the citizens of Burlington 
through their committee offered $30,000; the citi- 


zens of Montpelier through a committee offered 
$10,000 as one-third of the expense of building the 
proposed house. Two separate bills were intro- 
duced, one for erecting the new State House at 
Montpelier and the other to establish the perma- 
nent seat of the Legislature at Burlington; other 
bills were introduced with the same object in view. 
The House went into a committee of the whole on 
the subject. 

On Nov. 8, 1832, a bill was passed b^^ the House 
authorizing the building of a State House at Mont- 
pelier b3^ a vote of 115 to 83, and it was concurred 
in bv the Council b}^ a vote of 10 to 2. By the act 
$15,000 was appropriated by the Statefor thepur- 
pose of erecting a new State House at Montpelier, 
provided, the inhabitants of Montpelier, or any in- 
dividual, shall before the first day of January 1833, 
give good and sufficient securet\^ for the payment 
of that sum. The requirements of the act was 
complied with. The citizens of Montpelier raised 
$3,000 in excess of the $15,000 to pay for five acres 
of land deeded to the State for the sole purpose of 
erecting State buildings thereon and a common 
for the use of the same and the public. Gov. Jeni- 
son appointed Samuel C. Crafts, Allen Wardner 
and George T. Hodges commissioners for the pur- 
pose of fixing the place in Montpelier for the erec- 
tion of the House, and to prepare a plan of the 
same; Lebbeus Edgerton w^as appointed superin- 
tendent of construction. The commissioners and su- 
perintendent accompanied by the architect, Ammi 
B. Young, examined the State House at Concord, 
N. H., at Boston, Mass., and at Hartford, Conn. 


They adopted the plan of Air. Young, selected Barre 
granite for the exterior walls, prescribed copper for 
covering the dome and roof, and recommended an 
improved finish that would make the entire cost 
$84,000, but the entire expense to the State in the 
end, including the grounds, was $132,077.23, mak- 
ing the entire cost of the buildings and grounds, in- 
cluding what was paid by the town of Montpelier 
and its citizens, the sum ot $137,677.23. The 
work was commenced in the winter of 1833, and 
completed in the autumn of 1838. The building 
stood on an elevated site, about 325 feet north of 
State street, on which it fronted, and was about 
35 feet above the level of it. The entrance to the 
grounds, and principal approach to the house from 
that street, was noble and commanding; the gate- 
ways, the fence, the grounds, and all their details 
w^ere in keeping with the building and assisted in 
giving to it that consideration due to it as the 
Capitol of a flourishing, independent State. 

There occurred two fatal accidents while the 
State House was being built. A Mr. Hutchinson, 
a citizen of Worcester, though not an employee of 
the State, was killed by the blasting of rocks for 
the State House, while attending to his proper bus- 
iness some thirty rods from the scene of blasting; 
his widow Eunice Hutchinson was granted some 
pecuniary relief by the State, as was Mrs. Joseph- 
ine Culver by the reason of the accidental killing 
of her husband. Mr. Culver, w^hile in the service of 
the State in blasting rocks preparatory for the 
foundation for the then new State House, had been 
accidently killed. Vermont's second State House 


was first occupied by the Legislature in October 
1836. This beautiful house after twenty-one 3'ears 
of use for the Legislative sessions, on the 6th day 
of January, 1857, took fire from one of the fur- 
naces under the floor of the Representative Hall, 
and from thence the flames ran quickh^ within the 
ceiling to the roof and dome. The weather was 
very cold, with a strong gale from the north west, 
and these unfavorable conditions, together with 
the location of the fire, defied all efforts to save the 
interior of the building, and all the contents, ex- 
cept the Librar3' which was got out, and the books 
and papers in the safe of the Secretary of State's 
Ofhce and in the office of the Treasurer, a few art- 
icles of furniture and the portrait of Washington, 
and the marble bust of Judge Elijah Paine, was re- 
duced to ruins. The granite walls which were lin- 
ed with brick withstood the heat so well, that the 
portico and outline of the walls of the entire build- 
ing remained standing and well preserved. E. P. 
Walton said, "the portico of the State House was 
a perfect copy to the smallest detail of the best 
specimen of Grecian architecture." 

The destruction of the second State House ne- 
cessitated the building of the third one, and with 
the purpose of providing a new State House, Gov- 
ernor Ryland Fletcher issued a proclamation sum- 
moning the Legislature to meet at Montpelier on 
Februar^^ 18, 1857, and it met accordingly. The 
question changing the location of the capitol from 
Montpelier to some other town in the State, as 
w^ell as the subject of rebuilding the State House 
and furnishing therefor came under discussion and 


consideration. After a patient consideration and 
full discussion, the House in committee of the whole 
on February- 26, 1857, by ballot selected Mont- 
pelier as the capitol. The ballots were as follows: 
for Montpelier 116, for Burlington 67, for Rutland 
35, for Bellows Falls 8, for Middleburj^ 1 — maj- 
ority- for Montpelier 4. On February 27, 1857, an 
act was passed for rebuilding the State House, 
which was concurred in by the Senate on the same 
da^'. The act was as follows: 

"An Act to provide for rebuilding the 
State House. 

"7t is hereby enacted by the General Assembly of 
the State of Vermont, as follows: Sec. 1. The sum 
offort\' thousand dollars is hereby appropriated 
for the purpose of rebuilding the State House, and 
making such repairs and improvements in and 
around the same, and furnishing said House, as 
may be necessary; and the Treasurer is hereby di- 
rected to pa3' said sum to the Committee to be 
appointed, as hereinafter provided, to superintend 
such work of rebuilding and repairing as aforesaid, 
out of any mone\'S in the treasury not otherwise 
appropriated. Provided, the inhabitants of Mont- 
pelier, or an^' individuals, shall, before the rising 
of this Legislature, give good and sufficient security- 
to the Treasurer of this State, to pa^- into the 
treasury- of the State a sum equal to the whole cost 
of the work mentioned in the first section of this 
act, one half of said sum to be paid in one year and 
the remainder in two years from the passage of 
this act, or on the completion of the work. 

"Sec. 2. It is herebv made the dutv of the Gov- 


ernor to appoint three suitable persons as a com- 
mittee to prepare a plan according to which such 
rebuilding and repairs are to be made. And it shall 
be the duty of said Committee to deliver one copy 
of the plan so prepared by them to the Secretary 
of State, and one to the superintending Committee, 
on or before the first day of April, A. D. 1857. 

"5ec. 3. It is hereby made the dut^^ of the Gov- 
ernor to appoint some suitable person as a Com- 
mittee to superintend the work mentioned in the 
first section of this act, agreeably to the plan 
adopted b\^ the Committee aforesaid. And such 
superintending Committee shall, before he enters 
upon the discharge of his duties, give good and 
sufficient bonds to the Treasurer of the State, in 
the sum of twent^^ thousand dollars, for the faith- 
ful discharge of his duties." 

Gov. Fletcher appointed George P. Alarsh ot 
Burlington, Norman Williams of Woodstock, and 
John Porter of Hartford, a Committee to prepare 
apian for rebuilding and repairs; Thomas E. Pow- 
ers of Woodstock a Committee to superintend the 
work. Thomas W. Silloway of Boston was em- 
plo3^ed as architect until the autumn ot 1857, when 
Joseph R. Richards of Boston succeeded him and 
was employed until the buildings were ready for 
use October 13, 1859. The cost of rebuilding and 
furnishing to October 22, 1860, was $140,996.6,3. 
Subsequenth^ there was paid, under special acts, 
$5,400 to Superintendent Powers; and $2,000 to 
Larkin G. Mead for the statue of Ethan Allen- 
making the total cost $148,396.63. Of this sum, 
the State received $42,220.72 from citizens of 


Montpelier, and the balance of the total cost was 
paid by the State. 

This State-House is in the same yard and occu- 
pies the site of the second house, and is of the same 
order of architecture — the portico, which is the 
most beautiful part of the exterior, being precisely 
the same. The length of the central building is, 
however, thirteen feet eight inches greater than 
that of the second house, and each of the wings 
w^ere lengthened twelve feet six inches, thus ad- 
ding about one-fourth to the commodiousness of 
the building without detracting from its beauty. 
There w^ere other changes in the roof to each w4ng 
and in the dome, and still greater changes w^ere 
made in the interior. The comparative sizes of the 
second and third State-House buildings will be 
seen b3" noting the fact that the exterior walls of 
the former house measured 600 ieet in length, 
w^hile the new one measured 677 feet, and the 
wings have an addition to their height with some 
other changes, making the new State-House more 
than one-fourth larger than the old. The library 
room had more than double the capacit\' of the 
old shelf room; the executive. Senatorial and Leg- 
islative Halls were enlarged ; the offices and com- 
mittee rooms, w^ith a cabinet for specimens in ge- 
ology' and natural history were far superior. The 
building consists of a central building and two 
wings. The central building has in front a Doric 
portico, seventy-two feet eight inches in length bv 
eighteen feet projection, connected with the wall 
in the rear of the same which forms the main front 
wall of the central buildinar and is of the same 


width of the portico; the side walls are ninety-live 
feet eight inches long. The height of the portico 
to the apex is sixt}^ feet. The wings are each fifty- 
two feet long in front, by fifty feet eight inches on 
ends, and are each forty-seven feet eight inches 
high from the base course to the apex of the pedi- 
ment, and their cornices are eight feet four inches 
below that of the central building. Thus giving 
the form of the Greek Cross to the structure. 

The central building has three stories. The li- 
brary room was in the second story as are the 
Executive Chamber, the Senate and the Represent- 
ative Hall ; the latter is in the form of the letter D, 
with the speaker's desk in the center of the perpen- 
dicular line opposite to the entrance to the hall. 
Vermont has a Capitol, commodious and grand 
in all its appointments. 

As the State library increased it became evi- 
dent that larger accommodations for it would 
become necessary, that it might be consulted and 
used advantageously by the people of the State, 
especially, that portion consisting of the law li. 
brary. From the early days of Vermont after 
a Supreme Court was established until a recent 
date the Supreme Court under the laws of the 
State held a session once a year in every County 
in the State. While this was convenient for local 
litigants, it did not give the judges a suitable op- 
portunity to consider the cases brought before 
them tor consideration and decision; and when 
the Court was composed of six judges or more 
only three or four of their members attended the 
sessions, so that the litigants did not have the 


beneiit of the judi^ementof the full beneh. To obvi- 
ate this difficulty, a general term of the Supreme 
Court was established by Statute to be held at 
Montpelier once a year to which important cases, 
in the discretion of the judges might be sent where 
the cases might be heard and have the considera- 
tion of the full bench. One reason why Montpelier 
was selected for holding the General Term was 
that the attorneys and judges might have the use 
of the law books in the State libra r}^ and a conven- 
ient opportunity to consult them. The General 
Term of the Court was held in the County Court 
house of Washington County located at Montpelier. 
This manner of holding the Supreme Court, was not 
quite fair to those litigants whose cases were not 
sent to the General Term and did not have the 
benefit of the judgement of the full bench, when 
their cases might be just as important as those that 
were sent to the General Term for hearing; beside 
it required an extra session of the Court. It became 
evident to many that there should be some fixed 
place in the State where all cases to be heard be- 
fore that tribunal, should be tried. Montpelier un- 
doubtedly, would accommodate the Court and the 
people of the State, better than any other, on ac- 
count of its central position and because both the 
bench and the bar could have the benefit of con- 
sulting the law books in the State libra r\\ 

The Legislature of Vermont, by an act ap- 
proved November 22, 1884, appropriated thirt}-- 
six thousand dollars for the purpose of erecting 
within the village of Montpelier, and upon lands 
ot which the State had control, a building for the 


use of the State library, the Supreme Court, and 
the collections and librar3' of Vermont Historical 
Societ3% and other State public uses. The act pro- 
vided that the building shauld be erected of stone 
or brick, substantially fire-proof. The governor, 
lieutenant-governor, State librarian, Frederick 
Billings, Redfield Proctor, H. Henr\^ Powers and 
John L. Edwards were appointed commissioners, 
and empowered to select a site, determine upon a 
plan, and erect the building and appoint a person 
to superintend its construction. 

