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moiJ^QaM^ Ji^auKd?, 1798 

1875. 
An ecclesiastical biographj 



I 



AN 



ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY, 



CONTAINING THE 



Etbes of Ancient jFati^ers antr iWolrem Hibtnes, 



IXTERSPEBSED WITH NOTICES OF 



HERETICS AND SCKISIUXATICS, 



A BEIEF HISTORY OF THE CHUECH IN EVERY AGE. 



BY 

/ 

WALTER FARQUHAR HOOK, D.D., 

VICAR OF LEEDS. 



VOL. III. 



LONDON : 

F, AND J. RIVINGTON ; 

PARKER, OXFORD ; J. AND J. J. DEIGHTON, CAMBRIDGE 

T. HARRISON, LEEDS. 

1847. 



Leeds: G. Crawsliaw, Printer. 



PREFACE. 



In the Third Volume of the Ecclesiastical Biography, 
the reader will find an account 

Of the Church of England before the Refor- 
mation, in the Lives of Archbishops Bourchier, 
Bradvvardine, and Chichele, which are given in 
some detail : 

Of the Reformation in Ireland, in the Life of 
Archbishop Browne : 

Of the Foreign Reformation, in the Lives of 
Bucer, Carolostadt, Calvin, Bugenhagius, Bul- 
linger : 

Of a Martyr, in the Life of Bradford : 

Of the Nonjurors, in the Lives of Brett, Brokesby, 
Carte : 

Of the Romanists, in the Lives of Bourne, Cajetan, 
Campegio, Cam pi an : 

Of Dissent, in the Lives of Brown and Cartwright : 



Of the Puritans and Presbyterians, in the Lives 
of Barges, Burton, Cameron, Cant, Cargill, 
Cheynell : 

Of Divines, in the Lives of Bishop Bull, Archbishop 
Bramhall, Bishop Burnet, Bishop Brownrigg, 
Bishop Buckeridge, Bishop Butler, Dr. Brevint, 
Dr. Busby, Archbishop Boulter. 

It was intended to include in this Volume the 
Lives of St. Chrysostom, St. Cyprian, and St. Cyril, 
together with that of Archbishop Cranraer, but as 
these Lives occupy a considerable space, they will be 
found in the early Parts of the Fourth Volume. 



ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY. 



BOSTON, JOHN. 

John Boston, a monk of St. Edmund's Burj in the 14th 
century, was one of the first collectors of the lives of Eng- 
lish writers, in which he preceded Leland, Bale, and Pitts. 
His diligence was uncommonly great, and besides this 
biographical work, he wrote " Speculum ccenobitarum," 
in which he gives a history of monachism. This was 
printed by Hall at Oxford in 17"22, 8vo. His work " De 

rebus Ccenobii sui" has been lost. Tanner. Fuller's 

Worthies. 



BOSTON, THOMAS. 

Thomas Boston was bom at Dunse, in 1676, and was 
educated at Edinburgh. In the year 1696 he kept a school 
at Glencairn, and there became tutor in a gentleman's 
family till 1699, when he was licensed to preach, and the 
same year was ordained as pastor of Simprin. In 1707 he 
removed to Ettrick, where he remained till his death in 
1732. He devoted many years of his life to the study of 
Hebrew, and wrote a learned treatise in Latin concerning 
Hebrew accents. But he is better known by his "Four- 
fold State," and his " Body of Divinity," which are said 
to be highly esteemed among presbyterians. He left a 
memoir of his own life, which was printed in 1776. 

VOL. III. A 



BOUCHER. 



BOTT, THOIVIAS. 



Thomas Bott was born at Derby in 1688, and became a 
presbjterian preacher at Spalding, in Lincolnshire. Not 
liking his situation, at the end of queen Anne's reign he 
removed to London, and studied as a physician. But on 
the accession of George the first, he shrewdly perceived 
that the ministers would look out for men of lax opinions 
and practice in the church for preferment, and that the 
religious clergy would be passed over on account of their 
political principles. He accordingly sought for and ob- 
tained holy orders, and soon became a pluralist. He was 
of Hoadley's school, and his opinions more nearly accorded 
with those of pagan philosophers than with Christian 
verity. Among his works are " Remarks on the sixth 
chapter of bishop Butler's Analogy," and " An answer to 
the first volume of bishop Warburton's Divine Legation 
of Moses." He died at Norwich, 23rd September, 1754. 
— Kippis. Biog. Brit. 

BOUCHER, JONATHAN:. 

Jonathan Boucher was born in 1738, at Blencogo, in 
Cumberland. He received his education at the school of 
Wigton, after which he went to America, where, on taking 
orders, he obtained first the living of Hanover in Virginia, 
and afterwards Queen Anne's parish, in Prince George's 
county. In 1775 he was obliged to relinquish his charge, 
and seek refuge in England, his principles being those of 
a royalist. He had discharged his duties as a clergyman, 
and maintained his character for loyalty, with such firm- 
ness and discretion, that he was received in England with 
respect. He was for some time a curate, but in 1784 he 
was presented to the vicarage of Epsom, in Surrey, by the 
celebrated John Parkhurst, author of the Greek and 
Hebrew Scripture Lexicons, who knew him only by charac- 
ter, but thought himself unable to discharge his trust as 



BOULTER. 3 

an ecclesiastical patron more satisfactorily, than in pre- 
ferring a learned, worthy clergyman, who had abandoned 
home and living rather than violate his obligations as an 
Englishman. He died in 1804. Mr. Boucher published, 
1. A letter to bishop Watson, in answer to his letter to 
the archbishop of Canterbury, 4to, 1783 2. A view of the 
causes and <x)nsequences of the American Revolution, in 
thirteen discourses, 8yo, 1797. 3. Two assize sermons, 
preached in 1798. He was also the author of a tract, 
entitled "A Cumberland Man," and several biographical 
articles in Hutchinson's histoiy of that county. Before 
his death he engaged in a glossaiy of provincial and 
archaeological words, which he left incomplete ; but a 
portion of it, containing the first letter of the alphabet, 
was printed. — Gent. Mag. Allans Amencan Biog. Diet. 

BOULTER, HUGH. 

Hugh Boulter was born in or near London, January 
4th, 1671, and educated at Merchant Taylor's school, 
whence he removed to Christ Church, Oxford, a short time 
previous to the revolution. He was noticed by Dr. Hough, 
the restored president of Magdalene College, where he was 
elected demy, together with Addison, and Wilcox, after- 
wards bishop of Rochester. He subsequently became 
fellow, and continued resident till 1700, when he was 
made chaplain to sir Charles Hedges, secretary of «tate; 
he was shortly after appointed to a similar office in 
the household of archbishop Tenison, and was preferred 
to the rectory of St. Olave's, Southwark, and to the arch- 
deaconry of Surrey. In 1719 he accompanied king 
George I. to Hanover, in the capacity of chaplain ; he 
was also tutor to prince Frederic, and drew up "a 
flet of instructions" for his royal pupil. With his con- 
duct the king was so much pleased, that he made him 
dean of Christ Church and bishop of Bristol, to which see 
he was consecrated November 1719. He presided over it 
with great ability for about four vears and a half, but 



4 BOULTER. 

whilst he was engaged in visiting his diocese, he received 
a letter informing him that the king had nominated him 
to the primacy of Ireland, vacant by the death of Dr. Lind- 
say. He was for some time very unwilling to accept this 
high but responsible ofiSce ; the king, however, would 
hear of no denial, and the archbishop accordingly arrived 
in Ireland, Novembers, 1724. As soon as he had taken 
possession of the primacy, he began to consider that coun- 
try, in which his lot was cast for life, as his own ; and to 
promote its true interest with the greatest zeal and assi- 
duity. He often said " he would do all the good to Ireland 
he could, though they did not suffer him to do all he 
would." 

The scarcity of silver coin in Ireland was excessively 
great, occasioned by reducing the value of gold coin in Eng- 
land, and the balance of trade which lay against the Irish. 
To remedy this inconvenience, the primate supported a 
scheme at the council table, to bring gold and silver nearer 
to a par in value, by lowering that of the former, which 
was carried into execution. The populace, encouraged by 
some dealers in exchange, who were the only losers by 
the alteration, grew clamorous, and laid the ruin of their 
country (as they called it) at the primate's door. But 
conscious of his own integrity, he despised the foolish 
noise : experience evinced the utility of the project, the 
people in a short time recovered their senses, and he soon 
rose to the greatest height of popularity. 

In the year 1729, there was a great scarcity, the poor 
were reduced to a miserable condition, and the nation was 
threatened with famine and pestilence. The primate dis- 
tributed vast quantities of grain through several parts of 
the kingdom ; directed all the vagrant poor that crowded 
the streets of Dublin, to be received into the poor-house, 
and there maintained them at his private expense, until 
the following harvest brought relief. 

In the latter end of the year 1740, and the beginning of 
1741, Ireland was again afflicted with a great scarcity. 
The prelate's charity was again extended, though with more 



BOULTER. 5 

regularity than before. The poor were fed in the work- 
house twice every day, according to tickets given out by 
persons entrusted, the number of which amounted to 
732,314. And it appeared that 2,500 souls were fed 
there every morning and evening, mostly at the primate's 
expense. 

When the scheme for opening a navigation by a canal 
from Lough-Neagh to Newry, w^as proposed in parliament, 
in the year 1729, the primate patronized it with all his 
interest ; and when the bill was passed, and the work set 
about, was veiy instrumental in carrying it on with effect. 
One part of the design was to bring coals from thence to 
Dublin, and the coal mines were in the see-lands of 
Armagh, which were then leased out to a tenant. The pri- 
mate fearing the lessee might be exorbitant in his demands, 
purchased the lease at a great expense, in order to accom- 
modate the public. He also gave timber out of his woods 
to carry on the work ; and often advanced his own money, 
without interest, for the same purpose. 

He gave and settled a competent stipend on an assistant 
curate at Drogheda, a large and populous town in his dio- 
cese ; where the cure was too burthensome for one clergy- 
man, and the revenues of the church were not sufiScient 
to maintain two. He stipulated that there should not 
only be service every Sunday afternoon, but that there 
should be daily service ; prayers twice every day. 

He maintained several sons of his poor clergy at the 
university, and gave them a liberal education, in order to 
qualify them for future preferment. 

He erected and endowed hospitals both at Drogheda 
and Armagh, for the reception of clergymen's widows ; 
and settled a fund for putting out their children ap- 
prentices. 

. He built a stately market house at Armagh, at the ex- 
pense of upwards of £800. 

He subscribed £50 per ann. to Dr. Stevens's hospital in 
Dublin, for the maintenance and care of the poor; and 
A 2 



6 BOULTER. 

furnished one of the wards for the reception of patients at 
a considerable expense. 

His charities, for augmenting small livings, and buying 
of glebes, amounted to upwards of £30,000 besides what 
he devised by his will for the like purposes in England. 
He was also a benefactor to Christ Church, Oxford, and 
to Magdalene College. 

He was chiefly instrumental in obtaining a royal 
charter for the Irish schools, and for the passing of the 
charter he paid all the fees. He was not only a large 
subscriber to them, but was their resource on all occasions 
when, as was frequently the case, they became involved 
in pecuniary difficulties. 

He was likewise an able assistant at the council table, 
and was several times one of the lords justices of Ireland ; 
in fact, the government of that country was, at one time, 
very much directed by him. Having business in Lon- 
don, in 1742, he was taken ill there, and after a struggle 
of two days, died at his house in St James'-place, on 
September •21ih, and was buried in Westminster abbey, 
where a handsome monument has been erected to his 
memory. 

This generous prelate, whose munificence endeared 
him to the church of Ireland, is not distinguished as an 
author : he published a few charges to his clergy, and 
some occasional sermons, printed separately. In 1769, 
however, were published, at Oxford, in two volumes 8vo, 
" Letters written by his excellency Hugh Boulter, D.D., 
lord primate of all Ireland, &c., to several ministers of 
state in England, and some others ; containing an account 
of the most interesting transactions which passed in Ire- 
land from 1724 to 1738." The originals, which are de- 
posited in the library of Christ Church, in Oxford, were 
collected by Ambrose Philips, esq., who \vas secretary to his 
grace, and lived in his house during that space of time in 
which they bear date. They are entirely letters of busi- 
ness, and are all of them in Dr. Boulter's hand- writing, 
excepting some few, which are fair copies by his secretary. 



BOURCHIER. 7 

The editor justly remarks, that these letters, which could 
not be intended for publication, have been fortunately 
preserved, as they contain the most authentic history of 
Ireland, for the period in which they were written : "a 
period," he adds, " which will ever do honour to his 
grace's memory, and to those most excellent princes 
George the first and second, who had the wisdom to place 
confidence in so worthy, so able, and so successful a 
minister ; a minister who had the rare and peculiar feli- 
city of growing still more and more into the favour both 
of the king and of the people, until the very last day of 
his life." It is much to he regretted that in some of his 
measures, he was opposed by dean Swift, particularly in 
that of diminishing the gold coin, as it is probable that 
they both were actuated by an earnest desire of serving 
the country. In one affair, that of Wood s halfpence, 
they appear to have coincided, and in that they both hap- 
pened to encourage a public clamour which had little 
solid foundation — Memoirs communicated by one who was 
most intimate idth archbishop Boulter to the original editor 
of the Biog. Brit. Preface to his Letters. 

BOURCHIEE, BOWSCHYRE, OR BOWCER, THOMAS. 

Thomas Bourchier was the son of sir WiUiam Bourchier, 
earl of Eu in Normandy. He was educated at Neville's 
Inn, Oxford, and when he left the university was appointed 
dean of St. Martin's, London. At this time the usurpa- 
tions of the bishop of Rome had become almost in- 
tolerable, and his aggressions on our venerable establish- 
ment were by our ancestors frequently, though not always 
successfully, opposed. In 1434 Thomas Polton, bishop 
of Worcester, died, and by one of those worst of papal 
abuses, a provision, the pope of Rome, Eugenius, then 
sitting at the council of Basil, took it upon himself to 
confer the see upon Thomas Browns, dean of Salisbury, 
and he sent letters to the king to that effect, desiring his 
approbation of the appointment. The king, so far from 



8 BOURCHIER. 

approving, caused letters to be addressed to Thomas 
Browns requiring him to renounce the provision, and 
informing him, that unless he would comply, he should 
not only not have the see of Worcester, but that he should 
never hold any bishopric in England. The king also 
•wrote to the pope, refusing his consent to the provision. 
So far the liberties of our beloved church were maintained 
against popish usurpations, but, as was too often the case, 
there was in the end a compromise, by which the king 
carried his immediate object, while the pope did not 
renounce his usurped right. Browns was made bishop of 
Rochester, and Bourchier was consecrated to the see of 
Worcester. He had only been bishop of Worcester a year 
when he was elected by the monks of Ely to that see ; 
translations being unfortunately common in our establish- 
ment at that time. To the translation of Bourchier, how- 
ever, the king refused to give his consent, and the see of 
Ely remained vacant for seven or eight years ; so that 
Bourchier was not translated till the 20th of December, 
1443. Here he remained for ten years, and according to 
the author of the Historia Eliensis, was not distinguished 
for his good government or piety ; though the charges 
brought against him may be suspected of being without 
foundation, seeing that he was elected by the monks of 
Canterbury to the metropolitan see, as the successor of 
Dr. Kemp, on the 23rd of April, 1454. The election was 
entirely free, neither the king, or that foreign potentate, 
the pope, attempting to interfere, or bias the chapter in 
their choice. It is not probable that they would have 
elected a prelate who was never connected with their body, 
unless they had been persuaded that he was not the op- 
pressor which, by the monks of Ely, he was represented 
to be. 

The approbation of the pope of Rome was signified by 
his appointing archbishop Bourchier to be a cardinal in 
the Roman church ; he was elected cardinal priest of St. 
Cyriacus in Thermis. The king, too, signified his ap- 
proval by making the archbishop lord high chancellor of 



BOURCHIER. 9 

England, an office which he resigned the October fol- 
lowing. 

Soon after his enthronization he commenced a visitation 
in Kent, and made several regulations for the government 
of his diocese. To mention some of his provisions : — 

First : He decreed, " That those religious who threw off 
the habit of the cloister, and entered upon parochial cures, 
should lose their benefices, and be punished as revolters 
from their order." 

Secondly : " That church livings should not be let to 
farm without the bishop's leave." 

Thirdly : "That marriages and last wills should not be 
made without two witnesses at the least." He likewise 
passed several other constitutions for the reformation of 
the clergy and laity, and ordered them to be published at 
St. Paul's Cross. 

As for learning and religion, they were but, generally 
speaking, in a state of declension : for, as an author 
who lived at this time complains, "A right discharge 
of the functions of a parish priest was almost grown 
into disuse, and made impracticable. That this mischief 
was occasioned by non-residence, by promoting unworthy 
persons, by excessive allowance of pluralities, by grant- 
ing university degrees to persons who had neither morals, 
nor any other circumstance of merit to recommend them." 
This writer, who was sometime chancellor of Oxford, com- 
plains of the government of that university, " that degrees 
were purchased without any regard to life or learning : 
that this connivance and bribery in the university over- 
spread the country with ignorance, and made the parishes 
ill supplied." He goes on and declaims against the relax- 
ation of discipline in the court of Rome ; and reports, 
that pope Calixtus III. brought a very ill precedent into 
the church of England in favour of a young person of 
quality." It seems this pope had given a dispensation to 
George Neville, brother to the great earl of Warwick, to 
be elected bishop of Exeter, and receive the profits of that 
see, notwithstanding he was no more than three and 



10 BOURCHiER. 

twenty years old, and was not capable of being consecrated 
till four years after. Notwithstanding this disability, his 
holiness furnished him with a bull, not only to receive the 
profits, but likewise to hold those other church prefer- 
ments he was possessed of before. 

In the year 1454 archbishop Bourchier published a 
letter for processions, which is here presented to the 
reader, who will see from the perusal of it how many 
popish abuses had at this period crept into our beloved 
church, and how much our excellent establishment re- 
quired the reformation which was now approaching. 

" Thomas by Divine permission archbishop of Canter- 
bury, primate of A. E., legate of the apostolical see, to 
our venerable brother Thomas by the grace of God bishop 
of London, health, and a continual increase of brotherly 
love. [Here is omitted a ivhole page, which is only a pre- 
fatory narrative of the occasion of these letters, and which 
is sufficiently, though briefly, expressed in what folloxcs.] 
That this our happy expedition against the [Turks] 
persecutors of our orthodox faith now begun, and the 
health, and condition of the most Christian prince our 
lord the king, and of the commonweal of this kingdom 
may daily be improved, and the sooner brought to perfec- 
tion, and those internal evils may be happily composed 
by the inspiration of divine grace, we have decreed that 
certain solemn processions be for one year celebrated 
within our province of Canterbury in the cathedral, 
regular, collegiate, and other churches. Therefore we 
give it in charge, and command you our brother, that ye do 
enjoin all and singular our brethren, and fellow-bishops, 
the sufi'ragans of our church of Canterbury, in our stead, 
and by our authority, and with all speed by your letters 
containing a copy of these, that they do admonish, and 
persuade, or cause to be admonished and persuaded, all 
their subjects, both clerks, and laics in their cathedral, 
conventual, and collegiate churches (whether regular, or 
secular ;) and also in the parish churches of their cities 
and dioceses on the Lord's days and festivals, that the;^ 



BOURCHIER 11 

celebrate processions in a most devout, affectionate, and 
solemn manner, and sing or say the litanies with other 
suffrages that are seasonable and acceptable to God, as 
well on those Lord's-dajs and Festivals, as on every 
Wednesday and Friday, with all humility of heart, for 
the driving away and removing far from the bounds of 
the Christian world, the wicked powers of them that are 
enemies to the Christian orthodox faith, and its pro- 
fessors, and for the total extinguishing and (may God so 
please) the exterminating of them ; and for the restoring 
and perfecting tlie welfare of our lord the king, and this 
famous kingdom of England, and for the daily increase 
and improvement of their prosperity ; and for the averting 
and dispelling, removing and avoiding with all possible 
speed those difficulties and dangers now imminent on the 
king, and kingdom, and those evils from abroad with 
which we are beset and encompassed ; and that they do 
farther exhort the i)eople subject to them, that they do by 
day and night, at their convenient leisure, continue in- 
stant in their prayers with all humility of heart, for the 
averting these evils from us, and from the whole Christian 
world. And do ye, dear brother, cause the same to be 
done in your city and diocese by those who belong to you, 
in an humble devout manner on the like days, times 
and places. And that they may be excited to these works 
of devotion with the greater frequency and zeal, we of the 
immense mercy of God, and confiding in the merits and 
prayers of the most blessed Virgin Mary, his mother, and 
of the blessed Peter and Paul, his apostles, and of saints 
Alphege and Thomas, martyrs, our patrons, and of all the 
saints, do graciously grant forty days indulgence by these 
presents, to all and every one of our subjects who repents 
of his sins, and confesses them with contrition, and is 
present on any Wednesday or Friday within the said 
year at the making of such procession, as is aforesaid, and 
intercedes with devout prayers to God for the premises, 
or that fasts on the days aforesaid, or on any day within 
the same year ; or that says mass, or seven psalms with 



12 BOURCHIER. 

the litany, or a nocturnal of David's psalter, or the psalter 
of the blessed Virgin Mary, so called, or that goes in pil- 
grimage to any place, commonly resorted to for such pur- 
poses, or gives any thing in alms, out of reverence to God, 
or his saints, and that duly confesses his sins in order to 
his ofifering these sacrifices in a more acceptable manner 
to God, for as often as they perform any of the premises. 
And we request you, and your brethren that ye grant 
such indulgences to your and their subjects doing as 
aforesaid, as are wont to be granted Dated in our manor 
of Croydon on the 19th day of January, in the year of our 
Lord 1454, and of our translation the first." 

In those days bishops were not so despotic as they now 
are, and therefore surprise has been expressed that the 
archbishop in this case did not consult his convocation ; 
but it is to be observed that he did not intend his letter 
to be a binding or peremptory decree, but only an earnest 
admonition ; and when in the year following, as Johnson 
observes, " he sent his monition to all rectors, vicars, 
curates, and their substitutes throughout his diocese and 
province, and particularly to all such as should minister 
the word of God to the clergy and people at St. Paul's Cross, 
London, to advertise all people that testaments should not 
be made, or matrimony contracted without two or three 
witnesses, and that one of the witnesses to the will be a 
parish priest, or the proper curate, if it may conveDiently 
be, he had no occasion to take the advice of his convoca- 
tion in this case, because what he required was no more 
than what the canon law demanded." 

In 1416 the prelates of our church had made provision 
for their Festa Repentina, occasional thanksgivings with- 
out composing new ofiBces ; in the letter of archbishop 
Bourchier we may observ^e how they ordered matters in 
case of extraordinary humiliation ; they drew up no new 
offices, but only required some old forms to be more 
frequently used: they did not think their authority 
sufficient absolutely to enjoin the use of these forms, but 
only granted indulgences to those who comphed. The 



BOURCHIER 13 

convocation indeed in 1416 did peremptorily require all 
to use the old forms in a new manner ; but the arch- 
bishop acting bj himself did not venture to go so far. 
Tirls fact, pointed out by Johnson in the Collection of 
Ecclesiastical Laws, &c., is especially worthy of note in 
the present age, when individual bishops arrogate to 
themselves, too often, the power which pertains only to 
convocation. As to the provision for occasional services, 
it is arranged better in the church of England subse- 
quently to the Reformation than what it was before. Every 
Friday is an established fast, and the commination ser- 
vice may be used whenever the ordinaiy appoints ; and 
this with the prayer on the occasion, whatever it may be, 
which may be added out of the forms next after the 
litany, prescribed to be used before the two final prayers 
at matins and even-song, would make a better ofiBce than 
any of those modern compilations which have been some- 
times enjoined by very questionable authority. What is 
said of fast-day services is equally applicable to thanks- 
givings. 

As for the indulgences alluded to in archbishop Bour- 
cliier's letter, the learned editor, referred to before, very 
justly remarks that they were among " the most stupid 
inventions that were ever set on foot by the court of 
Rome: and the inventors themselves could never explain 
the meaning of them : for they ever declared, that neither 
the pope, nor Christ Jesus Himself did ever give hopes of 
reprobates being freed from hell-torments. They tell us it 
was only a relaxation of the temporal punishment due for 
sin, and which is to be paid either by penance here, or in 
purgatory hereafter. And this might in some measure clear 
the matter as to the bishop's indulgence, which was but 
for thirty day^ at most, and as to the archbishop "s, which 
was but for fifty days at most. But when the pope by the 
pretended plenitude of power extended his indulgences to 
thousands of years, this can never be resolved into a 
relaxation of penance, unless it could be supposed that a 

VOL. Ill, B 



\i BOURCHIER. 

man could sin or do penance for so many years. After 
all, their best casuists advise people to do their penance, 
notwithstanding these indulgences, which is to say, that 
they would have none to rely on them." 

Among the grievances of the age was the decay of 
learning in our two great universities, especially in the 
university of Oxford. The reason of this declension is sup- 
posed to have proceeded from the withdrawing the usual 
salaries and exhibitions, and by overlooking the members 
of the university in the disposal of church preferments. 
Farther, this decay of learning is partly resolved into the 
great number of impropriations to monasteries. Religious 
houses had for some time made it their business to draw 
parochial cures within their property and patronage. 
They were sometimes so fond of this privilege as to settle 
an annuity or part with a manor to the laity for an im- 
propriation. They found an advantage in converting the 
profits of livings to the use of the convent : for, by having 
the revenues thus augmented, they were in a better con- 
dition to support emergent exjDenses, and purchase liber- 
ties and exemptions. Thus the abbey of St. Edmondsbury 
in Suffolk, in Cratfield's time, procured a license from the 
pope to choose their abbot without consulting the see of 
Rome : and, in consideration of this favour, they obliged 
themselves to pay a rent-charge of twenty pounds per 
annum to the pope ; and twenty marks a year into the 
exchequer to redeem their abbey-lands from being seized 
into the kings hands upon every vacancy. To support 
this charge, they procured two parishes to be appropriated 
to their monastery, notwithstanding they were already 
possessed of more than threescore under the same circum- 
stances. And of this kind, there might be several other 
instances given. 

And thus, by perverting the design of the endowment 
of churches, and robbing the parochial clergy of their 
patrimony, religion and learning suffered very much : for 
the monasteries being frequently over-solicitous for their 



BOURCHIER. 15 

interest, used to afford a very slender consideration to 
those who supplied the cures : and thus the parishes were 
put into the hands of ignorant incumbents. This mis- 
fortune gave occasion to frequent contests and vexatious 
suits among the parishioners ; whereas formerly, when 
the parish priests were men of learning and character, 
these differences were taken up, and decided by them. But 
now, such disputes falling into the hands of lawyers, — 
who, when not men of conscience, made it their business 
to perplex and prolong the controversy, — the countiy was 
more than ever embroiled : and, being in a great measure 
exhausted by law-suits, they were disabled for pious uses 
and benefactions to learning. 

Besides, the exhibitions to the universities, as has been 
observed, were in a great measure withdrawn. The reason 
of the failing of this fund, which was mostly furnished by 
the bishops, was this: the prelates in this reign, by 
spending too much of their time at court, and making too 
great a figure there, disabled themselves from assisting 
men of learning, and neither gave the customary enter- 
tainment to scholars in their houses, nor supplied them 
at the universities. 

And here Gascoigne, above-mentioned, observes, " that 
before the reign of Henry VI. the kings of England never 
detained any bishop at their courts, unless for a short 
time ; neither had they any of that order for their con- 
fessors. And when the director of their conscience, who 
was generally a doctor in divinity, happened to be elected 
to any bishopric, he immediately quitted his office, and 
went down to his see ; and while things were thus 
managed, doctors were men of great learning and esteem, 
and had the precedency of archdeacons, deans, and 
knights." 

The avarice and extravagant partialities of the court of 
Rome, were another occasion of the declensions in the 
Church and universities. For if men brought money and 
strong recommendations, that court frequently overlooked 
the considerations of probity and merit. 



16 BOURCHIER. 

The weight of these grievances put the university of Ox- 
ford upon addressing the archbishop of Canterbury to step 
in to th^ir relief, to give check to the excesses of papal 
provisions. The archbishop undertook the business, and 
made a synodical constitution, that for the future, no 
person should be admitted to holy orders without a testi- 
monial from the archdeacon of the place, or the chancellor 
of the university, or his deputy. This expedient, though 
it gave some hopes of reformation at first, proved insigni- 
ficant, by the mercenariness of the bishop's officers, who 
seldom would wait for any testimonials of this kind. 

The following are the constitutions of archbishop Bour- 
chier, published in 1463, which are here given as throw- 
ing light upon the state of the church in the fifteenth 
century. 

" The constitutions of Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of 
Canterbury, primate of A. E., legate of the apostolical 
see, made in the cathedral church of St. Pauls, London, 
the prelates and clergy of the province of Canterbury 
being then and there convocated, on the sixth day of July, 
1463. 

1. Although the disposal of all churches, and of the 
rights, persons, and things thereunto belonging, and also 
of the goods in pious places is known by the testimony of 
the sacred canons to belong to the bishops, and holiness 
becomes God s house, and jDcaceableness (with due venera- 
tion of Him, by whose peace it was made a place of 
Divine worship) that no disturbance of the minds of 
Christians, or execution of the secular law be in the 
church ; yet the impudence, or rather rashness of some 
secular officers in the province of Canterbury, forgetful of 
their own salvation, is grown so abusive to the church, that 
sheriffs, under-sheriffs, bailififs, Serjeants, beadles, and at- 
tendants, by themselves, and their deputies do compel 
persons of both sexes staying in churches and church- 
yards and other places, as is said, dedicated to God (per- 
chance) to attend on prayer, to be arrested and violently 
torn from thence with the disturbance of divine worship ; 



BOURCHIER. IT 

sometimes with fightiDg, and the pollution of the churches 
under colour of executing a secular office, by means unfit 
to be used in churches, to the scandal and detriment of 
the churches, and the hazard of their own souls, and the 
pernicious example of others. Now we Thomas by divine 
permission archbishop of Canterbury, desiring as we are 
bound, to apply a remedy against such abuses to such as 
have reprobated the law of God and His holy church, and 
lest we should seem to approve of it, do by authority of 
this present provincial council ordain, and prohibit any 
secular ofl&cer by what name soever called, to arrest in any 
civil or pecuniary action, or to force out of a church or any 
sacred place, and particularly the church of St. Pauls, 
London, (especially while divine semce is there celebra- 
ted) any man, or woman under pain of excommunication. 
And if any sheriff, under-sheriff, mayor, bailiff, seijeant, 
beadle, attendant, or other secular officer, under whatever 
name he passes, be a rash violator of this our statute, or 
give authority, help or consent to such violation, we will 
that he do ipso facto incur the sentence of the greater 
excommunication, not to be absolved from the same, till 
they have made competent satisfaction to the persons and 
churches injured. And we make a special reservation of 
their absolution to the diocesans of the places. And we 
will that they be bound in the same sentence, who lay 
violent hands even on a layman in churches, or other 
consecrated places. 

•2. Although in this catholic and glorious kingdom of 
England the preachers of the word of God have sufficiently 
considered and declaimed against the new ill-contrived 
fashions of apparel of the clergy and people for several 
years, by reproof, reprehension, and entreaty, according to 
the apostle "s doctrine ; yet few or none desist from these 
abuses, which is much to be lamented. It is fit then that 
they who are not reclaimed by divine love be restrained 
by fear of punishment. And if we who by divine permis- 
sion are set over others to reform them, neglect to reform 
b2 



18 BOURCHIER. 



[S 



ourselves and clergy, we fear, lest the people subject to us 
observing that our lives and manners differ from our ser- 
mons, do thence take occasion to distrust our words, and 
so be prompted, which God avert, to contemn the church 
of Christ, and His ministers, and their sound doctrine 
and authority. Desiring therefore to apply a remedy to 
this evil, so far as God enables us, that we may not be to 
answer for it at the last day, we do by our metropolitical 
authority, with the unanimous assent and consent of our 
venerable brethren the lords the bishops, and of the whole 
clergy of the province of Canterbury, by a decree of this 
present provincial council, enact and ordain that no priest, 
or clerk in holy orders, or beneficed, do publicly wear any 
gown or upper garment, but what is close before, and not 
wholly open, nor any bordering of skins or furs in the 
lower edges or circumference : and that no one who is 
not graduated in some university, or possessed of some 
ecclesiastical dignity, do wear a cap with a cape, nor a 
double cap, nor a single one with a cornet, or a short hood 
after the manner of prelates and graduates (excepting only 
the priests and clerks in the service of our lord the king) 
or gold, or any thing gilt on their girdle, sword, dagger, 
or purse. And let none of the abovesaid, nor any domes- 
tics of an archbishop, bishop, abbot, prior, dean, arch- 
deacon, or of any ecclesiastical man who serves them for 
stipends, or wages, and especially they who serve in a 
spiritual office, wear ill-contrived garments scandalous to 
the church, nor bolsters about their shoulders in their 
doublet, coat, or gown, nor an upper garment so short as 
not to cover their middle parts, nor shoes monstrously 
long and turoed up at the toes, nor any such sort of gar- 
ments. If any transgressor of this statute and ordinance 
be discovered after a month from the publication thereof, 
let him be wholly deprived of the perception of the profits 
of his ecclesiastical benefice, if he have any : if he have 
none let him be wholly deprived of his office or service, 
whether he be clerk or laic, till he reform himself. And 



BOURCHIER. 19 

let the lord or master, who retains such an uiireformed' 
transgressor, or receives him again anew, take upon his 
own conscience the burden and peril before the supreme 
judge. And because we ourselves are disposed to use all 
diligence toward the observance of this constitution in our 
own person, as God shall give us His grace, we do in the 
Lord exhort all our venerable the lords the bishops, and 
other inferior ecclesiastical persons, we admonish all and 
singular persons subject to us in virtue of strict obedience, 
in the same Lord, that they so behave themselves in 
this respect as may be to the praise of Almighty God, and 
for the avoiding scandal to His church ; that we may not 
hereafter be forced to aggravate the penalties of this 
constitution." 

It would appear from these constitutions that the clergy 
wore swords, and we find in other contemporary docu- 
ments that it was occasionally necessary to warn the 
clergy against the adoption of military habits. 

It is curious to observe that some of the extraordinary pri- 
vileges which the university of Oxford at this time asserts, 
are to be traced to papal favour ; that in fact their right to 
suspend an ecclesiastic from preaching is a right obtained 
from the pope, and that the exercise of it is proof, not of 
an Anglican, but of a popish spirit. In the year 1476, 
according to the statement of Collier, the pope, at the 
instance of the university of Oxford , granted that learned 
body a bull of pri\ilege dated the 13th of September. 
The reason why the university solicited this favour, was, 
because their former exemptions procured from the see 
of Rome were either lost or revoked ; particularly the 
famous grant of pope Boniface VIII. had been cancelled. 
This instrument of Sixtus IV. takes notice, that it was set 
forth in the bull of Boniface, that several kings of England, 
of famous memory, had granted this privilege, amongst 
others, to the university of Oxford ; " That, for the greater 
convenience and ease of the students, their chancellor for 
the time being should have the cognizance and correction 
of all contracts, trespasses, and misdemeanours, within the 



20 BOURCHIEH. 

precincts.of the university, where one of the parties was 
either a scholar, a servant to any of that body, or other- 
wise belonging to the jurisdiction of the chancellor ; and 
that no person, under the circumstances and distinctions 
above-mentioned, should, by virtue of the king's writs, be 
forced to make their appearance, or take their trial in any 
foreign court, unless in prosecutions for murder, mayhem, 
or pleas concerning freehold : and that the masters, 
doctors, and scholars, had peaceably enjoyed this royal 
privilege long beyond the memory of man.' The bull of 
Boniface proceeds to recite, "that the university requested 
an extent of privilege with respect to the church, and that 
their body might be exempted from the jurisdiction of all 
archbishops, bishops, and other ordinaries whatsoever ; 
and that the chancellor should be empowered to decide all 
emergent differences, and punish all trespasses and crimes 
above-mentioned, with a liberty of exercising all manner 
of spiritual authority upon the university members : and 
that all suspensions, excommunications, or interdicts, 
denounced and published against the said chancellor, 
scholars, &c., should be void, and of none effect." This 
bull of Boniface is revived by Sixtus IV., and all the fran- 
chises granted by the kings of England confirmed. 

In the reign of Edward V., Richard, duke of Gloucester, 
continued to make archbishop Bourchier an instrument 
of promoting his own ambitious designs. It was by his 
graces persuasion that the queen dowager consented 
to deliver up the duke of York into the hands of the 
protector. But the archbishop has never been accused of 
acting from any sinister motive, and his whole conduct 
shews that he had full confidence at the time in Richards 
sincerity. The last public act of archbishop Bourchier, 
was to solemnize the marriage between Henry VII. and 
Elizabeth of York, and thus, as Dr. Fuller observes, " his 
hand first held the sweet posie whereby the white and red 
roses were tied together." He died in 1486, at Knowle, 
then an archiepiscopal residence, and was buried on the 
north side of the choir of his cathedral. His chief public 



BOURDALOUE. Ql 

benefaction was the gift of £120 to the university of Cam- 
bridge ; this sum was laid up with another hundred 
pounds, given by Mr. Billingsforth, formerly master of 
Corpus Christi College, and the chest was called Billings- 
forth and Buurchier's chest : the money in the chest was 
to be lent, as occasion required, to poor scholars. 

Though Bourchier was undoubtedly a man of learning, 
no writings of his have descended to us, except a few 
synodical decrees ; but he deserves especial mention as 
being the first who introduced the art of printing into 
this country. The art had for some time been practised 
on the continent, but the greatest secrecy was observed 
respecting the manner in which the operation was con- 
ducted. The archbishop therefore persuaded Henry VI. 
to send Tournour and Caxton abroad in the guise of 
merchants, (which Caxton was,) to possess themselves, if 
possible, of this important secret, which with some diffi- 
culty they accomplished, having persuaded one of the 
compositors, Frederick Corselli, to carry off a set of types, 
and go over with them to England. Upon their arrival, 
the archbishop, thinking Oxford a more convenient place 
for printing than London, sent Corselli thither ; and 
lest he should escape before he discovered the whole 
secret, a guard was set upon the press Thus the art of 
printing appeared ten years sooner at this university 
than in any other place in Europe, Harlaem and Mentz 
excepted. Not long after, presses were set up at West- 
minster, St Alban"s, Worcester, and other monasteries 

of note. Godwin. SjJelmcm. Johnson. Collier. Wood. 

Wharton. 



BOUEDALOUE, LEWIS. 

Lewis Bouedaloue was born at Bourges, August 20th, 
1682, and became a Jesuit at fifteen. His talent for preach- 
ing made him so popular in the country, that his superiors 
called him to Paris in 1669, to take the course in their 
church of St. Louis, which soon became crowded with 



23 BOURN. 

hearers of the highest distinction, and Louis XIV. fre- 
quently listened with attention and pleasure to this 
powerful preacher, though he manfully spoke home truths 
to the monarch and his court. He was sent into Lan- 
guedoc to convert the protestants, and it is said that he 
had considerable success in this mission. In his own 
communion, however, the effects of his ministry was very 
great, and numbers chose him for their confessor. His 
piety appears to have been truly sincere, and he had a 
very liberal disposition towards those from whom he dif- 
fered. He died in 1704. 

Bretonneau, who was also a Jesuit, published two 
editions of his works, one in 14 vols, 8vo, Paris, in 1707 
and following years, and another in 15 vols, l'2mo. The 
former has the preference. — Moreri. Biog : GalUca. Works. 

BOURN, GILBERT. 

Gilbert Bourn, was the son of Philip Bourn, of 
Worcestershire, and was matriculated at Oxford in 15-^4. 
He was elected fellow of All Souls in 1531. He bore 
a high character as a logician and rhetorician in the 
university, in which he took his M.A. degree in 153-^. 
The chapter of Worcester was new modeled under 
Henry the Vlllth, the regulars being dispossessed, and 
secular clergy under a dean being appointed. Bourn 
was one of the first of the new prebendaries, being 
appointed in 1541. In the year 1543 he took his B.I), 
degree and became chaplain to the bishop of London, 
(Dr. Bonner,) by whom he was collated to the prebend 
of Wildland in St Pauls cathedral in 1545 ; a prebend 
which he exchanged for that of Brownswood in 1548. 
He appears, like his patron, to have been attached at first 
to the reforming party in our church, and thus he was 
preferred, in 154V), to the archdeaconry of Bedford, and 
soon after to the rectory of High Ongar in Essex. 

There were many things which must have prepared the 
mind of Bourn to change his party when an opportunity 



BOURN. %^ 

occurred. He was a mild and perhaps an indolent man, 
and by the excesses to which the reformers of Edward VI. 
had proceeded, his conservative feelings both in church 
and state must have been alarmed. Moreover, his personal 
feelings must have been shocked by the treatment which 
his patron, the bishop of London, had experienced. What- 
ever state necessity there may have been for the proceed- 
ings against the bishop, they must have appeared to his 
friends unjust and arbitrary. See Life of Bonner. We are 
not to be surprised at finding Bourn attaching himself to 
the Romanizing party in our church, when at the accession 
of Mary the Romanists came into power. He took the 
earliest opportunity of declaring his adhesion to the new 
government, and at the same time to shew his gratitude to 
his former patron, the atrocity of whose character had not 
yet developed itself. He calculated, however, wrongly on 
the state of public opinion. He evidently supposed that 
the alarm felt at the excesses and ultra-protestantism of 
Edward's reformers had entirely pervaded the masses in 
London as elsewhere. He found that he was mistaken 
when he delivered the sermon, which from its conse- 
quences alone, has procured for him a place in history. 
He was appointed to preach at St Paul's Cross, August 13, 
1553, in the presence of the coi'poration of London, several 
of the nobility, and his old patron, bishop Bonner. He 
took for his text the passage on which that prelate had 
discoursed from the same place four years before, warmly 
eulogized him, adverted to the hardships that he had 
recently undergone, and attacked severely king Edward's 
religious policy. As he proceeded, murmurs arose, women 
and boys became violently excited, and even some clergy- 
men of the reforming party who were present, encouraged 
the general disgust. At length, caps were thrown into 
the air, stones were levelled at the preacher, and some 
fiery zealot completed the disgrace of the protestant party, 
by hurling a dagger at the indiscreet author of so much 
confusion. Bourn escaped martyrdom by stooping down, 
and his brother besought Bradford, eventually a martyr, 



'24 BOURNE. 

to appease, if possible, the people's fury. The call be- 
ing readily obeyed, a mild rebuke from one so well 
known, and so deservedly respected, soon quelled the 
spirit of outrage. The obnoxious preacher was then con- 
ducted between Bradford and Rogers, afterwards martyrs 
in the Marian persecution, into St Pauls school, where 
he remained until the crowd dispersed. — See Life of 
Bradford. 

Bourn was afterwards one of the delegates appointed to 
restore bishop Bonner to the see of London. It is dis- 
graceful to Bourn that when Bradford was brought into 
trouble, he did not interfere to protect him. He was 
present on one of the days of Bradford's trial, but he said 
not a single word in his behalf, though the expressive 
silence with which be received Bradford's appeal to him, 
forced Gardiner to abandon the charge of sedition brought 
against him. Bourn was elected bishop of Bath and Wells, 
March 28th, 1554, and he continued in great favour 
throughout queen Mary's reign, being appointed president 
of Wales. Under Elizabeth, he was deprived for deny- 
ing the royal supremacy. Being then committed to the 
free custody of the dean of Exeter, he gave himself 
entirely up to reading and devotion. He died at Silver- 
ton, in Devonshire, September 10th, 1569. — Wood. Fox. 
Strype's Memorials. 

BOURNE, IMMANUEL. 

Immanuel Bourne was born in Northamptonshire, 
December 27th, 1590, and entered at Christ Church, Ox- 
ford, in 1667. He took his M.A. degree in 1616. In 1622 
he was appointed to the rectory of Ashover in Derbyshire, 
and was noted as a puritan. When the rebellion broke out 
he sided with the rebels and became a presbyterian. He 
became a popular preacher at St. Sepulchre's, and in 1656 
was intruded into the living of Waltham in Leicestershire. 
The popular puritan became a conformist at the restora- 
tion, and in 1669 was instituted to the rectorv of Ailston 



BOYS. 25 

in Leicestershire. He died on the 27th of December, 
1672. He published, besides some occasional sermons, 
A Light from Christ, leading unto Christ by the Star of 
His word ; or, a Divine Directory for Self-Examination 
and Preparation for the Lord's Supper, 1645 ; Defence of 
Scriptures as the Chief Judge of Controversies, 1656 ; 
Vindication of the Honour due to Magistrates, Ministers, 
and others, against the Quakers, 1659 ; Defence of Tjthes, 
Infant Baptism, Human Learning, and the Sword of the 
Magistrate, against the Anabaptists ; A Golden Chain of 
Directions to preserve Love between Husband and Wife, 
1^2.— Wood's Ath. 



BOYS, OR BOIS, JOHN, 

JOHN BOIS was born at Nettlestead, in Suffolk, on the 
5th January, 1560. So precocious were the talents of the 
child, that at the age of five years he read the Bible in 
Hebrew. He went afterwards to Hadley school, and at 
fourteen was admitted at St. John's College, Cambridge, 
where he distinguished himself by his skill in the Greek. 
Happening to have the small pox when he was elected 
fellow, he, to preserve his seniority, caused himself to be 
carried, wrapped up in blankets, to be admitted. He 
applied himself for some time to the study of medicine, 
but fancying himself affected with every disease he read 
of, he quitted that science, determining to enter into tlie 
ministry; on the ^Ist of June, 1583, he was ordained 
deacon, and next day, by virtue of a dispensation, priest. 
He was ten years chief Greek lecturer in his college, and 
read e^ery day. He voluntarily read a Greek lecture for 
some years, at four in the morning, in his own chamber, 
which v^'as frequented by many of the fellows. On the 
death of his father, he succeeded him in the rectory of 
West-Stowe ; but his mother going to live with her brother, 
he resigned that preferment, though he might have kept 
it with his fellowship. At the age of thirty-six, he married 

VOL. TII. C 



26 BOYS. 

the daughter of Mr. Hoh, rector of Boxworth, in Cam- 
bridgeshire, whom he succeeded in that living October the 
loth, 1.596. On his quitting the university, the college 
gave him one hundred pounds. His young wife, who was 
bequeathed to him with the living, which was an advowson, 
proving a bad economist, and he himself being wholly 
addicted to his studies, he soon became so much involved 
in debt, that he was forced to sell his choice collection of 
books, containing almost every Greek author then extant, 
to a loss as great as the sum to which the debt paid by its 
produce amounted. The loss of his library afflicted him 
so much, that he had thought of quitting his native coun- 
try. He was however soon reconciled to his wife, and he 
even continued to leave all domestic affairs to her manage- 
ment. He entered into an agreement with twelve of the 
neighbouring clergy, to meet every Friday at one of their 
houses by turns, to give an account of their studies. He 
usually kept some young scholar in his house, to instruct 
his own children, and the poorer sort of the town, as well 
as several gentlemen's children, who were boarded with 
him. When a new translation of the Bible was, by king 
James I., directed to be made, Mr. Bois was elected one 
of the Cambridge translators. He performed not only his 
own, but also the part assigned to another, whose name 
has not transpired, with great reputation, though with no 
profit, for he had no allowance but his commons. He 
was indeed to have been one of the fellows of the new 
college at Chelsea, which it was then in contemplation to 
found, but as the project died away, he was disappointed. 
He was not only a translator of the Bible, but also one of 
the six who met at Stationers' Hall to revise the whole ; 
which task they went through in nine months, having 
each from the company of stationers during that time 
thirty shillings a week. He afterwards assisted Sir Henry 
Savile, in publishing the works of St. Chrysostom. A 
present of a single copy of the book was the whole reward 
of many years' labour spent upon it. This disappointment 



BOYS. f^7 

was owing to the death of Sir Henry Savile, who intended 
to have made him fellow of Eton. In 1615, Dr. Lancelot 
Andre wes, bishop of Ely, bestowed on him, unasked, a pre- 
bend in his church. He died on the 14th January, 1613, 
in the 84th year of his age. Although he left behind him 
a great mass of MSS., the only work he published was 
Johannis Boisii Veteris Interpretis cum Beza ahisque 
recentioribus Collatio, in iv. Evangeliis et Actis Apostolo- 
rum, Lond. 1655, 4to; the object of which was to defend 
the vulgate version of the Xew Testament. When he was 
a young man he received from Dr. Whitaker three rules 
for avoiding the diseases to which literary men are subject 
— 1. to read standing ; 2. not to read near a window : and 
3. not to go to bed with the feet cold : and by following 
these and some other sanatory precepts, his life was not 
only prolonged to a great age, but it is said that when he 
died his brow was without wrinkles, his sight quick, his 
hearing sharp, his countenance fresh, and his body sound. 
— Anthony Walker in Pedis Desiderata Curiosa. Wijod's 
Fasti. Fuller. 



BOYS, JOHN. 

John Boys was born in 1571, of a family that came into 
Kent at the Conquest; he was educated at Coi-pus Christi 
College, Cambridge, from whence he was elected fellow of 
Clare Hall. Sir John Boys, his uncle, presented him to the 
livings of Bettishanger and the adjoining parish of Tilman- 
stone, near Deal ; and archbishop Whitgift collated him to 
the mastership of Eastbridge hospital, in Canterbury. He 
took his doctor's degree and became a "powerful preacher.'' 
He found a new patron in archbishop Abbot who collated 
him to the rectory of Great Mongeham in 1618. He was 
appointed by James I. dean of Canterbury, May, 16J9. 
This dignity, however, he did not enjoy long, dying sud- 
denly in his study, September 26, 1625, at the age of 
fifty-four. His chief work is his Postils, or a series of 
Discourses on the Epistles, Gospels, &c., of the Christian 



S8 BRADBURY. 

Year. He was a violent opponent of popery, and was the 
author of the following profane parody on the Lord's 
Prayer : " Papa noster qui es Romae, maledicetur nomen 
tuum, intereat regnum tuum, impediatur voluntas tuu, 
sicut in ccelo sic et in terra :" — but the whole of the 
blasphemy we forbear to quote, only alluding to the 
subject to shew the irreverence of ultra-protestantism. 
It is said that Dr. Boys did not invent, but only quoted 
with approbation, this perversion of the Lord s Prayer 
into a malediction. In 1631 " certain sermons" of his 

were printed. Todd's Deans of Canterhury. Fuller. 

Wood. Granger. 

BEADBUKY, THOMAS. 

Thomas Beadbuey was born at Wakefield, in 1677, and 
became a dissenting preacher at eighteen years of age. As 
a preacher he was distinguished for his buffoonery, and 
men w^ent to his meeting-house to be amused by his jokes. 
For twenty years he thus preached at a meeting-house in 
Fetter-lane, London, and afterwards succeeded Daniel 
Burgess, another preaching joker, at the meeting-house of 
New-court, Carey street. So obtuse was the sense of pro- 
priety in Bogue, the historian of dissent, that he remarks, 
on Bradbury's translation to New-court, " This pulpit a 
second time presented a phenomenon as rare as it is 
henejicial, wit consecrated to the services of serious and 
eternal truth." — (Bogue, vol. ii. p. 403.) Among the 
standing objects of his mirth was the religious poetry of 
Dr. Watts. He thus used, accordingly, to give out a 
hymn from that writer, it may be hoped only when in a 
sillier mood than common, "Let us sing one of Dr. 
VVatts's Whims." At another time, preaching before an 
association of ministers at Salter's Hall, on the Arian 
controversy, he exclaimed, " Y^'ou who are not ashamed to 
own the deity of our Lord follow me to the gallery," to 
which he immediately bent his way : but some of the 
opposite party beginning to hiss, he turned round, and 



BRADFORD. -^9 

said, " I have been pleading for Him who bruised the 
serpent's head ; no wonder the seed of the sei'pent should 
hiss." His favourite meal was supper, before sitting 
down to which, he was accustomed to expound and pray ; 
afterwards he entertained his company with '• The Roast- 
Beef of Old England," in singing which he was considered 
to excel. After entertaining the public with this facetious 
preaching, and these anti-monastic revelries for thirty-two 
years, he died September 9th, 1759, deeply regretted by 
the great body of dissenters. His works, consisting of 
fifty-four sermons, were published in 176'2, in three 
volumes, 8vo, They are chiefly political, and it was 
remarked at the time of their publication, that " from 
the great number of sacred texts api:)lied to the occasion, 
one would imagine from these discourses the Bible 
written only to confirm by divine authority the benefits 
accruing to this natim from the accession of king 
William III." 

Mr. X. Xtal, in a letter to Dr. Doddridge, on the 
publication of some of Bradbury's sermons, observes, 
" I have seen Mr Bradbury's sermons, just pub- 
lished, the nonsense and buffoonery of which would make 
one laugh, if his impious insults over the pious dead 

did not make one tremble." Boc/ue. Doddridge's 

Letters. 



BRADFORD, JOHN. 

John Bradford was born at Manchester in the early 
part of the reign of Henry VIIL, and was educated 
at the grammar school there ; he became distinguished 
as an accountant. This accomplishment procured for 
him the place of clerk or secretaiy to Sir John Har- 
rington, who was treasurer of the royal camps and 
buildings. Sir John Harrington placed entire confidence 
in his integrity as well as in his ability, but unfortunately 
overrated his superiority to temptation. Bradford appro- 
c-2 



30 BRADFORD. 

priated to his own use, one hundred and forty pounds 
belonging to the crown. Some protestant historians, 
blinded by party feeling, endeavour to palliate the crime 
of one who became afterwards so distinguished. But 
the real defence of Bradford is this, that he did deeply 
and truly repent, that he deplored to the end of life 
his "great thing," as he sorrowfully termed his act of 
peculation, and that, when his mind was enlightened as 
to the nature of his sin, and his Conscience reproached 
him, he became his own accuser, and took measures to 
make restitution. It is doubtful whether he was first 
awakened to a sense of his sin under the preaching of 
bishop Latimer, but under the agonies of an accusing 
conscience he certainly applied to him as a spiritual advi- 
ser. The idea had struck Bradford that in order to raise 
the requisite sum, and to make restitution, he might sell 
his services for a stipulated period or even permanently ; 
as was not imusual among the ancient Israelites. Lati- 
mer was at the time when Bradford sent to consult him 
on this point, engaged in the composition of a sermon to 
be preached before the king, and evidently did not give 
proper attention to this case of conscience. He sent a 
very unsatisfactory answer that the case had better be left 
in the hands of God. But Bradford found more sub- 
stantial relief from Sir John Harrington himself, who 
generously consented to satisfy the crown, and to accept 
his dependant's security for repayment to himself. 

Bradford, dismissed from his employment, studied for 
some time in the Inner Temple, where he is said to have 
heard more sermons than law lectures. He soon attached 
himself with characteristic zeal to that party in our 
beloved church v/hich was labouring for its reformation. 
A movement party always attaches to itself the more 
earnest minds, anxious for improvement in others as well 
as in themselves ; but as they are not always the most 
judicious or the best informed, the reforming party, [now, 
in the reign of Edward VI.,] in pov/er, was anxious to 



BRADFORD. 31 

employ all who united with zeal and eloquence, a sound 
judgment and competent learning. Bradford was, there- 
fore, easily persuaded to prepare himself for employment 
in the church, and accordingly went to Cambridge. 
Here he soon found a patron in Dr. Ridley, bishop of 
Rochester, and master of Pembroke Hall. He had 
entered at Catherine Hall, but became a fellow soon after 
of Ridley's college. His modesty was as conspicuous as 
his piety while at Cambridge. The manner of his laying 
his past sins before his eyes, by the catalogues he made 
of them, and his inward and retired exercise of prayer ; 
his praying with himself, as well as with his pupils ; and, 
above all, the diary he kept of whatever was remarkable 
and serviceable to his steady advancement in the practice 
of piety, are particularly described among his exercises, 
whilst he was at the university, by Martin Bucer, who 
could best do it; more especially of this last task, he 
speaks in these words : " He used to make unto himself 
an ephemeris, or a journal, in which he used to write all 
such notable things as either he did see or hear, each day 
that passed. But whatsoever he did hear or see, he did 
so pen it, that a man might see in that, the signs of his 
smitten heart. For if he did see or hear any good in any 
man; by that sight, he found and noted the want thereof 
in himself ; and added a short prayer, craving mercy and 
grace to amend. If he did hear or see any misery, he 
noted it, as a thing procured by his own sins ; and still 
added Domine misere mei : Lord have mercy upon me. 
He used in the same book, to note such evil thoughts as 
did rise in him ; as of envying the good of other men ; 
thoughts of unthankfulness ; of not considering God in 
His works ; of hardness and unsensibleness of heart when 
he did see others moved and afflicted : and thus he made 
to himself and of himself, a book of daily practices of 
repentance." 

It seems that the reforming party were so anxious to em- 
ploy him that he obtained, probably by royal mandate, and 
through Ridley's interest, the degree ox M.A. before the 



S'^ BRADFORD. 

termination of his first year's residence. In 1550, when 
Dr. Ridley was translated to the see of London, that great 
prelate ordained Bradford a deacon, somewhat irregularly, 
and soon after made him his chaplain, and preferred him 
to a prebend in St. Paul's. In. December this year he 
received a license of preaching. In the year following it 
was thought fit that the king should retain six chaplains, 
who should not only in their turn be in waiting upon 
him, but should act also as itinerant preachers, to excite 
as well as instruct the people. Bradford was nominated 
as one of the six, but for some cause or other the number 
was reduced to four, and Bradford was one of the two 
excluded from the appointment. That he became a 
popular preacher is clear : he was not perhaps the most 
dignified or reverential of his class ; but if he was some- 
thing of a demagogue as well as a preacher, he fearlessly 
maintained his principles when preaching before the great. 
Bishop Ridley said of him, that he was one of those 
preachers who " ripped so deeply in the galled backs of 
the great men of the court, as to have purged them of the 
filthy matter that was festered in their hearts, of insatia- 
ble covetousness, filthy carnality, and voluptuousness, 
intolerable ambition and pride, and ungodly loathsome- 
ness to hear poor men's causes and God's word ; that him 
of all other they could not abide." But there is yet higher 
testimony borne in his favour by bishop Ridley : he says 
of him . " He is a man by whom, as I am assuredly 
informed, God doth work wonders in setting forth His 
word." 

His influence with the mob was clearly proved at the 
commencement of queen Mary's reign. Bourn, [see his 
life] one of the royal chaplains, was appointed to preach 
at St. Paul's Cross. A mob was assembled to hear him ; 
as the romanizing party declared, a packed mob, assembled 
for tbe purpose of insulting him, if, as was suspected, he 
should censure the proceedings of the late king's govern- 
ment. Bourn complained of the conduct of the reformers 
when in power. Pull him down, suddenly exclaimed a 



BRADFORD. 33 

voice in the crowd. The cry was echoed by several groups 
of women and children. A dagger was hurled at the 
preacher by one of the protestant zealots, which narrowly 
missed him. Bourn turned about, and perceiving Bradford 
behind him, he earnestly begged him to come forwards and 
pacify the people. Bradford was no sooner in his place, 
and recommended peace and concord to them, than with 
a joyful shout at the sight of him, they cried out, " Brad- 
ford, Bradford, God save thy hfe, Bradford !"' and then, 
with profound attention to his discourse, heard him 
enlarge upon peaceful and Christian obedience ; which 
when he had finished, the tumultuous people, for the 
most part, dispersed ; but, among the rest who persisted, 
there was a certain gentleman, with his two servants, who, 
coming up the pulpit stairs, rushed against the door, 
demanding entrance upon Bourn ; Bradford resisted him, 
till he had secretly given Bourn warning, by his servant, 
to escape ; who, flying to the mayor, once again escaped 
death. Yet conceiving the danger not fully over, Bourn 
besought Bradford not to leave him till he was got to some 
place of security ; in which Bradford again obliged him, 
and went at his back, shadowing him from the people with 
his gown, while the mayor and sheriffs, on each side, led 
him into the nearest house, which was St. Paul's school ; 
and so was he a third time delivered from the fury of the 
populace. It is added that one of the mob, most inveterate 
against Bourn, exclaimed, "Ah ! Bradford, Bradford, dost 
thou save his life who will not spare thine ? Go, I give 
thee his life ; but were it not for thy sake, I would thrust 
him through with my sword." The same Sunday, in the 
afternoon, Bradford preached at Bow church, in Cheap- 
side, and sharply rebuked the people for their outrageous 
behaviour. 

The government accused the reforming party of having 
caused the tumult which had thus endangered the public 
peace, and every one will admit that the violence exhibited, 
and the attempt to assassinate the preacher on the part of 
the protestants, were sufficient to excite alarm. As Brad- 



34 BRADFORD. 

ford's influence was so successful in appeasing the riot 
when he thought fit to interfere, it was presumed from 
the fact that he did not interfere sooner, that the previous 
proceedings had met with his sanction, and that the whole 
had been preconcerted by him. Three days after his in- 
terposition in behalf of Bourn, he was summoned before 
the council, and committed to prison in the Tower. His 
defence, that he had preached strongly that day against 
popular licentiousness, will not weigh much with those 
who remember that this is the constant course pursued by 
demagogues ; while calling masses together whom they 
know to be bent on violence, they seek to escape responsi- 
bility, by warning them of the duty of acting peaceably. 
The real vindication of Bradford is to be found in the fact 
that nothing could be proved against him, shewn by the fact 
that he lay in prison for a year and a half without being 
brought to a trial. It is indeed highly probable that the 
reforming party had endeavoured to surround the out-door 
pulpit at St. Paul's Cross with their own mob, and 
Bradford may have been glad to see himself surrounded 
by those with whom he was popular as an orator, but 
there does not appear anything in his character to justify 
the suspicion that he was himself guilty of sedition. 

In the Tower he was confined in the same chamber as 
the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London, and 
bishop Latimer. However inconvenient this was, they 
were very glad to be together, and read over the New 
Testament with deliberation and study, to ascertain whe- 
ther there was any foundation for the popish doctrine of a 
corporal presence, a subject upon which they knew they 
should be examined, as it was the test of Romanism in 
that age. 

After a confinement in the Tower, lasting for three 
quarters of a year, Bradford was removed to the Queens 
Bench prison, where he was treated with remarkable 
kindness. He preached twice every day, and administered 
the Holy Communion, for he believed it to be a sacrament 
generally necessary to salvation. Visitors to form the 



BRADFORD. 35 

congregation eagerly sought the privilege of passing the 
prison-gates, and he was permitted by his keepers in the 
night time to visit the sick in the neighbourhood of 
the prison. He lived, nevertheless, ascetically : he allowed 
himself only four hours sleep ; he ate but once a day, and 
that very sparingly, and once a-week he visited the 
malefactors, who were confined in dungeons near his own 
apartment. At the same time he wrote numerous letters 
to those who were disquieted by the persecution ; espe- 
cially did he labour to expose the dissimulation of those 
who in appearance renounced the principles they formerly 
professed. There were many who were ultra-protestants 
in Edward's reign, who now attended the mass, which 
was again celebrated in our church after the Romish 
manner, although they declared themselves, to their con- 
fidential friends, unchanged in their principles ; avowing 
that their outward conformity was extorted from them by 
the fear of bringing ruin upon their families. Bradford, 
with the violence of language which was peculiar to him, 
designated these persons as " mangy mongrels," and he 
pronounced an unqualified and just condemnation on 
their worldly prudence. He even wrote a treatise, attack- 
ing the mass, and shewing the mischief of affording to it 
any degree of countenance. 

It was one of the sad circumstances of the time, that 
such a man as Bradford, instead of calmly preparing his 
soul for the change awaiting him, like the martyrs of old, 
should be violently engaged in controversy to the last. 
We are told that he found comfort, not only in prayer, but 
in religious argument. True religion generally comes not 
by argument, but by inheritance and instruction ; it is 
sad when vital points require to be argued, and sadder 
still when a disputatious turn of mind is, in consequence, 
formed in an individual. When Bradford found none 
others with whom to quarrel, he quarrelled with his fellow 
X)risoners, too ready, many of them, to indulge the con- 
troversial temper to which they were habituated, by un- 
seemly and useless disputes. Their grated chambers 



36 BRADFORD. 

often exhibited that picture of contention which we may 
expect to find in the unrenewed man, but which shocks us 
when exhibited by the professors of godliness. They 
found a source of tumultuous interest in ardent discus- 
sions upon the most mysterious dispensations of provi- 
dence ; free-will and predestination were topics in which 
these unhappy men beguiled the gloomy monotony of their 
prison-hours. The disputants eventually ranged them- 
selves in parties, viewing each other wdth considerable 
aversion. Bradford was actively engaged in their unhappy 
dissensions, and took the predestinarian side. Bradford 
was told by his opponents, that "he was a great slander 
to the word of God in respect of his doctrine, in that he 
believed and affirmed the salvation of Gods children to be 
so certain, that they should assuredly enjoy the same. 
For, they said, it hanged partly upon our perseverance to 
the end. Bradford said, it hung upon God's grace in 
Christ; and not upon our perseverance in any point: 
for then were grace no grace. They charged him, that 
he was not so kind to them as he ought in the distribu- 
tion of the charity money, that was then sent by well- 
disposed persons to the prisoners in Christ, [of which 
Bradford was the purse-bearer :] but he assured them he 
never defrauded them of the value of a penny: and at that 
time sent them at once thirteen shillings and fourpence ; 
and, if they needed as much more, he promised that they 
should have it," 

By Bradford, his brother reforaiers were accused of 
being "plain Papists, yea Pelagians." It seems strange to 
hear those who were imprisoned by the papists, and some 
of whom suffered death as reformers, accused of being 
papists ; but so it was. The accusation is made in a 
letter he wrote to the archbishop of Canterbuiy and 
bishops Ridley and Latimer, prisoners in Oxford. What 
were the sentiments of Cranmer and Latimer on the sub- 
ject there are no documents to shew ; but a letter from 
Ridley still remains, which clearly shews the opinion of 
that eminent prelate, on the abstruse questions, concern- 



BRADFORD. 37 

ing which Bradford contended with such intemperate 
eagerness. That Bradford, in the judgment of Ridley, 
laid too great a stress on these doctrines, is indisputable : 
Ridley thought that Bradford had over- rated both " the 
importance of the controvei'sy and the influence of his 
adversaries." But it may be also fairly concluded, from 
the letter of Ridley, that he could not go so far as Brad- 
ford in the doctrines of election and predestination. After 
having stated that he had selected all the passages in the 
New Testament which had a bearing on these points, and 
that he had written remarks on the several texts, he 
summed up the matter in a sentence, which, for its 
moderation and its humility, can never be repeated with- 
out good effect : " In those matters I am so fearful, that 
I dare not speak farther ; yea, almost none otherwise than 
the text doth, as it were, lead me by the hand." Whether 
Bradford retained his sentiments is immaterial ; for if he 
did not change his opinions, he moderated his violence. 
When he found that he was unable to convince his fellow 
sufferers, he desired that they might pray for each other. 
" I love you," he wrote to them, " though you have taken 
it otherwise without cause ; I am going before you to my 
God and your God, to my Father and your Father, to my 
Christ and your Christ, to my home and your home." 

During their progress an attempt was made to terminate 
these contentions, by the preparation of articles which 
appeared likely to shock the prejudices of neither party. 
These compromises never succeed when men, whether 
right or wrong, are in earnest : the more violent predesti- 
nariaus, after giving hopes that they would unite with 
their brethren, refused their signature to the propositions 
awaiting their attestation. 

In 1555 the persecution was renewed with increased 
violence, and the death of Bradford was determined upon. 
His constancy unto death was the more meritorious, as his 
nature shrunk with horror from the tortures which were 
prepared for him. His imagination was often haunted 

VOL. III. D 



33 BRADFORD. 

in his sleep by frightful pictures of the horrors that 
awaited him. But he found grace to stand firm. Some 
of the leaders of the Romanizing party had hopes, perhaps, 
for some time, by their gentle treatment of him, to win 
over to their side one whose popular talents would have 
been peculiarly serviceable to them. Bishop Gardiner, 
now chancellor, and Dr. Bonner, bishop of London, treated 
him with their accustomed injustice, and tried, but in 
vain, to substantiate against him the old charge of sedi- 
tion ; but Bradford most ably defended himself. At one 
time they brought Dr. Bourn, now bishop of Bath and 
Wells, into court, with the intention, it w^ould appear, of 
making him a witness against the accused for his conduct 
at St. Paul's Cross. But bishop Bourn, though he had 
not courage to accuse one who preserved his life from the 
violence of the protestant mob on that occasion, had too 
much principle to take part against him, and was silent. 
Bishop Gardiner now abandoned the charge of sedition, 
and determined to proceed against him as a heretic. An 
altercation arose respecting the corporal presence, in which 
Bradford maintained his view of the question with the 
acuteness and spirit of an habitual polemic. The follow- 
ing were Bradford's definitions upon this subject in his 
last examination : "I never denied nor taught, but that 
to faith, whole Christ, body and blood, was as present 
as bread and wine to the due receiver. I believe Christ 
is present there to the faith of the due receiver. As for 
transubstantiation, I plainly and flatly tell you I believe 
it not. I deny that He (Christ) is included in the bread, 
or that the bread is transubstantiate." Being asked 
whether the wicked receive Christ's body, he answered at 
once, " No. He further said, that as the cup is the New 
Testament, so the bread is Christ's body to him that 
receiveth it duly, but yet so that the bread is bread." 
(Foxe, 1463.) In a letter, which he found the means of 
writing, after his condemnation, to the protestants of 
Manchester, he thus expresses himself: " In the Supper 



BRADFORD. 3P 

of our Lord, or Sacrament of Christ's bodj and blood, I 
confess and believe that there is a tiue and very presence 
of whole Christ, God and man, to the faith of the receiver, 
but not of the stander-by, or looker on ; as there is a very 
true presence of bread and wine to the senses of him that 
is partaker thereof." (Letters of the Martyrs, 265.) " I 
cannot, dare not, nor will not confess ti-ansubstantiation, 
and how that wicked men, yea, mice and dogs, eating the 
sacrament, (which they term of the altar, thereby over- 
throwing Christ's holy supper utterly) do eat Christ's 
natural and real body born of the Virgin Mary. To 
believe and confess, as God's word teacheth, as. the primi- 
tive Church believed, and all the Catholic, and good holy 
fathers taught for 500 years at the least after Christ, that 
in the Supper of the Lord, (which the mass overthroweth, 
as it doth Christ's priesthood, sacrifice, death, and passion, 
the ministry of His w^ord, true faith, repentance, and all 
godliness,) whole Christ, God and man, is present, by grace, 
to the faith of the receivers, but not of the standers-by, 
and lookers-on, as the bread and wine is to their senses ; 
will not serve, and therefore, I am condemned, and shall 
be burned out of hand as an heretic." (Bradford to the 
faithful at Walden. Ibid. 270.) The following is his 
advice to a friend as to the answer proper to be given upon 
this subject. " If they talk wdth you of Christ's Sacrament 
instituted by Him, whether it be Christ's body or no, 
answer them, that as to the eyes of your reason, to your 
taste and corporal senses, it is bread and wine, and there- 
fore the Scripture calleth it after consecration so ; even to 
the eyes, taste, and senses of your faith, which ascendeth 
to the right hand of God in heaven, where Christ sitteth, 
it is in very deed Christ's body and blood, which spiritually 
3'our soul feedeth on to everlasting life, in faith and by 
faith, even as your body presently feedeth on the sacra- 
mental bread and sacramental wine." {Ibid. 39L) 

Enough was extracted from him to prove that he dis- 
beheved the Romish theory of transubstantiation, and he 
was condemned. After condemnation he was carried first 



40 BRADFORD. 

to the Clink-prison, and afterwards to the Poultry-compter. 
Several ecclesiastics on the Romish side, English and 
Spanish, visited his cell, to endeavour to make him recant. 
In answering what was advanced on the subject of tran- 
substantiation, Bradford repeatedly mentioned bishop 
Tunstalls admission, that before the fourth council of 
Lateran, Christians were not bound to receive the eucha- 
ristic doctrine, exactly as it is now taught in the Roman 
church. 

Bradford expected that he should sujQfer in his native 
town of Manchester ; but he actually met his death in 
Smithfield, on the first of July, 1555. On the night 
preceding, the keeper's wife approached with an agitated 
countenance, and said, " Oh, master Bradford, this night 
you must leave us for Newgate, and to-morrow you will be 
burned." Bradford instantly put off his cap, thanked 
God for the news, expressed his readiness to take leave of 
mortality, and prayed that he might act worthily of the end 
to which heaven had called him. He was not removed 
until between eleven and twelve o'clock at night, and as 
he passed through the yard the miserable inmates of the 
gaol, crowding around the grated apertures of their cells, 
wept at his departure, and warmly bade him farewell. 
Late as was the hour, on entering the street, he found a 
multitude of people waiting for a sight of him ; nor did 
sobs, prayers, and affectionate adieus, intermit for a 
moment during his progress to Newgate. A rumour had 
gone abroad, that he was to suffer by four o'clock on the 
following morning; and, accordingly, Smithfield was 
crowded at that hour. He did not, however, appear there 
before nine o'clock. The concourse was immense, and 
the precautions against popular violence were much more 
extensive than any that had been taken upon a former 
occasion. A second victim was provided in the person of 
John Leafe, a tallow-chandler's apprentice, of nineteen, 
who refused his assent to transubstantiation, and to the 
Romish doctrine of sacramental absolution. On reaching 
the pyre, both the sufferers fell upon their faces, and 



BRADFORD. 41 

remained for a short space engaged in prayer. They were, 
however, quickly disturbed by the sheriffs, who seem to 
have been somewhat alarmed by the multitudes which 
poured down upon the spot. Being fastened to the stake, 
Bradford said with a loud voice, " England, England, 
repent thee of thy sins : beware of idolatry, beware of 
antichrists, take heed that they do not deceive thee." 
Hearing these words, one of the sheriffs said, that if 
Bradford were not quiet, he would have his hands tied. 
The martyr immediately replied, " O master sheriff, I am 
quiet : God forgive you this." He then declared himself 
in perfect charity with all the world, asked forgiveness of 
any who might complain of him, intreated the spectators 
to aid him with their prayers, while his soul was in part- 
ing, and addressed a few words of encouragement to the 
youth who was chained at his side. Having thus taken 
leave of his fellow-men, he embraced the reeds around 
him ; and after saying, " Straight is the way, and narrow 
is the gate that leadeth to eternal salvation, and few thei*e 
be that find it," his voice was heard no more. 

Bradford was an earnest-minded, true-hearted man, and 
as such he was beloved by his friends, and respected by 
his enemies. He had faults both in temper and in doc- 
trine, but allowance must be made for the circumstances 
under which he was placed, and we must remember that 
he lived in a revolutionaiy age, when almost every ancient 
principle was shaken. It was impossible for him not to 
repudiate the Romish corruptions jwhich existed in our 
church, when once they were pointed out to him, as they 
were by the heads of the church, the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, Dr. Cranmer, and the bishop of London, Dr. Ridley. 
The evil of the times was, that there was as yet nothing 
substantial on which to fall back. Men were shaken out 
of their old position, and were feeling their way for some 
solid standing-place, in a kind of twilight. 

Bradford's writings are numerous; they are not of much 
intrinsic value, though they serve to illustrate the history 
D-2 



4a BHADWARBIN. 

of the age, and the state of religious opinion on the reform- 
ing side. In Coverdale's collection there are seventy-two 
letters by Bradford. — Fox. Stinfioes Cranmer. Parkers 
Memorials. Soames. Coverdale. Fuller. 



BEAD FORD, SAMUEL. 

Samuel Bradford was born in London in 1652. He 
received his education first at St. Paul's School, next at 
the Charter-house, and lastly at Bene't College, Cambridge, 
which he left without taking a degree, having some scruples 
about subscription, which he eventually surmounted when 
archbishop Sancroft procured him a mandate for that of 
M. A. in 1680, at which time he acted as private tutor in 
gentlemen's families. He did not enter into orders till 
1690, when he was chosen minister of St. Thomas's, 
Southwark, and soon after lecturer of St. Mary-le-Bow, to 
which rectory he was also presented by archbishop Tillot- 
son. He was appointed chaplain to William the third, 
and afterwards to queen Anne, with whom he visited 
Cambridge, and was created doctor in divinity. In 1707 
the queen gave him a prebend of Westminster, and in 
1710 he w^as offered the bishopric of St. David's, which 
he declined. In 1716 he was elected master of Bene't 
College, and in 1718 was consecrated bishop of Carlisle, 
from whence he was translated to Rochester with the 
deanery of Westminster in 1728. He died in 1731. 
His sermons at Boyle's lecture were published in 4to, in 
1699 ; besides which he printed some single discourses, 
and assisted in editing the works of archbishop Tillotson. 
— Masters s Hist, of Corpus Christi College. Birch's Life of 
Tillotson. 



BRADWARDIN, OR BRADWARDINE. 

Bradwardin, the profound doctor, one of the most illus- 
trious of English schoolmen, was born at Hartfield, in 



BRADWARDIN. 43 

Sussex, in the middle of the reign of Edward I. He was 
educated at Merton College, Oxford, and was proctor of 
the university in 13 "2 5. He afterwards became chancellor 
of the university, and professor of divinity. He had the 
privilege of being at one time chaplain to Richard de 
Bury, bishop of Durham, whose " manner was at dinner 
and supper time to have some good book read unto him, 
whereof he would discourse with his chaplains a great part 
of the next day, if business did not interrupt his course." 
Bradwardin was distinguished as much for strictness of 
life as for his learning, and hence archbishop Stratford 
recommended him for the direction of the king's con- 
science. In capacity of the king's confessor he attended 
Edward III. during his wars in France. Such was the 
integrity with which he discharged the duties of this re- 
sponsible office, that he brought his master under the 
control of religion, compelling him to moderate his anger 
when provoked, and restrain his ambition when flushed 
with victory. He never feared to tell the king the most 
unpalatable truths, and yet he did so with such affection 
and gentleness, that he only conciliated the royal esteem 
and respect. He was constantly with the king in his 
campaigns, and never solicited any preferment in church 
or state. While he counselled his sovereign, he was labo- 
rious in preaching to the troops, and some contemporary 
writers have supposed that Edward's victories were in 
some degree attributable to the virtues of his chap- 
lain. On the eve of battle, he would animate their cour- 
age ; in the hour of triumph, he would restrain them 
from excess. 

While thus employed as a practical man in the court 
and camp, distinguished by his unsoldier-hke and un- 
courtly manners, yet beloved by soldiers and courtiers, his 
name was honoured in the universities as a scholar and 
a mathematician. Such was the man whom the chapter 
of Canterbury elected to be primate of all England and 
metropolitan on the death of Stratford. The election did 
not meet with the royal approbation, as the king asserted 



44 BRADY. 

he could very ill spare so worthy a man to be from him, 
and " never could perceive that he himself wished to be 
spared." The fact probably was that Bradwardin was as 
willing to decline the primacy, as the king was unwilling 
to part with his confessor. But it would be a question of 
conscience with Bradwardin whether he ought to decline a 
responsible office when imposed upon him. The king in 
consequence had recourse to one of those expedients, by a 
recourse to which so many of our sovereigns brought our 
beloved church into subjection to the see of P^ome, though 
we should have expected greater prudence in Edward the 
third. The king actually wrote to the pope requesting 
him to take no notice of the election of Bradwardin, but 
to bestow the archbishopric upon Dr. Ufford, son of the 
earl of Suffolk. The pope was too ready to have recourse 
to the illegal act, and declared Ufford archbishop, making 
him at the same time an unusual grant of favour and 
privilege. But the plague was at this time raging in 
England, and before his consecration, Ufford fell a victim 
to it. Again the choice of the chapter fell upon Bradwar- 
din, and the king feeling that he had no longer a right to 
interpose, his chaplain was consecrated in the year 1349. 
But within forty days of his consecration, he too died of 
the plague. Thus within one year there were three arch- 
bishops of Canterbury. His works are — De causa Dei, 
fol., edited by Sir Henry Savile, in 1618, from a MS. in 
Merton College library. Geometria Speculativa, cum 
Arithmetic^ Speculativa, Paris, 1495, 1504, folio. The 
arithmetic had been printed separately in 1502, and 
other editions of both appeared in 1512 and 1530. De 
Proportionibus, Paris, 1495 ; Venice, 1505, folio. De 
Quadratura Circuli, Paris, 1495. Bradwardin also left 
some astronomical tables, which appear never to have 
been printed. — Godwin. Collier. Savile. Bradw. de causa 
Dei. Wood. 

BRADY, NICHOLAS. 

Nicholas Brady was born at Bandon, in the county 



BRADY. 45 

of Cork, in 1659. From Westminster school he was 
elected a student to Christ Church, Oxford, but after 
continuing there four years he went to Trinity College, 
Dublin, where he took his degrees in arts, and after- 
wards was complimented with that of doctor in divinity. 
Bishop Wettenhal of Cork, to whom he was chaplain, 
gave him a prebend in his cathedral, and after the 
revolution he became minister of St. Catherine Cree, 
and lecturer of St. Michael, Wood-steeet, London. Sub- 
sequently he obtained the rectory of Clapham in Surrey, 
and the living of Pdchmond. He was also chaplain to 
king William, and died in 1726. He translated the 
^neid into English verse, 4 vols, 8vo ; wrote a tragedy 
called the Innocent Impostor ; and published three 
volumes of sermons : but he would now have been for- 
gotten had it not been for his share in the new version 
of Psalms, in conjunction with Tate. This translation 
was justly censured by the celebrated bishop Beveridge 
when first it was introduced by a side wind, into the 
church. After defending the old version and criticising 
the new on various grounds, bishop Beveridge remarks, 
" But that which is chiefly to be observed in the title is, 
that this whole Book of Psalms, collected into English 
metre by Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins, and others, 
was ' conferred with the Hebrew :' which cannot be 
affirmed of the new version. And although the style 
of the former is ' plain, and low, and heavy,' while 
that of the latter is ' brisk, and lively, and flourished 
here and there with wit and fancy;' yet this objection 
was never made by the common people, who never 
complained that the psalms which were sung in the 
churches were too plain, too low, or too heavy for them ; 
but rather loved and admired them the more for pos- 
sessing these qualities, and were more edified by the 
use of them. And since there is no such thing as ' wit 
and fancy' in the holy Scriptures, if there be any of 
it in a translation, it must needs differ from the origi- 
nal. And although there may still be something of the 



46 BRAMHALL. 

general sense and design of the place to be found in it, 
yet it being wrapped up in such light and gaudy expres- 
sions, it will be very difficult to find it ; and, if found, it 
will not have that power and eflficacy that it hath in its 
plain native colours. For that which tickles the fancy 
never toucheth the heart, but flies immediately into air, 
from whence it came ; which, therefore, ought to be avoided 
as much as it is possible in all discourses and writings of 
religion. For religion is too severe a thing to be played 
with ; especially the foundation of it, the word of God ; in 
which the very poetry is all solid, substantial, and divine. 
And so must be the translation of it into other languages; at 
least there must be nothing of flashy wit, nothing light or 
airy in it. If there be, it may, perhaps, serve young peo- 
ple for their diversion, but it can be no help to their devo- 
tion, but rather an hindrance ; their minds being apt to 
be so much taken up with such a manner of expressing 
it, that they neglect the matter designed to be expressed 
by it. Whereas, when the Scripture, or any part of it, is 
so translated, that there is nothing else to exercise the 
thoughts upon, but only the thing itself that is there re- 
vealed, if a man that reads it thinks at all of what he 
reads, he must think of that, and nothing else. And 
therefore, the old translation of the Psalms is so far from 
being to be blamed and despised, as it is by some, for the 
plainness and simplicity of its style, that it ought to be 
the more commended and valued for it : as it is by all 
that prefer the plain word of God before the inventions of 
men, how well soever they may be adorned and set off." — 
Biog. Brit. Beveridges works. 



BRAMHALL, JOHN. 

John Beamhall, a great Anglican divine, was born 
at Pontefract, in Yorkshire, about the year 1593. He 
received his primary education in the school of his native 
town, and in 1603 was sent to Sidney Sussex College, 



BRAMHALL. 47 

Cambridge, where he was placed under the care of 
Mr. Hulet. After taking the degrees of bachelor in 161-2, 
and master of arts in 1616, he quitted the university; and 
entering into orders, had a living given him in the city of 
York. About the same time he manied Mrs. Halley, a 
clergyman's widow, with whom he received a good fortune, 
and, what was equally if not more acceptable, a valuable 
library, left by her fonner husband. About the same time 
he was presented by Mr. Wandesford, afterwards master 
of the rolls in Ireland, to the living of Elvington, in York- 
shire. In the year 1623 he had two public disputations at 
Northallerton with a secular priest and a Jesuit. The 
match between prince Charles and the Infanta of Spain, 
was then depending; and the papists expected great 
advantages and countenance to their religion from it. 
These persons, therefore, by way of preparing the way for 
them, sent a public challenge to all the anglican clergy in 
the county of York ; and when none ventured to accept it, 
Bramhall, though then unversed in the school of contro- 
versy, undertook the combat. His success in this dihcus- 
sion gained him so much reputation, and so recommended 
him in particular to Matthews, archbishop of York, who, 
though he mildly censured him for engaging in such an 
office without first obtaining his consent, made him his 
chaplain, and took him into his confidence. He was 
afterwards made a prebendary of York, and after that 
of Ripon ; at which last place he resided after the arch- 
bishop's death, which happened in 1628, and managed 
most of the affairs of that church in the quality of sub- 
dean. He had great iiilluence in the town of Ripon, and 
was also appointed one of his majesty's high commissioners. 
Here he shewed his love for his flock, by staying among 
them to minister to their wants in the time of a most 
contagious and destructive pestilence, visiting them in 
their houses, baptizing their children, and giving them 
the Eucharist. He was a constant preacher. 

In the year 1630 he took a doctor of divinity's degree 
at Cambridge ; and soon after was invited to Ireland by 



48 BEAMHALL. 

the lord viscount Wentworth, deputy of that kingdom, 
and Sir Christopher Wandesford, master of the rolls. He 
went over in the year 1633, having first resigned all his 
church preferments in England ; and a little while after, 
obtained the archdeaconry of Meath, the best in that king- 
dom. The first public service he was employed in was a 
royal visitation ; in which, it seems, he acted as one of thfi 
king's commissioners. The church of Ireland was at this 
time entirely distinct from the church of England, although 
it had been reformed on similar principles. It was not 
governed by the same canons, neither did it receive the 
thirty-nine articles. Whether wisely or not, Bramhall 
laboured to unite the two churches. Of the miserable 
state of things in the church of Ireland we have an account 
in the following letter from Bramhall to Laud, at that 
time bishop of London : 
♦• Right Reverend Father, 

"My most honoured lord, presuming partly upon 
your license, but especially directed by my lord deputy's 
commands, I am to give your fatherhood a brief account 
of the present state of the poor Church of Ireland, such 
as our short intelligence here, and your lordship's weightier 
employments there, will permit. 

" First, for the fabrics, it is hard to say, whether the 
churches be more ruinous and sordid, or the people irre- 
verent, even in Dublin, the metropolis of this kingdom 
and seat of justice. To begin the inquisition, where the 
reformation will begin, we find our parochial church con- 
verted to the lord deputy's stable, a second to a nobleman's 
dwelling-house, the choir of a third to a tennis-court, and 
the vicar acts the keeper. 

"In Christ's church, the principal church in Ireland, 
whither the lord deputy and council repair every Sunday, 
the vaults, from one end of the minster to the other, are 
made into tipling- rooms for beer, wine, and tobacco, de- 
mised all to popish recusants, and by them and others so 
much frequented in time of divine service, that though 
there is no danger of blowing up the assembly above their 



BRAMHALL. 49 

heads, yet there is of poisoning them with the fumes. 
The table used for the administration of the blessed Sacra- 
ment in the midst of the choir, is made an ordinary seat 
for maids and apprentices. 

"I cannot omit the glorious tomb in the other cathedral 
church of St. Patrick, in the proper place of the altar, just 
oj^posite to his majesty's seat, having his father's name 
superscribed upon it, as if it were on purpose to gain the 
worship and reverence, which the chapter and whole 
church are bound by special statute to give towards the 
east. And either the soil itself, or a license to build and 
huYj, and make a vault in the place of the altar, under 
seal, which is a tantamount passed to the earl and his 
heirs. ' Credimus esse.Deos ?' This being the case in 
Dublin, your lordship will judge what we may expect in 
the country. 

" Next, for the clergy : I find few footsteps yet of foreign 
differences, so I hope it will be an easier task not to admit 
them than to have them ejected. But I doubt much 
whether the clergy be very orthodox : and could wish both 
the articles and canons of the Church of England vere 
established here by Act of Parliament or state ; that, as we 
live all under one king, so we might both in doctrine and 
discipline observe an uniformity. 

" The inferior sort of ministers are below all degrees of 
contempt, in respect of their poverty and ignorance. The 
boundless heaping together of benefices by commendams 
and dispensations in the superiors is but too apparent : 
yea, even often by plain usurpation, and indirect compo- 
sitions made between the patrons, as well ecclesiastic as 
lay, and the incumbents ; by which the least part, many 
times not above forty shillings, rarely ten pounds in the 
year, is reserved for him that should serve at the altar : 
insomuch that it is affirmed, that by all or some of these 
means one bishop in the remoter parts of the kingdom 
doth hold three-and- twenty benefices with cure. Generally 
their residence is as little as their livings. Seldom any 

VOL. III. E 



30 BRAMHALL. 

suitor petitions for less than three vicarages at a timer. 
And it is a main prejudice to his majesty's service, and 
an hindrance to the right establishment of his church, 
that the clergy have in a manner no dependence upon 
the lord deputy, nor he any means left to prefer those 
that are deserving amongst them. For besides all those 
advowsons, which w^ere given by that good patron of the 
church, king James, of happy memory, to bishops and 
the college here, many also were conferred upon the plan- 
tations, (never was so good a gift so infinitely abused :) 
and I know not how, or by what order, even in these bles- 
sed days of his sacred majesty, all the rest of any note 
have been given or passed away in the time of the late 
lord deputy. (Viscount Falkland.) 

" Lastly, for the revenues : how small care hath been 
taken for the service of his majesty, or the good of the 
church, is hereby apparent, that no officer, or other person, 
can inform my lord, what deanery or benefices are in his 
majesty's gift; and about three hundred livings are omitted 
out of the book of tax for first-fruits and twentieth parts ; 
sundry of them of good value, two or three bishoprics, 
and the whole diocese of Killfannore. The alienations 
of church possessions, by long leases and deeds, are infi- 
nite : yea, even since the Act of State to restrain them, it 
is believed that divers are bold, still to practise in hopes 
of secrecy and impunity, and will adventure until their 
hands be tied by act of parliament, or some of the delin- 
quents censured in the Star Chamber. The earl of Cork 
holds the whole bishopric of Lismore, at the rent of forty 
shillings, or five marks, by the year : many benefices, that 
ought to be presentative, are by negligence enjoyed as 
though they were appropriate. 

•' For the remedying of these evils, next to God and 
his sacred majesty, I know my lord depends on your 
fatherhood's wisdom and zeal for the church. My duty 
binds me to pray for a blessing upon both your good en- 
deavours. For the present, my lord hath pulled down 



BRAMHALL. 51 

tiie deputy's seat in his own chapel, and restored the altar 
to its ancient place, which was thrust out of doors. The 
3ike is done in Christ's Church. The purgation and 
restitution of the stable to the right owners and uses will 
follow next ; and strict mandates to my lords the bishops, 
to see the churches repaired, adorned, and preserved from 
profanation, throughout the kingdom. 

" For the clergy and their revenues, my lord is careful 
that no petitions be admitted ^vithout good certificate and 
diligent inquiiy, (thought a strange course here :) and to 
enable himself and the succeeding deputies, to encourage 
such as shall deserve well in the church, his lordship 
intends, as well in the commission for defective titles, as 
for the plantations, to reserve the right of advowson to his 
majesty, and as well by diligent search in the records, as 
by a selected commission of many branches, to regain such 
advowsons as have been usui'ped through the negligence of 
officers, change of deputies, or power of great men ; and by 
the same to inform himself of the true state of the church 
and clergy, to provide for the cui^s and residence, to per- 
fect his majesty's tax, to prevent and remedy alienations, 
to restore illegal impropriations, to dispose, by way of 
lapse, of all those supernumerary benefices which are held 
unjustly, and not without infinite scandal, under the pre- 
tence of commendams and dispensations, and to settle, as 
much as in present is possible, the whole state of the 
church. This testimony I must give of his care, that it is 
not possible for the intentions of a mortal man to be more 
serious and sincere than his in those things, that concern 
the good of the poor church. 

"It is some comfort to see the Romish ecclesiastics 
cannot laugh at us, who come behind none in point of 
disunion and scandal. 

" I know my tediousness w^ill be offensive, unless your 
lordship's license, and my Lord Deputy's command, pro- 
cure my pardon. I will not add a w^ord more, but the 
profession of my humble thanks and bounden service ; 



52 BRAMHALL. 

and so being ready to receive your lordship's commands, 
I desire to remain, as your noble favours have for ever 
bound me, 

Your lordship's 

Daily and devoted servant, 

John Bramhall." 
Dublin Castle, August the lOth, 1663. 

Bramhall immediately applied himself to the recovery 
of the alienated property of the church, and eventually 
recovered much of the land belonging to it, which had 
been illegally alienated by his predecessors, and procured 
the passing of some acts for the better support of the 
church, and the protection of its property: under the 
authority of which he abolished fee-farms, and obtained 
compositions for the rent, instead of small reserved rents ; 
and in the course of four years, he recovered to the church 
about £40,000 a year, which had been wasted and impro- 
priated. While labouring, under the lord deputy, for the 
externals of the church, he sought to resuscitate a spirit 
of piety within, not only by his preaching, but by the holy 
example which he set. 

In a letter from archbishop Laud to the lord deputy, 
Strafford, dated Lambeth, Oct. 14, 1663, the following 
remarks occur about the manner proposed for supplying 
vacancies in the Irish Episcopate. 

" I heartily thank your lordship for the inclosed paper 
that you sent me, though you might have spared the 
pains ; for I was never jealous that you would do anything 
against the good of the Church, or such intentions as I 
have towards it. For I am most confident (and I protest 
my heart and pen go together) that since the Reformation 
there was never any deputy in that kingdom intended the 
good of the church so much as your lordship doth. And 
I hope you are as resolute in your thoughts for me, that, 
since I was the first man that humbly besought his ma- 
jesty to send of his chaplains to be bishops in that king- 



BRAMHALL. 53 

dom, I shall not now recede from it, unless it he at some 
times, and on some particular occasions, when I may 
receive information from your lordship of some very able 
and discerning men on that side. 

" Concerning the age of such as should be made bishops 
in those parts, I see your lordship and I shall not differ 
much ; for I did never intend, may I have free use of my 
own judgment, to send you any decrepid man amongst 
you. For I very well know, that in places where less 
action is necessary than in Ireland, a man may be as well 
too old as too young for a bishopric. Your lordship would 
not have any there under thirty-five, nor above forty-five. 
And truly, my lord, I am in the middle way, and that 
useth to be best : for I would have no man a bishop any- 
where under forty. And if your lordship understood 
clergymen as well as I do, I know you would in this be 
wholly of my judgment. I never in all my life knew any 
more than one made a bishop before forty ; and he proved so 
well, that I shall never desire to see more, nor will, if I 
can hinder it ; but this way that I have expressed, have 
with you for all occasions, both for church and state. 
And, if at any time I send you any of my acquaint- 
ance, and break rule of age, life, or doctrine, lay it upon 
me home." 

It is not a little remarkable, that the first vacancy, 
which occurred amongst the Irish bishops, caused a devia- 
tion from the rule thus formally announced. But it so 
happened, that precisely seven months after the date of 
the preceding, on the 14th of May, 1634, the archbishop 
wrote thus to the lord deputy : — " Now, my lord, to your 
great business. Since the bishop of Derry is dead, I have 
(though against the rule which I have lodged with his 
majesty) moved earnestly for Dr. Bramhall to succeed 
him ; and given him the reasons, why, for his own service, 
and the good of the church in that kingdom, he should 
dispense in this particular for the doctor's being a little 
too young. His majesty, after some arguing on the busi- 
E-2 



54 BRAMHALL. 

ness, and with great testimony of your lordship's good 
service to himself and the church, granted him the bishop- 
ric, as you will see by the letters which accompany these. 
This I have readily done to serve you, with some depar- 
ture from my own judgment in matter of age, hoping the 
doctor will supply it with temper ; and then he hath the 
more strength for his business, which he says he will not, 
and I say he must not, leave, till that church be better 
settled ; which I dare say must be now, when a king, a 
lord deputy, and a poor archbishop, set jointly to it, or 
never." Bramhall, at the time in question, must have 
been hard upon, if not rather more than, forty years of 
age ; beyond the limit, therefore, which the archbishop 
haddefined for the episcopal qualification. 

The case gave occasion for another important general 
observation from archbishop Laud : " What Dr. Bramhall 
holds in England, he must leave : that bishopric, being 
good, needs no commendam ; if it did, it must be helped 
there. For I foresee marvellous great inconvenience, and 
very little less than mischief, if way be given to bishops 
there to hold commendams here." 

Bramhall was consecrated in the chapel of the castle of 
Dublin on the 26th of May, in the year 1634. In the 
July of that year the parliament sat, and the bishop of 
Derry obtained several acts of parliament by which his 
labours with respect to the temporalities of the church 
were confined. In the convocation which met at the same 
time, he laboured to have the correspondence betw^een the 
church of Ireland and the church of England more com- 
plete, and discoursed, with great moderation and sobriety, 
of the convenience of having the articles of peace and 
communion in every national church, worded in that 
latitude, that dissenting persons in those things, that 
concerned not the Christian faith, might subscribe, and 
the church not lose the benefit of their labours for an 
opinion, which, it may be, they could not help : that it 
were to be washed that such articles might be contrived 



BRAMHALL. 55 

for the whole Christian world, but especially that the 
protestant churches under his majesty's dominion might 
' all speak the same language ;' and particularly that those 
of England and Ireland, being reformed by the same 
principle and rule of Scripture, expounded by universal 
tradition, councils, fathers, and other ways of conveyance, 
might confess their faith in the same form. For, if they 
were of the same opinion, why did they not express them- 
selves in the same words ? 

But he was answered, " that, because their sense was 
the same, it was not material if the expressions differed ; 
and therefore it was fitter to confirm and strengthen the 
articles of this church, passed in convocation, and con- 
firmed by king James, in 1615, by the authority of this 
present synod." 

To this the bishop of Derry replied, " That though the 
sense might be the same, yet our adversaries clamoured 
much that they were dissonant confessions; and it was 
reasonable to take away the offence, when it might be done 
easily: but for the confirmation of the articles of 1615, he 
knew not what they meant by it; and wished the pro- 
pounder to consider, whether such an act would not, 
instead of ratifying what was desired, rather tend to the 
diminution of that authority, by which they were enacted, 
and seem to question the value of that synod, and conse- 
quently of this : for that this had no more power than 
that, and therefore could add no moments to it, but by so 
doing might help to enervate both." 

By thus meeting the objection, he avoided the blow 
he most feared ; and therefore again earnestly pressed 
the receiving of the English articles, which were at 
last admitted. Whereupon immediately " drawing up 
a canon," says his biographer, rather perhaps we may 
suppose, bringing forward the canon which had been pre- 
viously drawn up by the lord deputy, and with a copy of 
which he would naturally be intrusted for the occasion, 
" and proposing it, it passed accordingly." The canon is 
the first of those that were made in that convocation : 



56 BRAMHALL. 

uamely, " of the agreement of the church of England 
and Ireland in the profession of the same christian reli- 
gion ;" and is expressed in the following terms : — 

"For the manifestation of our agreement with the 
church of England in the confession of the same Christian 
faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments ; we do receive 
and approve the book of articles of religion, agreed upon 
by the archbishops, and bishops, and the whole clergy, in 
the convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord 
1562, for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for 
the establishing of consent touching true religion. And 
therefore, if any hereafter shall affirm, that any of those 
articles are in any part superstitious or erroneous, or such 
as he may not with a good conscience subscribe unto, let 
him be excommunicated, and not absolved before he make 
a public recantation of his error." 

Thus the English articles were received and approved 
by the Irish convocation with the single dissentient voice 
of a nonconformist minister from the diocese of Down. 

The agreement with the church of England in doctrine 
having been settled in the convocation, it was further 
moved by the bishop of Derry, that, as they had received 
the articles, so they would likewise the canons, of the 
church of England, in order that the two churches might 
have the same rule of government as well as of belief. An 
objection to this proposal was made with great earnestness 
by the lord primate, that it would appear to be the betray- 
ing of the privileges of a national church : that it might 
lead to placing the church of England in a state of abso- 
lute superintendence and dominion over that of Ireland : 
that it was convenient for some discrepancy to appear, if 
it were but to declare the free agency of the church of 
Ireland, and to express her sense of rites and ceremonies, 
that there is no necessity of the same in all churches, 
which are independent of each other ,; and that different 
canons and modes might co-exist with the same faith, 
charity, and communion. 

By these and similar arguments the lord primate pre- 



BRAMHALL. 57 

vailed with the convocation, in which the prepossessions of 
many of its members inclined them to a favourable recep- 
tion of his reasonings. The fact, indeed, seems to have 
been in some degree agreeable to the statement of 
Carle, in his Life of the Duke of Ormonde, that the convo- 
cation contained many members inclined in their hearts 
to the puritanical peculiarities, as distinguished from the 
more sober and chastised ordinances of the church of 
England, and of themselves prepared to object to some of 
the English canons, now offered to their judgment and 
approbation : particularly to such as concerned the solem- 
nity and uniformity of divine worship, the administration 
of the sacraments, and the ornaments used therein ; the 
qualifications for holy orders, for benefices, and for plu- 
ralities : the oath against simony, the times of ordination, 
and the obligations to residency and subscription. 

It was accordingly concluded, that such canons as were 
fit to be transplanted should be adopted in the church of 
Ireland, and others be added to them, having been con- 
structed afresh for the purpose, so as to form a complete 
rule peculiarly suited to the circumstances of the country. 

The execution of this task was committed to the bishop 
of Derry ; and the result was the book of constitutions 
and canons for the regulation of the church of Ireland, 
which, having been passed in convocation, received its 
final confirmation and authority from his majesty's assent, 
according to the form of the statute, or act of parliament, 
made in that behalf. 