Under that act the committee appointed to con- 
struct the Library and Supreme Court building 
proceeded to erect the same and carried the work 
forward to its completion. The building is 48 feet 
in width and 74- ieet in lenght, connected at its 
south-east corner with the north-west corner of the 
State Capitol by a structure 8 feet by 23 feet. It 
is two stories in height : the first being 13V^ feet 
in the clear, and the second 14 feet, except the part 
occupied b_v the librar\^ which opens into the roof, 
showing the iron trusses, b^^ which it is supported. 
The first and second stor3^ floors are made level 
with the corresponding floors of the Capitol and 
connected therewith. The basement is divided in- 
to several rooms. The basement is reached b\' a 
flight of iron stairs leading from the front corridor 
and divided into a large toilet room, 12 feet by 48 
feet, and fitted with the best modern im- 
provements, and lighted by five windows, giving 
ample light and ventilation. It has also a store 
room 12 b\' 48 feet, a coal and fuel room 16 b}- 48 
feet, and a boiler room 19 bv 39 feet. The first 


Story is entered from the west corridor of the Cap- 
itol, also from the outside by a pair of large doors 
opening into a vestibule in the structure connect- 
ing the library building with the west wing of the 
Capitol. The Court room is 26 by 49 feet; the 
Judges' room, connected with the Court room, is 
15 by 17 feet, and a lawyers' room 13 by 28 feet, 
also two toilet rooms and two committee rooms. 
The second story corridor is entered from the 
first by an iron stair-case and from the old library- 
through double fire-proof doors. From the upper 
corridor a door opens into the librarian's room 
which is 8 by 14 feet. From these rooms are en- 
trances into the library room which is 44V2 by 50 
feet. The book stacks and shelves are capable of 
holding about 35,000 volumes. The construction 
of the building is thorough and durable in e verx- par- 
ticular. Great care was taken to make the build- 
ing as nearh^ fire-proof as possible. The finish and 
the furnishings of the building and rooms are fine 
and comports with the style of the building, and 
the furnishings adapted to the use for which the 
rooms were designed. It is a building, like the 
capitol, of which every Vermonter might well feel 


of the State is a landscape of green occupying 
one half of the shield : on the right and left, in the 
background, are high mountains of blue (Mt. 
Mansfield and Camel's Hump as seen from Lake 
Champlain), with a sky of yellow. From near the 
base and reaching nearlv to the top of the shield 
arises a pine-tree of the natural color, and between 


erect sheaYCs of yellow, placed bend wise on the 
dexter side, and a red cow standing on the sinister 
side of the field. 

"The Crest is a buck's head, of the natural 
color, cut off and placed on a scroll of blue and 

"The Motto and Badge. — On a scroll beneath 
the shield is the motto, 'Vermont; Freedom and 

"The Vermonter's Badge is of two pine 
branches of the natural color, crossed between the 
shield and scroll. 

"The State Seal consists of the Coat of Arms 
of the State, excluding the crest, scroll, and badge, 
with the motto in a circular border around the 

"The Flag of the State consists of thirteen 
stripes, alternate red and white, the union being a 
field of blue, with a single star of white, with the 
Coat of Arms therein. 

"The Statue of Ethan Allen, standing in 

(3F VERMONT. 339 

the portico on the left of the front entrance to the 
State House, by Larktn G. Mead, Jr., was erected 
in 1861, at an expense of $3,000. 

"The Field Pieces, standing in the portico on 
the right of the front entrance to the State House, 
were captured from the Hessians at the Battle of 
Bennington, Aug. 16, 1777." 

By an act of the legislature, approved Novem- 
ber 22, 1892, it was provided that three general 
terms of the Supreme Courtfor all counties should 
be held on the second Tuesda^^ of January, ^Ia\^ 
and October of each year, at Montpelier, and that 
special terms might be there held at such other 
times as the Judges of the Supreme Court may ap- 
point ; and the act provided that all causes on the 
docket of the court in the several counties shall be 
heard at said terms. And ever since the passage 
of said act all cases tried in the Supreme Court 
have been heard in said Supreme Court room in 
said library building. 





Benjamin Hough resided in the western part of 
the New Hampshire Grants, had previous to 1774 
accepted, and officiated in the office of justice under 
the authority of New York, to the disgust and an- 
no3^ance of the Green Mountain Bo^-s. He was 
arrested by them and brought before the Commit- 
tee of Safety at Sunderland ; he plead he was under 
jurisdiction of New York and was not guiltA' ; his 
pleas were answered by the decree, of the conven- 
tion that was held by the Green Mountain Boys, 
which forbid all persons holding an^^ office, civil or 
military, under the colony of New York. The 
judgment of the Committee was, that he ''be taken 
from the bar of Committee of Safet3^ and tied to a 
tree, and there on his naked back, to receive two 
hundred stripes ; his back being dressed, he should 
depart out of the district, and on return, to suffer 
death, unless by special leave of convention." He 
petitioned the New York Assembly for protection 
which resulted in that body asking their Governor 
to issue a proclamation offering a reward of fiftv 
pounds for the appreh-ension and securing eight 
of the principal Green Mountain Boys that they 
called the "Bennington Mob," and to the action 



of the New York authorities a defiant repl3^ was 

Deacon Azariah Rood came from Lanesboro, 
Mass., and was one of the three first settlers of 
Jericho in 1774. He was the first Selectman cho- 
sen in that town and chairman of the committee 
to hire the first candidate as clergyman. His loy- 
alty to the Grants was doubted and charges were 
brought against him. His accusers w^ere zealous 
Whigs who would naturally judge him harshly. 
The record shows that the judgment that was 
pronounced against him was rejected and he took 
the oath of fidelity and kept it faithfully. He died 
in 1795, leaving a son, Thomas Darkely Rood, who 
also was a deacon. 

Lieut. Martin Powell of Manchester was 
one of the committee of seven who issued the war- 
rant for the convention of Januar\^, 1776, and del- 
egate in that convention and the one held in 1777; 
Member of the first General Assembly of March, 
1778, and for eight 3^ears following; Judge of Pro- 
bate twelve years ; member of the convention of 
1791, which adopted the Constitution of the Unit- 
ed States. 

John Taplin was one of the first settlers of 
Newbury. He was appointed Commissioner to 
administer oaths of oflfice and Judge of Inferi9r 
Court of common pleas, March 17, 1770 ; and 
Judge again April 10, 1772. His son, John Tap- 
lin, Jr., was Sheriff of Gloucester county from 
March, 1770, until May, 1777. 

CoL. Samuel Wells, of Brattleboro, was an 


avowed Ro3'alist and a member of the Colonial 
Assembly of New York from Januar\% 1773, to the 
end of that bod\' April 3, 1775. His family was 
rewarded by the British goyernment for his ser- 
vices. It was stated in the New^ York Gazette of 
June 23, 1777, that "Wells of Brattleboro had 
been lateh- confined to his farm and otherwise ill- 
treated, and it is known that, for a long time, per- 
mission was granted to anyone to shoot him 
should he be found beyond thebounds of his acres." 

Ebexezer Wood was among the first settlers 
of Bennington, and third Sergeant in the fi.rst mili- 
tary company there in 1764. In February, 1778, 
he was appointed one of the captains in the in- 
tended secret expeditions under Stark. To him, as 
Colonel, and his associates, the township of Wood- 
bury was granted, and it was named for him. 

Capt. Parmalee Allen was connected bv^ 
blood with Ethan and Ira Allen and their rela- 
tives. Timoth}' Allen, of Woodbury, Conn., w^as 
his father and cousin of Gen. Ethan Allen. Par- 
malee Allen came to Pawdet with his father in 
1768, and was Town Clerk in 1770, and served 
with credit in Herrick's regiment of Rangers, and 
was afterwards, about the year 1780, appointed 
Captain of one of the companies of Rangers. 

. Samuel Benton was among the first settlers 
of Cornwall, and represented that towm in 1787 
to 1790 and in 1791. 

John Chandler was the oldest son of Thomas 
Chandler, senior, of Chester, and came to Vermont 
with his father in 1763, and held several offices 


under New York until February, 1772, when he 
was removed from the office of Clerk of Cumber- 
land county for misconduct. His bad habits in 
business were strongly fixed. 

Major Helkiah Grout, of Wethersfield, was 
born in Lunenburgh, Mass., Julv 23, 1728, and 
came to Vermont previous to June 27,1755; on 
that date, he, with several others, was captured 
by the Indians at Bridgman's Fort in Vernon. In 
1758 or in 1759, on being released, returned to 
Cumberland county. He adhered to New York, 
and was employed in various offices under the au- 
thorities of that State, and was appointed Cap- 
tain of the Weathersfield company in 1775 and 
was the first Major of the regiment in 1776 ; he 
was a delegate for Weathersfield in the Committee 
of Safet3', in 1777; assistant Judge in inferior 
court of common pleas, in 1778 ; a Justice of the 
Peace, Commissioner to administer oaths of office, 
and Justice of the court of oyer and terminer, in 
1782. On the 17th of February, 1779, he went to 
Shrewsbury as a New York magistrate, and took 
sundr\' affidavits, for which he was seized and 
tried by a court-martial consisting of several of- 
ficers of Warner's regiment on the 18th of Febru- 
ar^^ The charge made against him was not sus- 
tained, but he was afterwards tried by jury, con- 
victed, and fined bj^ a Vermont civil court. The 
charge was for acting as a magistrate in taking 
the affidavits referred to under New York. In 
1785 he represented Weathersfield in the Vermont 

Col. Udney Hay was a descendant from an 


eminent family of that name in Scotland and was 
highly educated and distinguished for his talents. 
He was a politician and opposed to the Constitu- 
tion and to the administrations of Washington 
and John Adams. Soon after the Revolution he 
settled in Underbill, and there lived and died. He 
represented that town in the General Assembly 
from October, 1798, to October, 1804. 

Noah Sabin, Jr., represented Putney in the 
Legislature from 1782 to 1787; was Register of 
Probate for the district of Westminster from 1791 
to 1801, and succeeded his father as Judge from 
1801 to 1809. He died Dec. 5, 1827. 

Maj. John Shepardsox, was born in 1718 
and died in 1798, and was in the second company 
of settlers in Guilford, which in 1772 was styled 
the ''district of Guilford" in the county of Cum- 
berland and province of New York. He was the 
first Clerk of the town, and among the earliest ad- 
herents to Vermont in that town ; he was Judge of 
Probate under Vermont government in 1778, and 
Judge of the Superior Court in 1778-9. A party 
of Yorkers in 1782, attempted to arrest him and 
Lieut. -Gov. Carpenter, but failed. 

Dr. Beldad Andross was one of the delegates 
from Bradford to the conventions at Windsor, 
June and Jul_v, 1777, to organize the Vermont gov- 
ernment, and a member of the Vermont Assembly 
in 1787. He was a justice of the peace under New 
York from 1766 until, at least, Alarch 14, 1775, 
as on that da^^ he signed in his official character 
as a New York magistrate, the "State of Facts" 
of the Westminster Massacre. 


Increase Moseley was born at Norwich, 
Conn., May 18, 1712, and removed to Ancient 
Woodbury, Conn., about 1740, and to Clarendon, 
Vt., in 1779. He was a leader of the Revolution- 
ary patriots of Ancient Woodbury, and w^as mod- 
erator of the first meeting, for the relief of Boston, 
Sept. 20, 1774; that meeting appointed him chair- 
man of the committee of correspondence to secure 
peace and union in that and the neighboring Col- 
onies ; on Nov. 17, 1774, w^as appointed one of the 
committee to secure compliance with the "Articles 
of Association" adopted by Congress October 20, 
1774; and appointed Sept. 19, 1775, one of the 
''Committee of Inspection and Observation" over 
Tories and other dangerous persons ; he served 
for thirty-six sessions in the Legislature of Con- 
necticut. He represented Clarendon, Vermont, in 
the Legislature of 1782, and was speaker of that 
session ; he was Judge of the Supreme Court of the 
State in 1780, and President of the Council of Cen- 
sors in 1785, Chief Judge of Rutland County Court 
six 3^ears, commencing in 1781. He died Ma3^ 2, 
1795. He had eight children and, at least, five 

John Chipman was Second Lieutenant in the 3d 
Co. of the regiment of Green Mountain Bo\'s or- 
ganized at the house of Cephas Kent, innholder, in 
Dorset, July 26, 1775. He cleared the first land in 
Middlebury. He was active in military service 
most of the time from the spring of 1775 till he was 
taken prisoner at Fort George in October, 1780. 
He took part in the capture of Fort Ticonderoga 
on the morning of May 10, 1775, and was at the 


taking of St. Johns and Montreal, and in the bat- 
tles at Hubbard ton, Bennington and Saratoga. 