These canons for the most part agreed in substance 
and intention with the English canons, from w^hich, how^- 
ever, they differed much in arrangement and coDstruction, 
without any obvious improvement, rather perhaps the con- 
trary. In number also they were fewer, amounting to one 
hundred only, w^hereas the English code comprised one 
hundred and forty-one. This diminution is attributable 
in a considerable degree to a combination, occasionally, of 
more than one of the English into one only of the Irish 
canons. 



68 BRAMHALL. 

The Irish canons do not command men to bow at the 
name of Jesus, nor do they insist upon the use of the 
surplice, or appoint the bidding prayer. 

In these his labours of love, bishop Bramhall met 
with much opposition and obloquy, and was, according 
to the fashion of the times, charged with popery and 
Arminianism by those who were unfriendly to his views. 
He visited his native country in 1637, and met with much 
respect from Charles I., archbishop Laud, and men of the 
highest rank ; but was much surprised, on his arrival in 
London, to find an information exhibited against him 
in the Star Chamber, of which he soon cleared himself. 
The frivolous nature of the charge shewed the animus of 
the puritans, who were determined to ruin, if possible, 
every dutiful member of the church. On his return to 
Ireland, he determined to adopt that country for his own, 
and selling his estate in England for six thousand pounds, 
he purchased one in the county of Tyrone, and began a 
plantation at Omagh. But his attention was soon diverted 
from his private affairs by the distraction of the times. 
The withdrawal of the virtuous and noble earl of Strafford 
from the viceroyalty of Ireland, encouraged the presby- 
terians of the north to indulge without reserve their bitter 
enmity against the church ; and upon bishop Bramhall 
the most vehement assault was made, an impeachment in 
1641 being lodged against him, together with the lord 
chancellor Bolton and lord chief justice Lowther. The 
attack was a powerful one, the popish and puritan parties 
having combined their forces. The impeachment was 
made by Sir Bryan O'Neal, the leader of the popish party, 
supported by protestant non-conformists The bishop s 
friends advised him to continue in Derry, where he was 
superintending his charge, and not expose himself to 
trial in Dublin. But conscious of his integrity and 
innocence, he hastened to the metropolis ; and appeared 
the next day in the parliament house, greatly to the 
astonishment of his enemies, by whom he was made a 
close prisoner. 



BRAMHALL. 59 

The course of this persecution shall be related in the 
forcible and eloquent language of bishop Taylor, who thus 
describes the discomfiture of malignity before uprightness 
and truth. 

" When the numerous armies of vexed people heaped 
up catalogues of accusations ; when the parliament of 
Ireland imitated the violent proceedings of the disordered 
English ; w^hen his glorious patron was taken from his 
head, and he was disrobed of his great defences ; when 
petitions were invited, and accusations furnished, and 
calumny was rewarded and managed with art and power ; 
when there were above two hundred petitions put in 
against him, and himself denied leave to answer by word 
of mouth ; when he was long imprisoned and treated so 
that a guilty man would have been broken into affright- 
ment, and pitiful and low considerations : yet then he 
himself, standing almost alone, like Callimachus at Mara- 
thon, invested with enemies and covered with arrows, 
defended himself beyond all the powers of guiltiness, even 
with the defences of truth and the bravery of innocence, 
and answered the petitions in writing, sometimes twenty 
in a day, with so much clearness, evidence of truth, reality 
of fact, and testimony of law, that his very enemies were 
ashamed and convinced. They were therefore forced to 
leave their muster-rolls, and decline the particulars, and 
fall to their ev jixsya, to accuse him for going about to sub- 
vert the fundamental laws ; the way by which great Straf- 
ford and Canterbuiy fell ; which was a device, when all 
reasons failed, to oppress the enemy by the bold aflfirma- 
tion of a conclusion they could not prove." 

A letter written at this time, April the 26th, 1641, by 
the bishop to the lord primate, contains much of the 
charge against him, and of the defence which he pleaded : 
and an extract from it may be here fitly inserted from 
Bishop Vesey's Life. 

" It would have been a great comfort and contentment 
to me, to have received a few lines of counsel or comfort 
in this my great affliction, which has befallen me for my 



60 BRAMHALL. 

zeal to the service of his majesty, and the good of this 
church ; in being a poor instrument to restore the usurped 
advowsons and appropriations to the crown, and to increase 
the revenue of the church, in a fair just way, always with 
the consent of the parties, which did ever use to take 
away errors. 

" But now it is said to be obtained by threatening and 
force. What force did I ever use to any? What one 
man ever suffered for not consenting ? My force was 
only force of reason and law. The scale must needs yield 
when weight is put into it. And your grace knows to 
what pass many bishoprics were brought, some to £100 
per annum ; some £50, as Waterford, Kilfenoragh, and 
some others ; some to five marks, as Cloyne and Kil- 
macduagh : how in some dioceses, as in Ferns and 
Leighlin, there was scarce a living left that was not 
farmed out to the patron, or to some for his use, at 
£2, £3, £4, or £5, per annum, for a long time, three 
lives, or a hundred years : how the chantries of Ardee, 
Dondalk, &c., were employed to maintain priests and 
friars, which are now the chief maintenance of the 
incumbents. 

" In all this, my part was only labour and expense : 
but I find that losses make a deeper impression than 
benefits. I cannot stop men's mouths ; but I challenge 
all the world for one farthing I ever got, either by refer- 
ences or church preferments. I fly to your grace as an 
anchor at this time, when my friends cannot help me. 
God knows how I have exulted at night, that day I had 
gained any considerable revenue to the church, little 
dreaming that in future times that act should be ques- 
tioned as treasonable. I never took the oath of judge or 
counsellor ; yet do I not know, wherein I ever in all these 
passages deviated from the mle of justice. My trust is in 
God, that, as my intentions were sincere, so He will deli- 
ver me 

Since I was a bishop, 1 never displaced any man in niy 
diocese, but Mr. Noble for his professed popery, Mr. Hugh 



BRAMHiVLL. 61 

for confessed simony, and Mr. Dimkine, aD illiterate 
curate, for refusing to pray for his majesty. 

" Almighty God bless your grace, even as the church 
stands in need of you at this time : which is the hearty 
and faithful prayer 

Of your grace's obedient servant and suffragan, 
Jo. Deeensis. 
Ajyril '2Wi, 1461." 

The primate in his answer, gave the bishop, among 
other things, an assurance of his own sympathy and exer- 
tions in his behalf; of the good will of the king; and of 
the interest taken in his welfare by the excellent noble- 
man, who had recently fallen a sacrifice to the malevolence 
of their enemies. 

" I assure you my care never slackened in soliciting 
your cause at court, with as great vigilancy as if it did 
touch my own proper person. I never intermitted an 
occasion of mediating with his majesty in your behalf, 
who still pitied your case, acknowledged the faithfulness 
of your services both to the Church and to him, avowed 
that you were no more guilty of treason than himself, and 
assured me that he would do for you all that lay in his 

power 

My Lord Strafford, the night before his suffering, (which 
was most Christian and magnanimous, adstiqwrem usque,) 
sent me to the king, giving me in charge, among other 
particulars, to put him in mind of you, and of the ^ther 
two lords that are under the same pressure." 

In the end, the king, being anxious that the bishop's 
death should not be added to that of the noble earl, who 
had made his safety one of the objects of his dying request 
to his majesty, sent over to Ireland a letter, to provide for 
the bishop's deliverance. But the word of a king was 
scarcely powerful enough to procure obedience. However, 
at length, the bishop was restored to liberty, though with- 
out any public acquittal, the charge still lying dormant 



6-2 BRA^IHALL. 

against him, to be awakened when his enemies should 
please. "But; alas!" says Bishop Bramhall's biographer, 
•' these were flashes that caused more fear than hurt: the 
fier}^ matter at last burst into such thunder-claps, that 
the foundation of the whole kingdom reeled." 

A letter from Bishop Bramhali to his wife written at 
this time, is here subjoined to show how the virtues and 
charities of domestic life blended with qualities of a more 
commanding kind. 
•'My dearest joy, 

" Thou mayest see by my delay in writing that I am 
not wilHng to write while things are in these conditions. 
But shall we receive good at the hands of God, and shall 
we not receive ill ? He gives and takes away, blessed be 
His holy name ! I have been near a fortnight at the black 
rod, charged with a treason. Never any man was more 
innocent of that foul crime : the ground is only my re- 
sei-vedness. God in His mercy, I do not doubt, will send 
us many merry and happy days together after this, when 
this storm is blown over. But this is a time of humili- 
ation for the present. By all the love between us, I re- 
quire thee that thou do not cast down thyself, but bear it 
with a cheerful mind, and trust in God that He will 
deliver us." 

Shortly after the bishop's return to Londonderry, Sir 
Phelim O'Neil contrived his ruin in the following 
manner. He directed a letter to him, wherein he desired, 
" that according to their articles such a gate of the 
city should be delivered to him:" expecting that the 
Scots in the place would upon the discovery become 
his executioners. But the person, who was to manage 
the matter, ran away with the letter. Though this 
•lesign miscarried, the bishop did not find any safety 
there. The city daily filling with discontented persons 
out of Scotland, he began to be afraid, lest they should 
deliver him up. One night they turned a cannon against 
his house to afPrcmt him ; whereupon, being persuaded by 



BRAMHALL. 63 

his fnends to look on that as a warning, he took their 
advice, and privately embarked for England. Here he 
continued active in the kings service, till his affairs ^ere 
grown desperate ; and then, embjarking with several per- 
sons of distinction, he landed at Hamburgh upon the Hth 
of July, 1644. Shortly after the treaty of Uxbridge, the 
parliaments of England and Scotland made this one of 
their preliminary demands, that Bishop Bramhall, together 
with Archbishop Laud, &c., should be excepted out of the 
general pardon. 

From Hamburgh he went to Brussels, where he con- 
tinued for the most part till 1648, with Sir Henry de Vic, 
the king's resident; constantly preaching every Sunday, 
and frequently administering the Holy Communion. In 
that year he returned to Ireland ; from whence, after 
having undergone several dangers and difficulties, he nar- 
rowly escaped in a little bark. All the while he was 
there, his life was in continual danger. At Limerick he 
was threatened with death, if he did not suddenly depart 
the town. At Portumnagh indeed he afterwards enjoyed 
more freedom, and an allowance of the Church Service, 
under the protection of the Marquis of Claniicard: but, at 
the revolt of Cork, he had a very narrow deliverance.; 
which deliverance however troubled Cromwell so much, 
that he declared he would have given a large sum of 
money for that Irish Canterbury, as he called him. His 
escape from Ireland is accounted wonderful : for the vessel 
he was in was closely hunted by two of the parliament 
frigates ; and when they were come so near, that all hopes 
of being saved were taken away, on the sudden the wind 
sunk into a perfect calm, yet some how suffered the vessel 
ti) get off, while the frigates were unable to proceed at all. 
During this second time of being abroad, he had many 
controversies on the subject of religion with the learned o( 
all nations, sometimes occasionally, at other times by ap- 
pointment and formal challenge ; and wrote several works 
in defence of the Church of England : indeed, most of his 
works were written at different times during his exile 



64 BRAMHALL. 

from Ireland, between the years 1613 and 1660. Among 
tbese we may especially mention his "Answer to M. de 
Milletiere his impertinent dedication of his imaginary tri- 
umph : intitled, the Victory of Truth ; or his epistle to the 
king of Great Britain, wherein he invited his majesty to 
forsake the Church of England, and to embrace the 
Roman Catholic religion : with the said Milletiere's 
epistle prefixed." This was first published at the Hague 
in 1654, r2mo, but not by the author. It was occasioned 
by the fact, that the Romanists endeavoured to persuade 
king Charles 11. during his exile, to expect his restoration 
by embracing their religion : and for that pui'pose employ- 
ed Milletiere, councillor in ordinary to the king of France, 
to write him this epistle. We may here mention that Theo- 
phile Brachet, Sieurde la Milletiere, was originally a mem- 
ber of the French Reformed congregations, and sufficiently 
distinguished among them to be selected as a deputy and 
secretary to the Assembly of La Rocbelle in 1621, He 
entered subsequently into the plans of Cardinal Richelieu 
for the union of the Roman Catholic and Reformed 
Churches in France, — published a great number of letters, 
pamphlets, and treatises upon the doctrines in dispute 
between them, assimilating gradually to the Roman 
Catholic tenets, — was suspended in consequence by the 
Synod of Alengon in 1637, and expelled by that of Cha- 
renton in 1645, from the Reformed communion, — aiKi 
finally became a Roman Catholic " of necessity, that he 
might be of some religion." " He was a vain and shallow 
man, full of himself, and persuaded that nothing ap- 
proached to his own merit and capacity ;" and, after his 
change of religion, " was perpetually playing the mis- 
sionary, and seeking conferences, although he was always 
handled in them with a severity sufficient to have damped 
his courage, had he not been gifted with a perversity 
which nothing could conquer" (Benoit, Hist, de I'Edit de 
Nantes, tom. ii. liv. 10. pp. 514, 516). The work to 
which Bramhall replied seems fully to bear out the truth 
of this sketch of his character. 



BRAMHALL. m 

Bramhall was thoroughly armed as an Anglican divine, 
and the reader will peruse with interest the following ex- 
tract from this powerful work : — 

" If jour intention be only to invite his majesty to em- 
brace the Catholic Faith, you might have spared both your 
oil and labour. The Catholic Faith flourished 1,200 years 
in the world before transubstantiation was defined among 
yourselves. Persons better acquainted with the primitive 
times than yourself (unless you wrong one another) do 
acknowledge, that " the Fathers did not touch either the 
word or the matter of transubstantiation." Mark it well, 
neither name nor thing. His majesty doth firmly believe 
ail supernatural truth revealed in Sacred Writ. He 
embraceth cheerfully whatsoever the holy Apostles, or 
the Xicene Fathers, or blessed Athanasius, in their 
respective Creeds, or Summaries of Catholic Faith, did set 
down as necessary to be believed. He is ready to receive 
whatsoever the Catholic Church of this age doth unanim- 
ously believe to be a particle of saving truth. But, if you 
seek to obtrude upon him the Roman Church, with its 
adherents, for the Catholic Church, — excluding three parts 
of four of the Christian world from the communion of 
Christ, — or the opinions thereof, for articles and funda- 
mentals of Catholic Faith; neither his reason, nor bis 
religion, nor his charity, will suffer him to listen unto 
you. The truths received by our Church, are sufficient 
in point of faith to make him a good Catholic. More than 
this your Roman bishops, your Roman Church, your Tri- 
dentine Council, may not, cannot, obtrude upon him. 

Listen to the third general Council, that of Ephesus, 
which decreed, that ' it should be lawful for no man to 
publish or compose another faith' or creed ' than that 
which was defined by the Nicene Council ;' and ' that who- 
soever should dare to compose or offer any such to any 
persons willing to be converted from paganism, Judaism, 
or heresy, if they were bishops or clerks, should be de- 
posed, — if laymen, anathematized.' Suffer us to enjoy 
f2 



66 bra:vihall. 

the same creed the primitive Fathers did, ' which none will 
say to have been insufficient, except they be mad,' as was 
alleged by the Greeks in the Council of Florence. You 
have violated this canon, you have obtruded a new creed 
upon Christendom ; new, I say, not in words only, but in 
sense also. 

Some things are de Synibolo, some things are contra 
Symholum, and some things are only prcBter Symholum. 

Some things are contained in the creed, either expressly 
or virtually, either in the letter or in the sense, and may 
be deduced by evident consequence from the creed ; as 
the Deity of Christ, His Two Natures, the Procession of 
the Holy Ghost. The addition of these was properly no 
addition, but an explication ; yet such an explication, no 
person, no assembly under an (Ecumenical council, can 
impose upon the Catholic Church. And such an one your 
Tridentine Synod was not. 

Secondly, some things are contra Synibolum — contrary 
to the Symbolical Faith, and either expressly or virtually 
overthrow some article of it. These additions are not 
only unlawful, but heretical also in themselves, and after 
conviction render a man a formal heretic : — whether some 
of your additions be not of this nature, I will not now 
dispute. 

Thirdly, some things are neither of the Faith, nor 
against the Faith, but only besides the Faith ; that is, 
opinions or truths of an inferior nature, which are not so 
necessary to be actually known : for though all revealed 
truths be alike necessary to be believed when they are 
known, yet all revealed truths are not alike necessary 
to be known. It is not denied but that general or 
provincial Councils may make constitutions concerning 
these for unity and uniformity, and oblige all such as are 
subject to their jurisdiction to receive them, either actively 
or passively, without contumacy or opposition. But to 
make these, or any of these, a part of the Creed, and to 
oblige all Christians under pain of damnation to know 



BRAMHALL. 67 

and believe them, is really to add to the Creed, and to 
change the Symbolical, Apostolical Faith, to which none can 
add, from which none can take away ; and comes within 
the compass of St. Paul's curse, — ' If we, or an angel 
from heaven, shall preach unto you any other gospel' (or 
faith) 'than that which we have preached, let him be 
accursed.' Such are, your universality of the Roman 
Church by the institution of Christ (to make her the 
mother of her grandmother, the Church of Jerusalem, and 
the mistress of her many elder sisters), your doctrine of 
l~)urgatory and indulgences, and the worship of images, 
and all other novelties defined in the Council of Trent; all 
which are comprehended in your new Roman Creed, and 
obtruded by you upon all the world to be believed under 
pain of damnation. He that can extract all these out of 
the old Apostolic Creed, must needs be an excellent che- 
mist, and may safely undertake to ' draw water out of a 
pumice.' " 

In the same work we find him speaking thus of the 
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. 

" First, you say we have renounced your sacrifice of the 
Mass. If the sacrifice of the Mass be the same with the 
sacrifice of the Cross> we attribute more unto it than your- 
selves ; we place our whole hope of salvation in it. If you 
understand another propitiatory sacrifice distinct from 
that (as this of the Mass seems to be ; for confessedly the 
priest is not the same, the altar is not the same, the tem- 
ple is not the same); if you think of any new meritorious 
satisfaction to God for the sins of the world, or of any new 
supplement to the merits of Christ's passion ; you must 
give us leave to renounce your sacrifice indeed, and to 
adhere to the apostle ; — ' By one offering he hath perfected 
for ever them that are sanctified.' 

" Surely you cannot think that Christ did actually sacri- 
fice Himself at His last supper (for then he had redeemed 
the world at His last supper; then His subsequent sacrifice 
npon the cross had been superfluous,) nor that the priest 
now doth more than Christ did then. We do readily 



68 BRAJMHALL. 

acknowledge an Eucbaristical sacrifice of prayers and 
praises : we profess a commemoration of the sacrifice of 
the cross ; and in the language of holy church, things 
commemorated are related as if they were then acted ; 
as, — ' Almighty God, who hast given us Thy Son as this 
day to be born of a pure virgin' : — and, ' Whose praise the 
younger Innocents have this day set forth;' — and between 
the x\scension and Pentecost, ' Which hast exalted Thy Son 
Jesus Christ with great triumph into heaven, we beseech 
Thee leave us not comfortless, but send unto us Thy Holy 
Spirit:' we acknowledge a representation of that sacrifice 
to God the Father: we acknowledge an impetration of the 
benefit of it : we maintain an application of its virtue : so 
here is a commemorative, impetrative, applicative sacrifice. 
Speak distinctly, and 1 cannot understand what you can 
desire more. To make it a suppletory sacrifice, to supply 
the defects of the only tru§ sacrifice of the cross, I hope 
both you and I abhor." 

Another and perhaps his principal work, is "A just 
vindication of the Church of England from the unjust 
aspersion of criminal schism ; wdierein the nature of 
criminal schism, the divers sorts of schismatics, the 
liberties and privileges of national churches, the rights of 
sovereign magistrates, the tyranny, extortion, and schism 
of the Roman court, with the grievances, complaints, and 
opposition of all princes and states of the Roman com- 
munion of old, and at this very day, are manifested to 
the view of the world." This was originally designed to 
form an appendix to the answer to La Millitiere, and is 
intended to refute the charge of schism, brought forward 
by the Romanists against the Church of England. He 
proves that the separation was not made by us, but by 
the court of Rome, that the British Church was always 
exempted from all foreign jurisdiction for the first six 
hundred years, and had both sufficient authority and 
sufficient grounds to withdraw from obedience to Rome. 
This, indeed, is one of Bishop Bramhall's favourite topics, 
and on these points he is especially strong, as an advo- 



BRAMHALL. 69 

cate of Anglicanism. In this treatise we find the following 
pointed remarks on internal communion. : — 

" The communion of the Christian Catholic Church is 
partly internal, partly external. 

" The internal communion consists principally in these 
things : to believe the same entire substance of saving 
necessary truth revealed by the Ajoostles, and to be ready 
implicitly in the preparation of the mind to embrace all 
other supernatural verities when they shall be sufficiently 
proposed to them ; to judge charitably one of another ; to 
exclude none from the Catholic communion and hope of 
salvation, either eastern, or western, or southern, or north- 
ern Christians, which profess the ancient Faith of the Apos- 
tles and primitive Fathers, established in the first general 
Councils, and comprehended in the Apostolic, Nicene, and 
Athanasian Creeds; to rejoice at their well doing; to sorrow 
for their sins ; to condole with them in their sufferings ; 
to pray for their constant perseverance in the true Chris- 
tian Faith, for their reduction from all their respective 
errors, and their re-union to the Church in case they be 
divided from it, that we may be all one sheepfold under 
that One Great • Shepherd and Bishop of our souls;' and, 
lastly, to hold an actual external communion with them 
' in votis — in our desires, and to endeavour it by all those 
means which are in our power. This internal communion 
is of absolute necessity among all Catholics. 

"External communion consists, first, in the same Creeds 
or Symbols or Confessions of Faith, which are the ancient 
badges or cognizances of Christianity ; secondly, in the 
participation of the same sacraments ; thirdly, in the 
same external worship, and frequent use of the same 
Divine Offices or Liturgies or forms of serving God ; 
fourthly, in the use of the same public rites and cere- 
monies ; fifthly, in giving communicatory letters from one 
church or one person to another; and, lastly, in admission 
of the same discipline, and subjection to the same supreme 
ecclesiastical authority, that is. Episcopacy, or a general 
Council : for as single bishops are the heads of particular 



70 BRAMHALL. 

churches, so Episcopacy, that is, a general Council, or 
(Ecumenical assembly of bishops, is the head of the 
universal Church." 

And a little after we find him stating who are Catholics, 
and who are not. 

" To sum up all that hath been said ; whosoever doth 
preserve his obedience entire to the universal Church, and 
its representative a general Council, and to all his supe- 
riors in their due order, so far as by law he is obliged ; 
who holds an internal communion with all Christians, and 
an external communion so far as he can with a good con- 
science ; who approves no reformation but that which is 
made by lawful authority, upon sufiQcient grounds, with 
due moderation; who derives his Christianity by the unin- 
terrupted line of Apostolical succession ; who contents 
himself with his proper place in the ecclesiastical body ; 
who disbelieves nothing contained in Holy Scripture, and 
if he hold any errors unwittingly and unwillingly, doth 
implicitly renounce them by his fuller and more firm ad- 
herence to that infallible rule ; who believeth and prac- 
tiseth all those credenda and agenda, which the universal 
Church spread over the face of the earth doth unanim- 
ously believe and practise as necessary to salvation, without 
condemning or censuring others of different judgment from 
himself in inferior questions, without obtruding his own 
opinions upon others as articles of Faith ; who is implicitly 
prepared to believe and do all other speculative and prac- 
tical truths, when they shall be revealed to him ; and, in 
sum, ' qui sententiam diverscB opinionis vinculo non prcBponit 
unitatis — 'that prefers not a subtlety or an imaginary 
truth before the bond of peace ;' he may securely say, 
'My name is Christian, my surname is Catholic' 

" From hence it appeareth plainly, by the rule of con- 
traries, who are schismatics ; whosoever doth uncharitably 
make ruptures in the mystical Body of Christ, ' or sets up 
altar against altar' in His Church, or withdraws his obedi- 
ence from the Catholic Church, or its representative a 
general Council, or from any lawful superiors, without just 



BRAMHALL. 71 

grounds ; whosoever doth hmit the Catholic Church unto 
his own sect, excludiug all the rest of the Chnstiau world, 
by new doctrines, or erroneous censures, or tyrannical 
impositions ; whosoever holds not internal communion 
with all Christians, and external also so far as they con- 
tinue in a Catholic constitution ; whosoever, not contenting 
himself v/ith his due place in the Church, doth attempt to 
usurp an higher place, to the disorder and disturbance of 
the whole body ; whosoever takes upon him to reform 
without just authority and good grounds ; and, lastly, 
Vv^hosoever doth wilfully break the line of Apostolical suc- 
cession, which is the very nerves and sinews of ecclesias- 
tical unity and communion, both with the present Church, 
and with the Catholic Symbolical Church of all successive 
ages ; he is a schismatic (qua talis), whether he be guilty 
of heretical pravity or not. 

"Now, having seen who are schismatics, for clearing the 
state of the question whether the Church of England be 
schismatical or not, it remaineth to shew in a word what 
we understand by the Church of England. 

First, we understand not the English natiou alone, but 
the English dominion, including the British, and Scottish 
or Irish, Christians : for Ireland was the right Scotia 
major ; and that which is now called Scotland, was then 
inhabited by British and Irish under the name of Picts 
and Scots. 

" Secondly, though I make not the least doubt in the 
world, but that the Church of England before the Reforma- 
tion and the Church of England after the Reformation are 
as much the same Church, as a garden, before it is weeded 
and after it is weeded, is the same garden ; or a vine, 
before it be pruned and after it is pruned and freed from 
the luxuriant branches, is one and the same vine ; yet, 
because the Roman Catholics do not object schism to the 
Popish Church of England, but to the Reformed Church, 
therefore, in this question, by the Church of England we 
understand that Church, which was derived by lineal suc- 
cession from the British, English and Scottish bishops. 



T2 BRAMHALL. 

by mixed ordiDation, as it was legally established in the 
days of king Edward the Sixth, and flourished in the 
reigns of queen Elizabeth, king James, and king Charles 
of blessed memory, and now groans under the heavy yoke 
of persecution; w^hether this Church be schismatical by 
reason of its secession and separation from the Church of 
Rome, and the supposed withdrawing of its obedience 
from the Patriarchal jurisdiction of the Roman bishop." 

His replication to the Bishop of Chalcedon, Richard 
Smith, first bishop of the Romish schism in this country, 
was written in answ^er to that titular's " Survey of the 
Vindication of the Church of England from criminous 
Schism," which appeared in 1654. The replication was 
printed in London in 1656. The unsold copies of this 
edition w^ere bound up under a common title-page with 
the new impression of 1661 of the Just Vindication. In 
the dedication of this work to The Christian Reader, he 
says, " no man can justly blame me for honouring my 
spiritual mother the Church of England ; in whose womb 
I was conceived, at whose breasts I was nourished, and in 
whose bosom I hope to die. Bees, by the instinct of 
nature, do love their hives, and birds their nests. But 
God is my witness, that according to my uttermost talent, 
and poor understanding, I have endeavoured to set down 
the naked truth impartially, without either favour or pre- 
judice, the two capital enemies of right judgment ; — the 
one of which, like a false mirror, doth represent things 
fairer and straighter than they are ; the other, like the 
tongue infected with choler, makes the sweetest meats to 
taste bitter. My desire hath been to have truth for my 
chiefest friend, and no enemy but error. If I have had 
any bias, it hath been desire of peace, which our common 
Saviour left as a legacy to His Church ; that I might live 
to see the re-union of Christendom, for which I shall 
always bow the ' knees of my heart' to the Father of our 
Lord Jesus Christ. It is not impossible but that this 
desire of unity may have produced some unwilling error 
of love, but certainly I am most free from the wulful love 



BRAMHALL. 13 

of error. In questions of an inferior nature Christ 
regards a charitable intention much more than a right 
opinion. 

" Howsoever it be, I submit myself and my poor endea- 
vours, first, to the judgment of the Catholic CEcumenical 
essential Church : which if some of late days have endea- 
voured to hiss out of the schools as a fancy, I cannot help 
it. From the beginning it was not so. And if I should 
mistake the right Catholic Church out of human frailty or 
ignorance (which for my part I have no reason in the 
world to suspect; yet it is not impossible, when the 
Romanists themselves are divided into five or six several 
opinions, what this Catholic Church, or what their infalli- 
ble judge is), I do implicitly and in the preparation of my 
mind submit myself to the true Catholic Church, the 
spouse of Christ, the mother of the saints, the 'pillar of 
truth.' And seeing my adherence is firmer to the infal- 
lible rule of Faith, that is, the Holy Scriptures interpreted 
by the Catholic Church, than to mine own private judg- 
ment or opinions ; although I should unwittingly fall 
into an error, yet this cordial submission is an implicit 
retractation thereof, and I am confident will be so accept- 
ed by the Father of Mercies, both from me and all others 
who seriously and sincerely do seek after peace and 
truth. 

" Likewise I submit myself to the representative 
Church, that is, a free general Council, or so general as 
can be procured ; and until then, to the Church of Eng- 
land, wherein I was baptized, or to a national English 
Synod : to the determination of all which, and each of 
them respectively, according to the distinct degrees of 
their authority, I yield a conformity and compliance, or at 
the least, and to the lowest of them, an acquiescence.' 

In 1658 appeared his "Schism guarded and beaten back 
upon the right Owners, shewing that our great contro- 
versy about Papal Power is not a question of Faith, but of 
Interest and Profit ; not with the Church of Rome but 
VOL. Til. a 



T4 BRAMHALL. 

with the Court of Rome ; wherein the true controversy 
doth consist ; who were the first Innovators ; when and 
where these Papal Innovations first began in England ; 
with the opposition that was made against them." It 
commences with the following address to " The Chris- 
tian Readers," especially to the Roman Catholics of 
England : — 

" Christian Reader, 

" The great bustling in the controversy concerning Papal 
power, or the discipline of the Church, hath been either 
about the true sense of some texts of Holy Scripture ; as, 
'Thou art Peter,' and, 'upon this rock will I build My 
Church,' and, ' To thee will I give the keys of the king- 
dom of heaven,' and ' Feed My sheep :' or about some 
privileges, conferred upon the Roman See by the canons 
of the Fathers, and the edicts of emperors, but pretended 
by the Roman Court and the maintainors thereof to be 
held by Divine right. I endeavour in this treatise to dis- 
abuse thee, and to shew that this challenge of Divine 
right is but a blind, or diversion, to withhold thee from 
finding out the true state of the question. So the hare 
makes her doubles and her jumps before she comes to her 
form, to hinder tracers from finding her out. 

" I demonstrate to thee, that the true controversy is not 
concerning St. Peter; we have no formed difference about 
St. Peter, nor about any point of Faith, but of interest and 
profit ; nor with the Church of Rome, but with the Court 
of Rome: and wherein it doth consist ; namely, in these 
questions, — who shall confer English Bishoprics; who 
shall convocate English synods ; who shall receive tenths 
and first-fruits and oaths of allegiance and fidelity ; whe- 
ther the Pope can make binding laws in England without 
the consent of the king and kingdom, or dispense with 
English laws at his own pleasure, or call English subjects 
to Rome without the prince's leave, or set up legantine 
courts in England against their wills. And this I shew 



BEAMHALL. 75 

not out of the opinions of particular authors, but out of 
the pubhc laws of the kingdom. 

" I prove moreover out of our fundamental laws and 
the writings of our best historiographers, that all these 
branches of Papal power were abuses and innovations and 
usurpations, first attempted to be introduced into England 
above eleven hundred years after Christ ; with the names 
of the innovators, and the precise time when each innova- 
tion began, and the opposition that was made against it, 
by our kings, by our bishops, by our peers, by our parlia- 
ments, with the groans of the kingdom under these Papal 
innovations and extortions. 

" Likewise, in point of doctrine, thou hast been in- 
structed, that the Catholic Faith doth comprehend all those 
points which are controverted between us and the Church 
of Rome, without the express belief whereof no Christian 
can be saved ; whereas, in truth, all these are but opinions, 
yet some more dangerous than others. If none of them 
had ever been started in the world, there is sufiQcient to 
salvation for points to be believed in the Apostles' Creed. 
Into this Apostolical Faith, professed in the Creed and ex- 
plicated by the four first general Councils, and only into 
this Faith, we have all been baptized. Far be it from us 
to imagine, that the Catholic Church hath evermore bap- 
tized, and doth still baptize, but into one half of the 
Christian Faith. 

" In sum. — Dost thou desire to live in the communion 
of the true Catholic Church ? So do I. But as I dare not 
change the cognizance of my Christianity, that is, my 
Creed ; nor enlarge the Christian Faith (I mean the essen- 
tials of it) beyond those bounds which the Apostles have 
set ; so I dare not (to serve the interest of the Roman 
Court) limit the Catholic Church, which Christ hath pur- 
chased with His blood, to a fourth or a fifth part of the 
Christian world. 

♦' Thou art for tradition, so am I. But my tradition is 
not the tradition of one particular Church contradicted by 
the tradition of another Church, but the universal and 



76 BRAMHALL. 

perpetual tradition of the Christian ^vorld united. Such 
a tradition is a full proof, -sYhich is received ' semper, 
nhique, et ah omnibus — ' always, every where, and by all' 
Christians. Neither do I look upon the opposition of a 
handful of heretics — they are no more being compared to 
the innumerable multitudes of Christians) — in one or two 
ages, as inconsistent with universality, any more than the 
highest mountains are inconsistent with the roundness of 
of the earth. 

" Thou desirest to bear the same respect to the Church 
of Rome that thy ancestors did ; so do I. But for that 
fulness of power, yea, co-active power in the exterior court, 
over the subjects of other princes, and against their wills, 
devised by the Court of Rome, not by the Church of 
Rome, — it is that pernicious source from whence all these 
usurpations did spring. Our ancestors from time to time 
made laws against it ; and our Reformation in point of dis- 
cipline, being rightly understood, was but a pui*suing of 
their steps. The true controversy is, whether the bishop 
of Rome ought by Divine right to have the external regi- 
ment of the English Church, and co-active jurisdiction in 
English courts, over English subjects, against the will of 
the king and the laws of the kingdom." 

From this most powerful work, in which the Anglican 
cause is nobly maintained against Popery, many extracts 
might be made of assertions generally as well as contro- 
versially useful. We may give as an example his position 
that every one involved in a schism is not a formal schis- 
matic. His words are " Every one who is involved mate- 
rially in a schism, is not a formal schismatic ; no more 
than she that marrieth after long expectation, believing, 
and having reason to believe, that her former husband 
was dead, is a formal adulteress ; or than he who is drawn 
to give Divine worship to a creature by some misappre- 
hension, yet addressing his devotions to the true God, is 
a formal idolater. A man may be ' haptisatus voto' (as 
St. Ambrose said) — 'baptized in his desire,' and God 
Almighty doth accept it ; why may he not as well commu- 



BRAMHALL. 77 

nicate in his desire, and be accepted with God likewise ? 
If St. Austin sav true of heresy, that ' he who did not 
run into his error out of his own overweening presumption, 
nor defends it pertinaciously, but received it from his 
seduced parents, and is careful to search out the truth, 
and ready to be corrected if he find it out, he is not to be 
reputed among heretics. ' It is much more true of schism, 
that he who is involved in schism through the error of his 
parents or predecessors, who seeketh carefully for the 
truth, and is prepared in his mind to embrace it when- 
soever he finds it, he is not to be reputed a schismatic. 
This very bond of unity, and preparation of his mind to 
peace, is an implicit renunciation and abjuration of his 
schism before God. This is as comfortable a ground for 
ignorant Roman Catholics, as for any persons that I know; 
who are hurried hood-winked into erroneous tenets as 
necessary points of Faith, and schismatical practices, 
merely by the authority, and to uphold the interest and 
ambitious or avaricious courses, of the Roman Court." 

Speaking of the Thirty-nine Articles in this work, he 
remarks, — "We do not suffer any man 'to reject' the 
Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England ' at his 
pleasure ;' yet neither do we look upon them as essentials 
of saving Faith, or 'legacies of Christ and of His x\postles;' 
but in a mean, as pious opinions fitted for the preservation 
of unity : neither do we oblige any man to believe them, 
but only not to contradict them." 

In Bishop Bramhalls "The Consecration and succes- 
sion of Protestant Bishops justified," the "infamous fable" 
of the ordination at the Xag's Head is clearly confuted And 
we may add that, in the last edition of Bramhall 's works in 
the Anglo-catholic library, the editor pursues the subject, 
and vindicates our ordinations against the dishonest refer- 
ence to this fable on the part of modern Romanists. The 
Romanists never had a more powerful opponent than this 
great prelate, who opposes them entirely upon Anglican 
grounds, and the member of the Church of England who 
G-2 



78 BRAMHALL. 

should join the Romish schismatics in this country, with- 
out first studying the works of Bramhall, would incur an 
awful responsibility. 

His works against English sectaries are of equal 
vigour : — 1. Fair warning to take heed of the Scottish dis- 
cipline, as being of all others most injurious to the civil 
magistrate, most oppressive to the subject, most pernicious ' 
to both. Written in the beginning of the civil wars. 
2. The Serpent salve : or, a remedy for the biting of an 
asp. Written in vindication of king Charles I., wherein 
the author endeavours to prove, that power is not originally 
inherent in, and derived from, the people. First printed 
in 1643, and was his first publication. 3. Vindication of 
himself and the Episcopal Clergy from the Presbyterian 
charge of Popery, as it is managed by Mr. Baxter in his 
treatise of the Grotian religion. 

There are several publications of BramhalFs against 
Mr. Hobbes. — 1. A Defence of true liberty from an- 
tecedent and extrinsical necessity. Printed in 1656. 
2. Castigations of Mr. Hobbes's animadversions upon the 
same, in 1658. 3. The Catching of Leviathan, or the 
great whale. Demonstrating out of Mr. Hobbes's own 
works, that no man, who is thoroughly an Hobbist, can be 
a good Christian, or a good commonwealth's man, or 
reconcile himself to himself: because his principles are 
not only destructive to all religion, but to all societies, 
extinguishing the relation between prince and subject, 
parent and child, master and servant, husband and wife; 
and abound with palpable contradictions. 

The controversy between Bramhall and Hobbes, 
which gave occasion to the foregoing works, took its rise 
from a conversation, that passed between them at an 
accidental meeting, in 1645, at the house of the Marquis 
of Newcastle in Paris. It appears from the works them- 
selves, that the Bishop subsequently committed his 
thoughts upon the subject to writing, and transmitted 
hi? " discourse" through the Marquis to Hobbes. This 



BRAMHALL. 79 

called forth an answer from the latter, in a letter addressed 
to the Marquis (dated Rouen, Aug. 20, 1645), to be com- 
municated " only to my Lord Bishop ;" to which Bramhall 
replied in a second paper, not however until the middle of 
the following year, and privately as before. Here the 
controversy rested for more than eight years, having been 
hitherto carried on with perfect courtesy on both sides. 
In 1654, however, a friend of Hobbes procured without 
his knowledge a copy of his letter, and published it in 
London with Hobbes' name, but with the erroneous date 
of 1652 for 1645 ; upon which Bramhall, finding himself 
thus deceived, rejoined in the next year by the publication 
of the " Defence, &c." (Lond. 1655. 8vo.) consisting of his 
own original " discourse," of Hobbes' answer, and of his 
own re]>ly, printed sentence by sentence, with a dedication 
to the Marquis of Newcastle, and an advertisement to the 
reader explaining the circumstances under which it was 
published. 

The fourth part of the folio edition of Bi-amhall's works 
contains his smaller pieces and occasional sermons. From 
these we present the reader with the bishop's opinion " of 
persons dying without baptism :" 

" The discourse which happened the other day, about 
your little daughter, I had quite forgotten till you were 
pleased to mention it again last night. If any thing did 
fall from me, which gave offence to any there present, I 
am right sorrowful, but I hope there did not ; as, on the 
other side, if any occasion of offence had been given to 
me, I should readily have sacrificed it to that reverend 
respect, which is due to the place your table, anciently 
accounted a sacred thing, and to the lord of it, yourself. 
This morning, lying musing in my bed, it produced some 
trouble to me, to consider how passionately we are all 
wedded to our own parties, and how apt w^e are all to 
censure the opinions of others before we understand them, 
while our want of charity is a gi-eater error in ourselves, 
and more displeasing to Almighty God, than any of those 
supposed assertions which we condemn in others; espe- 



80 BRAMHALL. 

cially when they come to be rightly understood. And to 
show this particular breach is not so wide, nor the more 
moderate of either party so disagreeing, as is imagined, I 
digested these sudden meditations, drawn wholly, in a 
manner, from the grounds of the Roman schools ; and so 
soon as I was risen, I committed them to writing. 

" First, there is a great difference to be made between 
the sole want of Baptism upon invincible necessity, and 
the contempt or wilful neglect of Baptism when it may be 
had. The latter we acknowledge to be a damnable sin, 
and, without repentance and God's extraordinaiy mercy, 
to exclude a man from all hope of salvation. But yet if 
such a person, before his death, shall repent and deplore 
his neglect of the means of grace, from his heart, and 
desire, with all his soul, to be baptized, but is debarred 
from it invincibly, we do not, w^e dare not pass sentence of 
condemnation upon him ; nor yet the Roman Catholics 
themselves. The question then is, whether the want of 
Baptism, upon invincible necessity, do evermore infallibly 
exclude from heaven ? 

"Secondly, we distinguish between the visible sign, and 
the invisible grace ; between the exterior sacramental 
ablution, and the grace of the Sacrament, that is, interior 
Regeneration. We believe that whosoever hath the former, 
hath the latter also, so that he do not put a bar against 
the efficacy of the Sacrament by his infidelity or hypocrisy, 
of which a child is not capable. And therefore our very 
Liturgy doth teach, that a child baptized, dying before 
the commission of actual sin, is undoubtedly saved. 

" Thirdly, we believe that without baptismal grace, that 
is, Regeneration, no man can enter into the kingdom of 
God. But whether God hath so tied and bound himself 
to His ordinances and Sacraments that He doth not or 
cannot confer the grace of the Sacraments, extraordinarily, 
where it seemeth good to His eyes, without the outward 
element ; this is the question between us." 

It is said that he prepared a hundred sermons for the 
press, but that they were torn by rats before his death. 



BRAMHALL. 81 

At the Restoration, eveiy one, of course, concluded that 
Bishop Bramhall would be nominated to that high post in 
the Church, which his learning, his genius, and his piety 
so eminently qualified him to occupy. On the 18th of 
January, 1601, he was translated to the archiepiscopal see 
of Armagh, and became Lord Primate of Ireland. How 
acceptable this nomination of Bishop Bramhall was to the 
friends of the Church, appears from the following letter of 
congratulation, which was addressed by Lord Caulfield, 
aftei'wards known by the honourable epithet of the good 
Lord Charlemont, to the new Primate, on the 2'^nd of 
October, 1660. 

*' As the news of your lordship's safe arrival is most 
welcome to me, so is it likewise occasion of great re- 
joicing to all those in the kingdom who truly fear 
God and pray for the welfare of His Church : it being 
yet fresh in the memories of us all, how eminent an 
instniment your lordship hath been long since in the 
propagating the true ancient Protestant religion in this 
kingdom. 

" My lord, never had the Church more need of such a 
champion than now tliat the looseness of the late times 
hath been the occasion of so many schisms, and given 
opportunity to such numberless number of heresies to 
creep in amongst us, that not many days ago it was 
hardly possible to find two of one religion. And therein 
are these unhappy northern quarters most miserable, 
abounding with all sorts of licentious persons ; but those 
whom we esteem most dangerous are the Presbyterian 
factions, who do not like publicly to preach up the 
authority of the kirk to be above that of the crown and 
our dread sovereign. I have myself discoursed with 
divers of their ministers, both in public and private, 
who have maintained that the kirk hath power to excom- 
municate their kings ; and when the oaths of allegiance 
and supremacy were administered here, one of them told 
me that we had pulled down one Pope and set up another. 
But I made bold to inflict such punishments as I thought 



82 BRAMHALL. 

were proper for their offences ; and hindered their meet- 
ings where I considered there might be anything con- 
sulted of, tending to the breach of the peace, either in 
Church or commonwealth." 

Soon after he consecrated two archbishops and ten 
bishops for the vacant sees in Ireland, and among these 
was the celebrated Jeremy Taylor. The consecration, at the 
same time, and by imposition of the same hands, of twelve 
Christian bishops, two of the number being of metro- 
politan eminence, to their apostolical superintendence of 
the Church of Christ, is an event probably without a 
parallel in the Church. The event, and its consequences, 
with reference to the illustrious Primate engaged in the 
consecration, is thus noticed by Bishop Taylor in his ser- 
mon preached at the funeral of Archbishop Bramhall in 
the year 1663. " There are gi'eat things spoken of his 
predecessor, St. Patrick, that he founded seven hundred 
churches and religious convents ; that he ordained five 
thousand priests ; and with his own hands consecrated 
three hundred and fifty bishops. How true the story is I 
know not ; but we were all witnesses that the late Primate, 
whose memory we now celebrate, did by an extraordinary 
contingency of Providence, in one day, consecrate two 
archbishops and ten bishops ; and did benefit to almost all 
the churches of Ireland ; and was greatly instrumental in 
the re-endowments of the whole clergy; and in the greatest 
abilities and incomparable industry was inferior to none 
of his antecessors." 

The same year he visited his diocese, which he found 
in the greatest disorder, some having committed horrible 
outrages, and many imbibed violent prejudices both 
against himself, and the doctrine and discipline of the 
Church. By lenity and firmness, reproof, argument, and 
persuasion, he at last gained the point at which he 
aimed. 

Bishop Mant, in his history of the Church of Ireland, 
quotes a passage from Archbishop Vesey's life of Arch- 
bishop Bramhall, and explains it : the passage, and the 



BPtAMHALL. 83 

explanation, which appears to be perfectly satisfactory, we 
submit to the reader. 

"When the benefices were called at the visitation, seve- 
ral appeared, and exhibited only such titles as they had 
received from the late powers. He told them, they w-ere 
no legal titles ; but m regard he heard well of them, he 
w^as willing to make such to them by institution and 
induction, which they humbly acknowledged, and intreated 
his lordship so to do. But, desiring to see their letteis 
of orders, some had no other but their certificates of ordi- 
nation by some Pivsbyterian classes, which, he told them, 
did not qualify them for any preferment in the Church. 
Whereupon the question imraediatrly arose, ' Are we not 
ministers of the Gospel?' To which his grace answered, 
that that was not the question : at least he desired for 
peace sake, of which he hoped they were ministers too, 
that that might not be the question for that time. ' I 
dispute not,' said he, ' the value of your ordination, 
nor those acts you have exercised by virtue of it : what 
you are, or might do, here when there was no law, or in 
other Churches abroad. But we are now to consider our- 
selves as a National Church, limited by law% which among 
other things takes chief care to prescribe about ordination ; 
and I do not know, how you could recover the means of 
the Church, if any should refuse to pay you your tithes, 
if you are not ordained, as the law of this Church requi- 
reth. And I am desirous, that she may have your labours, 
and you such portions of her revenue, as shall be allotted 
you in a legal and assured way.' By this means he 
gained such as were learned and sober ; and for the rest it 
was not much matter," 

"Just as I was about to close up this particular," con- 
tinues the biogi'apher, " I received full assurance of all 
that I offered in it, which for the reader's sake I thought 
fit to add, being the very words which his grace caused to 
be inserted in the letters of one Mr. Edward Parkinson, 
whom he ordained at that time, and from whom I had 
them by my reverend brother and neighbour, the Lord 



84 BRAMHALL. 

Bishop of Killalow. ' Non annihilantes priores ordines, 
(si quos habuit,) uec validitalem aut invaliditatem eorum 
determinantes, multo minus omnes ordines sacros eccle- 
siarum forensicarum condemnantes, quos proprio judici 
relinquimus : sed solummodo supplentes, quicquid phus 
defuit, per Canones Ecclesiae Anglicanae requisitum ; et 
providentes paci ecclesise, ut schismatis tollatur occasio, et 
conscientiis fidelium satisfiat, nee uUo modo dubitent de 
ejus ordinatione, aut actus suos Presbyteriales tanquam 
invalidos aversentur : in cujus rei testimonium, &c." 

From this statement and document, says Bishop Mant, 
the reader will understand, that, on admitting to episcopal 
orders a person who had been previously ordained by 
Presbyterians, Primate Bramhall made profession, "that 
he did not annul the minister's former orders, if he had 
any, nor determine their validity or invalidity ; much less 
did he condemn all the sacred orders of the foreign 
Churches, whom he left to their own Judge : but that he 
only supplied, whatever was before w^anting, as required 
by the canons of the Anglican Church ; and that he pro- 
vided for the peace of the Church, that occasion of schism 
might be removed, and the consciences of the faithful 
satisfied, and that they might have no manner of doubt 
of his ordination, nor decline his presbyterial acts as being 
invalid." And this profession the primate inserted in the 
newly-ordained minister s " letters," his letters of orders, 
as they are technically called ; being the regular certifi- 
cate, or formal official testimonial, which every clergyman 
of the Church receives, of his having been lawfully 
ordained. 

It is, therefore, not a little remarkable, that this 
account should have been taken by a respectable historian 
of the Church of England, as the ground for an assertion, 
that, with regard to any ministers w^ho had received Pres- 
byterian orders in the confusion of the great Rebellion, 
the method, employed by Archbishop Bramhall, was, not 
to. cause them to " undergo a new ordination, but to 
admit them into the ministry of the Church, by a 



BRx\MHALL. 85 

conditional ordination, as we do in the baptism of those, 
of whom it is uncertain, whether thej are baptized 
or not." 

But this assertion is not supported by the statement of 
Bishop Vesey, and the document alleged by him : on the 
contrary it is directly opposed to both. For they give 
us to understand, that the archbishop did " ordain'" the 
persons in question, " as the law of this Church re- 
quireth ;" therefore not conditionally, for the law of this 
Church recognises no conditional ordination : but that 
subsequently he introduced into his " letters" of orders an 
explanatory remark. The historian seems to identify the 
form of ordination with the subsequent letters of orders, 
or certificate. But, whatever be the cause, the error is 
manifest : and it requires correction, both that the 
character of such a man, as Primate Bramhall, may be 
vindicated from the allegation, and even from the suspi- 
cion, of illegally deviating from the prescript forms of the 
Church, whereas he acted professedly and strictly, " as the 
law of the Church requireth ;" and that the principles 
and provisions of the Church herself may not be misappre- 
hended, in a matter of such infinite importance as the 
due ordination of candidates for the sacred ministry. 

He was officially president of the Convocation, and was 
chosen speaker of the House of Lords, in the parliament 
which met May 8th, 1661. On the 31st of May, 1661, 
the Irish House of Commons adopted a course, to propose 
which in the present House of Commons would be deemed 
a mark of insanity : the Master of the Wards reported 
to the house, that according to their order he had waited 
on the Lord Primate with an intimation of their request, 
that the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper might be 
administered to them by his hands ; that he had accord- 
ingly appointed the Sabbath Day next come fortnight for 
the celebration at St. Patrick's Church, according to the 
Liturgy of the Church of Ireland, and the Friday before 
for a preparatory sermon between nine and ten in the 

VOL. III. H 



86 BRAMHALL. 

morning. The subject of the sermon, delivered in pur- 
suance of this appointment, was the duty of repentance, 
as testified by the forsaking and amendment of former 
sins. By order of the house, on the 17th of June, thanks 
were returned to his grace for his great pains on the 
occasion, with a request that he would cause the sermon 
to be printed, which was in consequence done, and the 
sermon remains amongst his works under the title of 
" The right ivay to safety after Shijywreck.'' 

On the 18th of June, an order was entered on the 
journals of the House of Lords, and a corresponding one 
on those of the Commons, the 15th of July. 

" That such matters as may seem to be intrench ments 
on the honour, worth, and integrity of Thomas Earl of 
Strafford, the Lord Primate, the Lord Chancellor Bolton, 
and the Lord Chief Justice Lowther, whose memory this 
house cannot in justice suffer to be sullied with the least 
stain of evil report, be totally and absolutely expunged 
and obliterated from the journals and records of the 
house." 

In this parliament '' many advantages were procured^ 
and more designed, for the Church, in which Archbishop 
Bramhall was very industrious. Several of the bishops 
obtained their augmentations through his intercession ; as 
likewise the inferior clergy the forfeited impropriate tithes; 
and the whole Church all the advantageous clauses in the 
acts of settlement and explanation," [although she did not 
reap the benefit of them to the full extent that w^as in- 
tended.] " There were two bills, for the passing of 
which he took great pains, but was defeated in both :" one 
was, " for making the tithing-table of Ulster the rule for 
the whole kingdom :" the other, "for enabling the bishops 
to make leases for sixty years." About this time he had 
a violent sickness, being the second fit of a palsy, which 
was very near putting an end to his life ; but he recovered. 
" Before his death, he was intent upon a royal visitation, 
in- order to the correction of some disorders he had 



BKAMHALL. 87 

o\)served, and the better settlement of ministers upon 
their cures," by a more convenient distribution or union 
of parishes, and the building of churches : but he could 
not put this and some other designs he had formed in 
execution. A little before his death he visited his diocese, 
and having provided for the repair of his cathedral, and 
other affairs suitable to his pastoral office, he returned to 
Dublin about the middle of May, 1663. The latter end 
of the month follo\ving, he was seized with the third fit of 
the palsy, which quickly put an end to his life. 

We may conclude this article by a few sentences from 
one whom it is always a pleasure to quote, Jeremy Taylor,- 
in his sermon preachciJ at Bramhall's funeral he tells us : 
" At his coming to the Primacy, he knew h^ should 
first espy little besides the ruins of discipline, a harvest of 
thorns and heresies prevailing in the hearts of the people, 
the churches possessed by wolves and intruders, men's 
hearts greatly estranged from true religion ; and, there- 
fore, he set himself to weed the fields of tlie Church. He 
treated the adversaries sometimes sweetly, sometimes he 
■confuted them learnedly, sometimes he rebuked them 
shai'ply. He visited his charges diligently, and in his 
own person, not by proxies and instrumental deputations. 
He designed nothing that we knew- of, but the redintegra- 
tion of religion, the honour of God and the King, the 
restoring of collapsed discipline, and the renovation of 
faith and the service of God in the churches. And still 
he was indefatigable ; and, even at the last scene of his 

life, intended to undertake a regal visitation 

" Upon a brisk alarm of death, which God sent him 
the last Januaiy, he gave thanks that God had permitted 
him to live to see the blessed restoration of his majesty 
and the Church of England, confessed his faith to be the 
same as ever, gave praises to God that he was bora and 
bred up in this religion, and prayed to God, and hoped 
he should die in the communion of this Church, w^hich 
he declared to be the most pure and Apostolical Church 
in the whole world 



88 BRAMHALL. 

" To sum up all, he was a wise prelate, a learned doctor, 
a just man, a true friend, a great benefactor to others, a 
thankful beneficiary where he was obliged himself. He 
was a faithful servant to his masters, a loyal subject to 
the king, a zealous assertor of his religion, against Popery 
on one side and fanaticism on the other. The practice of 
his religion was not so much in forms and exterior 
ministeries, although he was a great obsei^er of all the 
public rites and ministeries of the Church, as it was in 
doing good to others 

" He was a man of great business and great resort. He 
divided his life into labour and his book. He took care 
of his churches, when he w^as alive, and even after his 
death, having left five hundred pounds for the repair of 
his cathedral of Armagh, and St. Peter's church in 
Drogheda. He was an excellent scholar, and rarely well 
accomplished ; first instructed to great excellency by 
natural parts, and then consummated by study and 
experience 

" It will be hard to find his equal in all things. For 
in him were visible the great lines of Hooker's judicious- 
ness, of Jewel's learning, of the acuteness of Bishop 

Andrewes He showed his equanimity in poverty, 

and his justice in riches : he was useful in his country, 

and profitable in his banishment He 

received public thanks from the Convocation, of which 
he was president, and public justification from the 
Parliament, where he was speaker ; so that, although 
no man had greater enemies, no man had greater jus- 
tifications." 

His works were collected and reprinted at Dublin, in 
one volume, folio, in 1674-7. A beautiful edition has 
lately formed part of the Anglo- Catholic Library. — Life 
prefixed to Works hy Archbishop Vesey. Funeral Seimon. 
by Jeremy Taylor. Ware's Coniment. de Prccsul. Hibernice. 
Mant's History of the Church in Ireland. Bramhall's 
Works. 



BRANDT. ^f^ 



BEANDT, GERAED. 



Gekird Brandt was bom at Amsterdam in 16'26. He 
became the pastor of a congregatioD of RemoDStrants, or 
Arminians, at Nieukoop, where he married the daughter 
of Gaspard Barloeus, who is well known for the excellence 
of his Latin poetry. In 1667 he settled at Amsterdam, 
and died there in 1685. His works are — 1. A short 
History of the Reformation, and of the War between Spain 
and the Netherlands, 1658. 2. A History of the Refor- 
mation in the Low Countries, 4 vols, 4to. This has been 
translated into English, in 4 vols, folio ; and an abridg- 
ment of it has also been published in 2 vols, 8vo. 3. The 
History of Enkhuysen. 4. The Life of Admiral de 
Ruyter, folio. 5. An Historical Diary, with Biographical 
Notices of Eminent Men, 4to. 6. Poemata, 2 vols, Svo. 
7. Historia judicii habiti annis 1618 et 1619; de tribus 
captivis Bameveldt, Hogerbeets et Grotio, 4to. — Moreri. 



BRANDT, GASPARD. 

Gaspard Brandt, eldest son of the preceding, was born 
in 1653, at Nieukoop, and educated under Limborch. In 
1673 he was licensed to the ministiy, which ofiQce he 
discharged at several places, and lastly at Amsterdam, 
where he died in 1696. He published some religious 
pieces in German, and the lives of Arminius and 
Grotius ; the last were re-published by Mosheim, in 
1725, Svo. — Moreri 

BRANDT, GERARD. 

Gerard Brandt, second son of Gerard, and brother of 

the preceding, was born in 1657. He was instructed in 

philosophy and divinity by Limborch. He exercised the 

ministry at Rotterdam, and died there in 1683. He 

' h2 



90 BRENTZ. 

translated Hejlyn's Quinqu articular History from the 
English into German ; besides which he was the author 
of a History of Public Events in Europe ; and sixty-five 
Sermons. — Moreri. 



BRANDT, JOHN. 

John Brandt, the youngest son of Gerard, was born at 
Nieukoop, in 1660. He was successively minister at 
Hoorn, the Hague, and iVmsterdam, where he died in 
1708. His works are— 1. The Life of St. Paul, 4to. 
2. A Funeral Oration on Mary, Queen of England. 3. A 
Treatise against Leydecker. He also edited the "Clarorum 
virorum Epistolae." — Moreri. 

BRAULIO. 

Beaulio w^as Bishop of Saragossa in the 7th century, 
and was the friend of Isidore, Bishop of Seville, to whom 
he addressed two letters. He made an encomium upon 
Isidore, containing a catalogue of his works, in which he 
informs us that he himself completed and arranged that 
father s etymological treatise, entitled Origines. He also 
wrote a life of (Emilianus, a Spanish hermit, commonly 
called St. Milan. The life of St. Leocadia is also attributed 
to him. He assisted at the fourth, fifth, and sixth councils 
of Toledo. In a treatise of Isidore, entitled, De Claris 
praesertim Hispanise Scriptoribus, published by Scholt, at 
Toledo, in 1592, there are some pieces by Braulio. His 
Epistles and Encomium are extant in Isidore's works. 
He died in the year 646, having been a bishop twenty 
years. — Dupin. Isidores Works. Mahillon. 

BRENTZ, OR BRENTIUS. 

Brentz, or Brentius was born at Weil in Suabia, in 
1499. He was educated at the school and university of 



BREXTZ. 91 

Heidelberg. His application was unequalled. He was 
accustomed to rise at midnight for study, and this custom 
had become so confirmed, that in after life he could never 
sleep after that hour. Martin Luther had now appeared 
as an author, and his works were perused with juvenile 
enthusiasm by young Brentz, whose joy was indescribably 
great when he had an opportunity of hearing him preach 
at Heidelberg. One of Luther's paradoxes especially 
struck the youth. It was this, "that man is not justified 
in the sight of God who does many works ; but he who 
without having done any works, has much faith in Christ." 
He visited Luther, talked and conferred with him, and 
requested an explanation of what he did not understand. 
This naturally led to his becoming a confirmed Lutheran, 
After Luther's departure, he and others began to teach 
Lutheranism in Heidelberg. Brentz, though a very 
young man, undertook to expound St. Matthew's Gospel, 
at first in his own room, and afterwards, when that apart- 
ment was too small, in the Hall of Philosophy. The 
theologians were, of course, ofiended at this proceeding, 
as he acted without authority, and shewed symptoms of 
irritation at the concourse of hearers which the young man 
drew together. The heads of the university sought to 
silence him. But Brentz took orders, and then transferred 
his lecture to the College of the Canons of the Holy Ghost. 
He now became a popular preacher, and was chosen pastor 
at Halle, in the twenty-third year of his age. We find 
him afterwards attending a Protestant conference, for the 
purpose of reconciling the contention between Luther and 
Zuinglius, respecting the real presence, the latter doctrine 
being held by the Protestants generally. In 1530, he 
attended the diet of Augsburg, and took a share in the 
proceedings of that assembly. In 1534 he was invited by 
Ulric, prince of Wirtemberg, to undertake the direction of 
the university of Tubingen, conjointly with Camerarius, 
and to introduce the reformed religion. In 1547, while 
at Halle, he was obliged to conceal himself from the 
imperial forces, in consequence of a threat on the part of 



92 BRETT. 

Charles V. that he would destroy the city if Brentz were 
not given up to him. Letters were found in which Brentz 
contrary to the doctrines of the Christian religion, had 
exhorted the Protestant princes to take up arms against 
the emperor. Brentz, however, effected his escape in 
disguise, and wandered as a fugitive from place to place. 
His great solace at this time was the book of Psalms, 
which he said afterwards that no one could fully compre- 
hend, except under circumstances similar to his own. In 
1553, Christopher, Prince of Wirtemberg, son and suc- 
cessor of Ulric, afforded him an asylum in his castle at 
Stutgard. Here, at the prince's request, he drew up the 
Confession of Wirtemberg ; and shortly after, on the 
death of the pastor of that place, Brentz was appointed to 
succeed him. In 1557 he attended the conferences at 
Worms, and died at Stutgard, Sept. II, 1570. His 
opinions nearly coincided with those of Luther ; he held 
the ubiquity of the body of Jesus Christ, and hence he 
and his followers have been denominated Ubiquitarians. 
His works were first published at Tubingen, 1576 — 1590, 
in 8 vols, folio, and at Amsterdam, in 1666. — Melchior 
Adam. Fuller. Milner. D'AuUgny. 



BRETT, THOMAS. 

Thomas Brett was born at Bettishanger in Kent, on 
the 3rd of September, 1667. He was sent to the grammar 
school of Wye, in that county, where his father resided, 
whence he proceeded to Queen's College, Cambridge, 
where he took his first degree, and then removed to 
Corpus Christi, January 17, 1689, where he proceeded 
LL. B. on St. Barnabas' day following, and did not 
at that time hesitate to take the oath of allegiance 
to William and Mary ; his father, and other relations, 
who were accounted whigs, ha\ing brought him up in 
whig principles. He was ordained deacon, Dec. 21. 1690, 
when he undertook the cure of Folkstone for a twelve- 



BRETT. 93 

month ; after which he came to London, entered into 
priests orders, and was chosen lecturer of Ishngton 
Oct. 4, 169-^. 

Upon his fathers death, at the earnest sohcitation of 
his mother, he left Islington with some reluctance, and in 
May, 1696, took upon him the cure of Great-Chart, where 
he became acquainted with the family of Sir Nicholas 
Toke, whose daughter he married. In the following year 
he took the degree of LL.D., as a member of Queen's, 
and soon after entered upon the cure of Wye, but had no 
benefice of his own before April 1"2, 1703, when, upon the 
death of his uncle, who was rector of Bettishanger, he was 
instituted to that living. Archbishop Tenison made him 
an offer of the vicarage of Chislet, and soon after gave 
him also the rectory of Rucking, April 12, 1705. But 
although he had up to this time complied with the oaths, 
he began to have his scruples, which were strengthened 
by the representations and reasonings of Bishop Hickes, 
who urged upon him the necessity of refraining from all 
communion with the Church established, on the ground 
of the danger and sin of schism. On this he had recourse 
to Mr. Dodwell's tracts on that subject, whose arguments 
not satisfying his mind, he resolved to surrender himself 
up to the bishop, and he was accordingly received into his 
communion, July 1, 1715, according to a penitential form 
prepared especially for such occasions. The year after he 
was consecrated a bishop. He had sacrificed nobly all his 
worldly interests and prospects to his principles, and 
whatever may be thought of his principles, he must be 
honoured for the consistency of his conduct. He had now 
no living to support him ; no Church open to him, but 
was accustomed, like many other Nonjurors, to officiate 
privately in his own house. His literary labours were 
very numerous, and all of them were distinguished for 
great ability and extensive learning. Brett was once pre- 
sented at the assizes for holding a conventicle in his 
house : but an Act of Indemnity rescued him from the 
penalties. He afterwards spent his time between Fever- 



94 BRETT. 

sham and Canterbury, in which places he had congrega* 
tions. Unquestionably the Nonjurors made a wise and 
judicious choice in selecting Brett as a bishop. The 
choice was made probably at the desire of Hickes, though 
he died before the consecration. 

Bishop Brett soon became an active member of the 
Nonjuring communion; and among the late venerable 
Bishop Jolly's papers, we have a most interesting account 
of the correspondence between the Nonjurors and the Pa- 
triarchs of the Oriental Church, drawn up by Brett himself 
some few years after the scheme had failed. It has been 
published by Mr. Lathbury in his valuable History of the 
Nonjurors. The scheme alluded to was first thought of 
in 1716, when Arsenius, an Archbishop of the Eastern 
Church, was in London soliciting assistance for his 
afflicted brethren in Alexandria. Campbell, one of the 
Scottish Bishops, became acquainted with the Archbishop : 
" and," as Skinner says, " having a scheming turn for 
every thing which he thought of general usefulness to the 
Church, took occasion in conversation to hint something 
of this kind." Campbell mentioned the matter to his 
friends at a meeting. At first all were united : but the 
disputes respecting the usages having arisen, Spinkes, 
though he had previously translated their proposals 
into Greek, together with Hawes and Gandy, declined 
to proceed any further in the business, which was subse- 
quently carried on by Collier, Brett, and Griffin, with the 
Scottish Bishops Campbell and Gadderer. 

The statement of Bishop Brett is as follows : — " In the 
month of July, 1716, the Bishops called Nonjurors meet- 
ing about some affairs relating to their little Church, 
Mr. Campbell took occasion to speak of the Archbishop of 
Thebais then in London ; and proposed that we should 
endeavour a union with the Greek Church, and draw up 
some propositions in order thereto, and deliver them to 
that Archbishop, with whom he intimated, as if he had 
already had some discourse upon that subject. I was then 
a perfect stranger to the doctrines and forms of worship 



BRETT. 95 

of that Church, but as I wished most heartily for a gene- 
ral union of all Christians in one communion, 1 was 
ready to have joined with Mr. Campbell on this occasion. 
But Mr. Lawrence being in the room, drew me aside, and 
told me, that the Greeks were more corrupt and more 
bigoted than the Romanists, and therefore vehemently 
pressed me not to be concerned in the affair : but Mr. 
Collier, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Spinkes joined in it, and drew 
up proposals, which Mr. Spinkes (as Mr. Campbell in- 
formed me) put into Greek, and they went together and 
delivered them to the Archbishop of Thebais, who carried 
them to Moscovy, and engaged the Czar in the affair, 
and they were encouraged to write to his majesty on that 
occasion, who heartily espoused the matter, and sent the 
proposals by James, Proto-Cyncellus to the Patriarch 
of Alexandria, to be communicated to the four Eastern 
Patriarchs. Before the return of the Patriarchs' answer to 
the proposals, a breach of communion happened among 
the Nonjurors here, Mr. Hawes, Mr. Spinkes, and Mr. 
Gandy on the one side, and Mr. Collier, Mr. Campbell, 
Mr. Gadderer, and myself on the other. So that when 
the Patriarchs' answer came to London, in 17^2, Mr. 
Spinkes refused to be any further concerned in the 
affair, and Mr. Gadderer and I joined in it. After Mr. 
Gadderer went to Scotland, Mr. Griffin, being consulted, 
joined with us. The rest of the story relating to this 
matter may be gathered from the letters and the sub- 
scriptions to them. Mr. Collier subscribes Jeremias, 
Mr. Campbell Archibaldus, Mr. Gadderer Jacobus, and I, 
Thomas, 

Sic Sub. Thomas Brett." 
March 30th, 1728. 

"A Proposal for a concordate between the orthodox and 
Catholic remnant of the British Churches, and the Catho- 
lic and Apostolic Oriental Church. 

" 1. That the Church of Jerusalem be acknowledged as 
the true mother Church and principal of ecclesiastical 



96 BRETT. 

unity, whence all the other Churches have heen derived, 
and to which, therefore, they owe a peculiar regard. 

"2. That a principality of Order be in consequence 
hereof allowed to the Bishop of Jerusalem above all other 
Christian Bishops. 

" 3. That the Churches of Antioch, Alexandria, and 
Constantinople, with the Bishops thereof, his colleagues, 
be recognized as to all their ancient canonical rites, privi- 
leges, and pre-eminences. 

" 4. That to the Bishop and Patriarch of Constanti- 
nople in particular an equality of honour with that of the 
Bishop of Rome be given, and that the very same powers 
and privileges be acknowledged to reside in them both 
alike. 

" 5. That the Catholic remnant of the British 
Churches, acknowledging that they first received their 
Christianity from such as came forth from the Church of 
Jerusalem, before they were subject to the Bishop of 
Rome and that Church, and professing the same holy 
Catholic faith, delivered by the Apostles, and explained in 
the councils of Nice, and Constantinople, be reciprocally 
acknowledged as part of the Catholic Church in com- 
munion with the Apostles, with the holy fathers of these 
councils, and with their successors. 

" 6. That the said Catholic remnant shall thereupon 
oblige themselves to revive what they long professed to 
wish for, the ancient godly discipline of the Church, and 
which they have already actually began to restore. 

"7. That in order still to a nearer union, there be as 
near a conformity in worship established as is consistent 
with the different circumstances and customs of nations, 
and with the rites of particular Churches, in that case 
allowed of. 

"■ 8. That the most ancient English Liturgy, as more 
near approaching the manner of the Oriental Church, be 
in the first place restored, with such proper additions and 
alterations, as may be agreed on to render it still more 
conformable both to that and the primitive standard. 



BRETT. 97 

•'9. That several of the Homilies of St. Chrysostom, 
and other approved Fathers of the said Oriental Church 
be forthwith translated into English and read in our 
holy assemblies. 

"10. That in the public worship, when prayer is made for 
the Catholic Church, there be an express commemoration 
made of the Bishop of Jerusalem, and that, especially in 
the Communion Service, prayer be offered up for him and 
the other Patriarchs, with all the Bishops of the same 
communion, and for the deliverance and restoration of the 
whole Oriental Church. 

"11. That the faithful and orthodox remnant of the 
Britannic Church is to be also, by the said Oriental Church, 
on proper occasions, or on certain days publicly commemo- 
rated and prayed for. 

"12. That there be letters communicatory settled betwixt 
one and the other, and the acts and deeds on both sides 
be mutually confirmed. 

" Wherefore in order to establish such a concordate, 
until that a firm and perfect union can be fixed, the suf- 
fering Catholic Bishops of the old constitution of Great 
Britain have thought fit hereby to declare, wherein they 
agree and wherein they cannot come to a perfect agree- 
ment. 

" ] . They agree in the twelve Articles of the Creed as 
delivered in the first and second General Councils, which 
they take to be sufiGlcient for faith, and thereupon cannot 
agree with the Latin Church, which hath superadded 
thereto twelve other articles of faith. 

" 2. They agree in beheving the Holy Ghost to be con- 
substantial with the Father and the Son, according to the 
orthodox confession of the Oriental Church; and moreover, 
that the Father is properly the fountain and original 
whence the Holy Ghost proceedeth ; and that it is altoge- 
ther sufficient for salvation to believe herein what Christ 
Himself hath taught. 

" 3. They agree that the Holy Ghost is sent forth by 

VOL. Til. I 



98 BRETT. 

the Son from the Father, and when they say in any of 
their confessions, that He is sent forth or proceedeth from 
the Son, they mean no more than what is, and always 
has been confessed by the Oriental Church, i. e. from the 
Father by the Son. 

"4. They agree, that the Holy Ghost did truly speak 
by the prophets and apostles, and is the genuine author 
of all the Scriptures. 

"5. They agree, that the Holy Ghost assisteth the 
Church in judging rightly concerning matters of faith, 
and that both general and particular orthodox councils, 
convened after the example of the first council of Jeru- 
salem, may reasonably expect that assistance in their 
resolutions. 

"6. They agree, in the number and nature of the 
charismata of the Spirit. 

" 7. They agree, that there is no other foundation of 
the Church but Christ alone, and that the prophets and 
apostles are no otherwise to be called so, but in a less 
proper and secondary sense respectively only. 

" 8. They agree that Christ alone is the head of the 
Church, which title ought not therefore to be assumed by 
any one, much less by any secular power, how great 
soever, and that Bishops under Him have a vicarious head- 
ship, as His proper representatives and vicegerents, being 
thence subject in spirituals to no temporal power on earth : 
and in consequence hereof they hope the patriarchs of the 
Oriental Church will be pleased, by an express article, to 
signify, that they own the independency of the Church in 
spirituals upon all lay powers, and consequently declare 
against all lay deprivations. 

" 9. They agree, that every Christian ought to be subject 
to the Church, and that the Church is by Christ suffi- 
ciently instructed and authorized to examine the writings 
and censure the persons of her subjects or ministers, 
though never so great. 

/' 10. They agree, that the Sacrament of the body and 



BRETT. m 

blood of Christ ought to be administered to the failhfvil in 
both kinds, and that the Latin Church have transgressed 
the Institution of Christ by restraining from the laity one 
kind. 

"11. They agree, that Baptism and this are of general 
necessity to salvation, for all the faithful, and that the 
other holy mysteries instituted by Christ, or appointed by 
His Apostles, which are not so generally necessary unto 
all, ought nevertheless to be received and celebrated with 
due reverence, according to Catholic and immemorial 
practice. 

"12. They agree, that there is no proper purgatorial 
fire in the future state, for the purgation of souls, nor 
consequently any redemption of souls out of the fire of 
purgatory by the suffrages of the living : but that notwith- 
standing none do immediately ascend into the heaven of 
heavens, but do remain until the resurrection in certain 
inferior mansions, appropriated to them, waiting in hope 
for the revelation of that day, and joining in the prayers 
and praises of the militant Church upon earth, offered up 
in faith." 

"As to the points wherein they cannot, at present, per- 
fectly agree, they declare. 

" 1. They have a great reverence for the canons of 
ancient general councils, yet they allow them not the same 
authority as is due to the sacred text, and think, they 
may be dispensed with by the governors of the Church, 
where charity or necessity require. 

" 2. Though they call the mother of our Lord blessed, 
and magnify the grace of God, which so highly exalted 
her, yet are they afraid of giving the glory of God to 
a creature, or to run into any extreme by blessing and 
magnifying her, and do hence rather choose to bless and 
magnify God, for the high grace and honour conferred 
upon her, and for the benefits which we receive by that 
means. 

"3. Though they believe that both saints and angels 
have joy in the conversion of one sinner, and in the pro- 



100 BRETT. 

gress of a Christian, and do unite with us in our prayers 
and thanksgivings, when rightly offered to God in the 
communion of the Church : yet are they jealous of detract- 
ing from the mediation of Jesus Christ, and therefore can- 
not use a direct invocation to any of them, the ever blessed 
Virgin herself not excepted, w^hile we desire nevertheless 
to join with them in spirit, and to communicate with them 
in perfect charity. 

" 4. Though they believe a perfect mystery in the Holy 
Eucharist, through the invocation of the Holy Spirit, upon 
the elements, whereby the faithful do verily and indeed 
receive the body and blood of Christ, they believe it yet to 
be after a manner, w^hich flesh and blood cannot conceive ; 
and seeing no sufficient ground from Scripture or tradi- 
tion to determine the manner of it, are for leaving it 
indefinite and undetermined : so that every one may 
freely, according to Christ's own institution and meaning, 
receive the same in faith, and also worship Christ in 
spirit, as verily and indeed present, without being obliged 
to worship the Sacred symbols of his presence. 

" 5. Though they honour the memory of all the faithful 
witnesses of Christ, and count it not unlawful in itself to 
assist the imagination by pictures and representations of 
them and their glorious acts and sufferings, yet they are 
afraid of giving thereby, on one hand, scandal to the Jews 
and Mahometans, or on the other, to many well meaning 
Christians: and they are moreover apprehensive that, 
though the wise may be safe from receiving any damage, 
by a wrong application, yet the vulgar may come thereby 
to be ensnared, and be carried to symbolize too much with 
the custom of idolaters, without designing it : to prevent 
which they therefore propose, that the 9th Article of the 
second Council of Nice, concerning the worship of Images, 
be so explained by the wisdom of the Bishops and 
Patriarchs of the Oriental Church, as to make it inoffen- 
sive, and to remove the scandal, which may be occasioned 
by, a direct application to them. 

" If a concordate can be agreed on with some limita- 



BRETT. inl 

tions and iudulgences on both sides, then it is proposed 
that a Church, to be called the Concordia, be built in or 
about London, which may be under the jurisdiction of 
the Patriarch of Alexandria, and in which, at certain times 
to be agreed on, there shall be the Enghsh service of the 
united British Catholics perlbrmed according as the same 
shall be approved or licensed by that Patriarch, or by the 
representatives of the Oriental Church. And that on the 
other side, if it should please God to restore the suffering 
Church of this island and her Bishops to her and their 
just rights, they promise to use their endeavours, that leave 
be granted to a Greek bishop here for the time residing, 
or to such as shall be deputed by him, to celebrate, upon 
certain days, divine service in the cathedral church of St. 
Paul according to the Greek rites. But if one common 
Liturgy could be on both sides agreed on, which should 
be unexceptionable, being compiled out of the ancient 
Greek Liturgies, some passages and rites only omitted, 
which are not of the substance, and which may give 
offence to one side, it is thought that nothing can more 
conduce to the establishing a union and communion be- 
tween both parties on catholic terms, would but the 
Patriarchs of the Oriental Church graciously condescend, 
that the same common Liturgy should be used in Great 
Britain, both by the Greeks themselves here residing, and 
by the united British Catholics. 

" None to be excluded from entering into this con- 
cordate who are willing, and all endeavours to be used 
on both sides to heal the breaches of Christendom, and 
to promote and propagate Christian unanimity and 
peace. 

London. 
August 18th, 1716." 

In the October following a letter was addressed to the 
Czar of ^Muscovy relating to the preceding proposal which, 
his majesty, it seems, encouraged. 

The answer of the Eastern Patriarchs to the proposals 
I 2 



102 BRETT. 

of the Nonjurors is dated from St. Petersburg, August 21, 
1721. It is entitled " The Answer from the Orthodox of 
the East to the proposals sent from Britain for a union 
and agreement with the Oriental Church." 

In this document the Patriarchs refuse to make the 
desired concessions, giving their reasons at great length. 
To the first five proposals they state, that they shall give 
one answer, since they all relate to one point, namely, 
the order of the five patriarchal thrones. " They who 
call themselves the remnant of primitive orthodoxy in 
Britain, would (if this be their meaning, which will be 
shewn to be otherwise hereafter) have them dispossessed 
of their situation given them by orthodox princes, and 
confirmed by divine and holy synods, and be settled in a 
new and different order : so that neither the Pioman nor 
Constantinopolitan throne should any longer have the 
preference, but that of Jerusalem. But somebody may 
thus bespeak them, if gentlemen, the subject of your 
union with the orthodox Oriental Church be matter of 
doctrine and holy faith, to what purpose should the order 
of the patriarchal thrones be changed, which can neither 
tVie one way nor the other, be any advantage or detriment 
to religion ? It would rather create divisions than con- 
ciliate an union, for it has the face of an innovation; 
whereas our Oriental Church, the immaculate Bride of 
the Lord, has never at any time admitted any novelty, 
nor will at all allow of any. And why should they have 
the preference given to the throne of Jerusalem? Be- 
cause, say they, from thence came out the evangelical 
law of grace and truth, according to that prophesy, * but 
out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the 
Lord from Jerusalem.' Now they would by these words 
seem wiser and more provident, than those who place 
the thrones in this order, as if they had acted rashly and 
unadvisedly in making such an appointment, which God 
forbid. For the authors and legislators of this order were 
divine men, of extensive knowledge and judgment, and 



BRETT. 103 

had the Spirit of the Lord : nor can we pretend to be 
better and more sagacious than they, or to overturn, or in 
the least disorder their wise settlements, lest we be found 
to fight against the saints and against God." — 

They afterwards say : 

" Some time since, the Pope of Rome, being deceived 
by the malice of the de\dl, and falling into strange novel 
doctrines, revolted from the unity of the holy Church, 
and was cut off : and it is now like a shattered rag of a sail 
of the spiritual vessel of the Church, which formerly con- 
sisted and was made up of five parts, four of which con- 
tinue in the same state of unity and agreement : and by 
these we easily and calmly sail through the ocean of this 
life, and \vithout difficulty pass over the waves of heresy, 
till we arrive within the haven of salvation. But he who 
is the fifth part, being separated from the entire sail, and 
remaining by himself in a small piece of the torn sheet, is 
unable to perform his voyage, and therefore we behold 
him at a distance tossed with constant waves and tempest 
till he return to our Catholic, Apostolic, Oriental, immacu- 
late faith, and be reinstated in the sail from whence he 
was broken off: for this will make him secure, and able to 
weather the spiritual storms and tempests that beset him. 
Thus therefore the holy Church of Christ with us subsists 
on four pillars, namely, the four Patriarchs, and continues 
firm and immoveable. The first in order is the Patriarch 
of Constantinople The second the Pope of Alexandria. 
The third of Antioch. The fourth of Jerusalem." 

They grant however : 

" If those who are called the remains of the primitive 
orthodoxy, out of any particular affection of piety to the 
holy and Apostolical throne of Jerusalem, would prefer 
and esteem it above the rest, we have no objection to it : 
for we ourselves, though for order's sake we number it in 
the 4th place, yet pay it the utmost reverence and respect, 
and honour it as the place where the light of religion and 
salvation arose, where the redemption of man and the 
preaching of the Gospel shone out into all the world, and 



104 BRETT. 

because there our Lord suffered for us, and there shed His 
precious blood. And if this be the desire of the pious 
remnant in Britain, we grant and allow it, only let them 
not despise the ancient order, nor accuse it of error, nor 
reject it." 

They add further on this point. 

" But it is necessary also that he should, either im- 
mediately or by deputation, consecrate the British Bishops 
by the grace of the Holy Spirit, no other Patriarch but 
that of Jerusalem daring to ordain in Britain, or to enter 
upon his jurisdiction." 

To the 6th proposal respecting the ancient discipline 
they remark, " that they are ignorant of what is intended. 
If it be to make the Patriarch of Jerusalem supreme over 
all, they cannot consent, as it would subvert the ancient 
order : but if they only wish him to be primus in Britain, 
they consent. If the things to be revived were such as 
needed a synodical examination, they promise to submit 
them ' to a council of the universal Church.' " 

To the 7th proposal they observe, that it is obscure, but 
they promise, that all such things shall be settled, if the 
union should be accomplished. 

To the 8th proposal respecting King Edward's First 
Liturgy, they say : *' The Oriental orthodox Church 
acknowledges but one Liturgy, the same which was de- 
livered down by the Apostles, but written by the first 
Bishop of Jerusalem, James the brother of God, and after- 
wards abbreviated upon account of its length by the great 
Father, Basil, and afterwards again epitomized by John, 
the golden-tongued Patriarch of Constantinople, which 
from the times of Basil and Chrysostom, until now, the 
Oriental orthodox Church receives and uses every where, 
and by them administers the unbloody sacrifice in every 
Church of the orthodox. It is proper, therefore, that 
those, who are called the remnant of primitive piety, 
should, when they are united to us, make use of those, 
that in this point also there be no discord between us, but 
th'^t they as well as we should on proper days officiate by 



BRETT. 105 

the Liturgy of St. Basil, and daily by that of St. Chrysos- 
tom. x\s for the English Liturgy we are unacquainted 
vrith. it, having never either seen or read it, but we have 
suspicion of it, because many and various heresies and 
schisms and sects have arisen up in those parts, lest the 
heretics should have introduced into it any corruption or 
deviation from the right path. Upon this account it is 
necessary that we should both see and read it, and then 
either approve it as right, or reject it as disagreeable to 
our unspotted faith. When, therefore, we have considered 
it, if it needs correction, we will correct it, and if possible 
will give it the sanction of a genuine form. But what 
occasion have those for any other Liturgy, who have the 
true and sincere one of the divine Father Chrysostom, 
which is made use of in all the Oriental Churches of the 
Orthodox Greeks, Russians, Iberians, and Arabians, and 
many other orthodox nations? For if they who are called 
the remnant will receive this, they will thereby be more 
intimately united, and more nearly related to us ; for 
the people do not so much look upon the heart as the 
appearance." 

To the 9th Proposal, respecting the Homilies of 
Chrysostom, they assent, and commend it. To the 10th 
Proposal also they assent, as well as to the llth, which 
they regard as of the same character. With respect to 
the IQth Proposal, they promise to transmit the decrees 
of their canons, and to receive the public and synodical 
determinations from Britain, and to take them into their 
consideration. 

The Patriarchs then proceed to the points, in which the 
Nonjurors express their agreement with the Eastern 
Church. To the first four, a general agreement is ex- 
pressed, only, with regard to the fourth, they wish them 
to add, that the Holy Ghost also " spake by the Holy 
Synods and Di^dne Fathers, and then they will be in the 
right, and not far from the truth." To the rest of the 
propositions also a general agreement is expressed ; only 
they state their belief in Seven Sacraments, though two 



100 BRETT. 

only " exceed in necessity, and are such as no one can be 
saved without them." On the question of Purgatorial 
fire, they remark : " As for Purgatorial fire, invented by 
the Papists to command the purse of the ignorant, we will 
by no means hear of it. For it is a fiction and a doting 
fable invented for lucre, and to deceive the simple, and, 
in a word, has no existence but in the imagination. There 
is no appearance or mention of it in the Holy Scriptures 
or Fathers, whatsoever the authors or abettors of it may 
clamour to the contrary." They contend, however, for 
Prayers for Saints departed. 

In the next place, the Patriarchs and Bishops proceed 
to the points of disagreement, as expressed by the Non- 
jurors, remarking that they constitute the greatest 
difficulty. " But, say they, this is not to be wondered 
at, for being born and educated in the principles of the 
Lutheran Calvinists, and possessed with their prejudices, 
they tenaciously adhere to them, like ivy to a tree, and are 
hardly drawn off." They answer the points in the order 
in which they were placed by the Nonjurors. 

To the First they say, that the proposition cannot be 
received, for they cannot allow the decrees of Synods to be 
despised. To the Second respecting the Virgin Mary, 
they say, "Here we may fairly cry out with David, ' They 
were in great fear where no fear was :' " and then they 
proceed to shew, that they do not give her divine honours. 
In replying to the Third point, they contend that the 
saints may be invocated and addressed as helpers. The 
Fourth proposition relative to the Eucharist is termed 
blasphemous, and the Patriarchs express their belief in 
Transubstantiation. To the Fifth point, respecting 
Images, they state, that to honour the saints by pictures 
is an ancient piece of devotion, which they daily practice. 
They argue at some length that the honour paid to them 
is only relative. The proposal, at the end of the points 
of disagreement, respecting a church in or near London, is 
approved of and accepted : and also that the Eastern 
Bishops, or those appointed by the Patriarch Alexandria, 



BRETT. 107 

should, in the event of a change in the government, 
perform divine service in St. Paul's in Greek and Eng- 
lish. They then recommend the translation of the Greek 
Liturgy for general use. 

At the close of the answers, it is added : 

" The answers here transcribed to the proposals sent 
from Britain, were drawn up by a sjnodical judgment and 
determination of the Eastern Church, after the most 
mature deliberation, of the Lord Jeremias, the most holy 
oecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, the new Rome, 
and the blessed and most holy Patriarchs, the Lord 
Samuel of Alexandria, and the Lord Chrysanthus of Jeni- 
salem, with the holy metropolitans, and the holy Clergy of 
the great Church of Christ in Constantinople, in council 
assembled, in the year 1718, in the month of April, day 
the 12th." 

Then follows a synodical answer to a question, respect- 
ing the sentiments of the Greek Church, sent into Britain 
in the year 1672. The same decisions are expressed as 
in the preceding answers. It was signed by thirty-seven 
Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops. Another Synodical 
Decree is also given, on the same points, bearing the date 
1691, and subscribed by several Patriarchs and Bishops. 

The following is the reply of the Nonjurors to the com- 
munication from the Patriarchs, 

" Copy of a Reply to the Answers of the Orthodox 
of the East. 

" Before the Catholic remainder of the British Church 
proceed to reply to the answers of the four most Reverend 
Patriarchs of the Catholic Oriental Church, they think 
themselves obliged to return their most hearty thanks to 
their Patriarchal Lordships for the trouble they have given 
themselves, in drawing up an answer to our proposals, 
and transmitting it to so distant a country as Great 
Britain : hoping that this charitable disposition and 
generous ardour their Patriarchal Lordships express for 



108 BRETT. 

preserving an harmony between us, and enlarging the 
union of Christendom, may be carried on to a happy 
conclusion; and as the CathoHc remnant of Britain will 
omit nothing, in order to so desirable an issue, but wil- 
lingly stretch to the utmost of their power : so ha\dng the 
satisfaction to understand, that their Patriarchal Lord- 
ships refer the difference of sentiments between us to the 
decision of the Scriptures and primitive Church, they 
have no uncomfortable prospect of a coalition. For since 
the determining rule is equally received by the Oriental 
Churches and the Catholic remainder in Britain ; since 
the inspired writings of the Old and New Testament, as 
interpreted by the .primitive Fathers, are the common 
standard of faith and worship to both, we do not despair, 
but by the blessing of God, when the case shall be further 
examined by the Catholic Oriental Church, such allow- 
ances an^ concessions may be made, as may dispose both 
parties to unite in communion with each other. And now, 
after this short mention of our wishes and regard, we shall 
proceed to sjoeak of the answer their Patriarchal Lord- 
ships have done us the honour to send us. 

As to the Articles agreed on between us, they shall 
be passed over unmentioned except as they stand in 
number. 

1, 2, 3, 4, 5. To the answers to the first five propositions 
we have nothing to except, only we conceive, that the 
British Bishops may remain independent of all the 
Patriarchs. 

6. Under this Article we never intended to prescribe to 
the wisdom, or question the learning of the Catholic 
Oriental Church, our meaning by the word vai^siix, relating 
only to points of discipline. 

7. The answer of their Patriarchal Lordships is here 
agreed to. 

8. It is likewise agreed, that the Liturgy by which we 
now oflQciate shall be translated into Greek, and trans- 
mitted to their Patriarchal Lordships to be inspected by 
them. 



BRETT. lOD 

?), 10, 11, IQ. The answer is agreed to. With respect 
to the l'2th, we believe the prayers of the living, together 
with the Eucharistic Sacrifice, are serviceable to the dead, 
for the improvement of their happiness during the interval 
between death and the resurrection, but then we declare 
no further upon this Article. 

As to the last five Articles, in which there still continue 
some differences to be adjusted, we desire to observe in 
general, that what conjectures soever the Catholic Oriental 
Church might have to suspect us of Luthero-Calvinism, 
we openly declare, that none of the distinguishing princi- 
ples of either Df those sects can fairly be charged upon us, 
and we further believe, that upon perusal of our reply 
they v»ill most readily acquit us of any such imputation. 

To come now to particulars. 

I. Our reply to the answer to the first Proposition, 
relating to the reception of the seven general Councils as 
of equal authority to the Holy Scriptures, rnvt be made 
with somewhat an abatement of regard. We willingly 
declare, we receive the faith decreed in the first six general 
Councils, as being agreeable to the Holy Scriptures, 
though our sentiments cannot advance so far as to believe 
the Fathers of those Councils assisted with an equal 
degree of inspiration with the Prophets, Evangelists, and 
Apostles ; but here we desire not to lie under any 
restraint imposed by the disciplinary of those Councils. 
To this we must subjoin, that as to the seventh general 
Council assembled at Nice, we think ourselves obliged to 
declare, that we cannot assent to the giving even the 
worship Dulia to angels or departed saints." 

They proceed to state their reasons at some length, and 
then add : — 

" As for their Patriarchal Lordships' sentiment, main- 
taining the bread and wine in the Holy Eucharist being 
changed, after consecration, into the actual body and blood 
of our Saviour, nothing of the elements remaining except- 
ing the bare accidents void of substance, we can by no 

VOL. III. K 



no BRETT. 

means agree with their Lordships' dqctrine : such a cor- 
poral presence which they call transubstantiation having 
no foundation in Scripture, and being by implication, and 
sometimes plainly denied by the most celebrated Fathers 
of the primitive Church." 

They conclude with observing that " having repre- 
snnted the difference between us, we are now to suggest a 
temper, and offer a compromise. If our liberty is left us 
therefore in the instances above mentioned ; if the Oriental 
Patriarchs, Bishops, &c. will authentically declare us not 
obliged to the invocation of saints and angels, the worship 
of images, nor the adoration of the host. If they please 
publicly and authoritatively, by an instrument signed by 
tliem, to pronounce us perfectly disengaged in these par- 
ticulars ; disengaged we say, at home and abroad, in their 
(]!hurches and in our own. These relaxing concessions 
allowed, we hope may answer the overtures on both sides 
and conciliate an union. And we further desire their 
Patriarchal Lordships, &c. would please to remember, 
that Christianity is no gradual religion, but was entire 
and perfect when the Evangelists and Apostles were 
deceased : and therefore the earliest traditions are un- 
doubtedly preferable, and the first guides the best. For 
the stream runs clearest towards the fountain head. Thus 
whatever variations there are from the original state, 
whatever crosses in belief or practice upon the earliest 
ages ought to come under suspicion. Therefore as they 
charitably put us in mind to shake off all prejudices, so we 
entreat them not to take it amiss if we humbly suggest the 
same advice. We hope therefore your Lordships' impartial 
consideration will not determine by prepossessions, or by the 
precedents of latter times, but rather be governed by the 
general usages and doctrines of the first four centuries, 
not excluding the 5th : that they will not think themselves 
unalterably bound by any solemn decisions of the East in 
the 8th century, wiiich was even then opposed by an equal 
authority in the West. And thus presuming both parties 



BRETT- HI 

will hold the balance and wish for truth to prove it, we 
are not without expectation of advancing so far towards 
uniformity, as may make up the unhappy breach, and 
close the distance between us. And to release their Patri- 
archal Lordships, we take leave with our most earnest 
prayers, ' That the All-wise and Merciful God. "^Tio 
makes men to be of one mind in an house, Who is the 
Author of peace and Lover of concord,' may graciously 
please to continue their benevolent wishes, animate their 
zeal, and direct their measures, for finishing so glorious 
a work. That the Orthodox Oriental Church and the 
Catholic remnant in Britain, may at last join in the 
solemnities of religion, and be made more intimately one 
fold under our Shepherd Jesus Christ, our blessed Lord 
and Saviour, to Whom with the Father and the Holy 
(rhost be all honour and glory, world ^\-ithout end. 
Amen." 

" This reply was concluded and delivered to some 
Greeks in London, to be by them transmitted to the Four 
Eastern Patriarchs. May QOth, ITQQ." 

Having heard also from Ai-senius, to him they likewise 
addressed a letter. " To the most venerable and wist 
Bishop Arsenius the Metropolitan of Thebais, the i"emnant 
of the Catholic bishops and clergy of Britain wish pros- 
perity." It was signed by 

Archibaldus, Scoto-Britanniae Episcopus. 

Jacobus, Scoto-Britanniae Episcopus. 

Jeremias, Primus Angio-BritanniaB Episcopus. 

Thomas, Anglo- Britanniae Episcopus. 
The last signature is that of Brett. 

In a letter addressed by Arsenius in 17'^-2 to "the Lord 
Jeremias, Lord Archibaldus, Lord Thomas, and Lord 
James,"' (Lord Thomas being Bishop Brett,) it was pro- 
posed that two of their pai'ty should be sent to Piussia for 
the purpose of mutual and friendly conferences, and this 
is stated to be the wish of the Emperor. The proposition 
was also made in a letter from the Russian Governinir 



112 BRETT. 

Council, dated August 25tli, 17-i3 ; who forwarded another 
letter to the Non-juring Bishops the year following. This 
document is addressed " To the Most Reverend the 
Bishops o-f the Catholic Church in Great Britain, our 
dearest brothers." It is called " The Orthodox Confession 
of the Apostolical, Catholic, and Oriental Church of 
Christ." A Synod had been assembled to consider the 
previous answer of the Non-juring Bishops ; and the 
decision was now transmitted to England. They acknow- 
ledge the reception of the Nonjurors' reply ; but they add^ 
that they have nothing further to remark, in addition to 
their previous answer. They state, however, that the doc- 
trines have been decided upon, and " that it is neither 
lawful to add any thing to them nor take any thing from 
them : and that those, who are disposed to agree with us in 
the divine doctrines of the orthodox faith, must necessarily 
follow and submit to what has been defined and deter- 
mined, by ancient Fathers and the holy (Ecumenical 
Synods from the time of the Apostles and their holy suc- 
cessors, the Fathers of our Church to this time. We say 
they must submit to them, with sincerity and obedience,, 
and without any scruple or dispute. And this is a sufifi- 
cient answer to what you have written," With this letter 
they forward " x\n Exposition of the Orthodox Faith" of 
the Eastern Church, agreed upon in a Synod called the 
Synod of Jerusalem, 1672, and printed in 1675. With 
resj^ct to "custom and ecclesiastical order, and for the 
form and discipline of administering the Sacraments, they 
will be easily settled," say they, " when (mce an union 
is effected. For it is evident from ecclesiastical history, 
that there have been and now are different customs and 
regulations in different places and Churches, and that the 
unity of faith and doctrine is preserved the same." This 
letter is signed by the Patriarchs and several Archbishops 
and Bishops, and dated September 1723, from Constan- 
tinople. 

The Non-jurors were unable to send their deputies im- 
mediately, and on the death of the Emperor the matter 



BRETT. 113 

was dropped. But it was not only the death of the Czar 
that put a stop to the negociations, but also the indiscre- 
tion of the Patriarch of Jerusalem in writing to Wake, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and sending copies of the 
proposals to him. Archbishop Wake most probably 
regarded the whole affair as unworthy of notice, and 
behaved very geuerously by not exposing the papers, or 
suffering them to be ridiculed. 

Shortly before this the Non-juring communion was broken 
into two sections, under their respective leaders. Both 
parties were hostile to the National Church : but Spinkes, 
w^ith his supporters, dissented only on the questions of the 
Oaths and the Prayers for the reigning Sovereign ; while 
Collier and Brett, and those who concurred with them, 
introduced, as we have seen, a New Communion Office. 
involving several important practices, which had been 
deliberately rejected by the Church of England. After 
this separation, much bitterness was manifested in the 
controversy, which was carried on between the two 
sections : and some from both parties sought refuge in the 
bosom of the National Church. 

In the year 1722, Brett united with Collier and the 
Scottish Bishop Campbell to increase the number of 
Bishops in their section, and consecrated John Griffin. 

During all this period Brett was actively employed 
as an author. He published. An Account of Church 
Government and Governors, wherein is showed that the 
government of the Church of England is most agreeable 
to that of the Primitive Church ; for the instruction of a 
near relation, who had been brought up among the Dis- 
senters, London, 1707, 8vo. The Authority of Pres- 
byters Vindicated. Two Letters on the times wherein 
Marriage is said to be prohibited, London, 1708, 4to. 
A Letter to the Author of Lay-Baptism Invalid ; wherein 
the Doctrine of Lay-Baptism, taught in a Sermon, said to 

have been preached by the B of S y, Nov. 1710, 

is censured and condemned by all Pieformed Churches, 

K '2 



114 BRETT. 

London, 1711. A Sermon on Remission of Sins, John xx, 
21 — 23, London, 1712. The Doctrine of Remission &c.r 
ExjDlained and Vindicated. With this sermon he also 
published, in 1715, five others. On the Honour of the 
Christian Priesthood ; the Extent of Christ's Commis- 
sion to Baptize ; the Christian Altar and Sacrifice ; the 
Dangers of a Relapse ; and. True Moderation. The 
Extent of Christ's Commission to Baptize, with the Letter 
to the Author of Lay-Baptism Invalid, was answered by 
Mr. Bingham, in his Scholastic History of Lay-Baptism ;: 
and being reflected upon by the Bishop of Oxford in a 
Charge, he wrote, An Inquiry into the Judgment and 
Practice of the Primitive Church, &c., in answer thereto, 
London, 1713. And upon Mr. Bingham's reply, he pub- 
lished, A farther Inquiry, &c., 1714; A Review of the 
Lutheran principles, showing how they differ from the 
Church of England, &c. ; A Vindication of himself from 
thj Calumnies cast upon him in some Newspapers, falsely 
charging him with turning Papist ; in a Letter to the 
Plon. Arch. Campbell, Esq., London, 1715. Dr. Bennet's 
Concessions to the Non-jurors proved destructive to the 
Cause he endeavours to defend, 1717. The Independency 
of the Church upon the State, as to its pure spiritual 
Powers, &c. 1717. The Divine Right of Episcopacy, &c. 
1718; and, in the same year. Tradition necessary to ex- 
plain and interpret the Holy Scriptures, with a Postscript 
in answer to No Sufficient Reason, &c., and a Preface, 
with Remarks on Tolands Nazarenus ; and a further 
Proof of the Necessity of Tradition, &c. A Vindication of 
the Postscript, in answer to No Just Grounds, &c. 1720. 
A Discourse concerning the Necessity of discerning Christ's 
Body in the Holy Communion, London, 1720. A Disser- 
tation on the Principal Liturgies used by the Christian 
Church in the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, 1720. 
He is also supposed to have written. Some Discourses on 
the Ever- blessed Trinity, in the same year. Of Degrees 
in the University, a Dissertation in the Biblioth. Liter. 
No. 1. An Essay on the various English Translations of 



BREVIXT. 115 

the Bible, No. 4. Au Historical Essay concerning Arith- 
metical Figures, No. 8, with an Appendix to it, No. 10, 
lT'-i2 — 23 — 24, in4to. An Instruction to a Person newlj 
Confirmed, &g. 1725. A Chronological Essay on the 
Sacred History, &c., in defence of the Computation of the 
Septuagint, with an Essay on the Confusion of Languages, 
1729. A General History of the World, &c. 1732. An 
Answer to the Plain Account of the Sacrament, in 1735-6. 
Some Remarks on Dr. Waterland's Review of the Doctrine 
of the Eucharist, &c., with an Appendix, in answer to his 
Charges, 1741. A Letter to a Clergyman, showing why 
the Hebrew Bibles differ from the Septuagint, 1743. 
Four Letters between a Gentleman and a Clergyman, con- 
cerning the necessity of Episcopal Communion for the 
.valid administration of Gospel Ordinances, 1743. The 
Life of Mr. John Johnson, A.M., prefixed to his Post- 
humous Tracts, in 1748; with several Prefaces to the 
works of others, particularly a very long one to Hart's Bul- 
wark Stormed, &c. In 1760, was published, a Disserta- 
tion on the Ancient Versions of the Bible ; a second 
edition, prepared for the press by the Author, and now 
first published, 8vo. 