Thomas Tolman of Arlington was Secretary of 
the Council from October, 1784 to 1785. His fa- 
ther romoved from Attleborough, Mass., to 
GreensboroughjVt., Oct. 1, 1817, and died July 4th, 
1821 in his 94th. year. His son, the subject of 
this sketch, was born at Cornwall Sept. 5, 1756, 
and married Lois Clark at said Attleborough, 
Aug. 17th, 1780, and removed from this town to 
Arlington, Vt. in June 1781, and from Arlington 
to Cornwall in Feb. 1788, and from Cornwall to 
Greensborough in Sept. 1795, where he died Sept. 
8, 1842, aged 86 3'ears. He had lived in Vermont, 
a short time before he removed his family to Ar- 
lington as he was Secretary to Governor Thomas 
Chittenden in December 1780. He was Secretary 
protem of the Board of War in 1781, and repre- 
sentative of Arlington in 1784, and for Cornwall 
in 1790. He served on the committee of Pa\'- 
Table, and as Pay-Master, and engrossing Clerk, 
and at the session of 1784, w^as appointed as one 
of the committees to draft a repl\^ to the Gover- 
nor's speech; he was appointed wnth Ira Allen, by 
the Governor and Council in Jan. 1783, to draft 
the remonstrance to Congress against the belliger- 
ent resolutions of Dec. 5, 1782. He w^as held in 
high estimation as a writer and preacher; he w^as 
pastor of the Congregational church in Cornwall 
from Sept. 26, 1787, until Nov. 11, 1790. 

Elisha Allis graduated at Harvard in 1767. 
In Feb. 1791, he removed wnth his family from 
AYilliamsburgh, Alass., to Brookfield, Yt. In 1789 


and 1790, before he removed his family from 
Mass., he spent the summers in clearing a small 
farm and erecting buildings in Brookfield, making 
a homestead for the remainder of his life. He rep- 
resented that town in the General Assembly in 
1793, and from 1795 to 1799 inclusive, and also 
in 1813; was Councillor from 1799 to 1803; dele- 
gate in the Constitutional Convention of 1793; 
Assistant Judge of Orange Count}- Court from 
1797 to 1802; deacon in the Congregational 
church for more than 35 years, revered by a nu- 
merous posterity, honored and respected by his 
neighbors and fellow-citizens. He died April 3, 1835. 
John Bridgeman was appointed Justice of the 
Peace for Cumberland Count_v,by New York gov- 
ernment April 14, 1772, and from June till Nov. 
1776, a member of the Cumberland County Com- 
mittee of Safety. He was the magistrate who tried 
Col. Timothy Church in July 1782, and issued the 
execution that Church resisted. In Jan. 1781, the 
Convention held at Charleston, N. H., appointed 
him one of the committees to wait upon the Gener- 
al Assembl V of Vermont, to promote the scheme of 
uniting all of the New- Hampshire Grants, west of 
the Mason line, under one government; in March 
1782, he was elected an Assistant Judge and Justice 
of the Peace for Windham County, and he was a 
member of the Vermont Assembly of that year, and 
inl784,1786, 1794 and 1796. He held the office of 
Assistant Judge of Windham Count\' Court from 
1781 until 1796, except the year of 1783, and he 
was Chief Judge from 1796 until 1801. He was 
Judge of Probate in 1789 until 1803; Councillor in 


1799; and Elector of President and Vice-President 
in 1796. This surely was a good record. 

Solomon Miller was born in West Springfield, 
Mass., in 1761. He entered the Revolutionary 
army, and was in the battle of Bennington and at 
the taking of Burgoyne. After the conclusion of 
the Revolutionary War he removed to Wallingford, 
and from thence in 1786 to Williston, of which 
towm he was Clerk for man\^ years. He was for 
15 years Clerk of Chittenden County, and for 14 
years Judge of Probate. He represented Williston 
in the General Assembly in 1797, and was Councill- 
or from 1799 until 1803, and -in 1808, 1813, and 
1814. He died in 1847. 

Paul Brigham was one of the most trusted and 
remarkable men of early Vermont. He took his 
seat as Councillor at the October session of 1792 
for the first time, although elected to the office in 
joint Assembly on October 25, 1791. He received 
twenty-seven elections from the people of the State 
at large,— one in 1792 as Elector of President 
and Vice-President; five elections as Councillor 
from 1792 to 1796 inclusive; and twenty-one as 
Lieutenant Governor from 1797 until 1813, and 
from 1815 until his declination in 1820. During 
the adjourned session of the Legislature from Feb. 
14, to March 1797, he presided in the absence of 
Governor Chittenden, and on the death of the Gov- 
ernor, August 24, 1797, he became acting Gover- 
nor. He was born in Coventry, Connecticut, Jan- 
uary 17, 1746, and died atNorwich June 15, 1824; 
in his death the people mourned the loss of one 
whom, with the blessings of heaven, our national 


Independence was achieved. He had been Captain 
in the Continental army; previous to his accept- 
ance of his Commission, he had arisen to that rank 
through every intermediate step from a Corporal 
in the militia. When the Commission was tendered 
to him he had held the office of Captain long enough 
to be exempted by law from military- dut\-, but he 
shrank not inthe hours of his Country's danger and 
need; he entered the field to redeem the pledge of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence of "their 
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor." On 
June 16, 1777, he joined his regiment under com- 
mand of Col. Chandler, in Gen. AIcDougall's bri- 
gade. Hefought under Gen. Washinsjto.i, in the bat- 
tles of Germantowm and Monmouth and was in the 
detachment of Mud Island b3' whom Fort Miflin 
w^as a long time braveh' defended against the land 
and naval forces of the enemy. He served in the 
National army three years. In the year 1781, re- 
moved with his family to Norwich, Vt. In the 
military he was promoted through every grade to 
aMaj. General. He was successively high Sheriff, 
Judge of Probate, and Judge of the Windsor Coun- 
ty Court; he represented Norwich in the General 
Assembly in 1783, 1786 and 1791, and a delegate 
in the Constitutional Convention of 1793, 1814 
and 1822. He was respected for his republican 
simplicty of manners and ardent patriotism, and 
for many useful labors in the different stations to 
which he was elevated by his fellow-citizens. He 
retired to the shades of private life, to witness in 
the evening of his days the happy effects of the 
laws which he had assisted in framing, and to 


reap the rewards of his faithful services in the es- 
teem of a free an 1 enli.2^htened people. 

Noah Smith was born at Suffield, Conn., and 
was a graduate of Yale College in 1778. On leav- 
ing college he moved to Bennington, Vt. On the 
16th of August, 1778, he delivered an address on 
the first anniversary of the Battle of Bennington. 
He was admitted to the bar of Vermont at West- 
minster, May 26, 1779, with Stephen R. Bradley — 
these being the first admissions to the bar of Ver- 
mont. He held the office of State's attorney for the 
County of Bennington for the years of 1780, from 
1786 to 1789, and in 1791. He was Clerk of Ben- 
nington County Courts from 1781 until 1784; 
Judge of the Supreme Court in 1789 and 1790 and 
again from 1798 until 1801. He served as Coun- 
cillor but one year, he removed from Bennington 
to Milton soon after 1800, and died at Milton Dec. 
25, 1812, at the age of 57 years. 

DocT. Timothy Todd represented Arlington in 
1790, 1793, 1794 and 1795; was Councillor from 
1798 until 1801; delegate in the Constitutional 
Convention of 1791;he was an influential member 
of the first incorporated Medical Society in the 
State, and a poet ranking well among his con- 

Abel Spencer was among the inhabitants of 
Clarendon who left their homes on the approach of 
Burgo\'ne's armv, in 1777, and joined the enemy. 
For this he was fined one thousand pounds. In 
1779, he petitioned for a remission of a part of this 
fine, and one-half of it was remitted. He represent- 
ed Clarendon in 1791 until 1797, except in 1794; he 


represented Rutland in 1S02, 1803, 1806 and 
1807, and was Speaker of the House in 1797and 
in 1802; was Councillor from Oct. 13, 1798 until 
1801, and State's Attorne3^ in Rutland Count\^ 
from 1796 until 1803. He was the Federal Candi- 
date for United States Senator in October 1802, 
and was defeated b_Y Israel Smith by a vote ol 
111 to 85. He was expelled from the House, Nov. 
10, 1807, by a unanimous vote, for theft. 

Benjamix Burt was a member of the House in 
1798 and resigned his seat and entered the Coun- 
cil on Nov. 1, 1798. He was arrested as one of the 
Court party at the Westminster massacre in 1775, 
but he soon after joined the Vermont party, and 
w^as appointed Judge of theCounty!Court in 1781. 
In 1784 he was Quarter-Master in Col. Stephen R. 
Bradley's Vermont regiment; he was a member of 
the House from Westminster in 1781, 1786, 1796, 
1797,1798 and till Nov. 1st, 1799; w^as Councillor 
from Nov. 1798 until October 17, 1799, when he 
resigned and chose to serve in the House. He was 
Judge of Windham County Court in 1781, and 
from 1786 until 1803; and a member of the Coun- 
cil of Censors in 1792. 

Richard Whitney w^asan Attorne\^of Windham 
County Court in 1795, residing at Guilford. Clerk 
of the House from 1792 to 1 798, when he declined 
a re-election. On Oct. 15, 1798, he was appointed 
Secretary of the Governor and Council, and he 
held that office until 1804. He died in May 1805 
at Hinsdale, now Vernon, at the age of 39 years. 

Gen. William Chamberlain, born at Hopkin- 
ton, Mass., April 27, 1753 and removed with his 


father to London, X. H., in 1773. His career was 
a notable one. He volunteered and entered the 
army in 1775, and served as orderh- sergeant in 
the invasion of Canada, enduring great sufferings, 
and being one of the nine officers and privates, 
out of a company of seventy-, who survived to take 
part in the battle of Trenton, X. J. At the expira- 
tion of the term of his enlistment, he returned to 
Xew Hampshire, but on Burgoyne's invasion in 
1777, he again volunteered, and was in the battle 
of Bennington and brought away some trophies of 
personal combat w4th his enemies. In 1780 he re- 
moved to Peacham and was Clerk of the proprie- 
tors of the town; he was Town Clerk 12 years; Jus- 
tice of the Peace for 24 years; Town Representative 
in 1785, 1787, until 179G, in 1805 and in 1808; 
Chief Judge of Caledonia County Court from 1787 
until 1803, and again in 1814; Councillor from 
1796 until 1803; Lieut. Governor in 1813 to 1815; 
delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1791 
and 1814; a Presidental Elector in 1800; and a 
member of Congress two terms 1803-5, and 1809- 
11. He died Sept. 27, 1828. He was upright in 
private life, a friend of order, learning and relig- 
ion; he lived to see the wilderness of Vermont be- 
come a cultivated and a populous region. 

Stephen Jacob was an attorne^v. He was 
born in Sheffield, Mass., and w^as a graduate of 
Yale College in the class of 1778, and appeared 
first in the records of Vermont as poet at the first 
celebration of the battle of Bennington, 1778. He 
w^as representative for the town of Windsor in the 
General Assembly in 1781, 1788, and 1794. and 


served as Clerk in the House in 1788 and 1789; a 
member of the first Council of Censors in 1785, 
and a delegate in the Constitutional Convention 
in 1793; Chief Judge of Windsor Counts' Court 
from 1797 until 1801, and Councillor from 1796 
until 1802. He distinguished himself for courage 
and energy in quelling the attempted insurrection 
in Windsor County in 1786, and in 1789, he was 
appointed one of the Commissioners to settle the 
controversy' with New York, and served in that 
delicate and important business. He died in Feb- 
ruary, 1817, aged sixt^^-one 3'ears. 

Elias Keyes was born in Ashford, Conn., and 
was one of the first settlers of Stockbridge in 1784 
or 1785, and he represented the town in the Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1793 until 1803, and 1818,1820, 
and from 1823 until 1826; and was a member of 
the Constitutional Convention of 1814 and Coun- 
cillor from 1803 until 1818 with the exception of 
1814; and a member of Congress from 1821 until 
1823; assistant Judge of Windsor County Court 
from 1806 until 1814, and Chief Judge from 1815 
until 1817. He once presented a petition to the 
Assembh' for his own relief, in which petition was 
the expression, "for the relief of Elias Keyes, which 
Elias I am.'' 