Sir John Hawkins informs us that Dr. Johnson derived 
his opinion of the lawfulness of praying for the dead, from 
the controversy on the subject in 1715, agitated between 
certain Nonjuring Divines, and particularly from the 
aiguments of Bishop Brett. 

Brett died at his house in Spring Grove on the 5th of 
March, 1743, leaving behind him the character of a pious 
as well as a learned man. — Lathbury's History of the No?i- 
jurors. Master's History of C. C. C. Cambridge. Hawkins's 
Life of Johnson. 

BREVINT, DA^'IEL. 

Daniel Brevint was born in the Isle of Jersey, in 
1616, and received there his primary education. Before 
tije revocation of the edict of Nantes, and till Charles I., 



116 BREVINT. 

by Archbishop Laud's persuasion, founded three fellow- 
ships in the colleges of Pembroke, Exeter, and Jesus, at 
Oxford, for Jersey and Guernsey alternately, young men 
of those Islands, designed for the ministry, were too often 
sent to study among the protestants in France, particularly 
at Saumur. Here Brevint studied logic and philosophy. 
In 1638, he was incorporated master of arts at Oxford, as 
he stood at Saumur ; and the same year was chosen to be 
the first fellow at Jesus College, upon the foundation just 
mentioned. But he did not retain his fellowship long. 
The presbyterians and dissenters, obtaining power, ejected 
every Christian of the Church of England out of his pre- 
ferment whatever it was. And Brevint was deprived of 
his fellowship in 1643. He then withdrew to his native 
country ; and, upon the reduction of that place by the , 
Parliament's forces, fled into France, and became pastor 
of a protestant congregation in Normandy. Soon after 
the Viscount de Turenne, afterwards Marshall of France, 
whose lady was distinguished for her piety, appointed him 
one of his chaplains. Whilst he held this office, he was 
one of the persons employed in the design of reconciling 
the protestant and popish religions ; which gave him an 
access into, and made him acquainted with, every corner 
of the Romish Church, as he says himself. At the Resto- 
ration, Brevint returned to England, and was presented 
by Charles II., who had known him abroad, to the tenth 
prebend in the cathedral of Durham. Dr. Cosin, bishop 
of that see, who had been his fellow-sufferer, also collated 
him to a living in his diocese. In February, 1661, he 
took the degree of doctor of divinity at Oxford ; and in 
December, 1681, he was promoted to the deanery of Lin- 
coln. Duiing his exile he had seen the worst features of 
popery, and all the dishonest arts used to support it ; and 
consequently in 1672 he published his Missale Romano- 
rum ; or, the Death and Mystery of the Roman Mass laid 
open and explained, for the use of both reformed and un- 
reformed Christians. He was one of those sound divines 
who contended against popery on catholic principles, as 



BREYINT. 117 

may be seen from the following passages taken from this 
work. He vigorously opposes what he shews to be the 
main intention of the Mass, namely, to offer up to 
God the Father the Body and Blood of his Son. 
"This," says he, "is the grand object of Rome's Catholic 
religion ; and whosoever every morning goes to that 
Church, it is in order to have some share in this un- 
reasonable service. 

" For, both in reason and Scripture, we are to offer 
ourselves to God ; which St. Paul calls our ' reasonable 
service.' Rom. xii. 1. We must, likewise, offer our prayers, 
praises, elevation of hearts, tears of contrition, virtuous 
thoughts, just and charitable vows and works, &c., which, 
in opjDosition to the flesh and blood of Levitical sacrifices, 
the ancient fathers used to call 'sacrifices without blood.' 
We must also celebrate, and in a manner offer to God, 
and expose and lay before him the holy memorials of that 
great sacrifice on the cross, the only foundation of God's 
mercies and of our hopes, in like manner as faithful 
Israelites did, at every occasion, represent unto God that 
covenant of His with Abraham their father, as the original 
conveyance of blessings settled on his posterity. And this 
is the ' sacramental priestly office' in the Areopagite, the 
' commemorative sacrifice' in St. Chrysostom, and the 
' sacrifice after the order of Melchisedek' in St, Theodoret, 
which we solemnly do offer in the celebration of holy 
mysteries. All these things, I say, and whatsoever else 
depends on them, it is our duty to offer to God and to 
Christ, or rather to God by Christ. But that we should 
offer also Christ Himself, our Lord and our God, to Whom 
we must offer ourselves ; it is a piece of devotion never 
heard of among men, till the Mass came in to bring such 
news. 

" Because it was the general custom of primitive Chris- 
tians, never to receive the holy Sacrament but after they 
had made their offerings, out of which the two elements of 
bread and wine, being set apart and consecrated, and 
then, by an ordinary manner of speech, called the Body 



1 18 BREVINT. 

and Blood of Christ ; the word, as well as the act of 
otfering, got so large and common a use in two distinct 
offices, as to signifj' the whole service ; which St. Augus- 
tine more distinctly calls ' offering' and ' receiving ; ' that 
is, offering the bread and wine before, and receiving part 
of it after it was consecrated. And really the whole 
service was little more than a continued oblation. For 
Christians, before the Sacrament, offered their gifts ; and, 
after it, offered their prayers, their praises, and themselves. 
And this was the constant and solemn oblation of the 
Church, until dark and stupid ages, w^hich by degrees 
have hatched transubstantiation in the bosom of the 
Roman Church, have at last improved it to this horrid 
direful semce, which mainly aims at this, to offer upon 
an altar, not the bread and wine as before, but the very 
Body and Blood of Christ. 

"And because these public offices about the holy 
Sacrament are, in antiquity, commonly called sacrifices, 
as being standing memorials of the true sacrifice of 
Christ, the Church of Rome is now pleased to mistake 
these 'antitypes' and 'representations,' as the ancient 
Church calls them, of the sufferings of Christ, for Christ 
Himself, represented by the antitypes ; and upon this 
mistake she now builds up altars in e^ery corner of her 
temples, thereon not only to offer, but also to sacrifice the 
Son of God." 

The next year he published or reprinted the Christian 
Sacrament and Sacrifice, by way of discourse, meditation, 
and prayer, upon the nature, parts, and blessings of the 
holy communion. This celebrated work was eulogized by 
Dr. Waterland, and reprinted at his suggestion in 1739. 
In it he still maintains his orthodox view of the euchar- 
istic sacrifice. '* It must be granted," he says, " that the 
Holy Communion is not only a Sacrament, that the wor- 
shipper is to come to for no other pui-pose, than to receive ; 
nor a sacrifice only, where he should have nothing else to 
do, but to give : but it is as the great solemnity of the 
ancient passover was, whereof it hath taken place ; a great 



BREVIXT. 119 

mystery, consisting both of Sacrament and sacrifice, that 
is, of the religious service which the people owe to God, 
and of the full salvation which God is pleased to promise 
to His people. 

" It is a certain truth, that there never was on earth a 
true religion without some kind of sacrifices : and it is a 
very great lie to say that now the Christian should want 
them 

" Of all the carnal sacrifices, which the Jews do reduce 
to six kinds, (besides many more oblations,] none ever had 
any saving reality, as to the washing away of sins, but in 
dependence on Jesus Christ our Lord ; and as to our ser- 
vice and duty towards God, which they were also to repre- 
sent, none had this second end so fully performed under 
the Law as it must be under the Gospel. The blessed 
Communion alone, when whole and not mutilated, concen- 
ters and brings together these two great ends (full expia- 
tion of sins, and acceptable duty to God,) towards which 
all the old sacrifices never looked, but as either simple 
engagements, or weak shadows. As for the first, which is 
expiation of sins, it is most certain that the sacrifice of 
Jesus Christ alone hath been sufficient for it : . . . . And 
the reiteration of it were not only superfluous as to its 
real effect, but also most injurious to Christ in the very 
thought and attempt. 

•'Nevertheless, this sacrifice, which by a real oblation 
was not to be offered more than once, is, by an eucharis- 
tical and devout commemoration, to be offered up every 
day. This is what the Apostle calls, to * set forth the 
death of the Lord,' — to set it forth, I say, as well before 
the eyes of God His Father, as before the eyes of all men, 
— and St. Augustine did explain, when he said that the 
holy flesh of Jesus Christ was offered up in three manners; 
by prefiguring sacrifices under the Law, before His coming 
into the world ; in real deed upon the cross ; and by a 
commemorative Sacrament, after He is ascended into hea- 
ven. All comes to this — First, that the sacrifice, as it is 
itself and in itself, it can never be reiterated ; yet, by way 



120 BREVINT. 

of devout celebration and remembrance, it may neverthe- 
less be reiterated every day. Secondly, that whereas the 
holy Eucharist is by itself a Sacrament, wherein God 
offers unto all men the blessings merited by the oblation 
of His Son, it likewise becomes, by our remembrance, a 
kind of sacrifice also ; whereby, to obtain at His hands 
the same blessings, we present and expose before His eyes 
that same holy and precious oblation once offered. Thus 
the ancient Israelites did continually represent, in their 
solemn prayers to God, that covenant which He had made 
once with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, their forefathers. 
Thus did the Jews, in their captivity, turn their faces 
towards either the country or to the temple, where the 
mercy-seat and the ark were, which were the memorials of 
His promises, and the Sacramental engagement of His 
blessings. And thus the Christians in their prayers do 
every day insist upon, and represent to God the Father 
the meritorious passion of their Saviour, as the only sure 
ground, whereon both God may give, and they obtain the 
blessings which they do pray for. Now, neither the Israel- 
ites had ever temple, or ark, or mercy-seat, nor the Chris- 
tians have any ordinance, devotion, or mystery, that may 
prove to be such a blessed and effectual instrument to 
reach this everlasting sacrifice, and to set it out so 
solemnly before the eyes of God Almighty, as the holy 
Eucharist is. To men it is a sacred table, where God's 
minister is ordered to represent from God his master the 
passion of His dear Son, as still fresh and still powerful 
for their eternal salvation : and to God it is an altar, 
whereon men mystically lepresent to Him the same sacri- 
fice, as still bleeding and sueing for expiation and mercy. 
And because it is the High Priest Himself, the true 
anointed of the Lord, Who hath set up most expressly 
both this table and this altar for these two ends, namely, 
for the communication of His body and blood to men, and 
for the representation and memorial of both to God : it 
cannot be doubted, but that the one must be most advan- 
tageous to the penitent sinner, and the other most accept- 



BREVINT. 1^1 

able to that good and gracious Father, Who is always 
pleased in His Son, and Who loves of Himself the repent- 
ing and the sincere returning of His children, Luke xv. 
22. Hence one may see both the great use and advantage 
of more frequent communion ; and how much it concenis 
us, whensoever we go to receive it, to lay out all our 
wants, and pour out all our grief, our prayers, and our 
praises, before the Lord in so happy a conjuncture. The 
primitive Christians did it so, who did as seldom meet to 
preach or pray, without a Communion, as did the old 
Israelites to worship, without a Sacrifice. On solemn 
days especially, or upon great exigencies, they ever used 
this help of sacramental oblation, as the most powerful 
means the Church had to strengthen their supplications, 
to open the gates of heaven, and to force in a manner God 
and His Christ, to have compassion on them. The people 
of Israel, for the better performance of prayer and devo- 
tion, went up to the Tabernacle and the Temple, because 
(besides other motives) both these were figures of that 
Body which was to be sacrificed. Wherefore Christ calls 
His body ** this temple," John ii. 19 ; and the first 
Christians went up to their churches, there to meet with 
these mysteries, which do represent Him both as already 
sacrificed, and yet as in some sort offering and giving up 
Himself. Those, in worshipping, ever turned their eyes, 
their hearts, their hopes towards that Altar and Sacrifice, 
whence the High Priest was to carry the Blood into the 
sanctuaiy: and these, looking towards the Cross and 
their crucified Saviour there, through His sufferings hope 
for a way towards heaven ; being encouraged to this hope 
by the very memorial which they both take to themselves 
and show to God of these sufferings. Lastly, Jesus, our 
eternal Priest, being from the Cross, where He suffered 
without the gate, gone up into the true sanctuary which is 
in heaven, there above doth continually present both His 
Body in true reality, and us as Aaron did the twelve 
tribes of Israel, in a memorial. Exod. xxviii. 20. and, 

VOL. TII. L 



U)i BREVINT. 

on the other side, we, beneath in the Church, present 
to God His Body and Blood in a memorial, that, 
under this shadow of His Cross, and image of His 
Sacrifice, we may present ourselves before Him in very 
deed and reality." 

A little afterwards he observes, "it is either the error, 
or the incogitancy of too many Christians, which makes 
them sometimes believe, and oftener live as if, under the 
Gospel, there were no other Sacrifice but that of Christ 
upon the Cross. It is very true, indeed, there is no other, 
nor can there be any other sufficient, and proper for this 
end, of satisfying God's justice, and expiating our sins. 
' I have trodden the wine-press alone ; and of the people 
there was none with Me ; I looked, and there was none to 
help." Isaiah Ixiii. 3, 5. In this respect, though the 
whole Church should, in a body, offer up herself as a 
burnt Sacrifice to God, yet could she not contribute more 
towards the bearing up or bearing away ' the wrath to 
come,' than all those innocent souls, who stood near 
Jesus Christ when He gave up the ghost, did towards the 
darkening of the sun, or the shaking of the whole earth. 
But that which is not so much as useful, much less neces- 
sary, to this eternal sacrifice which alone could redeem 
mankind, is indispensably both necessary and useful, 
that we may have a share in this redemption. So that if 
the sacrifice of ourselves, which we ought to offer up to 
God, cannot procure salvation, it is absolutely necessary 
to receive it." 

Again, he observes, " whensoever Christians approach, 
to this dreadful mystery, and to the Lamb of God, ' lying 
and sacrificed' (as some say that the holy Nicene Council 
speaks,) ' upon the holy table,' it concerns their main 
interest, in point of salvation, as well as other duties, to 
take a special care not to lame and deprive the grand. 
Sacrifice of its own due attendance : but to behave them- 
selves in that manner that, as both the principal and 
additional sacrifices were consumed by the same fire, and 



BREVINT. l-^a 

went up towards heaven in the the same flame, so Jesus 
Christ and all His members may jointly appear before 
God : this in a Sacramental mystery, these, with their 
real bodies and souls, ofiering themselves at the same 
time, in the same place, and by the same oblation." 

He states further, " though Christ our blessed Saviour, 
by that everlasting and ever same Sacrifice of Himself, 
offer Himself virtually up on all occasions : and we, on 
our side, also, offer ourselves, and what is ours, with Him 
several other ways, besides that of the Holy Communion : 
nevertheless, because Christ offers Himself for us at the 
Holy Communion in a more solemn and pubhc sacra- 
mental way, — (thence it comes, that the memorial of the 
Sacrifice of Christ thereby celebrated, takes commonly the 
name of the Sacrifice itself, as St. Austin explains it 
often,) — we are then obliged, in a more special manner, 
to renew all our sacrifices, all the vows of our baptism, all 
the first fruits of our conversion, and all the particular 
promises which, it may be, we have made." 

In 1674 he published Saul and Samuel at Endor, or the 
New Ways of Salvation and Service, which usually tempt 
men to Rome, and detain them there, truly represented and 
refuted ; reprinted 1688; at the end of which is A Brief 
Account of R. F., his Missale Vindicatum, or Vindication 
of the Roman Mass, being an answer to The Depth and 
Mystery of the Roman Mass, before-mentioned. Besides 
the above works, he published in Latin, Ecclesise primi- 
tivse Sacramentum et Sacrificium, a Pontificiis coniiptelis, 
et exinde natis Controversiis libenim, written at the 
desire of the Princesses of Turenne and Bouillon. Eu- 
charistiae Praesentia realis, et Pontificia ficta, luculentissi- 
mis non Testimoniis modo, sed etiam Fundamentis, 
quibus fere tota SS. Patrum Theologia nititur, haec 
explosa, ilia suffulta et asserta. Pro Serenissima Principe 
Weimariensi ad Theses Jenenses accurata Responsio. 
Ducentae plus minus Praelectiones in S. Matthaei xxv. 
capita, et aliorum Evangelistarum locos hisce passim 
parallelos. He also translated into French, The judgment 



1^4 BRIDFERTH. 

of the University of Oxford concerning the solemn League 
and Covenant. He died on the 5th of May, 1695. — 
Wood's AthencD and Fasti. Walkers Sufferings of the 
Clergy. Willis s Smrey of the Cathedral of Lincoln. 
Brevinfs Works. 



BRIDFEETH. 

Bridferth was bora in the tenth century, and having 
received his education in France, became, as Leland 
supposes, a monk of Thorney. He was celebrated as a 
mathematician, and in the school of Ramsey was a pro- 
fessor of science. He wrote commentaries on the two 
treatises of Bede, De Natura Rerum, and De Temporum 
Ratione. Two other works are also attributed to him, 
De Principiis Mathematecis Lib. 1., and De Institutione 
Monachorum Lib. 1., — in addition to these Mabillon 
regards him as author of the Life of Dunstan, in the Acta 
Sanctorum. All these vrorks are valuable, as illustrating 
both the learning and the mode of thought peculiar to the 
age. — Wright. Leland. Pits. 



BRIDGE, WILLIAM. 

William Bridge was born in 1600. He was a fellow 
of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where he took his 
master's degree ; and afterwards settled as a minister at 
Norwich, till he was silenced for non- conformity, when he 
went to Rotterdam, and was chosen pastor of an indepen- 
dent congregation. In 1642 he returned to England, and 
was appointed one of the Westminster assembly. He had 
also the living of Great Yarmouth, from which he was 
ejected after the Restoration, and died in 1670. His 
works, which are rigidly calvinistic, were published in two 
vols. 4to. — Calamy. 



BRISTOW. 105 



BKIDGEWATER, JOHN. 



John Bridgewater was bom iu Yorkshire, of a Somer- 
setshire family. He was educated at Hart Hall, Oxford, 
after which he became a member of Brazenose College, 
where he took his master's degree in 1556, and was 
so(m after ordained. He was a decided Eomanizer, 
but remained in the Catholic Church of England, and 
became rector of Lincoln College, canon of Wells, and 
Archdeacon of Rochester; but, in 1574, he resigned his 
rectorship, and went over to Rome. He then quitted the 
kingdom, and went to the college for English Roman 
Catholics at Douay ; he afterwards settled in Germany, 
where he died about 1600. He published, Concertatio 
Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia, 4to Confutatio virulentae 
Disputationis Theologicag, in qua Georgius John Prof. 
Acad. Heidelberg, conatus est docere, Pontificem Roma- 
num esse Antichristum, &c. 1589, 4to. An account of 
the Six Articles, usually proposed to the missionaries that 
suffered in England. — Dod. Wood. 



BRISTOW, RICHARD. 

Richard Bristow was born at Worcester, in 1538. 
Pits asserts that in 1555 he entered at Exeter College, 
Oxford, but Wood doubts this ; it is certain that he was a 
member of Christ Church when he took his masters 
degi'ee in 156"2. In 1566 he was selected with Campian 
to entertain Queen Elizabeth on her visit to the university, 
with a public disputation ; and in the following year he 
was appointed a fellow of Exeter College. He was at this 
time suspected of Romanizing propensities which inter- 
fered with his prospect of further preferment. And the 
suspicions were proved to be too true, as in 1569 he fell 
into schism, left his college, and quitted the kingdom. 
He went toLouvain, and by Cardinal x\llenwas made the 

VOL. III. M 



1-26 BRISTOW. 

first moderator in the English college by him founded at 
Douay, took upon him the priesthood, being the first in 
that college who did so, and read the first public lectnre 
of divinity there. Afterwards, upon Dr. Allen's instituting 
another seminary at Rheiras, Bristo-w was sent for, and 
the care of that place was committed to him also in 1579, 
a substitute being provided at Douay : about which time 
he tot)k the degree in divinity, partly at Douay and partly 
at Louvain, and became, says Wood, famous in those parts 
for his religion and learning. He privately returned to 
England shortly after, by his physician's advice, to try the 
effect of his native air, in consequence of a pulmonary 
complaint, and died near Harrow, October 18, 1581. He 
published, — 1. A Brief Treatise of divers plain and sure 
Ways to find out the Tiuth in this doubtful and dangerous 
time of heresy ; containing sundry motives unto the Catholic 
Faith, or Considerations to move a Man to believe the 
Catholics and not the Heretics, Antwerp, 1599. These 
motives were answered by Dr. Will. Fulke, of Cambridge. 
And Bristow published, — 2. A Reply to Will. Fulke, in 
Defence of Dr. Allen's Scroul of Articles and Book of 
Purgatory, Lov. 1580. Dr. Fulke published a rejoinder 
the year following. 3. Anti-Haeretica Motiva, omnibus 
Catholicee Doctrinse Orthodoxis cultoribus pemecessaria, 
Atrebat. 1608, in two vols, 4to. This large book, which 
contains most if not all the former motives, was translated 
into Latin by Thomas Worthington, a secular priest, 
afterwards a Jesuit, in 1606, and by him pubHshed at 
Arras two years after. 4. Demands (fifty-one in number) 
to be proposed by Catholics to the Heretics. Several- 
times printed in 8vo. This also was answered in a book 
entitled. To the Seminary Priests late come over, some 
like Gentlemen, &c. Lond. 1592. 5. A Defence of the 
Bull of Pope Pius V. He also collected, and for the most 
part wrote, Annotations on the New Testament, translated 
into English at Rheims : and was also, as it seems, author 
of- Veritates iVureaj S. R. Ecclesioe, Autoritatibus vet. 
Patrum, &c. Ui^.—Dod. Pits. Tanner. Wood. 



BROKESBY. ur 

BRITirS, OR ST. BRICE. 

Britius was bishop of Tours, and successor of St. ^lar- 
tin in that see. He died on the ] 3th of Xovember, 444, 
but although his name is honoured as that of a saint in 
the calendar of the Church of England, little seems to l^ 
known of him except that having in his youth been 
addicted to licentious pleasures, he became a sincere 
penitent 

BROKESBY, FRA^'CIS. 

Francis Brokesby was bom at Stoke in Leicestershire, 
September :29th, 1C37, and was educated at Cambridge, 
where he became a fellow of Trinity College, and took 
his B.D. degree in 1666. He afterwards married and 
became rector of Rowley, near Hull, in the East Riding 
ot Yorkshire. 

The case in view became a case in fact in 1710, when 
Brokesby, together with Dodwell and Nelson, again con- 
formed to the Establishment. Lloyd, the deprived Bishop 
of Norwich, was now dead. Of the deprived bishops, 
therefore. Ken only survived, and Ken had actually re- 
signed his pretensions and claims to Hoopoi', who suc- 
ceeded Kidder in the diocese of Bath and Wells. Dodwell 
and others applied to Ken to know if he cliallenged their 
subjection : who replied, that he did not, and who further 
expressed his wish, that the breach might now be closed 
by their union with the bishops in possession of the sees. 
The particulars connected with the return of Dodwell, 
Nelson, Brokesby, and others to the National Church, are 
so full of interest that they demand our special notice. 
Dodwell writes to a friend, under the date of January 1 Ith. 
1709-10, Lloyd having died only ten days before, con- 
cerning the schism. The letter is as follows : 

" I have received yours, and have already written to 
my Lord of Bath and Wells, as the only sumvor of the 
invalidly deprived bishops, and as thereby having it in 



1-28 BROKESBY. 

his power now to free not only his private diocese, but the 
whole National Church, from the schism introduced by 
filling the sees, which were no otherwise empty than by 
the invalid deprivations. This I take to be sufficient upon 
our principles, who cannot justify our separate communion 
on any other account than that of the schism, provided 
there be no other, whom we do not yet know of, who does 
claim, and can prove a better title to some one episcopal 
altar of our National Church by succession to some of our 
deceased fathers, than the present incumbents, 

" This 1 had no mind to signify to Mr. K before 

others in his shop, when he would have me declare myself 
satisfied, that the schism would end with the life of my 
Lord of Norwich. I had no mind then to intimate the 
case of clandestine consecrations by our deceased Fathers, 
before persons who were not concerned for the satisfaction 
of their own consciences : but might thence easily take 
occasion to represent my case as the same with theirs : 
that the Case in View would immediately fall out upon the 
decease of my Lord of Norwich. 

" But if my Lord of Bath and Wells declare he will not 
«o far insist on his right, as to justify our separate com- 
munions upon his account : we must then enquire, whe- 
ther any claim appear derived from his deceased brethren, 
for keeping any one see full, which had been otherwise 
vacant by their death : and what evidence appears for 
supporting that claim : and whether that evidence be 
satisfactory ? And the information concerning these facts 
must be expected from our friends in London. But it 
will, I believe, be most prudent not to enquire into secrets, 
the discovery of which may be dangerous to the persons 
concerned in them. The persons concerned in a good 
right so derived, may, and that commendably, in prospect 
of the peace which may follow from their concealment of 
what they have to say upon that argument, waive their 
right, how good soever otherwise. And we have reason to 
presume it is their design to do so, if they do not claim 
their right at this proper time of claiming it, and publish 



BROKESBY. 12V^ 

tbeir evidences for the satisfaction of the ecclesiastical sul>- 
jects. x\nd we may securely practice", as if they had no 
right at all, as presuming that they have waived it. Nor 
can there be any schism without a known altar, against 
which an opposite altar may be erected. It will not 
therefore be sufficient to prove them validly consecrated 
bishops, unless they were also put in possession of some 
particular Church, by the same pro\'incial Synod, by 
which they were consecrated. Which I am apt to think 
was a thing not foreseen, if there were any such clan- 
destine consecrations. 

" The other arguments, distinct from this of the schism, 
cannot, I think, be justifiable upon catholic principles. 
Nor can we therefore second our brethren who will con- 
tinue the separation upon them. The adjusting these 
things will require some time before we can be resolved 
what to do. And the respite will be convenient for 
the unanimity even of those who act upon the same 
principles. 

" Thus you have my thoughts, in short, concerning 
this whole matter. It concerns us all to join our prayers, 
that our own concord be broken as little as is possible, 
by our reconciliation into one communion with our 
adversaries." 

This is a most interesting and important document, as 
expressive of Dodwell's views on the question of the con- 
tinuance of the separation. It is clear too that Dodwell 
was uncertain about the new consecrations. He had 
evidently heard a rumour of such a thing, but he had no 
positive knowledge of the fact. He writes from Shottes- 
brooke again nearly two months later, under the date of 
March 2nd, to another friend. At this time he had 
received Ken's answer. 

" Since the decease of my Lord of Norwich, 1 have writ- 
ten to the excellent bishop Ken, as the last survivor of the 
invalidly deprived bishops, and have received his answer: 
as I have also seen another answer to another person, who 



130 BROKESBY. 

consulted him on the same occasion. Both are veiy full 
in owning his not insisting on his just right. 

" By these therefore and other informations, we are 
here fuUy satisfied, that there is not now any longer any 
altar in our National- Church opposite to another altar of 
the same Church, that can justify the continuance of our 
separation. Accordingly our two families here were at 
Church on Febmary the 26th, the first Sunday in Lent. 

"But there are several, who still scruple the prayers. 
Endeavours are however using, that this diflference of 
practice may make as little animosities in our flock as 
may he : whose endeavours will deserve the prayers of all 
who desire the good as well as the peace of this afflicted 
Church."' 

The other letter from Ken, to which Dodwell alludes, 
was undoubtedly one which was sent to Nelson. Thus, 
writing to a friend on the same subject, under date of 
February '^Ist, 1709-10, Nelson says: 

"In order to satisfy your inquiry, I can acquaint you, 
that I have received a letter from Bishop Ken, who assures 
me, ' that he was always against that practice which he 
foresaw would perpetuate the schism, and declared against 
it, and that he had acted accordingly, and would not have 
it laid at his door, having made a recess (as he says) for a 
much more worthy person: and he apprehends it was 
always the judgment of his brethren, that the death of the 
canonical bishops would render the invaders canonical, in 
regard the schism is not to last always.' Afterwards his 
lordship adds this : ' I presume Mr. Dodwell, and others 
with him, go to church, though I myself do not, being a 
public person : but to communicate with my successor in 
that part of the ofiSce which is unexceptionable, I should 
make no difficulty.' 

" This letter I communicated to Mr. Dodwell when in 
town, which he thought clear enough for closing the 
schism, and I suppose in a short time he may have one 
to the same purpose." 



BROKESBY. 131 

On the 5th of March, Brokeshv writes to a gentleman 
on the same subject for Dodwell, whose weak sight at that 
time prevented him from writing himself. He cites 
Ken's answer to Dodwell, the same in substance as that 
to Nelson. It was as follows : 

" In that you are pleased to ask me, whether I insist 
on my episcopal claim ? my answer is, that I do not : and 
that I have no reason to insist on it, in regard that I 
made cession to my present most worthy successor : who 
came into the fold with my free consent and approbation. 
As for any clandestine claim, my judgment was always 
against it : and I have nothing to do with it, foreseeing 
that it would perpetuate a schism, which I found very 
afflicting to good people scattered in the country, where 
they could have no divine offices performed." 

Brokesby adds : 

" We are here satisfied the schism is at an end, when 
there is no altar against altar, nor any other Bishops but 
Suffi-agans to require our subjection. And therefore we 
go all to church." 

Much correspondence took place at this period between 
the Nonjurors, since many dissented from Dod well's view. 
Brokesby, as well as Dodwell, enters largely upon the 
subject. In a letter of October 1 9th, 1710, he thus 
writes : 

" That we could not communicate with the present 
possessors fonnerly because there was altar against altar ; 
which cannot now be said : that we could not communi- 
cate with them while our excellent fathers were alive : 
that these might if they had pleased have ordained 
bishops into vacant sees : that this was not done, (which 
alone could have hindered it) and hence upon the death of 
our deprived fathers a right accnied to the present posses- 
sors, there being none else who could justly challenge it : 
that when our deprived fathers consecrated other bishops, 
they capacitated them to perform episcopal functions, gave 
them a right to ordain others, and hereby a power to pre- 
vent the failure of this order, which might otherwise be 



132 BROKESBY. 

feared as in Scotland : and they might have commissioned 
them to exercise their episcopal offices : but they could 
not commission them to do it after their deaths, the com- 
mission determining with the life of their commissioner, 
nor could give them right to act in full sees." 

Brokesby alludes to a report, that the deprived bishops 
agreed that a power was given the new bishops, that is, 
Hickes and Wagstaff, equal to that of the Bishop of Nor- 
wich, and that it was to be exercised after the death 
of the bishops. He says in reply: "It can hardly be 
imagined that those wise and good men should grant such 
a power; in that if they had had a mind in their life time 
to have closed the schism, this might have precluded them 
from doing it. But further, this power could not have 
been granted without an unanimous consent of all the 
deprived bishops, in that if any one had stood out this 
would have rendered the grant invalid, because he might 
have insisted on his own right : now we have reason to 
think that Bishop Ken never concurred to the grant of 
such a power." 

Another letter was written by Brokesby to the same 
party, dated 18th November, 1710. It appears that the 
individual had insisted on the right of the deprived 
Bishops to appoint successors. Brokesby takes up Dod- 
well's position, and contends that such a grant, if made, 
must be fully attested : and that then the question 
w'hether the deprived Bishops had such a power must be 
c(msidered. It appears also, that during these discus- 
sions, the consecrations of Hickes and Wagstaffe were 
fully made known ; or at all events they were pleaded in 
the letter to Brokesby. This is certain, since Brokesby 
thus argues : 

" You make this grant a subsequent act to those per- 
sons being ordained suffragan Bishops, and to be a synod- 
ical decree of our deprived Fathers. Admitting the first, 
their being ordained : we insist on the proof of the subse- 
quent grant, the enlargement of their power, and this over 
the whole Church of England. If it was a synod ical 



BROMPTON. 133 

determination, then let the Acta synodalia he produced, 
and this under the hands of the Bishops, who were mem- 
bers of the synod, according to the forms used in synods." 
He afterwards adds : " Suppose our deprived Fathers had 
intended to convey such a power to those worthy suffra- 
gans, and agreed among themselves to do it : if they did 
not by some formal act convey it, no such power accrues 
to them, neither can they, by virtue of such an intention, 
challenge any jurisdiction." Brokesby therefore urges the 
production of the grant before its legality be discussed. 
Another letter was written by Brokesby in lTl-2 ; but he 
only re-asserts his previous arguments. It does not 
appear that any grant, by which Hickes and Wagstaffe 
were authorized to act as diocesan Bishops, was pro- 
duced : though had such been the case, it would have 
been of no avail, as the deprived Bishops possessed no 
such power. 

Brokesby attended his friend Dodwell in his last hours, 
and afterwards, as has been stated before, wrote his life. 
He died suddenly soon after that publication, in 1715. 
He wrote, besides the works alluded to, — 1. K Life of 
Jesus Christ. 2. A History of the Government of the 
Christian Church for the three first centuries, and the 
beginning of the fourth ; printed by W. B. 1712, 8vo. — 
BroJt'esby's Life of Dodu.eU. Nichols's Hist, of Hinckley and 
of Leicestershire. Lathhury. Marshall. 



BROMPTON, JOHN. 

There is a Chronicle which goes under the name of 
John Brompton, Abbot of Jorvaulx in Yorkshire, which, 
commencing with the mission of Augustine in 588, termin- 
ates with the death of Richard the First, in 1198. Bishop 
Nicholson observes that it is not probable that this history 
was written by any member of the abbey of Jorvaulx, since 
it takes no notice of the foundation of that monastery. He 
supposes that Abbot Brompton only procured the Chro- 



lU BROUGHTON. 

nicle and bestowed it on the monastery. It is only as 
the author of this Chronicle that the name of Brompton 
is known. The author is very full of his collections for 
the Saxon times, but takes no notice of the chronological 
part in the whole history of the heptarchy. In this he has 
not been very inquisitive : for example, he concludes his 
account of Northumberland where Bede's history leaves 
him. He gives the Saxon laws at large and translates 
them, according to Nicholson, pretty honestly, although 
in what he borrows from the old Chronicle he is not so 
correct. Whoever was the author of the Chronicle it is 
certain that he lived after the beginning of the reign of 
Edward III., as appears by his digressive relation of the 
contract between Joan, King Edward's sister, and David, 
afterw^ards King of Scots. This historian has borrowed 
pretty freely from Hoveden. His Chronicle is printed in 
the "Decem Script. Hist. Angliae," Lond. 1652, folio. — 
Nicholsons Historical Library. Selden Prcef. ad X. Script. 
Angl. inter quos Brompton. 



BROUGHTON, HUGH. 

Hugh Broughton was born at Oldbury, in Shropshire, 
in 1549, and was educated at a school at Houghton, 
founded by Barnard Gilpin. Thence he was sent to 
Cambridge, became one of the fellows of Christ's College, 
and there laid the foundation of his knowledge of Hebrew, 
in which he afterwards made such remarkable proficiency. 
His application and learning soon rendered him very con- 
spicuous at the university, and also attracted the notice 
of the Earl of Huntingdon, who became a liberal patron 
to him, and greatly encouraged him in his studies. He 
was considered to be the best oriental scholar in the 
world. He was, however, reluctant to take holy orders, as 
he well might be, for he seems never to have brought his 
pride and temper under the controul of religion. It was 
at Archbishop Whitgift's solicitation that he at length 



BROUGHTON. 135 

consented to be ordained, the archbishop suggesting that if 
he refused it would be supposed that he was opposed to 
the doctrine of Episcopacy. "Divers years after," says 
Strype, " he endeavoured to obtain a prebend in St. 
Paul's, London, to read the lecture there, (if I mistake 
not:) and in order to that, addressed a letter to the said 
Lord Treasurer, reminding him of his former intercession 
for the procuring him Nassington But Mr. Broughton's 
carriage was so haughty, and his temper so rigid and so 
censorious, that however affected x\rchbishop Whitgift 
was towards him, he got do preferment in the Church ; 
which soured his disposition more and more, especially 
towards Archbishop Whitgift." 

Notwithstanding his faults he became a popular 
preacher in London, where he obtained the patronage of 
some persons of high rank : he still however prosecuted 
his studies with unremitting assiduity, and the result 
appeared in a work, called The Concent of Scriptures, 
which was published in 1584 or 1585, with a dedication 
to Queen Elizabeth. The work gave rise to much con- 
troversy, and is thus alluded to by Strype in his Life of 
Archbishop Whitgift : " He affirmed, (which was the pur- 
pose of his whole book,) that the book of God had so great 
an harmony, that every part of it might be known to 
breathe from one Spirit. And in this book he made use, 
he said, of all the ancient Hebrews and Greeks. And in 
another epistle of his to the Queen, describing this book, 
he wrote, that the sum thereof was, ' That God had 
recorded the world s age from the promise of redemption 
unto His performance of it.' " 

" Divers years after, reflecting upon his Concent, thus 
he represented it ; ' That little book, that drew all the 
Scripture unto Christ, and shewed the use of every parcel 
of it, from the beginning to the end : carrying half a score 
of several hard and needful studies thither ; and ex- 
amining all authors, not only in their own tongues, but 
their own vein and course of study.' Notwithstanding 
the great character and opinion the author had of his 



136 BROUGHTON. 

work, it seemed so odd a piece, that it came out at first 
with great prejudice : that even the Archbishop himself 
said of it to the Queen, that ' it contained but the curious 
quirks of a youDg head.' Which speech coming to 
Broughton's ears, being an haughty conceited man, he 
printed this severe animadversion thereupon : ' If the 
prelate i^said he) had studied one and thirty years, ever 
since he was doctor, how in one speech to shew himself 
extremely void of all grounds of learning, and of all con- 
science for the truth, and of all care whose ears to infect 
with atheism ; the tempter could hardly cany him 
Ei^wypr/xEvov into parts more injurious to all holy writers.'" 

The work was in 1589 strongly opposed by Dr. Rey- 
nolds at Oxford, and Broughton wrote several tracts in 
vindication of his own opinions ; and the controversy 
between these two divines seems to have excited much 
interest, not only in the university but in London and 
throughout the country. A meeting between them was at 
one time effected, when Reynolds admitted that he had 
not studied these matters, and promised to yield if he 
saw reason for doing so. They agreed in 1591 to submit 
the subject in dispute to the arbitration of Archbishop 
Whitgift, and it appears, from a letter from Broughton to 
the Vice-chancellor of Oxford, that the censure of the 
archbishop was, " that never any human pains was of 
greater travail and dexterity; that against 1500 years' 
errors, to clear the holy story, as the Book of Concent had 
done." But the Archbishop's private judgment would not 
serve Broughton's turn, (so weighty he esteemed the 
matter, as well as his own reputation,) but he solicited the 
Queen herself, " that she would enjoin the Archbishop to 
make his censure public. And that then upon her 
Majesty's commandment it would be surer ; for the better 
strengthening of her Majesty's subjects in love and 
honour of holy Scripture : which had been greatly weak- 
ened by Dr. R. calling matters in question, &c. And for 
vindicating a truth for the clearing of those sacred books : 
adding, that the cause was not his, but the Church's." 



BROUGHTON. 137 

His work was opposed not only at Oxford, but at Cam- 
bridge. He was, therefore, induced to read lectures in 
defence of his performance, which he did first in St. 
Paul's and afterwards in a large room in Cheapside, and 
in Mark-lane. 

During part of the time of his controversy with 
Reynolds, Broughton was abroad. He had gone to Ger- 
many in 1589, and staid some time at Frankfort, where 
he had a long dispute in the Jewish synagogue with 
Rabbi Elias, on the truth of the Christian religion. He 
appears to have been very solicitous for the conversion of 
the Jews ; and his taste for R^abbinical and Hebrew 
studies naturally led him to take pleasure in the conver- 
sation of those learned Jews whom he occasionally met 
with. In the course of his travels, he had also disjDutes 
with the Papists, but in his contests both with them and 
with the Jews, he was not very attentive to the rules 
either of prudence or politeness. 

In 1594, after his return to England, he was involved 
in a new controversy by An Explication of the Article of 
Christ's Descent into Hell. He strongly opposed the 
Genevan doctrine upon this point: the minds of the 
Archbishop and some others among our leading eccle- 
siastics, had not been made up upon the subject, and 
Broughton took the view which is now generally adopted 
by Anglicans. But his violent temper and want of all 
Christian courtesy always placed him in the wrong. He 
was always seeking preferment, and violent beyond all 
precedent in his expressions of disappointment when he 
found that Archbishop Whitgift, although at one time his 
friend, would neither do any thing for him himself nor 
advise the Queen to promote him. His anger scarcely 
knew any bounds when, in 1597, Dr. Bancroft was ap- 
pointed to the see of London. He said that he had had 
a promise of llhat bishopric from some of the Lords of the 
Council ; and it may have been so; but they could hardly 
have advanced so impassioned a man to so important a 

VOL. III. N 



im BROUGHTOK 

post. Every one admitted his learning, but his violence, 
pride, and vanity were intolerable. 

In 1597 he was in Germany again, and published a 
piece called The Sinai Sight, which he dedicated to the 
Earl of Essex. He appears to have continued abroad till 
the death of Queen Elizabeth ; and during his residence 
in foreign countries, cultivated an acquaintance with 
Scaliger, Raphelengius, Junius, Pistorius, Serrarius, and 
other eminent and learned men. He was treated with 
particular favour by the Archbishop of Mentz, to whom 
he dedicated his translation of the prophets into Greek ; 
and it is said that he was also offered a cardinal's hat, on 
condition of his embracing the Roman Catholic religion. 
He returned to England soon after the accession of King 
James I. 

Broughton had always been a vehement advocate for a 
new translation of the Bible, to which Archbishop Whit- 
gift had been opposed, being unwilling to throw suspicion 
on the then authorized version, called the Bishop's Bible. 
Broughton, with his usual violence had opposed Whitgift, 
and had attacked the Bishop's Bible with such acrimony, 
that, w^ien, in 160T, the present authorized version was 
commenced, of which the Bishop's Bible was to be the 
basis, Broughton, to his own indignation and that of his 
friends, was not employed. Broughton, with his usual 
confidence, however, took it upon himself to advise the 
King how to proceed, and suggested rules and directions 
for tiie translators which., if ado[)ted, would have rendered 
his own exclusion scarcely possible, for he was certainly 
one of the most distinguished Hebraists of the age. In 
one of his letters to the King he told him, " that his 
highness had begun a royal work, in commanding that a 
good translation of the Bible should be made, if with 
equal care and authority his highness required all that 
learning could do to be performed, and saw ft done. And 
then this one book would match, he said, whole libraries 
for all hooks, (except the original Bible,) as the Pope's 



BROUGHTON. 139 

library, the French King's, the Palatine, the Bavarian, 
with that of Augsburgh. Adding, that all would not 
profit so much as one translation from exquisite learning, 
care, and furniture." And then directing how it should 
be gone upon, '* That many should translate a part. And 
when they had brought a good English style, and the 
true sense, a new labour others should take to make an 
uniformity [i. e. that divers words might not be used 
where the original word was the same ; that so the whole 
translation might agree.] And that if seventy- two persons 
w^re set to translate, in memory of the ancient seventy- 
two Greek translators ; and many to try how uniformity 
was kept; and after all, one qualified for difficulties [mean- 
ing, as it seems, himself] should run through the whole 
^vork, and should read upon the places of difficulty, in 
Gresham College, to be judged of all men ; and after all, 
-should print from Hebrews and Greeks, notes of his 
strength ; and in all the realm, even Papists should have 
for the first impression (made for a trial) free speech : it 
would be a mighty help to understand the Hebrew and 
Greek Testaments^ and win great credit among nations 
near us. He added, that it was very needful, that many 
others [mechanics and artificers] should be likewise at 
such a work, &c. embroiderers should help for terms about 
Aaron's ephod : geometricians, carpenters, masons, about 
the Temple of Solomon and Ezekiel : gardeners, for all 
the boughs and branches of Ezekiel's tree ; to match the 
variety of the Hebrew terms." 

Broughton had translated the prophetical writings into 
Greek, and the Apocalypse into Hebrew. He was desirous 
of translating the whole New Testament into Hebrew, 
which he thought would have contributed much to the 
conversion of the Jews, if he had met with proper encour- 
agement. And he relates that a learned Jew with whom 
he conversed, once said to him, " O that you would set 
over all your New Testament into such Hebrew as you 
speak to me, you should turn all our nation," 

Broughton soon after returned to the Continent, and 



140 BROUGHTON. 

during his stay there, he was for some time preacher to 
the English at Middleburgh. But finding his health 
dedine, he returned to England in November, 1611. He 
lodged in Loudon during the winter, at a friend s house 
in Cannon-street ; but in the spring he was removed, for 
the benefit of the air, to the house of another friend, at 
Tottenham High Cross, where he died on the 4th of 
August, 161-2. 

Most of his works were collected together, and printed 
at London in 1662, under the following title, — The 
Works of the great Albionean Divine, renowned in many 
Nations for rare Skill in Salem's and Athens' Tongues, 
and familiar Acquaintance with all llabbinical Learning, 
Mr. Hugh Broughton. This edition of his works, though 
bound in one large volume, folio, is divided into four 
tomes. Many of his theological MSS. are preserved in 
the British Museum, of which a list is given in Ayscough's 
catalogue. — From Strype's Life of TVhitgift, and the Biog. 
Brit. " 

BRUUGHTON, RICHARD. 

KicHARD Broughton was born at Great Stukely, in 
Huntingdonshire, and educated at Oxford ; but apostatiz- 
ing from the Church of England, he afterwards went to 
the English College at Rheims. In 1593 he took orders, 
after which he became a missionary in England. He died 
in 1634. His works are — 1. An Ecclesiastical History of 
(Treat Britain, folio, 1633. 2. A true Memorial of the 
Ancient, Holy, and Religious State of Great Britain^ 
1650, octavo. 3. Monasticon Britannicum, 1655, octavo. 
— Wood. Bod. Fuller. 

BROUGHTON, THOMAS. 

Thomas Broughton was born in London in 1704. He 
was educated at Eton, from whence he removed to Gon- 
ville and Caius College, Cambridge, where he proceeded 



BROUGHTON. 141 

to his degree of master of arts. In 1T39 he was instituted 
to the rectory of Stibington in Huntingdonshire, soon 
lifter which he was chosen reader at the Temple Church, 
where he gained the favour of Bishop Sherlock, who in 
1744 gave him the vicarage of Bedminster, and St. Mary 
Eedcliffe, Bristol, with a prebend in the cathedral of 
Salisbuiy. He died at Bristol in 1774. Mr. Broughtou 
was one of the writers of the great Historical Dictionary, 
and the Biographia Britannica ; besides which he pub- 
lished, — 1. Christianity distinct from the Religion ^tif 
Nature, in three parts, in answer to Christianity as Old 
as the Creation. 2. Translation of Voltaire's Temj^le 
of Taste. 8. Preface to his Father's Letter to a Roman 
Catholic. 4. Alteration of Dorrel on the Epistles and 
fxospels from a Popish to a Protestant Book, -2 vols. 
8vo. 5. Part of the new edition of Bayle's Dictionary, 
in English, corrected, with a Translation of the Latin 
and other Quotations. 6. Jarvis's Don Quixote, the lan- 
guage thoroughly altered and corrected, and the poetical 
parts new translated. 7. Translation of the Mottoes of 
the Spectator, Guardian, and Freeholder. 8. Original 
Poems and Translations, by John Dryden, Esq., now 
first collected and published together, 2 vols. 9. Trans- 
lation of the Quotations in Addison's Travels, by hiin 
left untranslated. 10. The First and Third Olynthiacs, 
and the Four Philippics of Demosthenes (by several 
hands), revised and corrected ; with a new Translation ot 
the Second Olynthiac, the Oration De Pace, and that De 
Chersonese; to which are added, all the Arguments of 
Libanius, and Select Notes from Ulpian, 8vo. Lives in 
the Biographia Britannica. 11. The Bishops of London 
and Winchester on the Sacrament, compared. 12. Her- 
cules, a musical drama. 13. Bibliotheca Historico-Sacra, 
an Historical Dictionary of all Religions, from the Crea- 
tion of the World to the present Times, 1756, two vols, 
folio. 14. A Defence of the commonly received Doctrine 
of the Human Soul. 15. A Prospect of Futurity, in fouv 
n2 



14^ BROWN. 

Dissertations, with a Preliminary Discourse on the Natural 
and Moral Evidence of a Future State. — Biog. Brit. 

BROWEE, CHRISTOPHER. 

Christopher Brower was born at Arnheiin, in 1559, 
He became a member of the College at Cologne, in 1580, 
where he was distinguished for his talents. He taught 
philosophy at Treves, was afterwards rector of the College 
ofFulde, and chiefly employed at his leisure hours in 
composing his works, which procured him the esteem of 
many men of learning, especially Cardinal Baronius, who 
often mentions him in his Annals of the Church in terms 
of high commendation. He died in 1617. He published 
an edition of Venantius Fortunatus, with notes and addi- 
tions, Cologne, 16'24, 4to; Scholia on the Poems of 
Rabanus Maurus, in vol. vi. of the works of Maurus ; 
Antiquitates Fulclenses, 1619, 4to; Sidera Illustrium et 
S. S. Virorum qui Germaniam Rebus Gestis ornarunt, 
Mentz, 1616, 4to; Historia Episcopomm Trevirensiuin, 
&c., Cologne, 16*26. He had also a principal hand in the 
Antiquities and Annals of Treves, 1626, 2 vols folio, and 
reprinted 1670 ; but some antiquaries are of opinion 
that in his anxiety to give correct copies of certain ancient 
documents, he took liberties with the originals which tend 
to lesson the authority of his transcripts. — Moreri. 



BROWN, ROBERT. 

Robert Brown, the celebrated founder of the Inde- 
pendents or Congregationalists, was born, according to 
Heylin, at Tolthorp, in the county of Rutland. Some 
authorities make Northampton the place of his birth. But 
it is certain that his family was settled at Tolthorp, and 
was nearly allied to that of Lord Burleigh. He was edu- 
cated at Corpus Christi College, commonly called Bennet 



BROWN. 143 

College, in the University of Cambridge. It does not ap- 
pear that he graduated there, but he frequently preached 
and with great vehemence, which the followers of Cart- 
wright, who claimed him for their own. attributed to zeal. 
But Brown soon outstripped his guide. Cavtwright held 
the lucrative and exalted station of jNIargaret Professor, 
and though willing to bring others to his own level, he 
did not desire to annihilate an establishment but only to 
deface from it all the vestiges of Catholicism, and to bring 
in Presbyterianism. 

Brown carried out the puritanical principles to their 
full extent : he declaimed against the government of 
Christ's Holy Church as antichristian : her Sacraments 
he affirmed were defiled with superstition; her liturgy 
was reviled as Popish, and in some parts, heathenish, 
and her ordinations he asserted to be no better than 
those of Baal's priests among the Jews. 

Not able to abide any longer in a church he thought 
so corrupt, he went to Zealand, and joined a Cougre- 
gation at Middleburgh formed on C arf.v right s model ; 
but this did not satisfy him, and he determined to 
have a Congregation entirely of his own formation. In 
1582 he published a book, entitled, "A Treatise of 
Reformation," and having sent as many of them to 
England as might serve his turn, he returned to this 
country soon after to reduce his theory to practice. 
His chief positions were, — That every congregation of 
Christian men constitutes a Church, of which all the 
members are equal, and are competent, jure divino, to 
instruct and govern themselves. He thus equally rejected 
the jurisdiction of Bishops, and that of synods, which the 
Puritans regarded as the supreme visible source of ecclesi- 
astical authority ; neither did he allow any distinctive or in- 
delible character to ministers of religion. Every member of 
the Church had a vote in all matters of religion ; and it was 
thus that ministers were made and unmade, as expediency 
or caprice might require. As a single congregation con- 
stituted a church, so the power of their officers was defined 



144 BROWN. 

by its limits ; they had no authority to administer the 
sacraments to any but those of their own society. More- 
over, all being equal, a lay brother might officiate as 
pastor ; and it was usual for some of them, after sermon, 
to ask questions, and to reason upon the doctrines of the 
preacher. 

The Dutch had a clmrch at this time at Norwich more 
numerous than any church or congregation within the 
precincts of the city, many of whom, says Heylin, " in- 
clining to the opinions of the Anabaptists, were willing to 
embrace any doctrines which seemed to hold conformity 
wdth that sect. Amongst them Brown begins, and first 
begins with such amongst them as were most likely to be 
ruled and governed by him ; he being of an imperious 
nature, and much offended with the least dissent or con- 
tradiction, when he had uttered any paradox in his dis- 
courses. Having gotten into some authority amongst the 
Dutch, whose language he had learned when he lived in 
Middleburgh, and grown into a great opinion for his 
zeal and sanctity, he began to practise with the English ; 
using therein the service and assistance of one Richard 
Harrison, a country schoolmaster, whose ignorance made 
him apt enough to be seduced by so weak a prophet. Of 
each nation he began to gather churches to himself, of the 
last especially ; inculcating nothing more to his simple 
auditors, than that the Church of England had so much 
of Rome, that there was no place left for Christ, or His 
holy Gospel. But more particularly he inveighed against 
the government of the Bishops, the ordination of minis- 
ters, the offices, rites and ceremonies of the public Liturgy, 
according as it had been taught out of Cartwright's books ; 
descending first to this position. That the Church of Eng- 
land was no true and lawful church ; and afterwards to 
this conclusion, that all true Christians were obliged to 
come out of Babylon, to separate themselves from those 
impure and mixed assemblies, in which there was so little 
of£hrist's institution ; and finally, that they should join 
themselves to him and to his disciples, amongst whom there 



BROWN. 145 

was nothing to be found which favoured not directly of the 
Spirit of God ; nothing of those impurities and profana- 
tions of the Church of England. Hereupon followed a 
defection from the Church itself; not as before amongst 
the Presbyterians, from some offices in it. Brown's fol- 
lowers (who from him took the name of Brownists) refusing 
obstinately to join with any congregation with the rest of 
tlie people, for hearing the word preached, the Sacraments 
administered, and any public act of religious worship." 

His attacks upon the Church being extremely virulent, 
he was convened before the Bishop of Norwich, and 
other ecclesiastical commissioners ; and on his defending 
his schism with great insolence, he was committed to 
the custody of the Sheriff of Norwich. His relation. Lord 
Burleigh, however, interceded with the Bishop for him, 
on the ground that his excesses proceeded from mistaken 
zeal rather than confirmed malice ; and having procured 
his enlargement, sent him to Whitgift, xlrchbishop of 
Canterbury, for admonition and council. In 1585 he 
was again cited to appear before Archbishop Whitgift, and 
being brought by this j^i'elate's judicious management to 
assume an apparent conformity to the Church of England, 
the Lord Treasurer Burleigh sent him to his father in the 
country, with a letter recommending him to his favour 
and countenance. Brown's errors, however, had taken too 
deep root in him to be easily eradicated ; he soon relapsed 
into his former errors, and his good old father resolving 
not to own him for his son who would not own the Church 
of England for his mother, dismissed him from his family. 
After wandering up and down the country for some time, 
and enduring great hardships. Brown at length settled at 
Northampton ; but while he was industriously labouring 
to establish his sect, Linsell, Bishop of Peterborough, sent 
him a citation, which Brown not obeying he was excom- 
municated for his contempt. The solemnity of this cen- 
sure affected him so deeply, that he soon after made his 
submission, and receiving absolution was re-admitted into 
the communion of the Church about the vear 1 590, and was 



4 



f 



146 BROWN. 

soon after preferred to the rectory of Achurch near Thrap- 
stone, in Northamptonshire. Fuller, who in his boyhood 
knew him, is of opinion, that Brown never formally 
recanted his errors, with regard to the main points of his 
doctrine ; but that his promise of a general compliance 
with the Church of England, improved by the countenance 
of hivS patron and kinsman, the Earl of Exeter, prevailed 
upon the Archbishop, and procured this extraordinary 
favour for him. He adds, that Brown allowed a salary 
for a curate, and though he opposed his parishioners in 
judgment, yet agreed in taking their tithes. Brown was 
a man of good parts and some learning, but was, according 
to Fuller, of a nature imperious and uncontrollable, so far 
from the Sabbatarian strictness, afterwards espoused by 
some of his followers, that he rather seemed a libertine 
therein. In a word, says Fuller, he had a wife with 
whom he never lived, and a church in which he never 
preached, though he received the profits thereof: and, as 
all the other scenes of his life were stormy and turbulent, 
so was his end ; for the constable of his parish, who was 
his god-son, requiring somewhat roughly the payment of 
certain rates, his passion moved him to blows, of which 
the constable complained to justice St. John, who was 
inclined rather to pity than punish him ; but Brown 
behaved with so much insolence, that he was simt to 
Northampton gaol, on a feather bed in a cart, being very 
infirm, and aged above eighty years ; where he soon after 
sickened and died, anno 1630, after boasting that he had 
been committed to thirty-two prisons, in some of which he 
could not see his hand at noon-day. 

The chief of Brown's writings are contained in a thin 
quarto volume, in three pieces, printed at Middleburgh in 
158-2. The first is entitled, A Treatise of Reformation, 
without tarrying for any man, &c. The second is, A 
Treatise on the Twenty-third chapter of St. Matthew, &c. 
The third, A Book w^hich showeth the Life and Manners 
of. all True Christians, &c. A controversy, in 1599, 
between Francis Johnson, a Brownist, and H, Jacob, 



BROWN. 147 

throws great light upon the peculiar doctrines of the 
Brownists. From this work we subjoin a list of what 
tlie early Independents regarded as the " Anti-chiistian 
abominations yet retained in England." 

1. The confusion of all sorts of people in the body of 
their (the English) Church ; even the most polluted, and 
their seed being members thereof. It then enumerates 
all the officers and ministers of the Church, from the 
Archbishop down even to the sexton and organ blower, all 
of them of the anti-christian and viperous generation. 
2. Their ministration of the Word, Sacraments, and 
government of the Church by virtue of the officers afore- 
said. The Brownists held that the evil life of the 
minister took away the efficacy of the Sacraments. The 
titles of Primate, Metropolitan, Lords, Grace, Lordship, 
&c. ascribed to the prelates. 3. The inferior Prelates 
swearing obedience to the metropolitical sees of Canterbury 
and York. 4. The inferior ministers when they enter into 
the ministry, promising obedience to the Prelates, and 
their ordinances ; and when they are inducted to beuefices, 
confirming it with their oath. 5. The Deacon's and 
Priest's presentation to a Lord Bishop by an Archdeacon. 
6. Their receiving of orders of the Prelates or their suf- 
fragans. 7. Their pontifical, or book of consecrating 
Bishops, and of ordering Priests and Deacons, taken out 
of the Pope's pontifical, where their abuse of Scripture to 
that end, their Collects, Epistles, &c. may be seen. 8. 
Their making, and being made, Priests, with blasphemy ; 
the Prelates saying to whom they make Priests, Pieceive 
ye the Holy Ghost, whose sins ye forgive, they are for- 
given, &c. 9. Their confounding of civil and ecclesiastical 
offices and authorities in ecclesiastical persons. 10. Their 
retaining and using in their public worship, the apocry- 
phal books, which have in them divers errors, untruths, 
blasphemies, and contradictions to the canonical Scrip- 
tures. 11. Their stinted Prayers and Liturgy, taken out 
of the Pope's mass book, with the same order of Psalms, 
Lessons, Collects, Pater Nosters, Epistles, Gospels, Ver- 



148 BROWN. 

sides, Responds, &c. The Brownists, in general, rejected 
all set forms of prayer, and held, that the Lord's Praj'er 
ought not to be used as a prayer, in its present form of 
words, being only intended as a model whereon our ex- 
tempore prayers are to be formed. 12. The Cross in 
Baptism. 13. The hallowed font, questions to the infants 
at Baptism. 14. The godfathers and godmothers pro- 
mising that the child doth believe, forsake the devil and 
all his works, &c. 15. Women's baptizing of children; 
which maintaineth that heresy, that the children are 
damned, which die unbaptized. They would not allow 
any children to be baptized, whose parents were not mem- 
bers of the Church, or of such as did not take sufficient 
care of the education of those formerly baptized. 16. Their 
houseling of the sick, and ministering the communion to 
one alone. 17. The ministering it, not with the words of 
Christ's institution, but with others taken out of the 
Pope's Portuis. 18. They sell that Sacrament for two- 
pence to all comers. 19. The receiving of it kneeling, 
which maketh it an idol, and nourisheth that heresy of 
receiving their Maker, of worshiping it, &c. The reason 
of our kneeling at the Sacrament, is explained in the 
Rubric at the end of the Communion Service, for which 
purpose it was inserted there in the reign of Edward VI. 
20. Their ring in marriage, making it a sacramental sign, 
and marriage an ecclesiastical action : thereby nourishing 
the Popish heresy, that matrimony is a Sacrament. They 
looked upon matrimony as a political contract, and there- 
fore said, that the confirmation of it ought to come from 
the Civil Magistrate ; and hence they condemned the 
solemn celebration of marriages in the Church. 21. Their 
praying over the dead, making it also a part of the minis- 
ter's duty, and nourishing the heresy of prayer for the 
dead. 22. Their churching or purifying of women, then 
also abusing that Scripture, The Sun shall not burn 
them by day, nor the Moon by night. 23. Their Gang 
week, and praying then over the corn and grass. At the 
time of the Reformation, when processions, which made a 



BROWN. 140 

part of the solemnities at this season, were abolished, l.y 
reason of the abuse of them, yet, for retaining the per- 
ambulation of the circuits of parishes, it was enjoined, 
' that the people should once a year, at the accustomed 
time, with the minister and substantial men of the parish, 
walk round the parish as usual, and at their return to 
Church, make the common prayers : provided that the 
minister, at certain convenient places, shall admonish the 
people to give thanks to God for the increase and abund- 
ance of the fruits of the earth, repeating the 103rd Psalm ; 
at which time also the minister shall inculcate tliis and 
such like sentences : Cursed be he that removeth his 
neighbours land-mark.' No such prayers indeed have 
been since appointed : but there is an Homily, divided 
into four parts ; the three first to be used on the ^Monday, 
Tuesday, and Wednesday ; and the fourth upon the day 
when the pra-ish make their procession. ;i4. Their for- 
bidding of marriage in Gang week, in Advent, in Lent, 
and on all the Ember days ; which the Apostle calleth a 
doctrine of Devils, 1 Tim. iv. 1, "2, 3. "25. Their saints', 
angels', and apostles' days, with their prescript service. '2Q. 
Their fasts, and abstaining from flesh, on their eves, on 
Fridays, Saturdays, Ember Days, and all Lent through. 
U7. Their dispensations from the Prelates' courts of Facul- 
ties, to eat fltsh at these times ; which dispensations also 
have this wholesome clause in them, sana conscientia, 
that is, with a safe conscience : plainly shewing that they 
make it a matter of conscience. This is another doctrine 
of Devils, noted in the Scripture before alleged, 1 Tim. iv. 
28. Their dispensations in like manner to marry in the 
times among the forbidden, which are noted before. 29. 
Licenses from the same authority, to marry in places ex- 
empt. 30. Dispensations also from thence, for boys and 
ignorant fools to have benefices. 3L Dispensations also 
for non-residents. 32. For having tv.o, three, four, or 
more benefices, even tot, quot, that is to say, as many as 
a man will have and can get. 33. Tolerations. 34. Patron- 

VOL. III. • 



150 BROWN. 

ages of, and presentations to, benefices, with buying and 
selling of advowsons. 35. Their institutions into bene- 
fices by the Prelates, their inductions, proxies, &c. 36. 
Their suspensations, absolutions, degradations, depriva- 
tions, &c. 37. The Prelates, Chancellors, and Commis- 
sarie's courts, having power to excommunicate alone, and 
to absolve. 38. Their Penance in a white sheet. 39. Their 
commutation of Penance, and absolving one man for 
another, 40. The Prelate's Confirmation, or Bishopping 
of children, to assure them of God's favour, by a sign of 
man s devising. 41. The standing at the Gospel. 42. The 
putting off the cap, and making a leg when the word 
Jesus is read. 43. The ring of peals at burials. They 
objected against bells, because they pretended they were 
consecrated to the service of idolatry. 44. Bead-men at 
burials, and hired mourners in mourning apparel. 45. 
The hanging and mourning of churches and hearses with 
black, at burials. 46. Their absolving the dead, dying 
excommunicate, before they can have, as they say, Chris- 
tian burial. 47. The Idol temples. 48. The Popish 
vestments, as rochet, horned cap, tippet, the sui-plice in 
parish churches, and cope in cathedral churches. 49. The 
Visitations of the Lord Bishops, and Archdeacons. 50. 
The Prelates' lordly dominion, revenues, and retinue. 
51. The Priests' maintenance by tithes, Christmas offer- 
ings, &c. 52. The oaths ex officio in their ecclesiastical 
courts, making men swear to accuse themselves. 53. The 
churchwarden's oath to present to the Prelates, all the 
offences, faults, and defaults, committed in their parishes, 
against their articles and injunctions. 54. The Prelates' 
ruling of the Church, by the Pope's cursed Canon Law. 
55. Finally, their imprisoning and banishing, such as 
renounce and refuse to witness these abominations afore- 
said, and the rest yet retained among them. They might 
well find fault with the Church for this last article, since 
they had smarted so severely under it. — Heylins Histonj 
of Prednjterians. Fullers Church History. 



BROWN. 151 

BRO^-N, JOHN. 

John BRO^^^' was born at Herpoo, in the county of 
Perth, in 172Q. He was chosen pastor of a congregation 
of seceders at Haddington, where also he conducted a 
seminary for youth. He died in 1787. His works are : 
1. The Self-interpreting Bible, '2 vols, 4to. 2. A Dicti- 
onary of the Bible, 2 vols, 8vo. 3. Explication of Scrip- 
ture Metaphors, 12mo. 4. History of the Seceders, ]*2mo. 
5. The Christian Student and Pastor, 12mo. 6. Letters 
on the Government of the Christian Church, 8vo. 7. 
General History of the Church, 2 vols, 12mo. 8. Select 
Piemains, with his Life prefixed. — Watkins. 

BROWN, JOHN. 

John Brown was born at Rothbury, in Northumberland, 
in 1715. He was educated first at Wigton, in Cumber- 
land, and next at St. John's College, Cambridge, where, in 
1735, he took his degree of B. A., and two jeax% after 
entered into orders. His first settlement was at Carlisle, 
where he became minor canon of the cathedral ; and in 
the rising of 1745 acted as a volunteer on the Hanoverian 
side. Dr. Osbaldiston, Bishop of the diocese, made him 
his chaplain, and the dean and chapter gave him the 
living of Morel and in Westmoreland- His poem called 
" An Essay on Satire," addressed to Warburton, brought 
him acquainted with that writer, who introduced him to 
Mr. Allen at Prior Park. While here, he preached a 
sermon at Bath against gaming, which had a very great 
effect. In 1751 appeared his Essays on Shaftesbury's 
Characteristics, written with elegance. This was his 
chief work It was suggested to him by Warburton, and 
to Warburton by Pope, who told him that the " Character- 
istics" had done more harm to revealed religion than all 
the Avorks of infidelity put together. In 1754 he obtained 
the living of Great Horkesley in Essex, and the next year 
his tragedy of Barbarossa w^as acted with success, whicli 



152 BROWNE. 

was followed by another called Athelstan. He now took 
his doctor's degree, and in 1757 published the first volume 
of his Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the 
Times, of which seven editions were soon printed. The 
year following appeared the second volume. About this 
time he was presented to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, in 
Newcastle, on which he resigned Great Horkeslej, and 
was appointed chaplain in ordinary to the King. His 
next publication was the Cure of Saul, a sacred ode ; 
which was followed by a "Dissertation on Poetry and 
Music." In 17(>4 appeared "The History of the Piise 
and Pr-ogress of Poetiy," and the same year he printed a 
volume of sermons. In 1765 came out bis "Thoughts on 
Civil Liberty, Licentiousness, and Faction ;" and a sermon 
preached for the benefit of the female asylum. In 1766 
he published a letter to Dr. Lowth, who had alluded to 
hioi as one of Dr. Warburton's sycophants. He now 
engaged to go to Petersburg to assist in the regulation 
of public schools ; but while preparing for the voyage, 
he cut his throat in a fit of insanity, September '2S. 
l-iQ(j.—Gen. DicL 



BROWNE, GEORGE. 

George Browne, celebrated as being the first Prelate 
of the Church of Ireland who promoted in it the cause of 
tije Preformation, was originally an Augustine friar of Lon- 
don, and had received his academical education in the 
house belonging to his order at Holywell in Oxford. 
Having became eminent among his brethren, he was 
n;ade provincial of that order in England; and afterwards 
taking his degree of doctor of divinity, in some foreign 
university, he was incorporated in the same at Oxford in 
1534, and at Cambridge soon afterwards. In the follow- 
ing march, he was advanced by King Henry the Eighth 
to the archbishopric of Dublin, which had been vacant 
since the preceding July. It is reasonable to suppose 
that the interval had t>een employed in making choice of 



BROWNE. 153 

a fit person for this elevated station, the arduoiisness and 
importance of which were greatly enhanced by the peculiar 
circumstances of the time. An acquaintance with the 
writings of Luther, and an attachment to the principles of 
the Reformation, together with his good personal qualities, 
recommended him to the king's favour ; but his principal 
patron was the Lord Privv Seal, Cromwell, who, under 
the peculiar title of the king's vicegerent in ecclesiastical 
matters, administered all the powers annexed to the king's 
supremacy in England. Thus nominated by the royal 
authority, having been elected to the see by the chapters 
of the Holy Trinity and St. Patrick's, and having received 
the royal assent on the l'2th of March, before his consecra- 
tion, the mandate for which had been issued the day after 
the royal assent, he was invested by Cranmer, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, and Fisher and Shaxton, respectively 
Bishops of Rochester and Salisbury, according to an act 
then lately passed, with the pall and other archiepiscopal 
ensigns ; and on the 23rd of March, writs w^ere issued for 
restoring to him the temporalities of the see. 

The Archbishop soon found his new seat of dignity to 
be by no means one of repose and inaction, being promptly 
called upon to take a prominent and resolute part on the 
question of the supremacy, as well as on other matters 
which were judged to need correction in the Churcli. A 
body of commissioners was about this time appointed by 
the king, to confer with the principal persons in the 
country, for removing the Pope's authority from Ireland, 
and for reducing that kingdom to a conformity with 
England in acknowledging the sovereign power of the 
crown, whether in things spiritual or temporal. Cromwell, 
the Lord Privy Seal, who was the principal miiDister in the 
conduct of this affair, seems to have anticipated no serious 
impediment in early arriving at a favourable result. But 
the difiSculties and perils of the undertaking were soon 
experimcDtally felt by the Archbishop, by whoui the insuf- 
ficiency of the commission, the obstacles which it had to 
o -2 



154 BFcOWXE. 

siuraount, and the best method of supplying its defect 
and giving efficacy to the king's intention, were pointed 
out in a letter to his patron, of September the 6th, 1535, 
which at the same time sets forth in a striking light the 
illiteracy of the clergy, and the blind and superstitions 
zeal of the people. 

" My most honoured Lord, 

"Your humble servant receiving your mandate, as one 
of his highness's commissioners, hath endeavoured, almost 
to the danger and hazard of this temporal life, to procure 
the nobility and gentry of this nation to due obedience, 
in owning of his highness tlieir supreme head, as well 
spiritual as temporal ; and do find much oppugning 
therein, especially by my brother Armagh, w^ho hath been 
the main oppugner, and so withdrawn most of his suffra- 
gans and clergy, with his see and jurisdiction. He made 
a speech to them, laying a curse on the people, whosoever 
should own his highness's supremacy : saying that this 
isle, as it is in their Irish Chronicles, Insula Sapra, be- 
longs to none but the Bishop of Rome, and that it was 
the Bishop of Rome's predecessors gave it to the king's 
ancestors. There be two messengers by the priests of 
Armagh, and by that Archbishoi^, now lately sent to the 
Bishop of Rome. 

" Your Lordship may inform his highness, that it is 
convenient to call a parliament in this nation to pass 
the supremacy by act; for they do not much matter 
his highness's commission, which your Lordship sent us 
over. 

" This island hath been for a long time held in ignor- 
ance by the Romish orders. And as for their secular 
orders, they be in a manner as ignorant as the people, 
being not able to say mass, or pronounce the words, they 
not knowing what they themselves say in the Roman 
tongue. The common people of this island are more 
^iealous in their blindness, than the saints and martyrs 



BROWNE. 155 

were in the truth at the beginning of the Gospel. I send 
Tou, mv very good Lord, these things, that your Lordship 
and his highness may consult what is to be done. It is 
feared O'Neil will be ordered by the Bishop of Rome to 
oppose your Lordship's orders from the King's highness : 
for the natives are much in numbers within his po\\ers. 
I do pray the Lord Christ to defend your LordshijD from 
your enemies." 

In pursuance of the Archbishop's advice, a Parliament 
was holden at Dublin in the spring of the year 1587, 
under Leonard Lord Gray, the Lord Deputy. 

Confidential communications from the King's ecclesias- 
tical Vicegerent most probably made known what mea- 
sures would be acceptable to the King, x^nd hereupon a 
bill was introduced for enacting, " that the King, his 
heirs and successors, should be the supreme head on 
earth of the Church of Ireland, and should have power 
and authority, from time to time, to visit, reform, restrain, 
and amend all such errors, heresies, abuses, offences, 
contempts and enormities, whatsoever they be. which by 
any manner, spiritual authority, or jurisdiction, ought or 
may lawfully be reformed, restrained, or amended, most 
to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue in 
Christ's religion, and for the conservation of peace, unity, 
and tranquillity of this land of Ireland ; any usage, 
custom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription, or 
any other thing or things to the contrary notwith- 
standing." 

Another bill was introduced for taking away all appeals 
to Rome in spiritual causes, and referring all such ap- 
] teals to the crown; and another, specifically "against 
the authority of the Bishop of Rome ;" recounting the 
various mischiefs, temporal and spiritual, which attended 
the usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome, by some 
called the Pope, and the necessity of excluding such 
foreign pretended power, forbidding all persons, on pain 
of premunire, to extol or maintain, by writing or any act. 



156 BROWNE. 

the authority, jurisdiction, or power of the Bishop of 
Rome within this realm ; giving order to the justices of 
assize and of peace, to inquire of offences against this 
act, as of other offences against the King s peace ; com- 
manding all Archbishops, Bishops, and Archdeacons, 
their commissaries, vicars-general, and other their minis- 
ters, to make inquiry of such eeclesiastical persons as 
offend ; imposing an oath of supremacy on all ecclesiasti- 
cal and lay officers ; and enacting that an obstinate refusal 
so to do, be, and be punished as, high treason. 

The jDassing of these bills, in assertion of the King's 
supremacy, and in contradiction and to the annihilation 
of the Pope's, was attended with much difficulty, espe- 
cially from the opposition of many spiritual peers. But 
the foresight which had dictated the measure was not 
wanting in energy to enforce it ; and the occasion called 
forth from the Archbishop of Dublin the following speech, 
distinguished more for its straightforwardness, brevity, 
and decision, than for deep argument or rhetorical 
display. 

" My Lords and Gentry of his Majesty's kingdom of 
Ireland, 
" Behold, your obedience to your King is the observ- 
ing of your Lord and Saviour Christ ; for He, that High 
Priest of our souls, paid tribute to Ceesar, though no 
Christian. Greater honour then surely is due to your 
prince, his highness the King, and a Christian one. 
Rome and her Bishops, in the Fathers' days, acknow- 
ledged emperors, kings, and princes to be supreme over 
their dominions, nay Christ's vicars ; and it is much to 
the Bishop of Rome's shame to deny what their precedent 
Bishops owned. Therefore his highness claims but what 
he can justify the Bishop Eleutherius gave to St. Lucius, 
the first Christian King of the Britons ; so that I shall, 
without scrupling, vote his highness King Henry ray 
supreme, over ecclesiastical matters as well as temporal, 
and head thereof, even of both isles, England and Ire- 



BROWNE. 157 

land ; and that without guilt of conscience, or sin to God. 
And he who will not pass this act, as I do, is no true sub- 
ject to his highness." 

This speech of the Archbishop was seconded by Jus- 
tice Brabazon ; and whether the assembly was invited by 
his example, or won by his reasoning, or controlled by 
his firmness, or startled by his denunciation, the bills 
overcame all opposition, and were passed into laws. 

In the same Parliament several other acts were passed, 
which had reference to ecclesiastical property, and mate- 
rially affected the Church and the clergy. 

The act for first fruits, taking for its j^recedent a similar 
act in England, enacted that all 2:>ersons, nominated to any 
ecclesiastical preferment, should pay to the King the pro- 
fits for one year, to whomsoever the foundation, pationage, 
or gift belong. 

Another vested in him the first-fruits of abbeys, priories, 
and hosjDitals : a previous act having provided for the 
suppression of thirteen religious houses by name ; for the 
assurance of pensions to the Abbots during their respec- 
tive lives, and for the enjoyment of the possessions by 
the patentees, to whom the King should have granted 
them. 

Another ordained, that the twentieth part of the profit 
of all spiritual promotions be paid yearly to the King for 
ever : an enactment so well pleasing to the King, that he 
sent a particular letter of thanks to the Lords spiritual 
for the grant. 

Another prohibited the payment of Peter-pence pen- 
sions, and other impositions, to the Bishop or see of 
Piome, and the procuring of dispensations, licenses, and 
faculties from thence; and authorized the granting of 
them by commissioners appointed by the King, in the 
same manner as by the Archbishop of Canterbury in 
England. 

By another act of the same Parliament, for encouraging 
" the English ord^r, habit, and language," spiritual pro- 
motions were directed to be given " only to such as could 



158 BROWNE. 

speak English, unless, after four proclamations in the next 
market town, such could not be had." And an oath was 
to be a(hninistered to " such as take orders, and to such 
as are instituted to any benefice, that he would endeavour 
to learn and teach the English tongue to all and every 
being under his rule ; and to bid the beads in the Eng- 
lish tongue, and preach the word of God in English, if 
he can preach ; and to keep or cause to be kept within 
his parish a school for to learn English, if any children 
of his parish come to him to learn the same, taking for 
the keeping of the same school such convenient stipend 
or salary as in the same land is accustomably used to be 
taken." 

Archbishop Browne was now fairly at the head of the 
movement party. The Archbishop of Armagh, Lord Pri- 
mate, was the leader of the conservatives, and was strongly 
opposed to his brother of Dublin. To such opposition an 
additional stimulus was doubtless given by the endea- 
vours, made at the same time by the Archbishop of Dub- 
lin, for abolishing the false objects of Romish worship 
from the churches within his jurisdiction. His two 
cathedrals in particular, as there has been already occa- 
sion to observe, abounded with these symbols of corrup- 
tion. In the Church of the Holy Trinity, or Christ's 
Church, the reliques and statues were innumerable ; and 
in the walls of St. Patrick's a multitude of niches had 
been furnished by the superstition of the times with 
images of saints These endeavours were about coincident 
in time with similar proceedings carried on under the 
royal authority in England ; and the Archbishop acted 
under the like authority, which had been recently acknow- 
ledged in Ireland by the late statutes, having received 
instructions from the Lord Cromwell to that effect. But 
in executing these instructions he was met with opposi- 
tion, not only from the Primate, but from those who were 
next in authority to himself within his own diocese ; 
namely, the Prior of the church of the Holy Trinity, 
Bobert Castele, alias Payneswick, and Edward Bassenet, 



BROWNE. 159 

Dean of St. Patrick, who were tempted by the emolu- 
ments accruing from those superstitious objects of venera- 
tion to resist the King and the x\rchbishop, and to seek 
support in their resistance from the Pope. 

Notwithstanding the zeal of Archbishop Browne for the 
establishment of the royal prerogative he seems, for some 
cause not apparent, to have fallen this time under the 
displeasure of the capricious tyrant whom he served, and 
from whom he received an angry letter. The Archbishop 
vindicated his conduct, and the matter dropped. 

In the meantime commissioners had been appointed 
by the government to enquire into the state of the king- 
dom, who held inquests relative to the several counties 
and towns which they visited. Besides the complaints 
against the laity some were preferred against the clergy, 
and these serve to shew the state of the Irish establish- 
ment at that period. Undue fees were exacted by the 
Bishops and their officials for the probate of wills, and 
for judgment in matrimonial and other causes. Various 
priests were charged with extortion in the fees demanded 
for baptisms, for weddings, for the purification of women, 
and for burials. Some are accused for taking portion 
canon, which is explained, in one parish, to have been the 
taking, on a man's death, of his best array, arms, 
sword, and knife ; and the same, even on the death of a 
wife during her husband's life : in another parish, to have 
been the taking from the husband, on his wife's death, 
of the fifth penny, if his goods were under twenty shil- 
lings ; and five shillings, if above that amount : and in a 
third parish, the taking of one penny three farthings in 
the shilling. Some parsons, abbots, and priors, were 
charged with not singing mass, though they took the pro- 
fits of their benefices : and the jury of Clonmell charged 
several of the regular priests in that part with keeping 
lemans or harlots, and having wifes and children. 

We have a further description of the state of the Irish 
clergy in a letter from Archbishop Browne himself, 



160 BROWNE. 

written on the 3th of April, 1538, to the Lord Cromwell 
himself. 

" Right honourable and my singular good Lord, 

" I acknowledge my bounden duty to your Lordship's 
good-will to me, next to my Saviour Christ's, for the place 
I now possess ; I pray God give me His grace to execute 
the same to His glory, and his Highness's honour, with 
your Lordship's instructions. The people of this nation 
be zealous, yet blind and unknowing ; most of the clergy, 
as your Lordship has had from me before, being ignorant, 
and not able to speak right words in the mass or liturgy, 
as being not skilled in the Latin grammar ; so that a bird 
may be taught to speak with as much sense, as several of 
them do in this country. These sorts, though not 
scholars, yet are crafty to cozen the poor common people, 
and to dissuade them from following his highness's 
orders : George, my brother of Armagh, doth underhand 
occasion quarrels, and is not active to execute his high- 
ness's orders in his diocese. I have observed your Lord- 
ship's letter of commission, and do find several of my 
pupils leave me for so doing. I will not put others in 
their livings till I know your Lordship's pleasure; for it is 
meet 1 acquaint you first, the Romish relics and images 
of both my cathedrals in Dublin, of the Holy Trinity and 
of St. Patrick's, took ofif the common people from the true 
worship, but the prior and the dean find them so sweet 
for their gain, that they heed not my words : therefore 
send in your Lordship's next to me an order more full, 
and a chide to them and their canons, that they might be 
removed. Let the order be, that the chief governors may 
assist me in it. The prior and dean have written to 
Rome, to be encouraged ; and if it be not hindered before 
they have a mandate from the Bishop of Rome, the people 
will be bold, and then tug long before his highness can 
submit them to his grace's orders. The country folk here 
much hate your Lordship, and despitefully call you in 



BROWNE. 101 

their Irish tongue, the blacksmith's son. The Duke of 
Norfolk is by Armagh and that clergy, desired to assist 
them, not to suffer his highness to alter Church rules 
here in Ireland. As a friend, I desire your Lordship to 
look to your noble person ; for Rome hath a great kindness 
for that duke (for so it is talked here) and will reward him 
and his children. Rome has great favours for this nation, 
purposely to oppose his highness ; and so having got, 
since the act passed, great indulgences for rebellion, there- 
fore my hope is lost, yet my zeal is to do according to 
your Lordship's orders. God keep your Lordship from 
your enemies here and in England." Dublin the third 
Kalends April 1538. 

It was not long before the predictions of the Arch- 
bishop were fulfilled. In May, 1538, he had to convey to 
Cromwell the intelligence of the unjustifiable and wicked 
proceedings of the Pope and his party, in the following 
letter : — 

*' Right honourable, 

" My duty premised : it may please your Lordship to 
be advertised, sithence my last, there has come to Armagh 
and his clergy, a private commission from the Bishop of 
Rome, prohibiting his gi'acious highness's people, here in 
this nation, to own his royal supremacy ; and joining a 
curse to all them and theirs, w^ho shall not within forty 
days confess to their confessors, after the publishing of it 
to them, that they have done amiss in so doing. The 
substance, as our secretary hath translated the same into 
English, is thus : — 

" ' I, A. B., from this present hour forward, in the 
presence of the Holy Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin, 
mother of God, of St. Peter, of the holy apostles, arch- 
angels, angels, saints, and of all the holy host of heaven, 
shall and will be always obedient to the Holy See of 
St. Peter of Ptome, and to my holy Lord the Pope of Rome, 
and his successors, in all things, as well spiritual, as tem- 

VOL. III. p 



16a BROWNE. 

poral, not consenting in the least that his holiness shall 
lose the least title or dignity belonging to the Papacy of 
our mother Church, or to the regality of St. Peter. 

" ' I do vow and swear to maintain, help, and assist 
the just laws, liberties, and rights of the mother Church 
of Rome. 

" * I do likewise promise to confer, defend, and promote, 
if not personally, yet willingly, as in ability able, either by 
advice, skill, estate, money, or otherwise, the Church of 
Rome, and her laws, against all whatsoever resisting the 
same. 

'• ' I further vow to oppugn all heretics, either in 
making or setting forth edicts or commands, contrary to 
the mother Church of Rome ; and in case any such to be 
moved or composed, to resist it to the uttermost of my 
power, with the first convenience and opportunity I can 
possess. 

•' ' I count all acts, made or to be made by heretical 
powers, of no force, or to be practised or obeyed by myself, 
or any other son of the mother Church of Rome. 

'"I do further declare him or her, father or mother, 
brother or sister, son or daughter, husband or wife, uncle 
or aunt, nephew or niece, kinsman or kinswoman, master 
or mistress, and all others, nearest or dearest relations, 
friend or acquaintance whatsoever, accursed, that either 
do or shall hold, for time to come, any ecclesiastical or 
civil, above the authority of the mother Church; or that 
do or shall obey, for the time to come, any of her the 
mother Church's opposers or enemies, or contrary to the 
same, of which I have here sworn unto ; so God, the 
Blessed Virgin, St. Peter, St. Paul, and the holy Evan- 
gelists, help, &c..' 

'^ His highness the viceroy of this nation, is of little or 
no power with the old natives ; therefore your Lordship 
will expect of me no more than I am able. This nation is 
poor in wealth, and not sufficient now at present to 
oppose them. It is obsen'ed that ever since his high- 



BROWNE. 163 

ness's ancestors had this nation in possession, the old 
natives have been craving foreign powers, to assist and 
rule them. And now both English race and Irish be- 
gin to oppose your Lordship's orders, and do lay aside 
their national old quarrels, which I fear will, if anything 
will, cause a foreigner to invade this nation. I pray 
God I may be a false prophet ; yet your good Lordship 
must pardon mine opinion, for I write it to your Lord- 
ship as a warning." 

This bull of excommunication from the Pope was in- 
tended not to be a mere brutum fidmen, but to be the 
harbinger of more open and determined hostility against 
the King and his liege subjects, who dared to resist the 
aggressions of the Papal tyranny. About midsummer a 
Franciscan friar, named Thady Birne, was apprehended ; 
and, having been put into the pillory, was confined in 
prison, until the King s order should arrive for his trans- 
mission to England. But terrified by the report that he 
was to be put to death, he committed suicide on the 24tli 
of July in the castle of Dublin; and amongst other papers, 
was found in his possession the following letter to O'Neal, 
dated at Rome April the 28th, 1538, exciting him to rebel- 
lion in the names of the Pope and Cardinals, and under 
the signature of the Bishop of Metz. 

" My son O'Neal, 

" Thou and thy fathers are all along faithful to the 
mother Church of Rome. His Holiness Paul, now Pof>e, 
and the council of the holy fathers there, have lately found 
out a prophecy there remaining, of one St. Laserianus, 
an Irish Bishop of Cashel, wherein he saith, that the 
mother Church of Rome falleth, when in Ireland the 
Catholic faith is overcome. Therefore, for the glory of the 
mother Church, the honour of St. Peter, and your own 
secureness, suppress heresy and his holiness's enemies ; 
for when the Roman faith there perisheth, the see of 
Rome falleth also. Therefore the council of Cardinals 
have thought fit to encourage your country of Ireland as a 



164 BROWNE. 

sacred island ; being certified, whilst the mother Church 
hath a son of worth as yourself, and those that shall 
succour you and join therein, that she will never fall ; 
but have more or less a holding in Britain, in spite of 
fate. 

"Thus having obeyed the order of the most sacred 
council, we recommend your princely person to the [care 
of the] Holy Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin, of St. Peter, 
St. Paul, and all the heavenly host of heaven. — Amen. 

" Episcopus Metensis." 

This and the like solicitations to rebellion and treason, 
in behalf of the Bishop and Church of Rome, were not 
lost upon O'Neal, who early in the following year, declared 
himself the champion of the Papacy ; or upon others of 
the Irish leaders, to whom they appear to have been ad- 
dressed, and who, engaging in a confederacy, took the field, 
and committed great devastations, till they were defeated 
by the foresight and valour of the Lord Deputy and Sir 
William Brereton. But, instead of dwelling on these 
transactions, our business rather is to relate that, notwith- 
standing all opposition both from within and from without, 
the reformation of the Church was slowly but progressively 
advancing, and thus giving an earnest and opening the 
w^ay of further improvements. 

In particular, the Archbishop of Dublin at length suc- 
ceeded in the accomplishment of his design of removing 
the monuments of superstition from his two cathedrals, 
and from the rest of the churches in his diocese : and 
especially the miraculous staff of St. Patrick, which had 
been plundered from the cathedral of Armagh, and pre- 
sented to that of the Holy Trinity, in Dublin, in 1180, 
and had since been treasured up as one of its most valu- 
able reliques, was publicly committed to the flames and 
burnt ; and the images in general were displaced, and in 
their room were substituted the creed, the Lord's-prayer, 
and the ten commandments, decently framed and orna- 
mented. About the same time these objects of idolatrous 



BROWNE. 165 

Vv^orship elsewhere were generally defaced or removed, 
after the example which had been set in England. Thus 
an image of our blessed Saviour on the cross, in the abbej 
of Balljbogan, in the diocese of Meath, which had been 
held in great veneration, was publicly destroyed by fire ; 
and the same fate befell the equally venerated image of 
the Blessed Virgin, in the abbey of the canons regular, at 
Tiim, in the same diocese ; and the oblations and trea- 
sures, which many superstitious votaries had offered there, 
were at the same time taken and carried away. 

But in these latter instances, whatever may have been 
the Archbishop's good will on the occasion, he appears to 
have had no concern in the transaction. He had been 
accused, indeed, of such an intention early in the year in 
which it occurred ; but had defended himself against the 
charge in a letter to the Lord Privy Seal, dated the 20th 
of June, 1538 : — " For that I endeavour myself, and also 
cause others of my clergy, to preach the Gospel of Christ, 
and to set forth the King s causes, there goeth a common 
bruit among the Irishmen, that I intend to pluck down 
our Lady of Trim, with other places of pilgrimages, as the 
Holy Cross, and such like ; which, indeed, 1 never at- 
tempted, although my conscience would right well serve 
rae to oppress such idols. But undoubted they be the 
adversaries of God's word, which have kindled the same, 
thinking it will be to my reproach, that 1 pray God 
amend them ; fearing, that all those of this country, being 
now there, which feign themselves outwardly to be the 
maintainers of the Gospel, it is not inwardly conceived in 
their hearts." 

Archbishop Browne's task was by no means an easy 
one, the Lord Deputy was in heart a conservative and a 
Romanizer, and reports were in circulation of vaccilation 
on the part of the King ; nevertheless he proceeded gene- 
rally by legitimate means, occasionally by causing an op- 
ponent to be imprisoned. He was diligent in preaching, 
and in order to secure the acknowledgment of the Royal 

F'2 



166 BROWNE. 

supremacy, he put forth, under his seal as ordinary, a 
form of bidding prayer, under the title of " The Form of 
the Beads," to be addressed by all the clergy to the peo- 
ple, directing them what to pray for. In this form the 
phrase " Church of England and Ireland" is used, and 
the phrase not in the plural, " churches," but in the sin- 
gular, " church," occurs five times in the course of the 
Formulary. In this the Papal supremacy was denounced, 
and that of the King asserted. It concluded with the 
direction ; " For these and for grace every man say a 
Pater noster and an Ave." 

To this stretch of authority there was much opposition : 
we can easily understand the extreme violence to which 
the clergy of the Church of Ireland would be hurried at 
the present time by an attempt on the part of their rulers 
in the opposite direction, and we must make allowance 
for the conduct of the clergy of the established Church 
when they were most of them Romanizers, and the cause 
of Popery was identified in men's minds with that of con- 
servatism. Archbishop Browne, as we have before ob- 
served, was not supported by the Lord Deputy : and to 
what extent of persecution his zeal might have hurried 
him, except for the check he received in this quarter, it is 
difficult to say. With reference to a disobedient clergy- 
man, his grace wrote to Lord Cromwell the following 
rather 2jettish letter : 

" It may please your Lordship to be advertised, that in 
my last letter, directed unto your Lordship, I signified 
unto the same, that for his pervicacity and negligence I 
committed one Humfrey, a prebendary of St. Patrick's, 
unto ward, till time that I knew further the King's plea- 
sure in correcting of such obstinate and sturdy Papists ; 
thinking that in so doing I should have been aided and 
assisted by my Lord Deputy and the council. Howbeit, 
spite of my beard, yea, and to my great rebuke, whiles 
that I was at an house of Observants, to swear them, and 
also to extinct that name, naming them Conventuals, my 



BROWNE. 167 

Lord Deputy hath set him at liberty. (So doth his Lord- 
ship aid me in my prince's causes.) I think the simplest 
holy-water clerk is better esteemed than I am. I beseech 
your Lordship in the way of charity, either cause my 
authority to take effect, or else let me return home again 
unto the cloister. When that I was at the worst, I was 
in better case than I am now, what with my Lord De- 
puty, the Bishop of Meath, and the pecuniose Prior of 
Kilmainham (Ptaw^son). God send remedy, Who ever have 
your Lordship in His safe tuition. At Dublin, the "^Oth 
of May. 

" Your Lordship may give credit unto this bearer, for 
he is my chaplain. I have committed now of late into 
ward the Bishop of Meath's suffragan, w^hich in his 
sermon prayed, first for the Bishop of Rome, then for 
the Emperor, and at last for the King's grace, saying : — 
' I pray God, he never depart this world, until that he 
hath made amends.' What shall a man think of the 
Bishop that hath such a suffragan ? Howbeit, I doubt 
not but that he shall be discharged ; ask, and nought 
believe. 

(Signed.) " Georgius Dublin." 
(Superscribed.) 
" To the Right Honourable and my most singular 
good Lord, the Lord Private Seal." 

The allusion made in the foregoing letter to Staples, 
Bishop of Meath, arose from an unhappy difference which 
prevailed between the Archbishop and him, caused by 
certain sermons which they had delivered in the preceding 
Lent, and in which each was said to have maligned tlie 
other, on the evidence of insufficient, perhaps slanderous, 
witnesses, of whom Humirey was one. Much crimination 
and recrimination followed, and hard words were used on 
both sides, little creditable in truth to the Christian pro- 
fession, or the dignified station of either. In the end, 
articles, drawn up by each party, were sent to the Lord 
Privy Seal ; but the dispute seems to have been adjusted 



168 BROWNE. 

between them by his interposition, without pronouncing 
on its merits. 

In 1538 he was one of the privy council, who went on a 
visitation of four counties, for the purpose of " aboHshing 
the Bishop of Rome's usurped authority and extinguish- 
ing idolatry;" and his fellow commissioners in a letter to 
the Lord Privy Seal, express a hope that '* it may please 
his Lordship to give thanks to my Lord of Dublin for his 
pains and diligence he hath used in his journey with us, 
in setting forth the word of God." 

In another letter written after the return of the com- 
missioners to Dublin, and signed by the Archbishop as 
vveil as his three commissioners, it is reported : — " At 
Clonmell was with us two Archbishops and eight Bishops, 
in whose presence my Lord of Dublin preached, in ad- 
vancing the King's supremacy, and the extinguishment 
of the Bishop of Rome. And, his sermon finished, all 
the said Bishops, in all the open audience, took the 
oath mentioned in the xlcts of Parliament, both touch- 
ing the King's succession and supremacy, before me, 
the King's Chancellor; and divers others there present 
did the like" 

In a letter from the Archbishop himself to the Lord 
Privy Seal, his Grace complains of the treatment he 
received from the conservative Lord Deputy, who had 
seized his house and furniture ; in the concluding para- 
graph he says : "At such season as your Lordship's plea- 
sure shall be to send hither authority ad causas ecdesias- 
tlcas, God willing, I intend to travel the country as far as 
any English is to be understanded ; and where, as I may 
not be understanded, I have provided a suffragan, named 
Doctor Xangle, Bishop of Clonfert, who is not only well 
learned, but also a right honest man, and undoubtedly 
will set forth as well the word of God as our princes 
causes, in the Irish tongue, to the discharge, I trust, of 
my conscience. Which said Bishop was promoted to the 
said benefice, by the King's majesty and you ; and by 
commandment of the King s highness, and your good Lord- 



BROWNE. 169 

ship, bj me consecrated ; although as now he is expulsed, 
and a Rome runner, who came in by provision, supported 
in the same by one IM'WilUam, a naughty traitorous 
person, governor of those parts, to whom the said Doctor 
Xangle, my suffragan, showed the King's broad seal, for 
justifying of his authority, which the said M'Wilham little 
esteemed, but threw it away and vihpended the same. 
Notwithstanding that, my Lord Deputy will see no re- 
dress, for that his Lordship is so affectioned to the said 
M 'William, although his Lordship had the King s highness 
letters in the favour of my said suffragan. Nevertheless 
his Lordship did a greater enterprise than that, in Obrenes 
country. He there deposed a Bishop, which was likewise 
promoted by the King's highness ; which Bishop was at 
Clonmell at our last journey, and there in presence of the 
Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, Master Sub-Treasurer, 
and me, declared unto us the truth thereof. And, for 
as much as we could perceive, he was a right fatherly 
person ; and he, that the Lord Deputy hath now pro- 
moted to the same, is a gray fiiar, one of the holy con- 
fessors of the late Garrantynes, even as rank a traditor as 
ever they were.'" 

The dissolution of monasteries had commenced before 
Archbishop Browne's time ; Archbishop Alan had been 
one of Cardinal Wolsey's instruments in procuring the 
dissolution of forty of the lesser monasteries. Subse- 
quently other abbeys and religious houses had been sup- 
pressed and their property given to other persons, or 
vested in the crown. It is not fair to charge the dissolu- 
tion of monasteries entirely upon the Reformers. Their 
corruption had in many instances become so great, that 
the public seemed to demand a diminution of their num- 
ber, as well as a reformation in their inmates. 

At this time the dissolution of the monasteries was 
vigorously prosecuted, and effected to a large extent, but 
not without opposition. That the corruptions were many 
and great, no one denied, but that the wheat should be 
consumed with the tares, many regretted. In 1538 a 



170 BROWNE. 

report was made of a commission for the suppression of 
all abbeys, which called forth a recommendation from the 
Lord Deputy and council, that " six houses should stand 
and continue, changing their clothing and rule in such 
sort and order, as the King's grace should will them : 
which are named St. Mary Abbey, adjoining to Dublin, a 
house of white monks; Christ's Church, a house of canons, 
situate in the midst of the city of Dublin ; the nunnery 
of Grace Dieu, in the county of Dublin ; Connal, in the 
county of Kildare ; Kenlys and Gerepont, in the county 
of Kilkenny. For in those houses commonly, and other 
such like, in default of common inns, which are not in 
this land, the King's deputy, and all other his grace's 
council and officers, also Irishmen, and others resorting 
to the King's deputy in their quarters, is and hath been 
most commonly lodged at the costs of the said houses. 
Also in them young men and children, both gentlemen 
children, and other, both of mankind and womankind, be 
brought up in virtue, learning, and in the English tongue, 
and behaviour, to the great charges of the said houses ; 
that is to say, the womankind of the whole Englishry of 
this land, for the more part, in the said nunnery, and the 
mankind in the other said houses. And in the said house 
of St. Mary Abbey hath been the common resort of all 
such of reputation, as have repaired hither out of Eng- 
land. And in Christ's Church, parliaments, councils, and 
the common resort, in term time, for definitions of matters 
by judges and learned men, is, for the most part, used. 

For which causes, and others moved and 

reasoned amongst the council, it was thought, the King's 
most gracious pleasure standing therewith, more for the 
common weal of this land, and the King's honour and 
profit, that the said six houses, changing their habit and 
rules, after such sort as shall please the King's majesty, 
should stand, than the profits that should to the Kings 
grace grow by their suppression." 

A petition to the same effect, relative to their own 
house, was sent to the Lord Privy Seal by the abbot and 



BROWNE. 171 

convent of St. Mary, pleading, amongst other things, that 
" verily they were but stewards and pun-eyors to other 
men's uses, for the King's honour: keeping hospitality, 
and many poor men, scholars and orphans." 