DocT. Asaph Fletcher was born in Westfield, 
Mass., June 28, 1746, and removed to Cavendish, 
Yt., in Februar\^ 1787, and was elected represent- 
ative of that town in 1790, 1792 and in 1820; he 
was delegate in the Constitutional Convention of 
1791 and 1793; and elector of President and Yice- 
President in 1816; Assistant Judge of Windsor 



County Court from 1801 until 1805; and Coun- 
cillor from 1803 until 1808. He had several sons 
who have filled important and honorable posi- 
tions: viz, Gen. Asaph Fletcher, Jr., was Sheriff of 
Windsor County from 1820 until 1830; Hon. Rich- 
ard Fletcher of Boston, who was member of Con- 
gress from 1837 to 1839, and Judge of the Su- 
preme Court of Mass. from 1848 to 1853; Doct. 
Alpheus Fletcher of Cavendish; Rev. Horace Flet- 
cher of To wnshend; and Ryland Fletcher of Caven- 
dish, who was Lieut. Governor of Vermont in 
1854 to 1856, and Governor from 1856 to 1858. 

Samuel Shepardson served as a guide to the 
Vermont troops, who in 1784, under the command 
of Stephen R. Bradley, suppressed the disorder in 
Guilford and ^vicinity; he was Councillor from 
1803 until 1808, and Register of Probate in 1806, 
and Elector of President and Vice-President in 

Ebenezer Wheelock w^as one of the early 
settlers of Whiting, and he represented that town 
from 1790 until 1796, and in 1802, and from 1817 
until 1821. He was Councillor in 1803 until 
1808, and delegate in the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1793. 

Beriah Loomis represented Thetfordfrom 1782 
until 1790, and in 1817: he was Councillor from 
1801 until 1814; Assistant Judge of Orange Coun- 
ty Court from 1797 until 1818; a member of the 
Constitutional Convention of 1791. 

Cornelius Lynde w-as born in Leicester, Mass., 
August 16, 1751, and served an apprenticeship in 
the clothier's trade until he was 21 years of age. 


He entered and continued in Harvard College till 
the opening of the Revolutionary war, when he 
joined the army and served through the war and 
was a Lieutenant when discharged. He was one 
of the original grantees of Willianistown, Vt., and 
came to that town about 1785, and was employ- 
ed b^^ the proprietors to survey and allot the land. 
He was the first Town Clerk, elected in 1787, and 
held the office until 1797; was Town Representa- 
tive from 1791 until 1794, and was elected for 
1794, but was transferred to the Council, and held 
that office until 1799; was Judge of Orange Coun- 
ty Court from 1793 until 1798; and a delegate in 
the Constitutional Convention of 1791. He and 
Elijah Paine labored for the establishment ot the 
State University at Williamstown instead of at 

John White was born in Esopus, N. Y., and 
settled in the town of Arlington, Vt., prior to 
1783, as in that year he was appointed Assistant 
Judge of Bennington County Court, he held that 
office till 1787, when he removed to Burlington 
with the intention of ultimatel)^ settling in the 
town of Georgia, but on October 22, 1787, he was 
appointed Assistant Judge of Chittenden County 
Court, and he held that office until 1796, except 
the year 1793. In 1796 he was appointed to the 
same office in Franklin County, and reappointed 
in 1797. He was elected Representative for Geor- 
gia to the Assembly in 1790, 1794 and 1800, 
but in 1794, he was elected a member ot the Coun- 
cil and served in that bod3^ until 1798, and from 
1801 until 1808, in all 11 A'ears. He was a member 


of the Council of Censors in 1792 and 1799, and 
of the Constitutional Convention in 1791 and 
1793, and as Presidential Elector in 1808. He was 
a man of character and abilit\% making up for his 
want of education by habits of close observation 
and the practice of sound common sense. 

CoL. Elijah Robinson represented Weathers- 
field in the Assembly for 1782, 1783, and from 
1792 until October 29, 1794, when he was ap- 
pointed Councillor, which office he held until 1802; 
in 1783 he was a member of the Board of War, 
and in 1786, he served as Lieut. Colonel in sup- 
pressing the attempted insurrection in Windsor 
County; he was Judge of Windsor County Court 
from 1782 until 1787, and from 1788 to 1801, 
and Chief Judge in 1802, making 19 years of Ju- 
dicial service; he w^as also member of the Council 
of Censors in 1785. In 1793, he w^as elected Briga- 
dier General, but refused to accept the office. He 
died January 1809, at the age of 73 years univer- 
sally lamented. He was one of the number, who 
in 1759, traversed the then wilderness from 
Charlestown, N. H., to Crown Point. At the 
commencement of the Revolution he repaired again 
to the tented field and contributed several years of 
personal services to the freedom and independence 
of the American States. 

Truman Souier of Manchester was an Attor- 
ney. He was appointed on October 25, 1798, 
Judge of Probate for the District of Manchester to 
fill a vacanc3' occasioned by the declination of Lu- 
ther Stone. He was also State's Attorney for Ben- 
nington County for the years of 1798 and 1799. 


Ebenezer Marvin was uncle of Stephen Royce, 
the late Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of , Vt., 
and was born in Connecticut in April 1741; in his 
younger daj-s he was a farmer, but later qualified 
himself for the medical profession, which he follow- 
ed until 1794. He was a resident of Sharon, 
Conn., in 1766, but removed to Stillwater, N. Y., 
from thence to Lansingburgh, and from thence to 
Tinmouth, Vt. in 1781, and from Tinmouth to 
Franklin in 1794, where he died of paralysis in No- 
vember 1820, in his 80th year. At the commence- 
ment of the Revolutionary war, he took an active 
part and contributed liberally of his means to the 
cause; he served as Captain of a company of vol- 
unteers who marched to the support of Ethan Al- 
len and Benedict Arnold at Ticonderoga, but sub- 
sequently served as surgeon in the Continental 
service, and in that capacity was present at the 
battle w4th and the surrender of Burgoyne, in Oc- 
tober 1777. He was Judge of Rutland County 
Court in 1786, and from 1788 to 1794, w^hen he 
removed to Franklin; he was Judge of Chittenden 
County Court from 1794, until Franklin County 
was fully organized in 1796; and Judge of tTie 
Franklin County Court from 1796 until 1802, and 
again from 1808 until 1809. He represented Tin- 
mouth in 1783, and from 1786 until October 1791, 
when he took his seat in the Council, which ofhce 
he held until 1802. Though he was not educated 
for the bar, Chief Justice Ro^^ce said, that through 
his long experience as a Judge, and his powers of 
discrimination and judgment, he became what 
may be justly styled a great common sense law- 


yer. Chief Justice Royce said of him, "In person he 
was august and impressive, being, at least, six 
feet in height, with broad shoulders, full chest and 
stout limbs, every wa^^ strong and muscular, and 
quite corpulent, and had a larger human head 
than is rareh', if ever, seen. In politics he was a 
Federalist of the Washington school, and in relig- 
ious preference and profession an Episcopalian. 





Col. Timothy Church of Brattleboro was 
quite a prominent adherent to New York in Cum- 
berland County. He was among the 44 arrested 
by Ethan Allen and his posse in 1779, and was 
then tried, convicted and fined in the sum of twen- 
ty-five pounds. He was commissioned Lieut. Col- 
onel by Gov. Clinton, for his service and resistance 
to Vermont authority; he was arrested, indicted, 
tried and convicted of treason against the State, 
banished and his property confiscated. On peti- 
tion, he was pardoned by an Act of the General 
Assembly in Feb. 1783, the preamble of which Act, 
set ''forth his sincere and hearty penitence and de- 
termination to behave orderly and submissive in 
case of pardon. 

Maj. Jonathan Hunt in Nov. 1775, was rec- 
ommended to New York as second Colonel of the 
lower regiment in Cumberland Count3\ but he de- 
clined it. In 1777, he was Town Clerk of Hinsdale 
(now Vernon) and was a New York sympathizer. 
In 1780, he was one of the leading Yorkers who 
instituted measures for forming a new State com- 
prising territory h'ing between the Mason line in 



New Hampshire and the rido^e of Green Mountains, 
and seemed to favor the interest of Vermont, for 
he accepted the office of sheriff of Windham County 
June 15, 1781, and represented Vernon in the Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1783, and was elected Councillor 
from 1786 to 1794 inclusive; he w^as elected Lieut. 
Gov. October 10. 1794, in joint Assembl3% and re- 
elected b3^ the people in 1795; he was a member of 
the Vermont Convention of 1791, which adopted 
the United States Constitution, and died June 1, 
1823, at the age of 85 3'ears. Hon. Jonathan 
Hunt, M. C, from Vermont in 1827, was his son. 
Ebenezer Walbridge was born in Norwich, 
Conn., Jan. 1, 1738, and came to Bennington about 
1765. Previous to 1780, he had served in Canada 
as Lieut, in Warner's Green Mountain regiment, 
and Adjutant in the Battle of Bennington and in 
1778, w^as made Lieut. Colonel of Vermont militia 
in 1780. He was one of those w- ho was intrusted 
with the secret of Haldimand negotiations. In 
Dec. 1781, he commanded the forces of Vermont 
before whom the New York militia retreated, and 
later was elected Brigadier General ; he represented 
Bennington in 1778 and 1780, and Councillor ten 
\'ears from October 1786, to October 1796. He 
died October 3, 1819. His genealogy has been 
traced back to the Walbridges of Suffolk County, 
England. He was an enterprising business man 
and one of those who erected the first paper mill 
in Vermont in 1784. 

Samuel Mattocks came from Hartford, Conn., 
to Tinmouth, Vt., in 1778, and represented that 
town from 1781 to 1785. In 1785, he was a mem- 


ber of the Council, and in 1783 to 1788, and again 
in 1794-, he was Assistant Judge of Rutland Coun- 
ty Court, and elected Chief Judge in 1788; he was 
State Treasurer from 1786, until 1800, and a 
member of the Council of Censors in 1792. He 
was constantly in public office for twenty years. 

Nathaniel Niles was a clergyman of consider- 
able note. He was born in South Kingston, R. I., 
April 3, 17il, and was a collegiate. He studied 
law, medicine, and theology, and settled in Fair- 
lee (now West Fairlee) in 1779; he was also an in- 
ventor and succeeded in discovering a process of 
making wire from bar-iron by water power; he 
also invented and manufactured wool-cards. He 
was a poet and published the Ode entitled the 
American Hero, which was regarded as " one of 
the finest and most popular productions of the 
war" of the Revolution. It was set to music and 
sung in the churches and religious assemblies of 
New England and became the war song of the sol- 
diers. From 1784, until 1815, he was constantly 
in the service of the public as Town Representa- 
tive, State Councillor, member of the Council of 
Censors, delegate in Constitutional Conventions, 
member of Congress, and Judge of the Supreme 

Thomas Porter came to Tinmouth from Con- 
necticut in 1779, and held several important 
offices; Representative of Tinmouth in the General 
Assembly, a member of the Council, Speaker of the 
House, Judge of Rutland County Court. His pub- 
lic service in Vermont embraced 17 3'ears ; he was 
a man of estimable character and good talents, 


and died at Granville, N.Y., August 1833, at the 
age of 99 years. 

Samuel Safford was born at Norwich Conn. 
April 14, 1737, and was one of the early settlers 
of Bennington, and actively engaged in the defence 
of the State through the long and bitter contest 
with New York. From 1775, to 1807, he was 
constant^ employed in public service both civil 
and military. He held at different times the posi- 
tion of Major and Lieut. Colonel in Warner's reg- 
iment, and was in the battle of Hubbardton and 
Bennington; he was a delegate in most of the Con- 
ventions, and represented Bennington in General 
Assembly in 1781 and 1782; he was Councillor 
from 1782, to 1805, and 26 years Chief Judge of 
Bennington County Court. He was one of those 
who was cognizant of the Haldimand negotiation, 
but his patriotism was never questioned. He was 
a member of the Congregational church after 
1804, till his death March 3, 1813. 