But no concession appears to have been made to this 
recommendation and petition. Accordingly, we find most 
of the superiors of the houses just enumerated in the list 
of those abbots and priors, who upon assurance of pensions 
during their respective lives, as provided by the late Act 
of Parliament, began now to suiTender their religious 
houses to the King. When a voluntary surrender of a 
monastery was refused, compulsory means were enforced 
against the recusant, though the entire suppression of 
monasteries in Ireland was not effected till the reign of 
James I. 

In 1539 letters patents under the privy seal were issued 
to the Archbishop and others, appointing among other 
things, "that they should investigate, inquire, and search 
out, where, within the said land of Ireland, there were any 
notable images, or reliques, at which the simple people of 
the said lord the King were wont superstitiously.to meet 
together : and wandering as on pilgrimage, to walk and 
stray about them, or otherwise to kiss, lick, or honour 
them, contrary to the honour of God ; and that they 
should break in pieces, deform, and bear away the same : 
and thus with all things pertaining, annexed, and adjoined 
thereto, they should utterly abolish them, so that no fool- 
eries of this kind might thenceforth for ever be in use 
in the said land or dominion of the aforesaid lord the 
King." 

The commission also directed, with respect to such 
monasteries and religious houses, as w^ere willingly sur- 
rendered into the hands of the King, and thereupon dis- 
solved, that the commissioners should take for the King's 
use and possession all goods, moveable things, and chat- 
tels, lands, and revenues thereof; and sell and alienate 
the same, except gold and silver plate, jewels, principal 
ornaments, lead, and bells; and from the proceeds, and 



17-2 BROWNE. 

also from the revenues of the said monasteries and houses, 
if the goods and moveables thereof were insufficient, 
should pay all just debts, and all other reasonable charges, 
incidental to the said monasteries or religious houses. It 
also gave authority to the commissioners, to allow the 
chief governors and heads of the said houses such portion 
of the things aforesaid, as might be fitting for their rank, 
and appear convenient in the commissioners' discretion. 
And it directed them to provide for the sufficient and 
secure keeping of the jewels and other moveables in their 
custody, to the use and behoof of the said lord the 
King. 

Under the episcopate of Dr. Browne the see of Dublin 
suffered considerable damage in its property, and, what 
certainly tells against his grace, while he was willing to 
sacrifice the property of the see, of which he was only 
steward, he sought indemnification for himself. In 1542 
the King having made a grant of certain lands, which in 
great part belonged to the Archbishop of Dublin, but 
which the Archbishop was contented liberally to release to 
his majesty, the Lord Deputy and council prayed the King 
to remit to him a debt of £280., " in respect of his said 
conformity, and that he hath, sithence his repair into this 
your realm, sustained great charges in your highness' 
service, and came very poor to his said promotion, having 
no manner dilapidations of the goods of his predecessor ; 
Tvhereby he shall not only be the more able to serve your 
majesty, and be well requited for his said conformity, but 
also bind him, according to his most bounden duty, to 
pray to Almighty God for the long preservation of your 
most royal estate ; otherwise we think the man shall not 
be able to pay your majesty, and live in any honourable 
estate." The King granted the prayer in the Archbishop's 
favour : " not doubting but he will the better apply his 
charge and office, and provide that there may be some 
good preachers to instruct and teach the people in those 
parts. Willing, therefore, you, our deputy and council, 
t-hat you have a special regard also to this point ; and as 



BROWNE. 173 

you may provide that they may learn by good and catholic 
teaching, and the ministration of justice, to know God's 
laws and ours together ; which shall daily more and more 
frame and confirm them in honest living and due obedi- 
ence, to their own benefits, and the universal good of the 
country." 

The progress of the Reformation had been but slow in 
the reign of Henry VIIL, — more decided measures were 
taken upon the accession of Edward VI, but the Romaniz- 
ing feeling was strong among both the clergy and laity of 
the Irish Church. In 1551 an order was addressed to 
the Lord Deputy, Sir Anthony St. Leger, for introducing 
the reformed English Book of Common Prayer into all 
the Churches in Ireland. The Common Prayer Book had 
been ratified by the English convocation and parliament 
in 1549. In this order it is said that the King had 
" caused the liturgy and prayers of the Church to be trans- 
lated" into English, intending by the expression to guard 
against the insinuation of the Romanizers that the book 
was a new book, or that in attempting to reform there 
was any intention fundamentally to change the ancient 
Church. The order was as follows : — 

" Edward, by the gi'ace of God, &c. 

" Whereas our gracious father, King Henry the 
Eighth, of happy memory, taking into consideration the 
bondage and heavy yoke that his true and faithful sub- 
jects sustained under the jurisdiction of the Bishops of 
Rome, as also the ignorance the commonalty were in, how- 
several fabulous stories and lying wonders misled our 
subjects in both our realms of England and Ireland, 
grasping thereby the means thereof into their hands, also 
dispensing with the sins of our nations by their indulg- 
ences and pardons for gain, pui^posely to cherish all ill 
vices, as robberies, rebellions, thefts, whoredoms, blas- 
phemy, idolatry, &c. : He, our gracious father, King 
Henry, of happy memory, hereupon dissolved all prioiies, 

VOL. III. Q 



1T4 BROWNE. 

monasteries, abbeys, and other pretended religious houses, 
as being but nurseries for vice and luxury, more than for 
sacred learning : therefore, that it might more plainly ap- 
pear to the world, that those orders had kept the light of 
the Gospel from his people, he thought it most fit and 
convenient, for the preservation of their souls and bodies, 
that the Holy Scriptures should be translated, printed, 
and placed in all Parish Churches within his dominions, 
for his faithful subjects to increase their knowledge of God 
and of our Saviour Jesus Christ. We therefore, for the 
genera] benefit of our well-beloved subjects' under- 
standings, whenever assembled and met together in the 
said several Parish Churches, either to pray or hear 
prayers read, that they may the better join therein, in 
unity, hearts, and voice, have caused the Liturgy and 
l^rayers, of the Church to be translated into our mother- 
tongue of this realm of England, according to the assem- 
bly of divines lately met within the same for that purpose. 
We therefore will and command, as also authorize you, 
Sir Anthony Saint Leger, Knight, our ^dceroy of that our 
kingdom of Ireland, to give special notice to all our clergy, 
as well Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, as 
others our secular parish priests within that our said king- 
dom of Ireland, to perfect, execute, and obey this our royal 
will and pleasure accordingly. 

" Given at our manor of Greenwich, the. 6th of Febru- 
arv, in the fifth year of our reign. 

"E. R. 

" To our trusty and well-beloved Sir Anthony Saint 
Leger, Knight, our chief governor of our kingdom of 
Ireland." 

The first step taken by the viceroy on receiving this 
order, and before he proceeded to notify it by a general 
proclamation, was to call together an assembly of the 
Archbishops and Bishops, and of the clergy of Ireland, on 



BROWNE. 175 

tlie 1st of March, 1551 : and to acquaint them with his 
majesty's order, as also with the opinioDS of those Bishops 
and clergy of England who had acceded to the order. And 
he thereupon told them, that " it was his majesty's will 
and pleasure, consenting unto their serious considerations 
and opinions, then acted and agreed on in England, as to 
ecclesiastical matters, that the same be in Ireland so like- 
wise celebrated and performed." 

To this communication of the Lord Deputy an answer 
was returned by the primate. Archbishop Dowdall, who 
promptly availed himself of the opportunity, the first 
which seems to have occurred, in ^ general meeting of the 
Prelates and clergy of the kingdom, since his elevation, 
for oppugning the royal authority, and testifying his zeal 
for the Pope, and discrediting the proposed improvement 
in religious worship. He accordingly expressed himself 
in strong terms opposed to the provision caused by the 
King to be made, and now set forth by his authority : he 
contended against the Liturgy, that it might not be read 
or sung in the church : and he accompanied his opposi- 
tion with the contemptuous reflection, substituting the 
word "mass" for "service," " Then shall every illiterate 
fellow read mass." 

The Primate's reflection was readily met by the Lord 
Deputy, who made a judicious and sufficient reply; briefly 
alleging where the charge of illiteracy properly rested, and 
propounding one incontrovertible argument in favour of 
a form of prayer in the vernacular tongue, as mutually 
intelligible both to the minister and to the people. " No," 
said he, " your grace is mistaken ; for we have too many 
illiterate priests amongst us already, who neither can pro- 
nounce the Latin, nor know what it means, no more than 
the common jDeople that hear them ; but when the people 
hear the Liturgy in English, they and the priest will then 
understand what they pray for." 

The Primate seems to have felt the force of the appeal, 
for he did not attempt to refute it ; but adopting a course 
which is no unusual substitute for argument with those 



176 BROWNE. 

who are sensible of tlie weakness of their cause, he had 
recourse to the language of menace and intimidation, and 
bade the viceroy " beware of the clergy's curse." And 
indeed, in so doing, he was only following the instruc- 
tion and example of his acknowledged lord and mastei', 
the Bishop of Rome, in his commission to his subjects 
in King Henry the Eighth's reign, and was adopting 
the usual practice of the papal authorities on similar 
occasions. 

The cautionary charge, however, was lost on the vice- 
roy. " I fear no strange curse," said he, " so long as I 
have the blessing of that Church which I believe to be the 
true one." 

"Can there be a truer Church," the Archbishop there- 
upon demanded, " than the church of St. Peter, the 
mother Church of Rome ?" 

" I thought," returned the Lord Deputy, " we had all 
been of the Church of Christ; for He calls all true 
believers in Him His Church, and Himself the head 
thereof." 

The Archbishop again demanded, "And is not St. 
Peter's church the Church of Christ ?" 

To which the Lord Deputy calmly replied, " St. Peter 
was a member of Christ's Church ; but the church was not 
St. Peter's ; neither was St. Peter, but Christ, the head 
thereof." 

Thus ceased this very remarkable altercation. For the 
Primate, indignant, as it should seem, at the counterac- 
tion offered to his resistance of the proposed measure, and 
to his zeal for the papal church, and the pretended suc- 
cessor of St. Peter, thereupon rose up and left the assem- 
bly, accompanied by several, perhaps all» of the Bishops 
within his jurisdiction who were present, except the 
Bishop of Meath, who continued behind, together with 
the other clergy who remained. 

The viceroy then took the order, and held it forth to 
the Archbishop of Dublin, who stood up, and received 
it with these words : "This order, good brethren, is from 



BROWNE. 177 

our gracious King, and from the rest of our brethren, 
the fathers and clergy of England, who have consulted 
herein, and compared the holy Scriptures with what 
they have done ; unto whom I submit, as Jesus did to 
Cassar, in all things just and lawful, making no question 
why or wherefore, as we own him our true and lawful 
King." 

Several of the more moderate Bishops and clergy- ad- 
hered to Archbishop Browne ; among whom were Staples, 
Bishop of Meath ; Lancaster, Bishop of Kildare ; Travers, 
Bishop of Leighlin ; and Coyn, Bishop of Limerick. If 
there were any other Bishops, their names have not been 
recorded. 

Divine worship was conducted according to the English 
ritual at Christ-church cathedral in Dublin, on Easter- 
day, 1551. The Archbishop preached on the occasion, 
and defended the Reformation with calmness and judg- 
ment. The Romanizing and conservative party were as 
strongly supported by Dowdall, Archbishop of Armagh, as 
the reforming Party was by Archbishop Browne. A con- 
test for precedence had for some centuries been agitated 
between the Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin, each 
claiming it in right of his see : but latterly it had been 
enjoyed with little or no opposition by the Archbishop of 
Armagh, who was distinguished by the title of Primate of 
all Ireland, from the Archbishop of Dublin, who styled 
himself only Primate of Ireland, after the manner used 
for distinguishing in the like respect the x\rchbishops of 
Canterbury and York in England. But in consequence 
of the parts respectively taken by the two iVrchbishops on 
the recent occasion ; in testimony of disapprobation of the 
obstinate opposition made by Archbishop Dowdall to the 
Retbrmation, and specially to the introduction of the 
Liturgy ; and in acknowledgment of the zeal, resolution, 
and extraordinary services of Archbishop Browne ; by an 
act of the 20th of October, 1551, the King and council 
of England deprived the former of the primacy of all 
Q'2 



178 BROWNE. 

Ireland, and by letters patent conferred the title on tlie 
latter and his successors, and annexed it to the see of 
Dublin. 

But Browne did not long enjoy his precedence. With 
the accession of Queen Mary the Romanizers regained 
their authority in the Church of Ireland as well as in 
England, and at the latter end of the year 1554 Browne 
was illegally, uncanonically, and by an act of tyranny 
deprived of his see. Archbishop Dowdall then recovered 
the title of Primate, which has ever since been attached to 
his see. The exact time of Archbishop Browne's death is 
not recorded, we are merely informed that it occurred 
about the year 1556. — Chiefly from Bisliop Mant's History 
of the Church of Ireland. Life and Sermon re-jmnted in 
the Phoenix. Strypes Cranmer. Ware. Wood. 



BKOWNE, PETER. 

Petek Browne, a native of Ireland, was at first provost 
of Trinity College in Dublin, and afterwards Bishop of 
Cork. He wrote, 1. A Refutation of Toland's Christianity 
not Mysterious. This was the foundation of his prefer- 
ment ; which occasioned him to say to Toland himself, 
that he was indebted to him for his mitre. 2. The Pro- 
gress, Extent, and Limits, of the Human Understanding, 
1728, 8vo. This was meant as a supplemental work, dis- 
playing more at large the principles on which he had 
confuted Toland. 3. Sermons levelled principally against 
the Socinians, written in a manly and easy style, and 
much admired. He published also, 4. A little volume in 
12mo, against the Custom of Drinking to the Memory of 
the Dead. It was a fashion among the whigs of his time 
to drink to the glorious and immortal memory of king 
William III., which greatly disgusted our bishop, and is 
supposed to have given rise to the piece in question. His 
notion was. that drinking to the dead is tantamount to 



BROWNE. 179 

praying for the dead, and not, as is really meant, an 
ai)probation of certain conduct or principles. The only 
effect, however, was that the whigs added to their toast, 
"in spite of the Bishop of Cork." He died in 1735. 
— Gen. Biog. Diet. 



BEOWNE, THOMAS. 

Thomas Browne was born in the county of Middlesex, 
in 1604. In 16"20 he was elected student of Christ- 
church, and took his master's degree in 1627. In 1636 
he served the office of proctor, and the year after was 
made domestic chaplain to Archbishop Laud, and bachelor 
of divinity. Soon after he became rector of St. Mary 
Alderraary, London, canon of Windsor in 1639, and 
rector of Oddington, in Oxfordshire. When the Rebellion 
broke out the rebels and dissenters ejected him from his 
living. He was one among many thousand sufferers who 
have met with little sympathy, although for their Church 
and their King they suffered insult to their persons, impri- 
sonment, and spoiling of goods. They who suffer for ortho- 
doxy and loyalty, must always look for their reward 
beyond the grave In an evil and adulterous generation 
the rebel is admired if successful, and hanged, if in 
an attempt to succeed he endangers life and property. 
Browne, when driven from his Church and his home, 
joined Charles the Martyr at Oxford. He was chaplain to 
the King, and when prevented by a tyrannical exercise of 
power on the part of the rebels from discharging his 
duties to his parishioners, he hoped at least to be of some 
service to his royal master. In 1642 he was created D.D. 
having then only the profits of Oddington to maintain 
him. He appears aftei-wards to have been stripped even 
of this, and went to the continent, where he was for some 
time chaplain to Mary, Princess of Orange. After the 
Restoration, he was admitted again to his former prefer- 
ments, but does not appear to have had any other reward 



180 BROWNRIG. 

for his losses and sufferings. He died at Windsor, in 
1673, and was buried on the outside of St. Georges 
chapel, where Dr. Isaac Vossius, his executor, erected 
a monument to his memory, with an inscription celebrat- 
ing his learning, eloquence, critical talents, and knowledge 
of antiquities. Besides a sermon preached before the uni- 
versity in 1633, he published A Key to the Kings Cabinet; 
or Animadversions upon the three printed Speeches of 
Mr. L'Isle, Mr. Tate, and Mr. Browne, members of the 
House of Commons, spoken at a Common Hall in London, 
July, 1645, detecting the Malice and Falsehood of their 
Blasphemous Observations upon the King and Queen's 
Letters, Oxford, 1645, 4to. His next publication was a 
treatise in defence of Grotius against an epistle of Salma- 
sius, De Posthumo Grotii ; this he printed at the Hague, 
1646, 8vo, under the name of Simplicius Virinus, and it 
was not known to be his until after his death, when the 
discovery was made by Vossius. He wrote also, Disser- 
tatio de Therapeutis Philonis adversus Henricum Vale- 
si um, Lond. 1687, 8vo, at the end of Colomesius' edition 
of St. Clement's epistles ; and he translated part of Cam- 
den's xinnals of Queen Elizabeth, under the title, Tomus 
alter et idem ; or the History of the Life arid Reign of 
that famous Princess Elizabeth, &c. Lond. 1629, 4to. In 
the Republic of Letters, vol. vi. 1730, we find published 
for the first time, a Concio ad Clerum, delivered for his 
divinity bachelor's degree, in 1637 ; the subject, " the 
revenues of the clergy," which even at that period were 
threatened. — Wood's Athen. Oxon. Rejmblic of Letters. 



BROWNRIG, OR BROUNRIG, RALPH. 

Ralph Brownrig was the son of a merchant at Ipswich, 
and born 159-2. At fourteen years of age he was sent to 
Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, of which he successively be- 
came scholar and fellow. He was appointed prevaricator 



BROWNRIG. 181 

when James I. visited the university. He was first col- 
lated by Dr. Felton, Bishop of Ely, to the rectory of Bar- 
ley, in Herefordshire, and in 16 '21 to a prebend in the 
church of Ely. He took the degree of doctor in divinity 
at Oxford in 16'28 ; and the following year was collated to 
a prebend in the church of Lichfield, which he quitted on 
being made Archdeacon of Coventry in 1631. He was 
likewise master of Catharine Hall, Cambridge ; and in the 
years 1637, 1638, 1643, and 16-14, discharged the office 
of vice-chancellor. Although a good man he was inclined 
as the head of a house to regard with too much deference 
the spirit of the age, and to take part against the sound 
Church or Catholic party. In Barwick's Life it is said of 
him that he " sent for a pupil of Mr. Barwick's, though 
not of his own college, who had hitherto constantly fre- 
quented the service of the Church of England, and spoke 
to him in this manner : 

'I wonder that your tutor, no ill man in other respects, 
does not yet abstain from that form of worship, which he 
must needs know will be disagreeable to our excellent 
parliament, and not very acceptable to God Himself,' (for 
Mr. Barwick, according to the custom of his college, and 
of the primitive Church, used to worship God by bowing 
towards the east.) ' But be you careful, says he, to steer 
your course clear of the dangerous rock of every error, 
whether it savour of the impiety of Arminianism, or of the 
superstition of Popery. 

*' Upon this advice the unhappy young man immedi- 
ately began to warp towards the Puritans, and was after- 
wards promoted to be chaplain, in his new way of worship, 
to the Earl of Warwick, the lord high admiral of the 
rebels' fleet; but the person himself who gave him this ill 
advice was afterwards very ill treated, even by those in 
whose favour he had done it. Mr. Barvvick was something 
concerned at these reproaches from his friends, as little as 
he was ever moved with those of his enemies : indeed, it 
was his constant custom to return with all the good offices 
in his power whatever ill was spoken against him by any 



18-2 BROWNRIG. 

one." Brownrig also as vice-chancellor is supposed to have 
prevented active measures being adopted in the senate 
house against the solemn league and covenant. In 1641 
he was presented to a prebend in the church of Durham, 
bv Dr. Moreton, bishop of that see; and the same year was 
nominated to succeed Dr. Hall, translated to the bishopric 
of Norwich, in the see of Exeter. 

It was probably on account of his liberalism, his hos- 
tility to the high Church movement, and his relationship 
to the notorious Pym, that the King, when he determined, 
during his visit to Scotland, to fill up the vacant sees, 
nominated Dr. Brownrig to Exeter. It was a condescen- 
sion to the malcontents. But the experiment entirely failed. 
The news of his promotion only stin'ed up the spirit of 
the enemies of the Church to a more open declaration of 
their purpose. They were, or pretended to be, greatly 
surprised that the King should presume to make new 
Bishops, when they were resolved to take away the old ; 
and therefore voted the appointment of a committee to 
confer with the house of lords, in order to procure an 
insolent address to King Charles, praying him "to make 
no new Bishops till the controversy should be ended about 
the government of the Church." But as this motion was 
carried with some difficulty, they thought it prudent to 
proceed no further, till they had a more clear prospect of 
success. It was not long afterwards, however, when, on 
the Kings return from Scotland, the commons, aided by 
a turbulent faction out of doors, committed twelve of the 
Bishops to the tower ; and in the beginning of the follow- 
ing year the bill was passed both houses for taking away 
their votes in parliament, to which the King most reluct- 
antly granted his consent. 

The Bishop of Exeter had never taken his seat in the 
house of lords, and indeed his consecration seems not to 
have taken place till after these violent proceedings were 
past. 

Deserted by his kinsman Pym and the Presbyterians ; 
hated indeed the more for his former liberalism, he was 



BROWNRIG. 183 

soon after deprived of his see; and for a loyal sermon 
preached in 1645, he lost also the mastership of his 
college. After this he resided principally at the house of 
Thomas Rich, of Sunning, Esq. 

In the beginning of the outrages which the Bishops had 
to sustain, he was once assaulted, and narrowly escaped 
stoning from the rabble ; but he endured this and all his 
wrongs, as those who knew him bore witness, without any 
loss of equanimity, " more concerned for the unhappy 
perpetrators of the sacrilege than for his own loss." He 
was a person of incomparable clearness of mind, candour, 
sweetness, solid reasonings skill in argument, and elo- 
quence ; and for these eminent qualities his conversation 
was often sought by other distinguished churchmen of 
that time. While he resided at Sunning, Dr. Seth Ward, 
who afterwards succeeded him at Exeter, and was his 
chaplain, used to go from Oxford to visit him. Here on 
one occasion a remarkable interview ensued. The Bishop 
sent for him, and told him the precentorship of Exeter 
cathedral was become vacant, to which it was his purpose 
to present him. Cromwell was then in the height of his 
power, and this office, like all other cathedral preferments-, 
was sequestered. But the good man, having a firm faith 
in the providence of God, and believing that no tyranny 
over the Church can be permanent, told his chaplain that 
" he was confident the King would be restored ; and you 
may live," said he, " to see that happy day ; and then, 
though I believe I shall not see it, this which now seems 
a gift, and yet is no gift, may be of some advantage to 
you." With the same spirit with which it was offered 
was it accepted ; so that Dr. Ward insisted on paying the 
Bishop's secretary the full fees for his instrument of 
collation, though this happened in the darkest night of 
despair, when there seemed no probability, and scarcely 
any possibility, that the sun of hope would ever shine 
again. Brownrig died about six months before the Re 
storation, December Tth, 1659. 



184 BROWNRIG. 

Cromwell, when his power was established, sometimes 
sent for some of the most eminent of the clergy of the 
Church of England, and pretended to commiserate their 
sufferings and intend them favour. With this view he 
sought an interview with the learned and pious Arch- 
bishop Usher, to whom he made a promise which he 
shortly after broke, to the great discontent of that vir- 
tuous and single-minded man. He sent also for 
Bishop Brownrig, and desired his counsel. Brownrig, 
knowing his duplicity, looked calmly at the arch-rebel, 
and said, " You need not my counsel, if you will follow 
your Saviour's, — Restoee to C^sar the things that 
ARE Cesar's, and to God the things that are God's' 
With this uncompromising answer the conference 
closed. 

Notwithstanding his excellence in such various ways, 
frequent fault was found with him for a want of zeal in 
the cause of the Church. When an attempt was made to 
continue the episcopal succession, the number of Bishops 
having been reduced to ten, Bishop Brownrig's luke- 
warmness, if not his hostility to the measure, was com- 
plained of. 

A year before he died he was, indeed, chosen preacher 
at the Temple in London. A violent fit of the stone, 
attended with dropsy and the infirmities of age, put an 
end to his life in 1659. 

He was once married, but never had a child. Dr. 
Gauden, who had known him above thirty years, declares 
that he never heard of any thing said or done by him, 
which a wise and good man would have wished unsaid or 
undone. Forty of his sermons, being such as had been 
perused and approved of by Dr. Gauden, were published 
at London in 166-2, folio, by William Martyn, M.A. 
preacher at the Rolls. These were re-printed, with the 
addition of twenty-five more, in 1674, fol. in three vols. — 
Life and Funeral Sermon by Dr. Gauden. BarwicWs Life. 
Fuller s Worthies. 



BRUNO. 185 

BRUNO. 

Bruno, the founder of the order of Carthusians, was 
born at Cologne about the year 1030. He was educated 
first among the clergy of St. Cunibert's church, in his 
native city, and afterwards at Rheims, where he attracted 
so much notice by his learning and piety, that on a 
vacancy occurring, he was promoted to the office of public 
professor of Divinity, and canon in the church there, to 
which dignity then belonged the direction of the studies 
in all the great schools of the diocese. In this office, 
which he filled with great reputation, and in which he 
had for his pupils some who afterwards distinguished 
themselves, particularly Odo, who afterwards became Pope 
under the name of Urban II. Here he remained until 1077, 
when the tyrannical conduct of Manasses, Archbishop of 
Rheims, who, by open simony, had got possession of that 
church, induced him to join with two others in accusing 
that Prelate in a council held by the Pope's legate at 
Autun in 1077. Manasses refusing to appear at the coun- 
cil, was suspended from his functions by the legate, but 
caused the houses of his accusers to be broken open and 
plundered and sold their prebends. Bruno and his com- 
panions took refuge in the castle of the count of Rouci, 
and remained there till August 1078. 

During this retreat his resolution was confirmed of 
retiring from the world, and although the Church of 
Rheims, on the condemnation of Manasses for simony, 
were ready to elect him Archbishop, he refused to accept 
the see, and resigning his benefice quitted his friends and 
renounced whatever held him in the world. He was for 
some time unsettled as to a place of residence. He went 
to Cologne, his native place, and then returned to Rheims, 
where he persuaded six friends to accompany him to Saisse 
Fontaine, in the diocese of Langres. After searching for 
some time to discover a proper place for retirement, they 
an-ived at Grenoble in 1084, and requested the Bishop to 

VOL. III. R 



186 BRUNO. 

allot them some place where they might serve God remote 
from worldly affairs. The Bishop having assigned them 
the desert of Chartreuse, and promised them his assistance, 
Bruno and his companions built an oratory there, and 
small cells, at a little distance one from the other, in 
which they passed the six days of the week, but assembled 
together on Sundays. Their austerities were rigid, gene- 
rally following those of St. Benedict ; and, among other 
iTjles, pei*petual silence was enjoined, that their whole 
conversation might be with God. They made their wants 
known by signs. At parting on the Sunday each took 
^vith him to his cell one loaf and one kind of pulse for his 
subsistence during the rest of the week. Such was the 
origin of the religious order of the Carthusians ; when the 
number of the monks increased it became necessary for 
Bruno to form a system and to establish rules. His 
monks were to wear a hair cloth next their body, a white 
cassock, and over it a black cloak : they were never to eat 
flesh ; to fast every Friday on bread and water ; to eat 
alone in their chambers, except upon certain festivals; 
and to observe an almost perpetual silence : none were 
allowed to go out of the monastery, except the prior and 
procurator, and they only about the business of the house. 

They were not to go out of their cells, except to church, 
\^ithout leave of their superior. They were not to speak to 
any person, even their own brother, without leave. They 
might not keep any part of their portion of meat or drink 
till the next day, except herbs or fruit. Their bed was of 
straw, covered with a felt or coarse cloth ; their clothing, 
two hair cloths, two cowls, two pair of hose, a cloak, &c. 
all coarse. Every monk had two needles, some thread, 
scissors, a comb, a razor, a hone, an ink-horn, pens, chalk, 
two pumice-stones ; likewise two pots, two porringers, a 
bason, two spoons, a knife, a drinking cup, a water pot, a 
salt, a dish, a towel ; and, for fire, tinder, flint, v^ood, and 
an axe. 

In the refectory, they were to keep their eyes on the 



, BRUNO. 187 

meat, their hands on the table, their attention on the 
reader, and their heart fixed on God. When allowed to 
discourse, they were to do it modestly, not to whisper, nor 
talk aloud, nor to be contentious. They confessed to the 
prior every Saturday. Women were not allowed to come 
into their churches, that the monks might not see any 
thing which might provoke them to lewdness. 

In the year 1170, Pope Alexander III. took this order 
under the protection of the holy see. In 1391, Boniface 
IX. exempted them from the jurisdiction of the Bishops. 
In 1420, Martin V. exempted them from papng the 
tenths of the lands belonging to them ; and Julius II. in 
1508, ordered, that all the houses of the order, in what- 
ever part of the world they were situated, should obey the 
prior of the grand Chartreuse, and the general chapter of 
the order. 

The convents of this order were generally very beautiful 
and magnificent. That of Naples, though but small, sur- 
passed all the rest in ornaments and riches. Nothing 
was to be seen in the church and house but marble and 
jasper. The apartments of the prior were rather those of a 
prince, than a poor monk. There were innumerable statues, 
bass-reliefs, paintings, &c , together with \erj fine gardens: 
all which, joined with the holy and exemplary life of the 
good religious, drew the curiosity of all strangers who 
visited Naples. 

The Carthusians settled in England about the year 
1180. They had several monasteries here, particularly at 
Witham in Somersetshire, Hinton in the same county, 
Beauval in Nottinghamshire, Kingston upon Hull, Mount- 
grace in Yorkshire, Eppewort in Lincolnshire, Shene in 
Surrey, and one near Coventry. In London, they had a 
famous monastery, since called from the Carthusians, who 
were settled there, the Charter-house. 

After BiTino had governed this infant society for six 
years, he was invited to Rome by Pope Urban II., who 
had, as was observed above, been his scholar at Rheims, 
and now received him with every mark of respect and 



188 BRUYS. 

confidence, and pressed him to accept the archbishopric of 
Reggio. This, however, he declined ; and the Pope con- 
sented that he should withdraw into some wilderness on 
the mountains of Calabria. Bruno found a convenient 
solitude in the diocese of Squillaci, where he settled in 
] 090, with some new disciples, until his death, Oct. 6, 
1101. There are only two letters of his remaining, one to 
Raoul le Verd, and the other to his monks, which are 
printed in a folio volume, entitled S. Brunonis Opera et 
Vita, 1524; but the other contents of the volume belong 
to another St. Bruno, first a monk of Solaria, in the dio- 
cese of Ast, and hence called Astiensis. He distinguished 
himself at the council of Rome in 1079, against Berenger, 
and was consecrated Bishop of Segni, by Gregory VIL 
He died in 1125. — JDupin. Butler. Broughton. Dugdale. 



BRUYS, PETEE. 

Peter Bruys, founder of the sect of Petrobrussians, flour- 
ished in the beginning of the twelfth centuiy. That he was 
a presbyter appears from Abelard, Introduct. Theol. 1066, 
"presbyter in provincia." As Abelard there says of him, 
" Peter de Bruys continued his exertions for the space of 
twenty years," referring to him as one already dead ; and 
this book must certainly have been published before the 
year 1121 when it was condemned in the council of Sois- 
sons : we are thus enabled to reckon with accuracy the 
time of his first appearance. He laboured in the regions 
of the Pyrenees, in Provence, Languedoc, and Gascony, 
and his energetic discourses penetrated the hearts of many 
of the susceptible ; but it was not a pure and gentle enthu- 
siasm which was excited by his preaching, neither were 
his proceedings calculated to excite such a feeling. He 
attacked not only the abuses of the Church, but the funda- 
mentals of religion, and stirred up the people to acts of 
violence and rebellion. The result was that the followers 
of Peter de Bruys proceeded to pull down churches aud 



BRUYS. 18U 

altars ; and assembling on Good Friday brought together 
all the crucifixes they could collect ; then making a great 
fire of the wood, cooked fish in open defiance of the 
authority of the Church, and invited all to the feast. They 
went about scourging the priests and compelling the 
monks to marry. "And what other result," asks Neander, 
* ' could have been anticipated from the spirit of unbridled 
liberty pervading so rude an age, when we see at the 
kindred and more advanced age of the reformation, all the 
caution of the reformers was insuflicient to prevent men 
from confounding earthly licentiousness with Christian 
freedom, and to restrain the wdld bursts of human passion." 
He consistently rejected infant baptism, no express 
command existing in Scripture to baptize infants, because 
he was an infidel as to the doctrine of baptismal regenera- 
tion. As God will accept sincere worship every where, he 
drew the conclusion that churches are unnecessary and 
ought to be pulled down. As God is not conciliated by 
musical melodies, he deduced the exaggerated inference 
that "God is only mocked by Church chanting." He 
maintained that " the cross as the memorial of the suffer- 
ings and martyrdom of Christ, ought rather to be despised 
and banished, in revenge for his death, than to be honou red 
of men." He entirely rejected the Sacrament of the Lord s 
Supper, again acting consistently as he did not acknow- 
ledge the inward part or thing signified, that is, " the 
Body and Blood of Christ, which are verily and indeed 
taken and received by the faithful in the Lord's Supper.' 
He said that Christ had once, and once for all, before His 
sufferings, produced His Body in the bread, and distributed 
it among His disciples, therefore the celebration was not to 
be repeated. 

After having preached these and other heresies, and 
excited sedition among the people in the south of France, 
a re- action took place, and Peter de Bruys was seized by 
an infuriated mob, and conducted to the scaffold in the 
town of St. Giles in Languedoc. — See the Life of Bernard. 
Neander's Life of Bernard. Moreri. Mosheim. 
r2 



190 BUCEE. 



BUCEE, MAKTIN. 



Martin Bucer. This eminent German Reformer was 
born in 1491, in Schelestade, a town of Alsace. He took 
the religious habit in the order of St. Dominic, and 
studied logic and philosophy at Heidelberg. He perused 
with avidity the writings of Erasmus, which first unsettled 
his mind, and afterwards those of Luther, until he be- 
came persuaded that the Church needed a reformation. 
Having given utterance to his opinions, he was chosen by 
Frederick, Elector Palatine, to be his chaplain, and in 
1521 he had some conferences with Luther at Heidleberg, 
where he professed his adherence to the Lutheran doctrine 
of Justification, and was the avowed disciple of the great 
reformer. Like too many of his brother reformers, he not 
only advocated the cause of a married clergy, which was 
right, but although bound by vows not himself to marry, 
he broke his vovvs and persuaded a nun to do the same. 
This of course injured the cause, since the Papists made 
the opposition to the celibacy of the clergy on the part of 
the reformers., appear to be the result of any thing but 
principle. By his first wife he had thirteen children. 
His second wife was a wddow, and on her death he married 
a third time. What became of his children is not known. 

It is well known that a separation took place between 
the German and the Swiss reformers, on the doctrine of 
the Eucharist. Luther and the Protestants maintained, 
according to Mosheim, that the Body and Blood of our 
Lord were really, though in a manner beyond human 
comprehension, present in the Eucharist, and were ex- 
hibited together with the bread and wine. Zuinglius and 
the reformed, as they were called, looked upon the bread 
and wine in no other light than as mere signs of the 
absent Body and Blood of Christ. Zuinglius was sup- 
ported by CEcolampadius of Basil. The opposition of 
Luther to these misbelievers was as vehement as his 
opposition generally was to those whose private judgment 
did not accord with his own. Martin Bucer sided in this 



BUCER. 191 

controversy with the ZuingUans, and became with Capito 
a zealous defender of the figurative sense, by which the 
Holy Eucharist ceases to be a Sacrament. The opinion 
of Bucer was of some importance in the controversy, not 
only because he w^as a man of competent learning and 
commanding eloquence, but because he was now at the 
head of the reformation in Strasburg. In 1528 he w^as 
appointed public preacher in the church of Strasburg, and 
was nominated to read divinity in the schools ; and here, 
with Capito and others, he succeeded in prevailing upon 
the senate by a general vote to cast out Popery. The 
confession of Augsburg, digested by Melancthon, was 
presented to the Emperor in 1530. Bucer and his asso- 
ciates at Strasburg offered to subscribe it, excepting only 
the article on the Lord's Supper, they being defenders of 
the figurative sense, and the Protestants resolutely main- 
taining the doctrine of the Real Presence. The reformers 
of Strasburg were not admitted on these terms, and 
consequently drew up their own particular confession. 
The author of this confession was Bucer. It does not 
appear that Bucer had concerted any thing with Zuinglius ; 
the latter, with the Swiss, spoke plainly and openly : 
Bucer, more intent upon keeping together the reforming 
party than upon defining doctrine used indefinite and am- 
biguous expressions. In the article on the Lord s Supper, 
though unwilling to make use of the same terms as the 
Lutherans, to explain the Real Presence, yet he affects to 
say nothing that might be expressly contrary to it, and 
expresses himself in words ambiguous enough to bear that 
sense. Thus he speaks, or makes those of Strasburg and 
the others speak : " When Christians repeat the Supper 
which Jesus Christ made before His death, in that manner 
He instituted it. He gives to them, by the Sacrament, 
His true Body and Blood, to be the food and drink of 
souls." Such was the assertion of a reformer taking the 
lowest view of the Sacraments at the era of the Refonna- 
tion. It is no compliment to him to insinuate that he 



192 BUCER. 

said more than he meant, and that he intended to be 
understood in a non-natural sense. 

In the year preceding, Bucer had been present at 
the conference of Marpurg, held between Luther and 
Zuinglius, and other doctors of both parties, and had 
endeavoured to reconcile difference^. At that time his 
idea of effecting a hollow pacification by equivocal ex- 
plications, had not been started. The true presence 
of the Body and Blood was plainly maintained on one 
side, and denied on the other. On both sides it was 
understood that a presence in figure and a presence by 
faith was not a true presence of Jesus Christ, but a 
moral presence, a presence improperly so called and in 
metaphor. This meeting only covered the flame of discord, 
instead of extinguishing it, and although the parties 
separated to all appearance agreeing in all articles except 
the Eucharist, it was soon apparent that there really 
existed other points of difference. In the confession of 
Strasburg, drawn up afterwards by Bucer, there is a wide 
difference between his view of justification and that of 
Luther. He defines justification to be that by which, " of 
unjust we become just, and of wicked good and upright," 
without giving us any other idea of it. He adds, that it is 
gratuitous, and attributes it to faith : but to faith joined 
with charity, and fruitful in good works. Thus he says, 
with the Confession of Augsburg, " that charity is the 
fulfilling of the whole law, conformably to the doctrine of 
St. Paul:" yet explains more strongly than Melancthon 
had done, how necessarily the law ought to be fulfilled, 
asserting " that no one can be completely saved, if he be 
not so guided by the spirit of Jesus Christ as not to fail 
in any of those good works, for the practising of which 
God has created us ; and that it is so necessary the law 
should be fulfilled, that heaven and earth shall sooner pass 
away than an abatement be made in the least tittle of the 
law, or in one single iota." 

A defensive league was formed by the Emperor with 



BUCER: 193 

the Roman Catholic states, after the passing of the 
vigorous decree of the diet of Augsburg against the Pro- 
testants. The Protestants perceived the importance of 
union among themselves, but the decision regarding the 
Lord's Supper was an obstacle to this. The Landgrave 
hesitated not to make a treaty with the reformers of Basil, 
Zurich, and Strasburg, but Luther would not hear of 
compromise, and the Elector, John Fredeiick, persisted in 
the resolution of making no league with them. Bucer was 
employed by the Landgrave to endeavour to reconcile 
differences ; and Bucer was a fit man to do so, being less 
sincere than Luther in his desire to establish a dogma, 
and being very earnest to sacrifice much in order to form 
a confederacy against the Papisis. Bucer found that he 
had a very difficult office. The negociation was inter- 
rupted by the war between the Roman Catholic and Pro- 
testant Cantons in Switzerland, and at the peace of 
Nuremberg both Luther and Melancthon declared against 
mutual toleration, on the ground that it would be injurious 
to the truth. Bucer, not obtaining toleration from the 
Protestants, proceeded on the plan of adopting some 
equivocal confession, by means of which those who differed 
in thought might appear to agree in words ; and he 
asserted all along that the dispute between the Lutherans 
and Zuinglians was a mere dispute in words. In seeking 
to please both parties, he, as is usually the case, satisfied 
neither. Luther said of those who denied the Real 
Presence in the Eucharist, " they made a devilish game 
with the words of our Lord." " The presence which Bucer 
admits," says Melancthon, " is but a presence in word, 
and a presence of virtue. But it is the presence of the 
Body and Blood, and not that of their virtue, which we 
require. If this body of Jesus Christ be nowhere else but 
in heaven, and is not with the bread, nor in the bread, — 
if, finally, it is not to be found in the Eucharist but by 
the contemplation of faith, it is nothing but an imaginary 
presence." 

(Ecolampadius was as much offended on the other side; 



194 BUCER. 

he openly denied any presence of Christ in the Eucharist, 
but such as Socinians or modern Puritans would admit. 
After plainly declaring his want of faith in this respect, 
he declares to Bucer : " This is all, my dear Bucer, we 
can grant to the Lutherans. Obscurity is dangerous to 
our churches. Act after such a manner, my dear brother, 
as not to deceive our hopes." Calvin on one occasion, 
wishing to express a reprehensible obscurity in an article 
of faith, said, " There is nothing so embarrassed, so 
ambiguous, so intricate in Bucer himself." Nothing 
daunted, however, and having always in view the union of 
all anti-Romanists, Bucer and Capito went from Strasburg 
to Basil in 1536, and solicited the Swiss to make another 
confession of faith, " which might be so framed as to 
assist the agreement they had considerable hopes of effect- 
ing ;" that is, it was proper to select such terms as the 
Lutherans, ardent defenders of the Real Presence, might 
take in good part. With this view, a new confession of 
faith was drawn up, which is the second of Basil ; the 
expressions we have related in the first, which specified, 
too precisely, that Jesus Christ was not present, except in 
Heaven, and that nothing but a sacramental presence, 
and by remembrance only, was to be acknowledged in the 
Sacrament, are here retrenched. In reality, the Swiss 
appeared strongly intent on asserting, as they had done in 
the first Basil confession, " that the Body of Jesus Christ 
is not contained in the bread." Had they used these 
terms without some modification, the Lutherans would 
easily have perceived their object was directly to oppose 
the Real Presence ; but Bucer had expedients for every 
thing. By his insinuations, those of Basil were deter- 
mined to say, " That the Body and Blood are not 
naturally united to the bread and wine ; but that the 
bread and wine are symbols, by which Jesus Christ Him- 
self gave us a true communication of His Body and Blood, 
not to serve as a perishable nourishment to the stomach, 
but to be a food of life eternal." 

Although Bucer partially succeeded at Basil in his 



BUCER. 195 

object of obtaining a verbal agreement between parties 
directly opposed in real opinion, the reformers of Zurich 
refused to make any compromise with him. But at length 
he succeeded in pacifying Luther, till that time implacable. 
He made Luther believe that the Sacramentarians had 
truly come over to the doctrine of the Augsburg Confes- 
sion and Apology. Melancthon, with whom Bucer was 
negociating, acquainted him that he found Luther more 
tractable, and that he began to speak more amicably of 
him and his companions. At last the assembly of Wit- 
temberg, in Saxony, was held, at which the deputies of the 
GeiTnan churches, on both sides, were present. Luther 
at first spoke in a lofty tone. He would have Bucer and 
his companions declare that they retracted, and entirely 
rejected all they said to him of the thing itself, as being 
not so much the subject of discussion as the manner. But 
at length, after much discussion, in which Bucer dis- 
played all his pliancy, Luther took those articles, which 
this minister and his companions granted him, for a 
retractation. 

1. "That, according to the words of St. Irenaeus, the 
Eucharist consists of two things — the one terrestial, and 
the other celestial ; and, by consequence, the Body and 
Blood of Jesus Christ are truly and substantially present, 
given, and received with the bread and wine." 

2. " That, although they had rejected Transubstan- 
tiation, and did not believe that the Body of Jesus Christ 
was contained locally in the bread, or had with the bread 
any union of long continuance out of the use of the 
Sacrament, it ought, however, to be acknowledged that 
the bread was the Body of Jesus Christ, by a sacramental 
union : that is, that the bread being present, the Body 
of Jesus Christ was at the same time present, and truly 
given." 

3. They add, however, " That out of the use of the 
Sacrament, whilst it is kept in the ciborium, or shewn 
in processions, they believe it is not the Body of Jesus 
Christ." 



196 BUCER. 

4. They concluded by saying " That this institution of 
the Sacrament has its force in the church, and depends 
not on the worthiness or unworthiness of the minister, nor 
of him who receives. " 

5. " That as for the unworthy, who, according to St. 
Paul, truly eat the Sacrament, the Body and Blood of 
Jesus Christ are truly presented to them, and they truly 
EECEivE THEM, when the words of Christ's institution are 
observed. " 

6. "That, however, they take it to their judgment," 
as says the same St. Paul, "because they abuse the 
Sacrament, by taking it without repentance, and without 

FAITH." 

Luther, it seems, had nothing more to desire, and 
Bucer had reserved for himself a way of escape. He has 
published several works in which he acquaints his friends 
in what sense he understood each word of the agreement, 
and fully justifies Calvin in his assertion that " Melanc- 
thon and Bucer composed on trans ubstantiation, equivocal 
and deceitful forms of faith, in order to satisfy, if possible, 
their adversaries in conceding nothing to them." Cahin 
was the first to condemn these affected obscurities and 
shameful dissimulations : " With reason," says he, " you 
blame the obscurities of Bucer." "It must be spoken 
freely," says he in another place, "it is not lawful to 
embarrass that with obscure and equivocal words which 
requires light ; those who would hold a medium, forsake 
the defence of truth." 

Both sides for a season seem to have claimed Bucer, 
but at the assembly of Smalkald, in 1537, Bucer declared 
himself so explicitly on the Real Presence, "that he 
satisfied (says Melancthon, w^ho mentions it with joy) 
even those of our people who were the most difficult to 
be pleased." Consequently, he satis^ed Luther; and here, 
again, Melancthon is delighted that the sentiments of 
Luther are followed, whilst he himself abandons them ; 
that is, he was delighted to see all the Protestants of 
Germany re-united. Bucer had given his assent; the 



BUCER. 197 

town of Strasburg, with their Doctor, declared for the 
Confession of Augsburg ; and peace was in appearance 
restored between the Protestants and the Reformed. 

The Landgrave of Hesse had found Bucer so skilful a 
negociator that, in 1539, this distinguished leader of the 
Reformation employed him in a delicate and disgraceful 
transaction, which has been severely noticed, and with 
justice, by the enemies of the reformation movement. The 
Landgrave, supposing that as cehbacy was no longer im- 
posed upon the clergy, polygamy might be allowed to the 
laity, desired permission to have a concubine, under the 
title of a lawful wife, although his real wife was still linng. 
The following were the instructions which he delivered to 
Bucer : — 

" What Doctor Martin Bucer is to treat of with Doctor 
Maitin Luther and Philip Melaucthon, and after, if it 
seems good to them, with the Elector of Saxony. 

I. " Let him announce to them, in my name, greeting 
and kindness, and say that if it be well with them hitherto 
in soul and body, I would gladly hear of it. Then let 
him begin to lay before them, that since the time our 
Lord God has visited me with sickness, I have taken 
thought of many things, and chiefly of this, that for some 
time since I have wedded a wife, 1 have lain in fornica- 
tion and adultery. 

" Now both they themselves, and others my advisers, in 
their sennons, have often exhorted me to draw nigh to the 
Sacrament : but I, finding in myself the aforesaid life, 
have been unable for some years with any good conscience 
to approach the Sacrament : for since I ivill not leave this 
manner of life, with what good conscience could I draw 
near to the table of the Lord ? And by this I knew I 
could not but come into judgment of the Lord, and not to 
Christian confession. — Farther, I have read in more than 
one place of Paul's, how that neither fornicator nor 
adulterer shall possess the kingdom of God. Now, whereas 
I find in myself that with my present wife I am unable to 

VOL. III. s 



198 BUCER. 

abstain from fornication, lasciviousness, and adultery : 
unless I do cease from such a life, and turn me to amend- 
ment, I have no surer expectation than to be disinherited 
of the kingdom of God, and eternally damned. But the 
causes for which I cannot abstain from fornication, adul- 
tery, and the like, with this my present wife, are on this 
wise : — 

II. " First, that from the time I wedded her neither my 
affection nor desire did embrace her : and of what kind is 
her complexion, her desirableness, and her smell, her 
carriage also at times under excessive drink, is known unto 
the lords of the palace, to her maidens, and many others. 
As it is hard for me to describe these things, I have 
declared them fully to Bucer. 

III. " Secondly, whereas I am of robust constitution, as 
my physicians know, and it often chances that I must 
attend for a length of time the assemblies of the confedera- 
tion and the empire, where living is high and the body 
pampered : it is easy to conjecture and conceive in what 
strait I am without a wife, since it is not possible to carry 
thither the incumbrance of a female train. 

IV. '* If it shall be farther asked wherefore I did w^d 
this my wife, ti'uly at that time' I was but an imprudent 
man, and was persuaded thereunto by certain of my 
councillors, of whom the greater part be now dead. My 
marriage bond I did keep but three weeks unbroken, and 
thus have I continued until now. 

V. " Moreover the preachers do continually urge me to 
punish misdeeds, fornication, and such like, which indeed 
I willingly would do ; but how should I punish misdeeds 
in the which I myself am plunged, when all men would 
truly say : " Master, first punish thyself." Were I even 
now to make wai' for the Gospel-cause, I should ever do i^o 
with an evil conscience, and think wdthin myself : if thou 
shalt fall by stroke of sword or shot of gun, or by any 
other means, thou goest to the foul fiend." Meanwhile, I 
have often called on God and prayed : but I remained 
nevertheless the same. 



BUCER. 199 

VI. " Now indeed have I diligently considered the 
Scriptures, both of the Old Testament and of the New, and 
with what grace God hath given me, have diligently read 
them, and therein can find none other counsel or means, 
(seeing that from this manner of behaviour I neither cun 
nor will abstain, with my present wife, which I witness 
before God,) than to apply such remedies as are by God 
allowed, and not forbidden. For the pious Fathers, such 
as Abraham, Jacob, David, Lamech, Solomon, and others, 
had more than one wife, and they believed in the same 
Christ, in whom we believe, as St. Paul says in the tenth 
chapter of the Epistle to the Corinthians. Moreover, 
God in the Old Testament greatly praised such saints, 
and Christ also in the New Testament greatly praises the 
same ; the law also of Moses makes provision for a mans 
behaviour in the case of his having two wives. 

VII. " And if it be objected that this was allowed to 
Abraham and the ancients on account of Christ promised, 
yet is it found that the law of Moses allows it, and makes 
mention of no man saying whether he had two wives or 
not, and thus it excludes no man. Also, though Christ 
was promised only to the stem of Judah, nevertheless the 
father of Samuel, and King Achab and others had several 
wives, wherefore it cannot stand that this was allowed only 
on account of the promised Messias. 

VIII. *' Since then neither God in the Old, nor Christ 
in the New Testament, neither the Prophets nor the 
Apostles forbade a man to have two wives : for no Prophet 
nor Apostle ever for this cause did punish or blame kings 
or princes, or other men, for that they had two wedded 
wives at once, nor held it to be a crime or sin in them, or 
that they should therefore not reach the kingdom of God : 
since Paul tells of many who shall not reach that kingdom, 
and makes no mention at all of such as have two wives : 
the Apostles also, when they shewed the Gentiles how 
they should behave, and from what things they should 
abstain, when first they received them into the faith, (as 
it is set forth in the Acts of the Apostles) forbade not this. 