Ebenezer Allen w-as born at Northampton, 
Mass., October 17, 1743, and was a descendant of 
Matthew Allen who came to New England in 1632, 
with Rev. Thomas Hooker of Chelmsford. He was 
appointed Lieutenant in Warner's regiment 1775, 
and Captain, Aug. 25, 1777. He was a member of 
the Board of War in 1779; and Maj. of Rangers 
and Colonel of Militia in 1780. He distinguished 
himself in the Battle of Bennington, and particular- 
ly so by a night attack with a party of men on 
Mount Defiance, and in its capture in September 
1777, and in the capture of fifty of the rear guard 
of the enemv on their retreat from Ticonderoga at 


that time. He was a brave and successful partis- 
an leader. He settled in Poultne^- in 1777, and re- 
moved to Tinmouth and represented that town in 
the several Conventions in 1776 and 1777. He re- 
moved to South Hero in 1783, which town he rep- 
resented four years in the General Assembly, and 
moved to Burlington in 1800, where he died 
March 26, 1806. 

Asa Baldwin was the first Town Clerk of Dor- 
set. He came from New York and was a strict 
Churchman and a Ro^^alist. He with his brother 
Thomas and others were under arrest and dealt 
with by the Council of Safet3% for their dislo^-al 
conduct but on the application of Captain Abra- 
ham Underhill, on their taking the oath of Fidelity- 
to the United States of America and dispensing 
with the loss the^^ had sustained to atone for 
their past folly, were accepted as friends and citi- 

Col. Timothy Bedel was Colonel of New 
Hampshire Rangers in the Canada Campaign of 
1775, and had seen considerable militar3' service. 
When the first union of New Hampshire towns 
with Vermont had been effected Bedel's regiment 
fell within the jurisdiction of Vermont, and a part 
of his regiment b\' vote of the General Assemble 
and the advice of the Council, were ordered sent to 
guard the frontiers on the West side of the moun- 
tain. He was one of the persons with whom Gen. 
Haldimand attempted to communicate in the 
spring 1782. The interview failed because Bedel 
said ''he was watched." He was one of the Ver- 
mont Board of War in 1781. 


Barnabas Barnum was one of the first settlers 
in Monkton. He was killed in the fight at the 
block-house in Shelburne March 12, 1778. 

Gen. Gideon Brownson of Sunderland was 
Captain and served through the Revolutionary 
war, and promoted to the rank of Alajor in the 
Continental service, and afterwards General in the 
Vermont militia. He was a violent politician in 
the then late war; and as proof of his valiant con- 
duct, T. A. Graham said that he, in 1797, carried 
in his body eighteen pieces of lead which he receiv- 
ed during that contest. 

Zadock Everest. His special buisnessinl778, 
was to look after inimical persons. He came from 
Connecticut into Addison in 1765, and opened the 
first public house in Addison Count\^ but was 
forced to leave it at the time of Burgoyne's inva- 
sion in 1777, going to Pawlet and remaining there 
until 1784, when he returned to Addison. He rep- 
resented Pawlet in the first General Assembly, 
March 1778; Panton in 1785; and Addison in 
1788, 1789, and 1795. 

John Hazeltine came to Townshend from Up- 
ton, Mass., in 1761, and was a prominent man in 
the town and count_v, and often called to preside 
in public meetings. His patriotism was of an ar- 
dent and energetic sort, and won for him the title 
of King Hazeltine. The Whigs esteemed him high- 
ly, and especialh^ in selecting him as the person to 
whom bonds with security were given by sundry 
persons who had been arrested for participation 
in the Westminster Massacre. He w^as appoint- 
ed a delegate from Cumberland County to the 


Provincial Congress and the Convention of New 
York May 23, 1775. 

Phineas Hurd was a wealthy citizen of Ar- 
lington and was proscribed in the Act of Feb. 26, 
1779; It is claimed he was abducted and never 
heard of afterwards, and burnt in a prison-ship 
near New York. This family was frequently 
abused b\' the Whigs, and his property confiscated 
by the State and offered for sale, but no one would 
buy it, and the General Assembly gave the use of 
the farm confiscated to his widow. 

Francis Pfister was an officer in the Royal 
American Regiment in 1760. He commanded the 
Tories, as Colonel in the battle of Bennington, 
and w- as mortalh' wounded. 

Abraham Underhill represented Dorset in the 
Conventions of July and September 1776, and was 
one of the nine persons appointed July 25, 1776, 
as a committee of Appeals in matters relative to 
the cause of American Liberty. He commanded a 
military compan3^ raised for the defence of the State. 
He was a member of the General Assembl_v in 
October 1778, 1780, 1781 and 1782, and died in 

Samuel Avery of Westminster was Deputy 
Sheriff in Windham County in October 1782, and 
in that capacit}^ executed the sentence of banish- 
ment upon sundry violent Yorkers. 

Col. Nathaniel Brush came to Bennington 
about 1775; he commanded the militia of that 
town in the battle of Bennington, and served as 
Judge of Probate in 1781, and from 1787 to 1794, 
and as Clerk of the Courts from 1787 to 1803. 


James Rogers came from Londonderry, New 
Hampshire, to Londonderry, Vermont, in the year 
1770. He commenced the settlement of the latter 
town which had been granted to him bj' New York 
Feb. 13, 1770, under the name of Kent. He was 
commissioned by New York as Assistant Justice of 
the Inferior Court of common pleas and as Justice 
of the Peace in 1772, and once before that time. In 
1775 he was counted a Whig, and at a Convention 
of twelve towns in Cumberland County, held Feb. 
7th of that year, was appointed one of the Com- 
mittees of correspondence for tw"ent3^-one towns. 
On May 31, 1775, New Y'ork tendered to him a 
commission as Brigadier General of the militia 
of Cumberland, Gloucester and Charlotte counties, 
which he refused on political principles. In Septem- 
ber 1776, he was a delegate in the Dorset Conven- 
tion, voted in favor of separating from New Y^ork, 
but afterwards he joined the King's troops. On 
October 3, 1777, the Council of Safety assumed 
the control of his property which was confiscated 
in 1778. In 1795 and 1797, James Rogers, Jr., pe- 
titioned the General Assembl3' for a restoration of 
his father's property, and all that had not been 
sold w^as restored to him. 

The Peters Family. The history of the Rev. 
Hugh Peters was written and published by Sam- 
uel A. Peters, D. D., of Hebron, Connecticut, Decem- 
ber 12, 1735. There was also a Rev. Samuel Pe- 
ters, LL. D., who was born in said Hebron in 
1717. Rev. Hugh Peters, the ancestor of Samuel 
Peters, and Samuel Andrew Peters, was convicted 
of treason in England, and executed October 16, 

OF vp:km()nt. 867 

1660. Samuel Peters was once selected for the 
office ol Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal church 
in Vermont, but was never consecrated. Samuel 
Andrew Peters, in his life of Hugh Peters, showed 
the relation between Rev. Doctors Samuel and 
Samuel Andrew Peters, thus: Samuel, L. L. D., 
son of John and Mary Peters, born in Hebron in 
1717, was a Tor}^ and went to England in 1774. 
Samuel Andrew Peters, A. M., barrister, son of 
Jonathan, and grandson of John and Mary, had 
Samuel Andrew Peters who was also a Tor}', and 
also went to England in 1774; and that Rev. Dr. 
Samuel Peters: was uncle to Rev. Dr. Samuel An- 
drew Peters; the latter had strong attachment for 
Vermont, and notwithstanding he was both 
churchman and Tory, he highly esteemed many of 
its leading Whigs, whose lineage, like his own, he 
was proud to trace back to the stanch Whigs and 
Puritans of England. In the life of Hugh Peters he 
named several as follows: Gen. Absolom Peters 
married Mary Rogers, a descendant of Rev. John 
Rogers, the martyr, and she was mother of Rev. 
Absolom Peters of Bennington; Samuel Harrison of 
Pittsford, who served at the capture of Burgoyne 
and Cornwallis, was a descendant from General 
Thomas Harrison of Cromwell's time. Of Gov. 
Thomas Chittenden's lineage, he wrote, that Mo- 
ses Chittenden, an officer in Cromwell's own reg- 
iment, a solid Puritan, was a brave soldier and 
left his spirit to a large number of his children;" 
Of Moses Robinson he wrote, "Aloses Robinson, 
A. M., of Vermont, has been a Governor of that 
State, and a Senator in Congress; he is head of 


the family of Robinsons, descendants of Rev. 
John Robinson, the father of the Puritans in Eng- 
land in 1629, in whom the Methodists and Puri- 
tans place confidence." He wrote to Andrew Pe- 
ters of Bradford, Vermont, who had then recenth^ 
left the service in the British navy, that "the rea- 
sons of 3^our residing in Vermont, I doubt not, are 
the same which will induce all people in the Old 
World to go there." Samuel A. Peters, also wrote 
a histor\^ of Connecticut in w^hich he made an ar- 
dent defence of Vermont against New Vork. The 
publication of theJAmerican edition of said history 
was in 1829. Some of the representations, in his 
Life of Hugh Peters and in his History of Connec- 
ticut have been strongh' condemned as being ex- 
aggerations and work of the imagination, one of 
which was as to the waters of Connecticut River 
at Bellows Falls, Vt. He said, "Here water is 
consolidated without frost, b\' pressure, b3^ swift- 
ness between the pinching, sturdy rocks, to such 
a degree of induration that an iron crow floats 
smoothly down its current:— here iron, lead, and 
cork, have a common weight:— here stead3^ as 
time, and harder than marble, the stream presses 
irresistable, if not swift as lightning:— the electric 
fire rends trees in pieces with no greater ease, than 
does this might^^ water." 

Abel Curtis of Norwich was three times elect- 
ed a Representative in the General Assemblv, served 
one term as Judge of V/indsor County Court, and 
one term as Agent of Vermont at Congress. He 
was a kind husband and, an agreeable friend, a 
charitable, benevolent and honest, man, and in 


every respect a ver\' valuable member of the com- 
munity. He died October 1, 1783, at the age of 
thirty ^^ears. 

Col. Thomas Johnson. He was Lieut. Colonel 
of militia under New York, a resident of Newbury 
and a zealous patriot. On March 8, 1781, he was 
captured by a partj^ of British and Indians and 
taken to Canada, w^here he was held as prisoner 
until October 5, 1781, when he was permitted to 
return to his home on parole. On Ala^- 30, 1782, 
writing from Newbur3^ he informed General Wash- 
ington, there was an infernal plan of treachery 
with some leading men in Vermont to make Ver- 
mont a British Province. He professed to British 
officers in Canada, while there as a prisoner, to be 
on their side, and it was the exposure of his true 
character as a Whig that he feared. 

Nathaniel Chipman, LL. D., was born at Sal- 
isbury, Conn., Nov. 15, 1752, and was graduated 
at Yale College, and during his senior year he was 
commissioned Lieutenant in the American army, 
and w^as on duty at Valley Forge in the winter 
1777-8, and was present at the battle of Mon- 
mouth. He resigned his commission Oct. 10, 1778, 
and repaired to Litchfield, Conn., and was admit- 
ted to the bar in 1779. He removed to Tinmouth; 
Vermont, and there commenced the practice of the 
legal profession, and served as State's Attorney 
four years, and in 1786 was elected Judge of the 
Supreme Court, and w^as said to be the first law- 
yer who had been placed upon the Supreme bench 
in Vermont; in 1789, he was elected Chief Justice, 
which position he held for two years, and was 


again elected Chief Justice in 1796. He was ap- 
pointed one of the commissioners to adjust the 
differences between Vermont and New York. In 
1791, he was a member of the Convention called 
to decide w^hether Vermont should join the Union, 
and appointed as a joint commissioner with Lewis 
R. Morris to attend Congress and negotiate for 
the admission of the State into the Union in 1791, 
and the same year he was appointed by George 
Washington, President, Judge of the United States 
Court for the district of Vermont. In 1793, he 
published a work entitled ''Sketches of the Princi- 
ples of Government," and a small volume of decis- 
ions of cases while he was Chief Justice, and em- 
bracing dissertations on the statute, adopting the 
common law of England, the statute of offsets on 
negotiable notes, and the statute of conveyances. 
He resigned his office of Judge of the said district 
Court in 1793. In 1796, he was appointed one of 
the committee to revise the code of statute law^s 
for Vermont, and the revised laws of Vermont of 
1797 were w^ritten by him. He was elected U. S. 
Senator to Congress in 1797; and in 1813 was 
chosen one of the Council of Censors, and was 
elected again Chief Justice of the State, and held 
the office for two 3'ears. He was professor of law 
inAlid dlebury college from 1816 to 1843. In 1833 
he published a valuable treatise on "Free Institu- 
tions and the Principles of Government." He was 
a brother of Daniel Chipman, a prominent jurist. 
Daniel Chipman said that his brother, Nathaniel, 
wrote the expurgated copies of the letters that 
were presented to the Legislature at the session 


held at Charleston in the East Union in October 
1781, in place of the orio^inal letters written to 
Governor Chittenden by General[Enos and Colonels 
PMetcher and Walbridge, containing some private 
matters, as well as public, in reference to the nego- 
tiations between certain leading Vermonters and 
General Haldimand, the contents of which, Gover- 
nor Chittenden and others who were in the secret 
of that correspondence, desired to keep from the 
public. Chipman was influential in securing the 
passage of the betterment Act of 1785, that the 
people of the State have regarded just and equit- 
able. He was a man of large intellectual capacity. 
He died at Middlebury, Vermont, Feb. 15, 1843. 
Daniel Chipman, LL. D., who was born in 
Salisbury, Conn., October 22,1765, w^as a brother 
of Nathaniel Chipman, and graduated at Dart- 
mouth College in 1788, and died at Ripton, Ver- 
mont, April 23, 1850. He came to Tinmouth, Vt., 
with his father in 1775, and labored on a farm till 
1783. He studied law with Nathaniel Chipman 
and was admitted to the bar and commenced the 
practice of his profession at Rutland. In 1794, he 
moved to Middlebury, w^here he spent the greater 
part of his professional life and became distin- 
guished in his profession and in literature. He was 
admitted to the American Academy in 1812, and 
law professor in Middlebury College from 1806 to 
1816. He was State's Attorney for Addison 
County in 1797, and until 1817, and a delegate in 
the Constitutional Convention for Rutland in 
1793, Middlebury in 1814, and Ripton in 1836, 
1843, and 1850. He was prompt, vigorous, 


and eloquent in debate, and genial and communi- 
cative in conversation. He was the youngest of 
seven brothers. Governor Cornelius P. Van Ness, 
with the advice of the Council, appointed him to be 
Reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court, No- 
vember^lT, 1824, for the then ensuing year; he was 
the first official reporter of the decisions and pub- 
lished a volume of the reports called the "Daniel 
Chipman Report." In 1822, he published a val- 
uable "Essay on the Law of Contracts for the 
Payment of Specific Articles," and in 1846, a biog- 
raph3^ of Nathaniel Chipman, and in 1849, the 
Memoirs of Col. Seth Warner and Gov. Thomas 
Chittenden. His legislative service commenced in 
1798, as Representative of Middleburv in the Gen- 
eral Assembh', which office he held for eleven years 
ending in 1822, and was Speaker of the House in 
1813 and 1814. He was elected Councillor in 
1808, but served but one ^-ear. He served the 
State as Representative in Congress in 1815 to 
March 1817. 

Gideon Olin was born in Rhode Island in 1743, 
and removed toShaftsbur^Mn 1776, and soon took 
a prominent part in public affairs. He w^as a del- 
egate to the Convention at Windsor June 4, 1777; 
Commissioner of sequestration February 21, 
1778; Major of the second regiment May 28, 
1778, in which office he engaged in active service 
on several occasions during the Revolutionary 
war. He represented the town in the Assembly 
in 1778, and from 1780 until 1793, when he took 
his seat in the Council. He was Speaker of the 
House from 1778 until 1793; he was a member 


again in 1799; Councillor from 1793 until 1798; 
Judge of Bennington County Court from 1781 to 
1798, and again from 1800 to 1802, and Chief 
Judge from 1807 to 1811— in all 23 years as 
Judge. He was delegate in the Constitutional 
Conventions, 1791 and 1793, and member of Con- 
gress from 1803 to 1807. He was a firm support- 
er of the State in its hours of political darkness 
and peril; he possessed great natural talents and 
intuitive knowledge of mankind, and was nobly 
free in his opinions and decided in his conduct. 
The stand he took in Shays' rebellion showed his 
firmness and noble bearing. About 100 rebels 
from Massachusetts who fled from justice met at 
Captain Galusha's in Shaftsbury April 30, 1787, 
in Convention, to agree on measures in opposing 
the government of that State. The authorities of 
Shaftsbur^^ became alarmed at the illegal collect- 
ion and demanded of the insurgents the occasion 
of their meeting. The insurgents made answer 
through their leader. Col. Smith, "that they were 
driven from their Country, and had convened with 
a view of concerting measures whereby they 
might return and enjoy their properties." They 
showed two letters, one from Shays and one from 
another of their principles, encouraging them to 
hold out, and be spirited in their opposition, and 
they might be assured of relief. Judge Olin, who 
acted as principal on the part of the authorities, 
informed them, that if they were met for the pur- 
pose of petitioning the legal authorities of Mass- 
achusetts for pardon and leave to return, that 
their proceedings would be highly commendable 


but if their views were hostile, and their business 
was to concert plans for committing depredations, 
and continuino^ their opposition to that govern- 
ment, they must disperse immediately, for no such 
unlawful assembling would be allowed in Ver- 
mont. The rebels plead for leave to be by them- 
selves for a few minutes, which was granted, after 
which they dispersed and proceeded to White 
Creek, N. Y. Olin died at Shaftsbury in Jannar}' 
1823. His record is a noble one. 

Eliakim Spooner represented Westminster 
from 1793 until 1795; and Councillor from Octo- 
ber 17, 1801, until 1808. 

Benjamin Swan of Woodstock was elected 
State Treasurer, October 11, 1800; he was reelect- 
ed annuall3^ by the people until 1833, having re- 
ceived a greater number of elections to a high of- 
fice than any other citizen of the State. He was 
a pure, gentle, and genial man, trusted and belov- 
ed by all who knew him. And it was said of him, 
that as the stars have been said to go, "singing as 
they shine," so went he about his daih' duties 
humming through them all, as one at perfect peace 
with God and man. On the settlement of his ac- 
counts with the State in October 1833, it was 
found that during the entire 33 years of his service, 
he had received $732.25 in counterfeit and uncur- 
rent money, being an average of a little over $22 
per annum, and by a joint resolution he was al- 
lowed that sum to balance the books of his office. 
His loss was not reckoned a large sum, in view of 
the fact, that for many years a very large propor- 


tion of the bills and coin in circulation were coun- 

Enoch Woodbridge was in the Continental serv- 
ice in 1779, as Commissarv of Issues. Soon after the 
close of the war he became a citizen of Vermont, 
residing at Vergennes, of which cit^^ he was the 
first Ma3^or. He was a member of the Assembly 
from 1791 until 1795, and again in 1802; a dele- 
gate in the Constitutional Convention of 1793; 
Judge of the Supreme Court from 1794 until 1801, 
and Chief Justice for three years of his service. He 
died May, 1805. 

David Wing, Jr., was born in Rochester, Mass., 
June 24, 1766, came to Montpelier about 1790, 
and for twelve years served as Town Clerk, Town 
Representative, and Judge of the Count3' Court, 
and then was elected to the Secretary-ship and was 
reelected to that office annually until Sept. 13, 
1806. By his capacity, integrit3^ and gentlemanly 
manners he became one of the most popular of the 
public men of the State ; he was a Federalist in 
politics, but the Republican Legislature of that 
da3^ retained him constantlv in office — this was 
proof of his popularitv. 

Stephen Williams of Rutland entered upon 
the duties of a Councillor without an^- previous 
legislative experience, and held that office onh^ one 
year, but he was a valuable officer of his town. 
The hospitality^ of his disposition towards strang- 
ers would alone be sufficient to endear him to all 
who knew him; but the same generous turn of 
mind led him to noble exertions of benevolence, — to 
cheer the broken-heart, to wipe the tears from the 


pale cheek of povert3%and to bid the friendless wid- 
ow and orphan look up and smile. These are the 
actions that crowned his days, and gave to his 
temper that sweet serenit^^ w^hich only goodness 
can bestow. 

Doctor James Witherell was born in Mans- 
field, Mass., June 16, 1759; he descended from an 
English family who came to Massachusetts soon 
after the voyage of the Ma3^flower. When 16 years 
of age he volunteered to serve in the Revolution- 
ary service, and continued in that service through 
the Revolutionary^ war, was engaged in many bat- 
tles, once wounded, and received a commission in 
the 11th continental regiment of Massachusetts. 
When he was discharged he had sevent3' dollars in 
Continental money as the avails of eight years of 
military service. With this he treated a brother 
officer to a bowl of punch, and set out penniless to 
fight the battle of life. He prepared himself for the 
medical profession with Doct. Billings of Mans- 
field, Mass., and in 1789, commenced practice at 
Fairhaven. In 1790, he married Amy Haw^kins, a 
lineal descendant of Roger Williams; he represented 
Fairhaven from 1798 until 1802, and was elected 
again in 1802, but left the House and served in 
the Council. He was Councillor in 1802, until 

1807, when he was elected to Congress, but in 

1808, before his Congressional term expired, he 
w^as appointed by President Jefferson, as one of 
the Judges 'of the Territory of Michigan, an office 
embracing a variety of legislative and executive 
duties as well as judicial, and to which Witherell 
added important military services in the war of 


1812. On the fall of Detroit, he refused to surren- 
der a corps which he commanded, but permitted his 
men to disperse, while he and his son-in-law, be- 
came prisoners. On being paroled, the three re- 
joined the family at Fairhaven, and there remained 
till they were exchanged. Judge Witherell then re- 
sumed his office in Michigan, and held it until he 
was permitted, by President John Ouinc^^ Adams, to 
exchange the judgeship for the office of Secretary 
of the Territor3\ He was Assistant Judge of Rut- 
land County Court from 1801 to 1803, and Chief 
Justice from 1803 until 1806. He died at Detroit, 
Jan. 9, 1838, in his 79th year. 

Judge Elijah Paine was born in Brooklyn, 
Conn., January 21, 1757. While fitting for Col- 
lege, he abandoned his studies to serve for several 
months in the army of the Revolution. He grad- 
uated at Harvard University in 1781, and af- 
ter studying law for three j^ears, he came to Ver- 
mont in 1784, and purchased a cultivated farm in 
Windsor, and afterwards, the same year he com- 
menced the opening of a large farm in W^illiams. 
town, which soon became, and through his life re- 
mained, his homestead. Much ot his time, talents 
and money from 1786, nntil his death in 1842, was 
given to his farm, manufactures, various public 
improvements, educational and benevolent insti- 
tutions in which he was foremost in central Ver- 
mont. He was honored with the degree of Doctor 
of Laws by two universities. Harvard and the Ver- 
mont Universit\% and he was a member of a num- 
ber of several societies for the advancement of arts 
and sciences. On the sabbath he was a constant 


attendant at public worship at the Church at 
East WilHamstown four miles from his dwelling. 
He represented Williamstown in the General As- 
sembly from 1787 until 1791; he was one of the 
Commissioners to settle the controversy with 
New York in 1789 and 1790; Delegate and Secre- 
tary in the Constitutional Convention of 1786; 
member of the Council of Censors in 1792; Judge 
of the Supreme Court from 1791 to 1793; United 
States Senator from 1795 until 1801, to which of- 
fice he w^as reelected but declined it for the purpose 
of accepting from President Washington the office 
of Judge for the U. S. District of Vermont. This of- 
fice he held from 1801, until a few weeks before his 
death, which occurred on April 28, 1842. He was 
a tall, well-proportioned gentleman, dressed in 
the style of President Washington, of a grave 
countenance and dignified bearing, scornful to 
none and affable to all. He married Sarah Por- 
ter, daughter of John Porter of Plymouth, N. H.; 
and had four sons and four daughters. All of 
the sons who reached middle age, were distuin- 
guished for ability and usefulness. Martyn 
Paine, A. IM., M. D., LL. D., and member of va- 
rious societies in Europe and America, was born 
July 8, 1794, and made his residence in New York 
City. His reputation as the author of various 
medical books was high. In 1841 Martyn united 
w^th five other medical gentlemen in establishing 
the Medical Department of the University of New 
Y^ork, in w^hich he was professor for a long time. 
Elijah, another son, was born April 10, 1796, 
w^ho also made his residence in New York Citv, 


and was author of law books, and from 1850, un- 
til his death, October 6, 1853, was a Judge of the 
Superior Court. Charles, was born April 15, 
1799, was Governor of Vermont from 1841 to 
1843, and greatly distinguished for his services in 
manufactures, railroads, and other public im- 
provements, until his death, Juh^ 6, 1853. These 
three sons were all graduates of Harvard. George, 
the other son, was a graduate of Dartmouth, and 
a lawyer; he died October 3, 1836, in the 29th 
3'ear of his age. 

Boast not these titles of your ancestors 

Brave youths : they'r their possession, not your own : 

When your own virtues equall'd have their names, 

'Twill be but fair to lean upon their fames» 

For they are strong supporters; but, till then. 

The greatest are but growing gentlemen. 

— B. Johnson. 




Ira Allen 1778-86!George Howes.. .1847-53 

Samuel Mattocks. .1786-Jolin A. Page 1853-54 

1800 Henry M. Bates.. 18 54-60 

Benjamin S\van..l800-33jolin B. Page 1860-66 

Augustine Clarkel833-37 John A. Page 1866-82 


Henrv F. Field. ..1890-98 

Allen Wardner... 1837-38 
Henrv F. James. .1838-41 
John Spaulding... 1841-46 
Elisha P. Jewett.l846-47john L. Bacon 1898 




Thomas Chandler, resign- 
ed 1778. 

Joseph Fay 1778-81 

Micah To\vnshend.l781- 

Roswell Hopkins. ..1788- 

David Wing, Jr.. .1802-06 
Thomas Leverett...l806- 

Josiah Dunham. .1813-15 
William Slade, Jr.1815-23 
Norman Williams. .1823- 

Timothy Merrill.1831-36 

Chauncev L. Knapp 

AlvahSabin 1841-42 

James AIcM.Shaiter 

Ferrand F. Merrill. 1819- 

Daniel P.Thompson 

Charles W. WiUard 

Benjamin W. Dean. 1857- 

*George W. Bailey, Jr 

George Nichols... 1865-84 
Charles W^ Porter.. 1884- 

Chauncev W.Brownell.... 

Fred A. Rowland. .1898- 

Died in office. 


Office established in 1797. 

SethStorrs 1797-1801 

Benjamin Emmons, Jr 

Alexander Hutchinson.... 


Job Lyman 1813-15 

Alexander Hutchinson.... 

Wyllis Hall, Jr.. ..1817-19 
Norman Williams...! 819- 


David Pierce 1823 44 

Silas H. Hodijes.. 1844-50 

Fred E.Woodbridge 

WilHamM. Pingrv.1853- 

*JepthaBradlev.. 1860-64 
*Dugald Stewart.. .. 1864- 

Whitman G. Ferrin.1870- 


Jedd P. Ladd 1876-78 

E.Henrv Powell. 1878-92 
Franklin D. Hale. 1892-98 
Orion M. Barber.. ..1898- 

Died in office. 





^Joseph Bowker 1778 

*Nathan Clark 1778 

tNathan Clark 1778 

IThomas Chandler, Jr 

IThomas Chandler, Jr 

^Thomas Chandler, Jr 

*Samuel Robinson... 1780 
^Thomas Chandler, Jr 


:::Thomas Porter 1 780 

Thomas Porter 1781 

llThomas Porter 1782 

tThomas Porter 1782 

:i:Thomas Porter 1782 

^Increase Moseley...l782 
>$Increase Moseley...l783 
Isaac Tichenor.. .1783-84 
Nathaniel Niles.. .1784-85 
Stephen R. Bradlev.1785- 


lijohn Strong 1786 

liiGideon Olin ..1786 

^Gideon Olin 1787 

Gideon Olin 1787-93 

Daniel Buck 1793-95 

Lewis R. Morris. 1795-97 

Abel Spencer 1797-98 

Daniel Farrand.. 1798-99 
Amos Marsh. .1799-1802 

Abel Spencer 1802-03 

Theophilus Harrington... 


Aaron Leland 1804-08 

Dudley Chase 1808-13 

Daniel Chipman. 1813-15 

William A. Griswold 

Richard Skinner.1818-19 
William A. Griswold 

D.Azro A. Buck. .1820-23 
George E. Wales. 1823-25 
D.Azro A. Buck.. 1825-27 
Robert B.Bates.. 1827-29 
D.Azro A. Buck. .1829-30 
Robert B.Bates.. 1830-31 

John Smith 1831-34 

Ebenezer N. Briggs.1834- 

Carlos Coolidge.1836-37 
Solomon Foot.. ..1837-39 
Carlos Coolidge.1839-42 
Andrew Tracy.... 1842-45 
Ebenezer N. Briggs.1845- 

Solomon Foot... .1847-48 
William C. Kittredge 

Thomas E. Powers. 1850- 

Horatio Need ham.. 1853- 

George W. Grandey.1854- 

George F. Edmunds 

Augustus P. Hunton 

J. Gregory Smith.. ..1862- 

Abraham B.Gardner 

John W.Stewart 1865-68 



George W. Grande v James K. Batchelder 

1868-70. * ! 1884.-86. 
Charles H.Jovce 1870- Josiah Grout 1886-90 

72. ' tHenry R. Start 1890- 

Franklin Fairbanks Hosea A. Mann, Jr. .1890- 

1872-74.. 92. ' 

aH. Henrv Powers. 18 74- William W. Sticknev 

Tosiah Grout 1874-76 1892-96. 

John W. Stewart. ...1876- William A. Lord 1896-98 

78. ttKittredge Haskins 

James L. Martin 7878-84^ 1898- 

*March Session. t June Session. ^October Session 

; Januarv Session. §February Session. 

a Resigned Xov. 24, 1S74. 


^Thomas Chandler.. 1778 James Elliot 1801-03 

ilBenjamin Bald win. 1778'Anthonv Haswell..l803- 
Bezaleel Woodward | 04. 

1778. Martin Post 1804-09 

^^Matthew Lyon 1779!William D. Smith. ..1809- 

IIMatthew Lyon 1779| 22. 

^Stephen R. Bradlev.l779;Timothv Merrill. 1822-31 
llRoswell Hopkins^.l779;Charles Davis.. ..1831-32 
JRoswell Hopkins.. .1780|Robert Pierpoint....l832 
Roswell Hopkins.. ..1780- 34. 

88. lEdward D. Barber.. 1834- 

Stephen Jacobs.. 1788-90l 35. 
Lewis R.Morris. 1790-91 Oramel H. Smith, pro 
William Eaton. ..1791-92: tern, 1835-36. 
Richard Whitnev....l792-|Ahiman L. Miner.. ..1836- 

98. "^ I 38. 

Samuel C. Crafts....l 798-1 Ferrand F. Merrill. 1838- 

1800. I 49. 

Nathan Osgood. 1800-011 



Chalon F. DaYev....l849- 

James M. Slade 1853- 

George R. Thompson 

Charles Cummings.1858- 

Edward A. Stewart 

John H. Flagg.... 1864-69 

David M.Camp.. 1869-76 
George R. Chapman 

Henry N. Newell. 1878-82 
William W. Sticknev 

John H.Merrifiekl..l892- 

Fred A. Rowland. ..1896- 

Thomas C. Cheney..! 898- 

tResigned November, 1890. 

ttSpecial Sessions. +March Sessions. 11 June Sessions. 

§Februarv Sessions. ^October Sessions. 


Norman Williams 1836 

De Witt C. Clarke.. 1840 

Samuel M. Conant 1851- 

Joseph H. Barrett. .1853- 

Clark H. Chapman 1855- 

Carlisle J. Gleason 1859- 


Henry Clark 1861-72 

Mason B. Carpenter 

Frederick W. Baldwin 

ChaunceY W. Brownell, 

Jr.,...'. 1880-90 

George M. Powers 1890- 

Max L. Powell. ..1896- 




Table skoTving the Place of Meeting and the Length of the 
Sessions of the Legislature in each year since the organi- 
zation of the State. 

Year and place of 

Time of 



Days in ses- 

1778 Windsor 

March 12 

March 24 


1778 Bennington 

June 4 

June 18 


1778 Windsor 

October 8 

October 24 


1779 Bennington 

February 1 1 

February 26 


1779 Windsor 

June 2 

June 4 


1779 Manchester 

October 14 

October 27 


1780 Westminster 

March 8 

March 16 


1780 Bennington 

October 12 

November 8 


1781 Windsor 

February 7 

February 23 


1781 Windsor 

April 4 ' 

April 16 


1781 Bennington 

June 13 

June 28 


1781 Charlestown, 

now N. H. 

October 1 1 

October 27 


1782 Bennington 

January 31 

February 28 


1782 Windsor 

June 13 

June 2 I 


1782 Manchester 

October 10 

October 24 


1783 Windsor 

February 13 

F>bruary 27 


1783 Westminster 

October 9 

October 24 


1784 Bennington 

February 19 

March 9 


1784 Rutland 

October 14 

October 29 


1785 Norwich 

June 2 

June 18 


1785 ^v indsor 

October 13 

October 27 


1786 Rutland 

October 12 

October 31 


1787 t>ennington 

February 15 

March 10 


1787 Newbury 

October 11 

October 27 


1788 Manchester 

October 9 

October 25 


1789 Westminster 

October 8 

October 29 

1790 Castleton 

October 14 

October 28 


1791 Bennington 

January 10 

January 27 


1791 Wind.NOr 

October 13 

"November 3 


1792 Rutland 

October 11 

November 7 


1793 Windsor 

October 10 

November 4 


1794 Rutland 

October 9 

October 30 


1795 Windsor 

October 8 

October 27 


1796 Rutland 

October 13 

November 8 


1797 Rutland 

February 4 

March 10 


'797 Windsor 

October 12 

November 10 


1798 Vergennes 

October 11 

No\embrr 8 


1799 Windsor 

October 10 

November 5 




Year and place of 

Time of 


Days in ses- 

1800 Middlebury 

October 9 

November 7 


1 80 1 Newbury 

October 8 

November 6 


1802 Burlington 

October 14 

November 12 


1803 Westminster 

October 13 

November 14 


1804 Windsor 

January 26 

February' 6 


icSo4 Rutland 

October 1 1 

November 9 


1805 Danville 

October 10 

November 8 


1806 Middlebury 

October 7 

November 1 1 


1807 Woodstock 

October 8 

November 11 


1808 Montpelier 

October 13 

November 11 



October 12 

November 8 



October 11 

November 5 



October 10 

October 31 



October 8 

November 9 



October 14 

November 17 



October 13 

November i [ 



October 12 

November 13 



October 10 

November 6 



October 9 

November 7 



October 8 

November 12 



October 14 

November 17 



October 12 

November 16 



October 11 

November 16 



October 10 

November 13 



October 9 

November 7 



October 14 

November 19 



October 13 

Novetnber 18 



October 12 

November 16 



October 1 1 

November 15 



October 9 

October 31 



October 8 

October 30 



October 14 

November 1 1 



October 13 

November 10 



October 11 




October 10 




October 9 

November 7 



October 8 

Nov mber 11 



October 13 

November 17 



October 12 

November 2 



October 11 

November 6 



October i 

November 19 



October 8 

October 29 



October 14 

November 11 



October 13 

Novem ben 4 



October 12 

November 2 


1844 •• 

October 10 

October 31 




Year and place of 

Time of 


Days in ses- 

1845 Montpelier 

October 9 

November 6 



October 8 

November 2 



October 14 

November 15 



October 12 

November 13 



October II 

November 13 



October 10 

November 14 



October 9 

November 20 



October 14 

November 24 



October 13 

December 7 



October 12 

November 16 



October 1 1 

November 16 



October 9 

November 19 



October 8 

November 11 



October 14 

November 26 



October 13 

November 22 



October ii 




October 10 

November 21 



October 9 

December 3 



October 8 

November 11 



October 13 

November 23 



October 12 

November 10 



October 11 

November 20 



October 10 

November 22 



October 8 

November 20 



October 14 

Novembtr 17 



October 5 

N'ovembfr 23 



October 2 

November 27 



October 7 

November 25 



October 4 

November 29 



October 2 

November 27 



October 6 

December 24 



October 4 

November 29 



October i 

November 26 



October 6 

November 24 



October 3 

November 27 



October i 

November 25 



October 5 

November 23 



October 3 

November 28 



October 7 

November 25 


*There was an extra session convened Feb. 18, 1857. and continued 
ten days, for the purpose of taking measures to rebuild the Slate 
House, "destroyed by fire: another April 23, 1861, and continued five days. 
to consider the duty of the State in relation to public affairs, consequent 
upon the rebellion; another March 9. 1865. continuing two days for the 
purpose of ratifying the proposed article of amendment to the Constitu- 


HoQ of the Uaited States, prohibiting slavery; another March 27, 1867, 
continuing three days, for the purpose of considering the wants of a por- 
tion of th'^ State, in relitiOQ to neaessary railroad communication : and 
another Jan. 13. isr.i. co.itinuing four days, for the purpose of considering 
the wj,n;s of the State incident to the burning of the Vermont Reform 
School budding. In 1880 the Legislature adjourned from Nov 19, to 
De'j. 1. Another extra session was convened Aug. 25. 1891, continuing 
three days, for the purpose of accepting direct tax refunded, to convey 
site for the public building in St. Albans, and to vote further appropriation 
for Columbian Exposition; another session was convened May 5,1898, 
continuing three days, to provide funds for the equipment, subsistence, 
and transportation of Vermont troops: to provide State pay in addition to 
that of the United States; and to consider matters touching the organiz- 
ation of the Vermont National Guards. 


Allen, Ira 

1, 2, 3, 7, 78, 133. 

Allen, Levi 



77, 78, 85, 91, 92, 98. 

Allen, Heman 

81, 168. 

Adams, John 

139, 142, 

Aldis, Asa 


Allen, Capt. Pannalee 


Andross, Dr. Beldad 


Allis. Elisba 


Allen, Ebenezer 


Avery, Samuel 



Barton, William 


Butler. Benjamin 


Buck, Daniel 


Black Snake affair 



177, 178. 

Burlington, attack on 

214, 215. 

Beach, Samuel 


Brown, Gen. 

239, 240, 250 to 254. 

Brown, Jacob 


Brisbane, Gen. 


Battle of Plattsburgh 

264 to 272. 

Bissell, Gen. 


Brigham, Paul 

298, 317,348. 

Butler, Gov. Ezra 

300, 319. 

Billings, Frederick 


Badges. Mottoes and Coat of Arms 338, 339. 

Benton, Samuel 


Bridgeman, John 





Burt, Benjamin 351. 

Baldwin, Asa 363. 

Bedel, Col. Timothy 363. 

Barnum, Barnabus " 364. 

Bronson, Gen. Gideon 364. 

Brush, Col. Nathaniel 365. 


Chittenden, Thomas 1, 8, 14, 80, 81, 83, 87, 88, 

91, 97, 105, 112. 
Crafts, Gov. Samuel C. 17, 328. 

Canals, survey of 17 to 21. 

Collamer, Jacob 47. 

Clay, Henry 73, 281. 

Clay, James 75. 

Carleton, Gen. Guy 77. 

Caldwell, Henry 78, 79, 80, 81, 85. 

Conrov, Patrick 81, 83, 85. 86. 90. 

Clarke', Gov. 87, 88. 

Corbin, Royal 95. 

Curtis, Gen. Zebina 106. 

Constitution of Vt. 134. 

Committee to mark line between N. Y. and Vt. 159. 
Cold vear ofl816 162. 

Countv Court, Chief Judge of 167. 

Craig,'james H. 185, 186, 190 to 193. 

Craig, Sir Jas. Gov. Gen. of Canada 187, 188. 

Clark, Col. Isaac 204, 205, 207, 212, 216, 218, 

239, 240, 241, 243, 249. 
Chandler Brig. Gen. John 207, 342. 

Captures on the Sea and Lakes 211, 212. 

Chittenden, Martin 213. 225 to 231, 238. 260, 

263, 274, 278. 
Congressional action on Gov. Martin Chittenden's 

Proclamation 234 to 237. 
Crogan, Gen. 239. 

Chipman,John 345. 

Chamberlain, Gen. William 351. 

Chipman, Nathaniel 369. 

Chipman, Daniel 371. 


Church, Col. Timothy 359 

Curtis, Abel 368. 

DeChambeault 82, 87. 
Dorchester, Lord 93, 95, 96, 111. 

Dred Scott decision 129 

Dearborn, Gen. Henrv 206, 207 

Dennet, John " 223. 

Dixon, Col. Luther 228. 

DeRattenburg, Gen. 257. 

Eaton, Wm. 102, 103, 104. 

Enos, Roger 110 

Erskine, Mr. 194 

Eastman, Rev. Tilton 323 

Edgerton, Lebbeus 328 

Edwards, John L. 336 

Everest, Zadock 364 

Follett, Timothy 35 

Fisk, James 66 

Farrand, Daniel 69, 72 

Focault, Francis 78 

Fifield, Col. Edward 164, 203 

Foot, Solomon 169 

Foster, Augustus J. 193 

Fassett, Gen. EHas 216, 26L 
Forsvth, Major 240, 241, 248, 249 

Fletcher, Gov. Ryland 330, 332 

Fletcher, Doct. Asaph 353 


Gilliland, William 11 

Graham, Capt. 17 

Griswold, William A. 50 
Galusha, Jonas 120, 157, 162, 195, 196, 20C 


Gordon, Gen. 153. 

Gallatin, Secretary of Treasury 180. 

Gadcomb's reply to Proclamation of Gov. Martin 
Chittenden"' 231 to 234. 

Grout, Helkiah 343, 


Haldimand, Gov. 3, 78. 

Hawkins, Joseph, lottery to raise money for 24, 25. 

Hutchinson, Titus 


., 65, 171, 324. 

Hio^by, Lewis 


Hamilton, Alexander 


Hutchins, Capt. 


Hammond, Georo^e 

89, 96, 99. 

Hyde, Charles 

102, 103. 

Hero, North and Middle 


House, Gen. Levi 


Henry, John 

185, 187. 

Herrick, Capt. 


Hampton, Gen. Wade 


214, 216, 220. 

Hotchkiss, James M. 


Hodges, George T. 


Hough. Benjamin 


Hay, Col. Udney 


Hunt, Maj. Jonathan 


Hazeltine. John 


Hurd, Phineas 



Izard, Gen. 


247, 257, 258. 

Indians, Six Nations 

284 to 314. 

Indians, Cognawagas 

285 to 314. 

Indians, Mohawk 

307, 308, 310. 

Indians, Mohes^ans 


Jefferson, Thomas 40, 88, 91^ 142, 145, 157, 180, 

Jay, lohn 80, 100. 


Jenison, Silas H. 170, 172, 321. 

Jacob, Stephen 352. 

Johnson, Col. Thomas 369. 


Knox, Henrv 101. 

Knight, Saniuel 108, 132. 

Knowlton, Luke 135. 

Ke3'es, Elias 353. 


Lafavette, Marquis De 40, 41, 42. 44, 47, 52, 55, 

57. 60. 

Loomis, Edward C. 73. 

Loomis, Horace 75. 

L^^nde, Cornelius 354, 106. 

Londonderry, 131. 

Lyon, Matthew 139. 

Livingston, Brockholst 152. 

Laban. Cousins 161. 

Lake Champlain, right of navigating 163. 

LaraVjee. Lieut. 243. 

Lines on Plattsburgh Battle 282. 

Lamb, Col. Larned 323. 

List of State Treasurers 380. 

List of Secretaries of State 381 . 

List of Auditors of Account 381. 

List of Speakers of the House 382. 

List of Clerks of the House 383. 

List of Secretaries of the Senate 384. 

Legislative Sessions 385, 386, 387. 

Loomis, Beriah 354. 


Morris, Lewis 12. 

Manufactures 28 to 32. 

Madison, James 40, 147, 186. 

Monroe. James 62, 64. 67, 71. 

Moore, Henrv 77. 

Marvin, Benjamin 83, 85 87, 89. 

Mott, Samuel 83, 84, 87, 89. 


Mott, Joseph 


Marvin, Ebenezer 

85, 357. 

Morey, Israel 


Missouri, admission of 

123 to 130. 

Miller, Charles 


Medical Academ^^ 


Marble interest 


Marsh, George P. 

171, 332. 

Macdonough, Thomas 



210, 222, 238, 

247, 248, 265, 280. 

Murra^^ Col. 


Macomb, Gen. Alexander 


247, 258, 259, 

260, 272, 279. 

McPherson, Capt. 


Mayhew, Capt. 


Mead, Larkin G. 

332, 339. 

Moseley, Increase 


Miller, Solomon 


Mattocks, Samuel 


N'ecessities of a New State 


Non Intercourse Act 


164, 225. 

Norton, Martin 

213, 214. 

Newell, Gen. John 


Niles, Nathaniel 


Olcott, Peter 



Olin, Gideon 


Page, William 



Pame, Charles 


Paine, Elijah 


, 109, 

152, 319, 377. 

Preston, Rev. Willard 


Public Lands 


Prentiss, Samuel 


Phelps, Samuel 


Penniman, Jabez 


Pike, Col. Zebulon M. 



Prevost, Sir George 256. 264, 269. 

Porter, John 332. 

Powers, Thomas E. 332. 

Proctor, Redfield 336. 

Powers, H. Henry -336. 

Powell, Lieut. Martin 341. 

Porter, Thomas 361. 

Pfister, Francis 365. 

Peters Familv 366. 

Roads, establishing of 22 to 26. 

Railroads 32 to 39. 

Russell, David 54. 

Randolph Sec. 97, 100. 

Rvland, Herman W. 187, 193. 

Rich, Charles 199. 

Rovce, Gov. Stephen 301, 

Redfield, Timothv 301, 304. 

Richards, Joseph'R. 332. 

Rood, Dea. Azariah 341. 

Robinson, Col. EHjah 356. 

Rogers, James 366. 


Schuvler, Gen. Phillip 11, 13. 

Sanders, Rev. Daniel C. 135. 

Spencer, Abel 153 350. 

Supreme Court, Conplaint against 153. 

Skinner, Richard 165. 

Sparhawk, Edward V. 167. 
Sawver, Horace B. 169, 170, 208. 

Smith, Israel 182. 

Smith, Lieut. Sidney 207. 

Sheldon, Lieut. ^ 243. 
Scott, Gen. 249, 250, 252. 
Strong, Gen. Samuel 261, 262, 278, 279. 

Scovell, Capt. A. 274. 

Sillowav. Thomas W. 332. 

Sabin, Noah 344. 


Shepardson, Maj. John 344. 

Smith, Noah 350. 

Spooncr, Eliakim 374, 

Swan, Benjamin 374. 

Sons of Elijah Paine 37^-9. 

Shepardson, Samuel 354. 

Squier, Truman 356„ 

Safford, Samuel 362. 

Twist, Captain 3. 

Totten, Col. « 72. 

Timothy, Capt. 84. 
Tichenor, Isaac 106, 117, 151, 154, 184, 288. 

289, 291. 

Temperance Legislation 166. 

Thanksgiving dav 132. 

Taplin,John ' 341. 

Tolman, Thomas 346. 

Todd, Doct. Timothy 350. 


Underhill, James 103, 105. 

University of Vermont 133. 

Upham, Lieut. Timothy 207. 

Underhill, Abraham 363, 365. 


Vail, Joshua Y. 17. 
Van Ness C. P. 18, 19, 20, 41, 42, 59, 180. 

Vermont Mutual Fire Ins. Co. 169. 

Vermont troops at the West 249. 


Watrous, Mrs. Erastus 49. 

Wood, Enos 81, 82. 

Wood, Nathaniel 82. 
Washington, Geor^re 8, 93, 94, 102, 106, 137. 

Wayne, Gen. Anthonv 102, 104. 

Watson, Elkenah ' 11. 


Woodbridge, Enoch 110, 375. 

Whitcomb, Benjamin ' 152, 

Wilkinson, Maj. Gen. 217, 219, 221, 222, 239. 

240, 242, 246. 

Wool, Gen. John E. 221- 

Whitelaw, James 319. 

Wardner, Allen 328. 

Williams, Norman 332. 

Wells, Col. Samuel 341. 

Wood, Ebenezer 342. 

Whitney, Richard 351. 

Walbridge, Ebenezer 360. 

Wing, David Jr 375. 

Williams, Stephen 375. 

Witherell, Doctor James 376. 

Wheelock, Ebenezer 354. 

White, John 355. 


Youmands, Michael 82. 

Young, Ammi B. 328.