^00 BUCER. 

that they should have two wives : since there were yet 
many Gentiles who had more than one wife, neither was 
it forbidden to the Jews, for the law allowed of it, and it 
is in use among certain of them : When, therefore, Paul 
clearly tells us a Bishop ought to be the husband of one 
wife, as likewise a Deacon : he would have done so without 
necessary cause, if every man were to have one wife only ; 
and if it were so he would have enjoined it, and forbidden 
to have several wives. 

IX. " And besides this, even to this day, there be cer- 
tain Christians in Eastern regions, who have wedded two 
wives ; also the Emperor Valentinian, whom, notwith- 
standing the historians, Ambrose, and other learned men 
do praise, had himself two wives, and caused a law to be 
set forth that other men also might have two. 

X. " Moreover, though of that which follows I make not 
much account, the Pope himself did grant to a certain 
Count that had visited the holy sepulchre, and having 
heard that his own was dead, had married another, that 
he should keep them both. I know, too, that Luther and 
Philip advised the King of England not to put away his 
first wife, but to wed another besides her. 

" If, however, it is objected, that he had no heir male of 
his first wife, w^e think more should be granted to the 
cause which Paul gives, that each man should have his 
wife on account of fornication : for whether is of greater 
weight, a good conscience, a soul's salvation, a Christian 
life, escape from shameful and inordinate lust, or that a 
man should even be without heirs whatsoever ? Seeing 
that souls should ever be more cared for than mere 
temporal matters. 

XI. " Thus all these things have moved my mind, to 
resolve, since it may be done doubtless with God's help, 
to abstain from fornication and all uncleanness, using 
thereunto the means which be permitted of God. I am 
determined to remain no longer bound in the snares of 
the devil, neitlier can I, neither wiU I, withdraw myself 
but by this way. Wherefore be this my petition, to 



BUCER. 201 

Luther, Philip, and Bucer himself, that they be pleased 
to give me a certificate, that in so doing I shall not act 
unlawfully. 

XII. " But if they at this time, fearing scandal or harm 
to the Gospel-cause, are unwilling to print it publicly, my 
prayer is that they give me a written certificate : that I 
shall not act against God's will by doing so in private ; 
that they themselves will hold it for a true marriage, and 
seek for means to make this marriage public in due time, 
to the end that the woman I shall wed may not pass for a 
dishonest person ; but contrariwise, for honest. For they 
may consider how gi'ievous it would else be for her whom 
I shall wed to pass for one of unchristian and dishonest 
conversation, — and that when the matter remains no 
longer hidden, the whole Church will in course of time be 
scandalized, not knowing on what terms I do cohabit with 
this person. 

XIII. " Let them not fear, moreover, that even should 
I wed another wife, I shall on that account ill-treat my 
present one, or refuse to share her bed, or shew to her less 
kindness than heretofore : for I am ready in this matter 
to bear my cross, be kind to, and converse with her. I 
intend also to leave the sons whom I have of her, as 
princes of my dominions, and provide for them all other 
honourable things. This, then, once for all, is my peti- 
tion, that for God's sake they would grant my desire, and 
help me in such things as be not contrary to God's will, 
so that I may live and die with a cheerful mind, and take 
in hand with readier and more Christian spirit all affairs 
of the Gospel-cause. For whatever they shall bid me so 
to do, that is right and Christian, they shall find me 
ready, whether it regard the goods of monaster Lea, or other 
matter whatsoever. 

XIV. " My will and desire is to take no more than one 
wife besides my present one : so that herein the world and 
worldly gain should not be looked to, but rather must we 
look to God, and to what he commands, forbids, or leaves 



20^ BUCER. 

free to us. For the Emperor and the world will allow 
me or any other man publicly to keep mistresses ; but 
more than one wife they will not readily allow. What God 
allows they forbid : what God forbids these same will 
wink at, as it seems to me a like case to the marriage of 
priests — for they allow priests no wives ; but let them keep 
mistresses. The ecclesiastics hate us already so bitterly, 
that they will not do so one whit more or less, for this 
new article of allowing several wives to Christians. 

XV. "Let Bucer, lastly, make Philip and Luther under- 
stand that if, contrary to my expectation, I find no help 
from them, I have several designs in my mind — amongst 
others, to treat with the Emperor by intermediaries on 
this point, even should it cost me much money, for there 
is no likelihood of the Emperor's granting this permission 
without a dispensation from the Pope, for which, indeed, 
I care but little : but that of the Emperor I ought not to 
despise, though I should make no account of that either, 
did I not otherwise believe that my design is lawful, and 
rather allowed than forbidden by God. 

XVI. " Nevertheless, if my attempt on this side suc- 
ceed not, a human fear urges me to demand the Emperor's 
consent, which, as I have hinted, is not to be despised. 
For I am convinced that I shall obtain all I j)lease, upon 
giving a considerable sum of money to some of his coun- 
cillors. But although I will not for anything in the world 
withdraw myself from the Gospel, nor (by divine help) 
allow myself to be engaged in any affair contrary to the 
interest of the cause, I am, nevertheless, afraid lest the 
imperialists should draw me into something not conducive 
to its interests, or that of this party. I therefore call on 
them to afford me the redress I seek, lest I should go seek 
it in some other place less willingly : desirous a thousand 
times rather to confide in such permission as they can 
grant me, with good conscience before God, than to trust 
in the Emperor's or any human permission whatever ; in 
whichj however, I could place no trust at a'1, unless I was 



BUCER. 208 

not moreover sure that it is founded on Holy Writ, as 
declared above. 

XVII. "Lastly, I repeat my petition to Luther, Philip, 
and Bucer, for their written opinion on this matter, in 
order that henceforth I may amend my life, draw nigh 
with a good conscience to the Sacrament ; and undertake 
more freely and readily the affairs of our religion. Given 
at Melsingnen, the Sunday after Catherine's Day, in the 
year 1539. 

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse." 

Bucer conducted this most delicate affair with his usual 
skill, and to his persuasions we may venture to attribute 
the subsequent conduct of the Pieformers. The result of 
the consultation of Luther, and the other doctors of his 
persuasion, concerning polygamy, was stated in the follow- 
ing letter to the Landgrave of Hesse : — 

" We have been informed by Bucer, and in the instruc- 
tion which your highness gave him, have read, the trouble 
of mind, and the uneasiness of conscience your highness 
is under at this present ; and although it seemed to us very 
difficult so speedily to answer the doubts proposed; never- 
theless we would not permit the said Bucer, who was 
urgent for his return to your highness, to go away without 
an answer in writing. 

" It has been a subject of the greatest joy to us, and 
we have praised God, for that he has recovered your 
highness from a dangerous fit of sickness, and we pray 
that he will long continue this blessing of perfect health 
both in body and mind. 

" Your highness is not ignorant how great need our 
poor miserable, little, and abandoned Church stands in of 
virtuous princes and rulers to protect her ; and we doubt 
not but God will always supply her with some such, 
although from time to time he threatens to deprive her of 
them, and proves her by sundry temptations. 

" These things seem to us of greatest imjDortance in the 
question which Bucer has proposed to us : your highness 



UOi BUCER. 

sufl&ciently of yourself comprehends the difference there is 
betwixt settling an universal law, (and using for urgent 
reasons and with God's permission) a dispensation in a 
particular case : for it is otherwise evident that no dispen- 
sations can take place against the first of all laws, the 
Divine law. 

" We cannot at jyresent advise to introduce publicly, 
and establish as a law in the New Testament, that of the 
Old, which permitted to have more wives than one. Your 
highness is sensible, should any such thing be printed, 
that it would be taken for a precept, whence infinite trou- 
bles and scandals would arise. We beg your highness to 
consider the dangers a man would be exposed unto, who 
should be convicted of having brought into Germany such 
a law, which would divide families, and involve them in 
endless strifes and disturbances. 

" As to the objection that may be made, that what is 
just in God's sight ought absolutely to be permitted, it 
must be answered in this manner. If that which is just 
before God, be besides commanded and necessary, the 
objection is true : if it be neither necessary nor com- 
manded, other circumstances, before it be permitted, 
must be attended to ; and to come to the question in 
hand : God hath instituted marriage to be a society of two 
persons and no more, supposing nature were not cor- 
rupted; and this is the sense of that text of Genesis, 
' There shall be two in one flesh,' and this was observed 
at the beginning. 

" Lamech was the first that married many wives, and 
the Scripture witnesses that this custom was introduced 
conti'ary to the first Institution. 

" It nevertheless passed into custom among infidel 
nations ; and we even find afterwards, that Abraham and 
his posterity had many wives. It is also certain from 
Deuteronomy, that the law of Moses permitted it after- 
wards, and that God made an allowance for frail nature. 
Since it is then suitable to the creation of men, and to 
the first establishment of their society, that each one be 



BUCER. 205 

content with one wife, it thence follows that the law en- 
joining it is praiseworthy ; that it ought to be received in 
the Church ; and no law contrary thereto be introduced 
into it, because Jesus Christ has repeated in the nine- 
teenth chapter of St. Matthew that text of Genesis, 
'There shall be two in one flesh:' and brings to man's 
remembrance what marriage ought to have been before it 
degenerated from its purity. 

" In certain cases, however, there is room for dispensation. 
For example, if a married man, detained captive in a 
distant country, should there take a second wife, in order 
to preserve or recover his health, or that his own became 
leprous, we see not how we could condemn, in these cases, 
such a man as, by the advice of his pastor, should take 
another wife, provided it were not with a design of intro- 
ducing a new law, but with an eye only to his own parti- 
cular necessities. 

" Since then the introducing a new law, and the using 
a dispensation with respect to the same law, are two very 
different things, we intreat your highness to take what 
follows into consideration. 

" In the first place, above all things, care must be 
taken, that plurality of wives be not introduced into the 
world by way of law, for every man to follow as he thinks 
fit. In the second place, may it please your highness to 
reflect on the dismal scandal which would not fail to 
happen, if occasion be given to the enemies of the Gospel 
to exclaim, that we are like the Anabaptists, who have 
several wives at once, and the Turks, who take as many 
wdves as they are able to maintain. 

" In the third place that the actions of princes are 
more widely spread than those of private men. 

" Fourthly, that inferiors are no sooner informed what 
their superiors do, but they imagine they may do the 
same, and by that means licentiousness becomes uni- 
versal. 

" Fifthly, that your highness's estates are filled with 
an intractable nobility, for the most part very averse to 



206 BUCER. 

the Gospel, on account of the hopes they are in, as in 
other countries, of obtaining the benefices of cathedral 
Churches, the revenues whereof are very great. We know 
the impertinent discourses vented by the most illustrious 
of your nobility, and it is easily seen how they and the 
rest of your subjects would be disposed, in case your high- 
ness should authorize such a novelty. 

" Sixthly, that your highness, by the singular grace of 
God, hath a great reputation in the empire and foreign 
countries ; and it is to be feared lest the execution of this 
project of a double marriage should greatly diminish this 
esteem and respect. The concurrence of so many scan- 
dals, obliges us to beseech your highness to examine the 
thing with all the maturity of judgment God has endowed 
you with. 

" With no less earnestness do we intreatyour highness, 
by all means, to avoid fornication and adultery ; and, to 
own the' truth sincerely, we have a long time been sen- 
sibly grieved to see your highness abandoned to such 
impurities, which might be followed by the effects of the 
Divine vengeance, distempers, and many other dangerous 
consequences. 

"We also beg of your highness not to entertain a no- 
tion, that the use of women out of marriage is but a light 
and trifling fault, as the world is used to imagine : since 
God hath often chastised impurity with the most severe 
punishment : and that of the deluge is attributed to the 
adulteries of the great ones : and the adultery of David 
has afforded a terrible instance of the Divine vengeance : 
and St. Paul repeats frequently, that God is not mocked 
with impunity, and that adulterers shall not enter into 
the kingdom of God. For it is said, in the second chap- 
ter of the first Epistle to Timothy, that obedience must be 
the companion of faith, in order to avoid acting against 
conscience ; and in the third chapter of the first of St. 
John ; if our heart condemn us not, we may call upon the 
name of God with joy : and in the eighth chapter of the 
Epistle to the Romans, if by the spirit we mortify the 



BUCER. 207 

desires of the flesh, we shall live : but, on the contrary, 
we shall die, if we walk according to the flesh, that is, if 
we act against our own consciences. 

" We have related these passages, to the end that jour 
highness may consider 'seriously that God looks not on 
the vice of impurity as a laughing matter, as is supposed 
by those audacious libertines, who entertain heathenish 
notions on this subject. We are pleased to find that 
your highness is troubled with remorse of conscience for 
these disorders. The management of the most important 
affairs in the world is now incumbent on your highness, 
who is of a very delicate and tender complexion ; sleeps 
but little ; and these reasons, which have obliged so many 
prudent persons to manage their constitutions, are more 
than sufficient to prevail with your highness to imitate 
them. 

" We read of the incomparable Scanderbeg, who so 
frequently defeated the two most powerful Emperors of 
the Turks, Amurat II. and Mahomet II., and whilst alive, 
preserved Greece from their tyranny, that he often ex- 
horted his soldiers to chastity, and said to them, that 
there was nothing so hurtful to men of their profession, as 
venereal pleasures. And if your highness, after marrying 
a second wife, were not to forsake those licentious dis- 
orders, the remedy proposed would be to no purpose. 
Every one ought to be master of his own body in external 
actions, and see, according to the expression of St. Paul, 
that his members be the arms of justice. May it please 
your highness, therefore, impartially to examine the con- 
siderations of scandal, of labours, of care, of trouble, and 
of distempers, which have been represented. And at the 
same time remember that God has given you a numerous 
issue of such beautiful children of both sexes by the prin- 
cess your wife, that you have reason to be satisfied there- 
with. How many others, in marriage, are obliged to the 
exercise and practice of patience, from the motive only of 
avoiding scandal ? We are far from urging on your high- 
ness to introduce so difficult a novelty into your family. 



'208 BUCER. 

By so doing, we should draw upon ourselves not only the 
reproaches and persecution of those of Hesse, but of all 
other people. The which would be so much the less 
supportable to us, as God commands us in the ministry 
which we exercise, as much as we are able, to regulate 
marriage, and all the other duties of human life, accord- 
ing to the Divine Institution, and maintain them in that 
state, and remove all kind of scandal. 

" It is now customary among worldlings, to lay the blame 
of every thing upon the preachers of the Gospel. The 
heart of man is equally fickle in the more elevated and 
lower stations of life ; and much have we to fear on that 
score. 

" As to what your highness says, that it is not possible 
for you to abstain from this impure life, we wish you were 
in a better state before God, that you lived with a secure 
conscience, and laboured for the salvation of your own 
soul, and the welfare of your subjects. 

" But after all, if your highness is fully resolved to marry 
a second wife, w^e judge it ought to be done secretly, as we 
have said with respect to the dispensation demanded on 
the same account, that is, that none but the person you 
shall w^ed, and a few trusty persons, know of the matter, 
and they, too, obliged to secrecy under the seal of confes- 
sion. Hence no contradiction nor scandal of moment is 
to be apprehended ; for it is no extraordinary thing for 
princes to keep concubines ; and though the vulgar should 
be scandalized thereat, the more intelligent would doubt 
of the truth, and prudent persons would approve of this 
moderate kind of life, preferably to adultery, and other 
brutal actions. There is no need of being much concerned 
for what men will say, provided all goes right with con- 
science. So far do we approve it, and in those circum- 
stances only by us specified; for the Gospel hath neither 
recalled nor forbid what was permitted in the law of 
Moses with respect to marriage. Jesus Christ has not 
changed the external economy, but added justice only, 
and life everlasting, for reward. He teaches the true way 



BUCER. 20Q 

of obeying God, and endeavours to repair the corruption 
of nature. 

"Your highness hath therefore, in this writing, not only 
the approbation of us all, in case of necessity, concerning 
what you desire, but also the reflections we have made 
thereupon ; we beseech you to weigh them, as becoming a 
virtuous, wise, and Christian prince. We also beg of God 
to direct all for His glory and your highness's salvation. 

"As to your highness's thought of communicating this 
affair to the Emperor before it be concluded, it seems to 
us that this prince counts adultery among the lesser sort 
of sins ; and it is very much to be feared lest his faith 
being of the same stamp with that of the Pope, the 
Cardinals, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Saracens, 
he make light of your highness's proposal, and turn it to 
his own advantage by amusing your highness ^vith vain 
words. We know he is deceitful and perfidious, and has 
nothing of the German in him. 

" Your highness sees, that he uses no sincere endea- 
vour to redress the grievances of Christendom ; that he 
leaves the Turk unmolested, and labours for nothing but 
to divide the empire, that he may raise up the house of 
Austria on its ruins. It is therefore very much to be 
^vished that no Christian prince would give into his per- 
nicious schemes. May God preserve your highness. We 
are most ready to serve your highness. 

" Given at Wittemberg the Wednesday after the feast 
of Saint Nicholas, 1539. 

" Your higness's most humble, and most obedient 
subjects and servants, 

Martin Luther. 

Philip Melancthon. 

Martin Bucer. 

Antony Corvin. 

Adam. 

John Leningue. 

Justus Wintferte. 

Denis Melanther. 

VOL. III. T 



Sia BUCER. 

" I George Nuspicher, notary imperial, bear testimoDy 
by this present act, written and signed with my own hand, 
that I have transcribed this present copy from the trae 
original which is in Melancthon's own handwriting, and 
hath been faithfully preserved to this present time, at the 
request of the most serene Prince of Hesse ; and have 
examined with the greatest exactness every line and every 
tvord, and collated them with the same original ; and have 
found them conformable thereunto, not only in the things 
themselves, but also in the signs manual, and have 
delivered the present copy in five leaves of good paper, 
■whereof I bear witness. 

*' George Nuspicher, Notary." 

" The marriage contract of Philip, Landgrave of Hesse 
with Margaret de Saal. 

" In the name of God, Amen. 

** Be it known to all those, as well in general as in par- 
ticular, who shall see, hear, or read this public instru- 
ment, that in the year 1540, on Wednesday the fourth 
day of the month of March, at two o'clock or thereabouts, 
in the afternoon, the thirteenth year of the Indiction, and 
the twenty-first of the reign of the most puissant and 
most victorious Emperor Charles V., our most gracious 
Lord ; the most serene Prince and Lord Philip Landgrave 
of Hesse, Count of Catznelenbogen, of Dietz, of Ziegen- 
hain, and Nidda, with some of his highness's counsel- 
lors, on one side, and the good and virtuous Lady Mar- 
garet de Saal wdth some of her relations, on the other 
side, have appeared before me, notary and witness under- 
written, in the city of Rotenburg, in the castle of the same 
city, with the design and will publicly declared before me, 
notary public and witness, to unite themselves by mar- 
riage ; and accordingly my most gracious Lord and Prince 
Philip the Landgrave hath ordered this to be proposed by 
the Reverend Denis Melander preacher to his highness, 
much to the sense as follows : ' Whereas the eye of God 



BUCER. Sli 

searches all things, and but little escapes the knowledge 
of men, his highness declares that his will is to wed the 
said Lady Margaret de Saal, although the princess his 
wife be still living, and that this action may not be im- 
puted to inconstancy or curiosity : to avoid scandal and 
maintain the honour of the said lady, and the reputation 
of her kindred, his highness makes oath here before God, 
and upon his soul and conscience, that he takes her to 
wife through no levity, nor curiosity, nor from any con- 
tempt of law, or superiors ; but that he is obliged to it by 
such important, such inevitable necessities of body and 
conscience, that it is impossible for him to save either 
body or soul, without adding another wife to his first 
All which his highness hath laid before many learned, 
devout, prudent, and Christian preachers, and consulted 
them upon it. And these great men, after examining the 
motives represented to them, have advised his highness to 
put his soul and conscience at ease by this double mar- 
riage. And the same cause and the same necessity have 
obliged the most serene princess, Christina Duchess of 
Saxony, his highness's first lawful wife, out of her great 
prudence and sincere devotion, for which she is so much 
to be commended, freely to consent and admit of a part- 
ner, to the end, that the soul and body of her most dear 
spouse may run no further risk, and the glory of God may 
be increased, as the deed written with this princess's own 
hand sufficiently testifies. And lest occasion of scandal 
be taken from its not being the custom to have two wives, 
although this be Christian and lawful in the present case, 
his highness will not solemnize these nuptials in the 
ordinary way, that is, publicly before many people, and 
with the wonted ceremonies, wdth the said Margaret de 
Saal ; but both the one and the other will join themselves 
in wedlock, privately and without noise, in presence only 
of the witnesses underwritten.' 

" After Melander had finished his discourse, the said 
Philip and the said Margaret accepted of each other for 
husband and wife, and promised mutual fidelit^^ in the 



a 12 BUCER 

name of God. The said prince hath required of me, 
notary underwritten, to draw liim one or more collected 
copies of this contract, and hath also promised, on the 
word and faith of a prince, to me a public person, to ob- 
serve it inviolably, always and without alteration, in pre- 
sence of the Reverend and most learned masters Philip 
Melancthon, Martin Bucer, Denis Melander : and likewise 
in the presence of the illustrious and valiant Eberhard de 
Than, counsellor of his electoral highness of Saxony, 
Herman de Malsberg, Herman de Hundelshausen, the 
Lord John Fegg of the chancery, Rodulph Schenck ; and 
also in the presence of the most honourable and most 
virtuous Lady Anne of the family of Miltitz, widow of the 
late John de Saal, and mother of the spouse, all in 
quality of requisite witnesses for the validity of the pre- 
sent act. 

" And I Balthasar Rand, of Fuld, notary public im- 
perial, who was present at the discourse, instruction, 
marriage, espousals, and union aforesaid, with the said 
witnesses, and have heard and seen all that passed, have 
wTitten and subscribed the present contract, being re- 
quested so to do ; and set to it the usual seal, for a 
testimonial of the truth thereof. 

"Balthasar Rand." 

Bucer seemed to be consistent only in his hostility to 
the Papists. To form a compact party against them he 
was prepared to sacrifice truth itself; he was a party man, 
and when he was assailed on any point tending to Popery 
he was firm. Vacillating and ready to concede as he had 
been in all conferences between Lutherans and Zuinglians, 
ready as he was to think with Zuinglius, and to speak 
with Luther, yet, when, in 1548, he was sent for to Augs- 
burg to sign the Formula ad Interim, which Charles V., 
partly to vent his resentment against the Pope, and 
partly for political purposes, had caused to be drawn up, 
Bucer steadily refused to comply. The one point on 
which he had made up his mind was now touched upon. 



BUCiEii. 213 

his only principle attacked, and he was firm. In the 
Interim the spiritual peculiarities of the Romish system 
were retained, though softened and mitigated by the 
moderate and prudent terms in which they were ex- 
pressed. Following the example of Bucer, the compilers 
of the Interim had purposely adopted an ambiguity in 
many of the expressions, which rendered them applicable 
to the sentiments of either Romanists or Protestants. It 
was Bucer's principle in the formation of confessions of 
Faith applied on a larger scale. He adopted ambiguous 
expressions to unite the divided Reformers, and bring 
together Lutherans and Zuinglians ; the Interim was 
designed to unite these again with the Romanists. Bucer 
was not to be caught in the net that he had himself laid 
for others. In vain did the Elector of Brandenburg urge 
him to yield, Bucer was resolute on this point, and was, 
consequently, involved in many difficulties and some 
danger, being hated by Romanists, and distrusted by 
Protestants. 

The very circumstances which were injurious to Bucer's 
usefulness on the continent marked him out as a man 
likely to be useful to the Lord Ai-chbishop of Canterbury, 
Dr. Cranmer. He was a strong anti- Romanist, and at the 
same time not pledged to any decided views on the Pro- 
testant side : powerful on the negative side of religion, 
open to conviction on the doctrinal points not bearing 
upon Rome. 

The Archbishop of Canterbury offered him his patron- 
age, and invited him to England. The invitation was 
accepted, and we may say unfortunately accepted, for he 
obtained some influence over the gentle but too pliant 
mind of the Archbishop, who bore so prominent a part in 
the early Reformation of our Church. Whenever he was 
consulted, the question which presented itself to Bucer's 
mind, was not what is truth, but what will tell against 
Rome. 

When he arrived in England Bucer was kindly received 
2t 



2U BUCER., 

and hospitably entertained by the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury. He was soon after sent to Cambridge, where 
ample provision was made for him, and he was licensed to 
teach theology. 

Peter Martyr, another foreigner, occupied a similar 
post at Oxford, where, in a public disputation with 
those members of our Church who held the Romish doc- 
trine of the Eucharist, he maintained, First, that in the 
Sacrament of the Eucharist the bread and wine are not 
transubstantiated into the Body and Blood of Christ; 
Secondly, that the Body and Blood of Christ are not cor- 
porally or carnally in the bread and wine, or, as some ex- 
press themselves, under the species of bread and wine ; 
Thirdly, that the Body and Blood of Christ are sacra- 
mentally united to the bread and wine. Peter Martyr 
sent a copy of the conference to Bucer, expressing his 
fears lest he should not agree with him. Bucer s answer, 
as taken from his Script. Anglican, may be seen in 
Collier's Eccles. Hist. p. 274, who justly observes, that it 
is in many places intricate and involved ; but Bucer seems 
to admit much more than would be admitted by many in 
these days, for he cannot " comprehend how it can be 
maintained as a Catholic tenet, that Christ is not really and 
substantially given and received in the Holy Eucharist." 
And again, " although he denies a corjDoral or local pre- 
sence in the Holy Eucharist, yet he thinks we ought to 
be close to the terms of Scripture, and the manner of ex- 
pression used by the ancient Church. Now in the language 
of the New Testament and the fathers the exhibiting — 
(shewing forth,) — of Christ is fully expressed. By which 
we understand the presence of our Lord, and not any 
mock of remembrance which supposes him absent. It is 
true the bread and wine are properly called signs with 
relation to something further, and so is the whole solem- 
nity. But then these signs or references to something 
past are not the principal things in this Holy Sacrament. 
The exhibiting and spiritual manducation of Christ, is the 



BUCER. 215 

most beneficial and glorious part of the Communion : and 
therefore the fathers chose rather to express the mystery 
by the term of representing than that of signifying." In 
another place he remarks that he is afraid if the conference 
should be made public, from some expressions made use 
of by Peter Martyr, that the reader might suppose him to 
teach that " the benefit of communicating reached no fur- 
ther than to the refreshing of our faith, and bringing our 
Saviour more strongly to the memory, serving only to give 
a more lively and affecting idea of the blessing of our 
redemption, and to suggest thoughts to be cherished and 
improved by the Holy Spirit." "The reader, I am afraid," 
continues Bucer, " will intei-pret you to no higher mean- 
ing than this ; he will not imagine you to assert that as 
Christ first commnnicated Himself to His members in bap- 
tism, so He exhibits Himself more and inore present, (amplius 
et amplius exhibeat presentem,) in the Holy Eucharist, and 
communicates Himself to such a degree of intimacy ami 
union that they really sidjsist and remain in Him, and receive 
Him reciprocally to themselves. In short, I am afraid peo- 
ple will think you do not hold the presence of Christ, but 
only the presence of the Spirit of Christ and the efiicacy 
consequent upon it." He afterwards says, " the blessing 
is conveyed through the symbols of bread and wine." 

Such were the views of one who took the lowest view of 
the Holy Eucharist among the Reformers, and such views 
will doubtless astonish those Socinianizing members of 
the Church of England of the present day, who accuse of 
Popery all who hold the fundamental doctrines of the 
Christian religion. Bucer had at this time adopted 
Calvin's opinion on the Eucharist, which that reformer 
thus expressed : — 

" We confess that the spiritual life vouchsafed us by 
Christ in this Sacrament does not only consist in His 
quickening us by His Spirit : but over and above this 
blessing by virtue of His Spirit, He makes us partakers of 
that principle of life His Flesh. By which participation 
we are nourished to immortal life. Therefore when we 



216 BUCER. 

mention the communion of the faithful with Christ, we 
understand their communicating with His Body and 
Blood, no less than with His Spirit ; that thus they may 
be in possession of their whole Saviour. For the Scrip- 
ture plainly declares, that His Flesh is meat to us indeed, 
and His Blood is drink indeed : and if we expect a life by 
Christ, we ought to grow and support ourselves by such 
nourishment. Thus the Apostle had no common meaning, 
when he tells us, we are flesh of Christ's Flesh, and bone 
of His Bone : no ; by this language he insinuates our 
communion or communication with His Body ; a mystery 
so sublime that no words are able to reach the dignity of 
the thing. Neither does our Saviour's ascension, nor the 
absence of the local presence of His Body, infer any in- 
consistency with this privilege. For notwithstanding in 
this state of mortality we live at a distance, and are not in 
the same place with Him, yet the force of His Spirit is 
not confined by any corporeal intei^positions, nor hindered 
from uniting things, though at the remotest intervals of 
space : we acknowledge, therefore. His Spirit is the prin- 
ciple of union, and the band, as it were, of communication 
with Himself. But then we desire to be understood in 
this sense, that this Holy Spirit does really feed us with 
the substance of our Lord's Flesh and Blood, and quickens 
us with the participation of them for the glorious purposes 
of immortality. And that Christ offers and exhibits this 
communion of His Flesh and Blood, under the symbols of 
bread and wine, to those who celebrate the Holy Eucharist 
pursuant to His institution." — Calvins Epist. 326. 

When HoojDer, on his nomination to the see of Glou- 
cester, refused to wear the episcopal vestments, and the 
whole question relating to the surplice, &c., was mooted, 
Bucer was consulted ; and although he wished " the gar- 
ments were removed by law," yet, " since those garments 
had been used by the ancient fathers before Popery, and 
might still be of good use to the weak when well under- 
stood," he wished Hooper to lay aside his objections. 

In 1550 he had a disputation with certain members of 



BUCER. 217 

our Church who held Romish opinions, and he appears 
not to have had the best of the argument. 

The first English Prayer Book had been published in 
1548. It was a translation and re-arrangement of the 
old offices, which had always been used in the Church 
of England; it had been revised and affirmed by the 
Archbishops, Bishops, and Clergy of our Church in con- 
vocation assembled ; it had been accepted by the King, 
and three estates of the Parliament, who gave it their just 
encomium, that the work was done " by the aid of the 
Holy Ghost." The whole was so judiciously and wisely 
done, that though neither the Romish Party, nor the 
Ultra-protestant Party, in the Church were satisfied, yet 
both for a time conformed to it. 

At the end of the year 1550, however, the Archbishop 
of Canterbury so far listened to the Ultra-protestant outcry 
that he determined on a revision of the book. And Bucer 
was consulted by him on the occasion. Being ignorant 
of our language, he had the book translated by a Scotch- 
man ; and though he thanked God for having given the 
English grace to reform the ceremonies, and declared that 
he found nothing in it contrary to the word of God, he 
proceeded to censure with not a little freedom and pre- 
sumption. His objections, and the refutation of them, 
may be seen in Collier s Eccles. Hist. p. '29G. 

The objections of Bucer and Peter Martyr, as is well 
known, were permitted to have undue weight, and operated 
injuriously to the Church of England, when shortly after 
alterations were made in our ritual, as it was asserted, 
•' from curiosity rather than any worthy cause." A curious 
reason to assign for a change at such a crisis, in such a 
work. 

Bucer was much noticed by young King Edward YI. 
for whom he wrote a book " Concerning the kingdom of 
Christ," which he presented as a new year's gift. It refer- 
red to the miseries of Germany and the German reforma- 
tion, and to the want of ecclesiastical discipline, the 
adoption of which he strongly recommended in England, 



SI 8 BUCKERIDGE. 

beginning by a more careful refusal of the Eucharist to ill 
livers, by the sanctification of the Lord's day, of holidays, 
and of days of fasting, which last he proposed should be 
more numerous and less confined to Lent, a season which 
had been popularly disregarded ; and by the reduction of 
non-residence and pluralities, the true remnants of Popery. 
Bacer died at Cambridge in the close of February, 1550, 
and was buried in St. Mary's with great ceremony, his 
remains being attended by 3,000 persons jointly from 
the university and the town. A Latin speech was made 
over his grave by Dr. Haddon, the public orator, and an 
English sermon was then preached by Parker, afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and on the following day, 
Dr. Redman, Master of Trinity College, preached at St. 
Mary's a sermon in his commendation. When in the 
reign of Queen Mary the Romanizing party regained the 
ascendency in our Church which they had lost in the pre- 
ceding reigns, among the offensive measures they adopted, 
by which the very name of Romanist has been rendered 
odious to British ears, they caused the remains of Bucer 
and Fagius to be dug up, fastened erect by a chain to 
stakes in the market-place and burnt to ashes. The heads 
of houses, too subservient to the ruling powers, erased 
their names at the same time from all public acts and 
registers as heretics and deniers of the true faith. — Mel- 
chior Adam. Strype's Lives. Sleidan. Bossuet. Burnet. 
Collier. D'Auhigny. Samuel Clark. Bayle. Mosheim. 



BUCKEKIDGE, JOHN. 

This eminent divine was born in the neighbour- 
hood of Marlborough, in what year is not certain. His 
mother was related to Sir Thomas White, founder of 
St. John's College, Oxford. He was, therefore, as 
a matter of course, sent to Merchant Tailors' School, 
and from thence he was elected, in 1578, to St. John's, 
where he became a fellow and tutor. As tutor of the 



BUCKERIDGE. 219 

college he had the distinguished hoDour of having 
William Laud for his pupil. At the latter end of 1596 
he took his D.D. degree. After leaving the university, he 
became chaplain to Robert, Earl of Essex, and was rector 
of North Fambridge, in Essex, and of North Kilworth, in 
Leicestershire, and was afterwards one of Archbishop 
Whitgift's chaplains, and made prebendary of Hereford, 
and of Rochester. In 1604 he was preferred to the arch- 
deaconry of Northampton; and the same year, Nov. 5, 
was presented, by King James, to the vicarage of St. 
Giles's, Cripplegate, in which he succeeded Dr. Andrewes, 
then made Bishop of Chichester. About the same time 
he was chaplain to the King ; was elected President of 
St. John's College, 1605, and installed canon of Windsor, 
April 15, 1606. 

Buckeridge was now regarded as one of the great 
divines of the day, and when Melville and the Scottish 
faction were summoned before the King in 1606, Bucke: 
ridge was one of those clergymen who were summoned to 
preach in their presence at Hampton Court. But nothing 
could move the hard hearts of the Scottish Presbyterians, 
whose insolence to their Sovereign disgusted the King's 
loyal subjects in England, and shewed of what spirit they 
were. Buckeridge took his text out of Romans, xiii. 1, 
and managed the discourse (as Archbishop Spotswood, 
who was present, relates) both soundly and learnedly, to 
the satisfaction of all the hearers ; only it grieved the 
Scotch ministers to hear the Pope and Presbytery so often 
equalled in their opposition to Sovereign princes. Macrie, 
in his Life of Melville, says, " Dr. Buckeridge, President 
of St. John's College, preached the second sermon which 
was intended to prove the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical 
matters. It was chiefly borrowed from Bilson's book on 
that subject, with this addition, that the preacher con- 
founded the doctrine of the Presbyterians with that of the 
Papists." This accords with the character given of him 
by Wood, who says, that he was a person of great gravity 
and learning, and one that knew as well as any other 



S30 BUCKERIDGE. 

person of his time, how to employ the two-edged sword of 
holy Scripture on the one side against the Papists, and on 
the other against the Puritans. 

The first sermon delivered on this occasion, was 
preached by Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln, from Acts, xx. '28. 
in defence of the antiquity and superiority of Bishops, 
which the Scotch Presbyterians with their accustomed 
sarcasm characterized as " a confutation of his text." The 
sermon, says Melville, " was written and finely compacted 
in a little book, which he always had in his hand for help 
of his memorie." The Presbyterian preachers called this 
a " pulpit show," and turned the whole into ridicule. 

In 1611 Buckeridge was nominated to the see of 
Rochester, to which he was consecrated June 9. After- 
wards, by the interest of his grateful pupil. Dr. Laud, 
then Bishop of Bath and Wells, he was translated to Ely, 
upon the death of Dr. Felton, in 16^6. 

On the 11th of November, 16:26, he preached at St. Sa- 
\dour's, Southwark, the funeral sermon of the celebrated 
Bishop xlndrewes, that blessed Saint of the Church of 
England. Buckeridge took for his text, Heb. xiii. 16. He 
commenced the sermon with the following statement : 

"In the tenth verse the Apostle saith, 'We have an 
altar, of which they have no right to eat that serve 
the tabernacle.' Habemus altare, 'We have,' that is, 
Christians. So it is pt'oprium Christianorum, ' proper to 
Christians,' not common to the Jews together with 
Christians ; they have no right to communicate and eat 
there, that ' serve the tabernacle.' And yet it is commune 
altare, ' a common altar' to all Christians, they have all 
right to eat there. And so it is externum altare, not only 
a spiritual altar in the heart of every Christian — then 
St. Paul should have said habeo, or habet unusquisque, ' I 
have,' and ' every Christian hath in private to himself — 
but ' We have an altar,' that is, all Christians have ; and 
it must be external, else all Christians cannot have it. 

!' Our Head, Christ, offered His sacrifice of Himself upon 
the cross ; Criuc altare Christi ; and the ' cross of Christ 



BUCKERIDGE. 2-21 

was the altar' of our Head, where He offered the unicum, 
veruni, et proprium sacrijicium, 'the only, tme, proper 
sacrifice, propitiatory' for the sins of mankind, in which 
all other sacrifices are accepted, and applicatory of this 
propitiation." 

After shewing the incorrectness of the sacrificial %-iew 
taken by the Romanists, both from Scripture and the 
fathers, he proceeds : — 

" We deny not then the daily sacrifice of the Church, 
that is, the Church itself, warranted by Scriptures and 
fathers. We take not upon us to sacrifice the natural 
body of Christ otherwise than by commemoratioD, as 
Christ Himself and St. Paul doth prescribe. They rather 
that take a power never given them over the natural body 
of Christ, which once offered by Himself purchased eternal 
redemption all-sufficient for sin, to offer it again and often, 
never thinking of the offering of Christ's mystical body, 
the Church, that is ourselves, our souls and bodies — they, 
I say, do destroy the daily sacrifice of Christians, which is 
most acceptable to God. 

" Now then that which went before in the Head, Christ, 
on the cross, is daily performed in the members, in the 
Church. Christ there offered Himself once for us ; we 
daily offer ourselves by Christ, that so the whole mystical 
body of Christ in due time may be offered to God. 

" This was begun in the Apostles in their Liturgy, of 
whom it is said, Ministrantihus illis, ' While they minis- 
tered and prayed the Holy Ghost said unto them,' &c. 
Erasmus reads it, Sacrificantihus illis, ' While they sacri- 
ficed and prayed.' If they had offered Christ's natural 
body, the Apostles would surely have made some mention 
of it in their writings, as well as they do of the commemo- 
rative sacrifice. The word is Xst'rovfyovvruv so it is a litur- 
gical sacrifice, or a sacrifice performed or offered in our 
Liturgy or form of God's worship ; so the offering of our- 
selves, our souls, and bodies, is a part of divine worship. 

"Now as it is not enough to feed our own souls, unless 

VOL. III. u 



•223 BUCKERIDGE. 

we also feed both the souls and bodies of the poor, and 
there is no true fast unless we distribute that to the poor 
which we deny to our own bellies and stomachs ; and 
there cannot be a perfect and complete adoration to God 
in our devotions, unless there be also doing good and 
distributing to our neighbours ; therefore to the sacrifice 
of praise and thanksgiving in the Eucharist in the Church, 
mentioned in the fifteenth verse, we must also add bene- 
ficence and communication in this text ; for, Devotio 
dehetur Capiti, henejicentia memhris, ' The sacrifice of devo- 
tion is due to our Head, Christ, and piety and charity is 
due to the members.' So then, offer the sacrifice of praise 
to God daily in the church, as in the fifteenth verse; and 
distribute and communicate the sacrifice of compassion 
and alms to the poor out of the church, as in this text. 

" Shall I say extra Eccledam, ' out of the church ?' I 
do not say amiss if I do say so ; yet I must say also iiitra 
Ecclesiam ; this should be a sacrifice in the church, the 
Apostles kept it so in their time. Primo die, ' the first 
day of the week,' when they came together to pray and to 
break bread, St. Paul's rule was, separet unusquisque, ' let 
every one set apart' or ' lay by in store, as God hath pros- 
pered him, that there be no gatherings when I come.' 
And our Liturgy in the offertory tenders her prayers and 
alms on the Lord's-day or Sunday, as a part of the sacri- 
fice or service of that day, and of God's worship ; which 
I wish were more carefully observed among us. For 
this also is a Liturgy or office, so called by the Apostle, 
77 Jiaxovict rri^ Xetroy pyia?, ' the administration of this service,' 
or ' Office,' or 'Liturgy ;' there is the word ' Liturgy' and 
'Office.' For the daily service and sacrifice not only sup- 
plieth the want of the saints, but is abundant also by 
many thanksgivings unto God. So the Lord's-day, or 
Sunday, is then best kept and observed, when to our 
prayers and praises and sacrifices of ourselves, our souls 
and bodies, we also add the sacrifice of our goods and 
alms, and other works of mercy to make it up perfect and 



BUCKLAND. 223 

complete, that there may be opus diet in die siw, * the 
work of the day in the proper day thereof,' and these two 
sacrifices of praise and alms, joined here by God and His 
Apostle, may never be parted by us in our lives and 
practice." 

The sermon concludes with an account of that great 
and good prelate, Bishop Andrewes, of which use has 
been made in the life of Andrewes in the present work. 

Bishop Buckeridge did not long survive his illustrious 
friend. Reverenced by all who knew him for his deep 
and severe personal piety, respected by his clergy as a 
just governor, he died on the 23rd of May, 1631, and was 
buried in the parish church of Bromley in Kent. 

His works are, — De Potestate Papas in Piebus Tempo- 
ralibus, sive in Regibus deponendis usurpata : adversus 
Robertum Cardinalem Bellarminum, lib. ii. In quibus 
respondetur Authoribus, Scripturis, Rationibus, Exemplis 
contra Gul. Barclaium allatis, Lond. 1614, 4to ; a very- 
able work. He published, also, A Discourse on Kneeling 
at the Communion, and some occasional sermons. — Wood. 
Andrewes' Works. Spotswood. Macries Life of Melville. 
Bentliams Ely. 



BUCKLAND, RALPH. 

Ralph BTJCKLA^'D was born at West Harptre in Somer- 
setshire, about 1564, and in 1579 he entered as a com- 
moner in Magdalen College, Oxford, and afterwards passed 
some years in one of the inns of court. Having at last 
embraced the Popish religion, he spent seven years in the 
English College at Rheims, whence he removed to Rome ; 
and being ordained priest, returned to England, acted as 
a missionary for about twenty years, and died in 1611. 
He published, — 1. A Translation of the Lives of the 
Saints, from Surius. 2. A Persuasive against frequent- 
ing Protestant Churches, 12mo. 3. Seven Sparks of the 
Enkindled Flame, with Four Lamentations, composed in 
the hard times of Queen Elizabeth, 12mo. From this 



024 BUDDEUS. 

book, Archbishop Usher, in a sermon preached at St. 
Mary's, Oxford, in 1640, on November 5, produced some 
passages which he beheved to hint at the gunpowder 
plot. 4. De Persecutione Vandihea, a translation from 
the Latin of Victor, Bishop of Biserte or Utica. — Wood. 
Dod. 



BUDDEUS, JOHN FRANCIS. 

John Francis Buddeus was born in 1667 at Anclam, 
in Pomerania. At the age of eighteen he was sent to the 
university of Wittemberg, where he took his master's 
degree in 1687; and two years afterwards became assis- 
tant professor of philosophy. He removed from thence to 
Jena, next to Copenhagen, and afterwards to Halle, but 
returned to Jena to take the chair of theology in 1705. 
He died in 1729. 

He was a distinguished contributor to the Acta Erudi- 
torum of Leipsic, and to the great Historical Dictionary, 
printed there in 1709, in folio, and published under his 
direction and with his name. He also published, 1. De 
Peref^rinationibus Pythagorse, Jena, 1692, folio. 2. Ele- 
menta Philosophise Practicse, Instmmentalis et Theoreticae, 
3 vols, 8vo. 1697. 3. Institutiones Theologiae Moralis, 
1711, 4to, often reprinted. 4. Historia Juris Naturae, 
Jena, 1695, Ley den, 1711, Halle, 1717, 8vo. 5. Sapientia 
Veterum, hoc est, Dicta Illustriora septem Graeciae Sapi- 
entum, Halle, 1699, 4to. 6. Introductio ad Historiam 
Philosophise Ebraeorum, ib. 1702. 7. Analecta Historiae 
Philosophicse, ib. 1706, 1724, 8vo. 8. Compendium 
Historise Philosophicse, ib. 1731, 8vo. 9. Ecclesia Apos- 
tolica, sive de Statu Ecclesias sub Apostolis, Jena, 1729, 
8vo. 10. Historia Ecclesiastica Veteris Testamenti, 1715, 
1718, 2 vols, 4to, a valuable work. 11. Institutiones 
Theologicae, Dogmaticae, variis Observationibus illustratae, 
1723, 1724, 1726, 3 vols. 4to. 12. Miscellanea Sacra, 
1727, 3 vols, 4to. 



BUGENHAGIUS. 225 

BUGENHAGIUS, JOHN. 

John Bugenhagius, sumamed from his country Pomer- 
anus, was born at Wollin in Pomerania, on the 24th of 
June, 1485. His parents, who were of senatorial rank, 
took considerable pains with his education until he was of 
age to go to the university of Grypswald, where he devoted 
himself so assiduously to classical studies, that he \Yas 
appointed at the age of twenty to the mastership of the 
school at Treptow, where he became distinguished as a 
teacher. He attended to the religious as well as the 
classical education of his pupils, and being a man of 
literature, his attention was naturally directed to the works 
of so distinguished a scholar as Erasmus. The writings of 
Erasmus against the friars and the idolatry of the times, 
first awakened Bugenhagius to the necessity of a reformation 
of the Church, a subject upon which all serious minds 
had been long agreed, although none could decide on the 
proper manner of accomplishing it. Bugenhagius wished 
the minds of others to receive the same impression as his 
own, and therefore in his school he lectured on the Psalm's, 
St. Matthew's Gospel, the Epistles to Timothy, together 
with the Apostles' Creed and the Ten Commandments. 
These lectures became public from the desire people had 
to attend them ; and when soon after he was ordained 
priest, he became popular as a preacher, and his sphere of 
usefulness was extended. How high his character stood 
among his countrymen at this time is shewn by his having 
been engaged by Prince Bogislas to write a history of 
Pomerania. This work, which he completed in the course 
of two years, was not published till 1728. The prince at 
first received it in manuscript, for the use of himself and 
his court, and afterwards, perhaps, neglected it, as his 
regard for Bugenhagius ceased when the latter became a 
Lutheran. The prince and his spiritual advisers were 
not unwilling to hear of a reformation of the Church, but 
to the reformation of Luther they were opposed, and the 
2u 



226 BUGENHAGIUS. 

very suspicion of being a Lutheran was sure to involve a 
man in difficulties. 

One eveniog towards the end of December, 1520, as 
Bugenhagius sat at supper with with some friends, a copy 
of Luther's book on the Babylonish Captivity was put into 
his hands, " Since Christs death, said he, after having 
glanced it over, there have been many heretics to vex the 
Church, but never yet has there risen up such a pest as 
the author of this book." But Bugenhagius was apt to 
form his judgment hastily, and on perusing the book more 
carefully, his opinion was expressed as violently in favour 
of Luther as it had before been against him, and in a few 
days he declared as dogmatically and with as little discre- 
tion as before, " the whole world has been lying in thick 
darkness. This man, and none but he, has discovered 
the truth." This monstrous proposition must have as- 
tonished those to whom it was propounded. All men had 
been ignorant of God's truth until Luther discovered it ! 
And Bugenhagius was qualified, after a few days study, to 
pronounce upon the infallibility of this new pope ! A man 
s'o vehement, however, was sure to find supporters, some 
priests, a deacon, and an abbot, became his partizans, 
embraced Lutheranism, called by D'Aubigny, " the pure 
doctrine of salvation," and created a considerable sensation 
and disturbance. The Prince and the Bishop very natu- 
rally attempted to put a stop to these proceedings, and 
have been called on that accouut by some historians perse- 
cutors, though such sort of persecution has been resorted 
to, as the means of preventing riot and confusion, by 
Protestants not less than by Papists. Bugenhagius, 
having made the place too hot for his residence, fled to 
Wittemberg, where the Protestant movement was under 
the sanction of the state. By Luther he was rapturously 
received, and was employed by him in expounding the 
Book of Psalms, a work for which, by his previous studies, 
he found him to be prepared. 

When Luther was in captivity in the castle of Wartburg, 



BUGENHAGIUS. 227 

one of his disciples, Bernard Feldkirchen, the pastor of 
Kemberg, in spite of his vows of celibacy, married. The 
compulsory celibacy of the clergy is one of the worst prac- 
tical corruptions of the Church of Rome. It would have 
been well if the foreign Reformers, like some of the best 
of our own, had vindicated the liberty for others, but 
remained unmarried themselves. They laid themselves 
open to the attacks of their enemies, by seeking the 
indulgence for themselves, and they were suspected of 
having but little respect for the marriage vow itself. If 
they disregarded one vow, they might for the sake of 
expediency, it was argued, disregard another. (See the Life 
of Biicer.) Luther, however, was prepared to defend the 
conduct of his friend, which he afterwards imitated ; he 
saw a distinction at first, which he did not afterwards 
admit, between the marriage of priests and j:hat of monks. 
Writing to Melancthon he says, " The priests are ordained 
by God, and therefore they are above the commandments 
of men ; but the friars have, of their own accord, chosen a 
life of celibacy, — they therefore are not at liberty to with- 
draw from the obligation they have laid themselves under." 
But though he could write thus sensibly upon the subject 
in his cooler moments, he soon perceived that if he were 
to establish his party in strength, he must annihilate the 
monastic system, and that the most effectual mode of 
doing this, was to invite the monks to leave their cells and 
preach his doctiines, by offering them wives ; and in an 
address to his followers at Wittemberg, he proclaimed 
liberty of marriage to the monks, and with more of vehe- 
mence than charity, declared of convents, that they were 
" abodes of the devil,'' which, of course, ought to be razed 
to the ground. 

Bugenhagius accorded in opinion with his master, and 
proved the sincerity of his principles by marrying; ob- 
serving, what must have occurred to others besides him- 
self, " this business will cause a great mutation in the 
public state of things." 

When the violent rupture took place between Carlo- 



•2-^8 BUGENHAGIUS. 

stadt and Luther, the opinions of the former dififering 
from the decision of the latter on the subject of the Real 
Presence in the Eucharist, which Luther always main- 
tained, and when the zeal of Carlostadt led him on to 
acts of greater violence than Luther approved, Bugenha- 
gius sided with Luther. On Luther's return to Wittem- 
berg, he appointed Bugenhagius to be the pastor of 
Wittemberg, and he presided over the Protestants there, 
under Luther's protection and sanction, for six and thirty 
years. 

Bugenhagius was invited to Hamburgh in 1522, to draw 
up doctrinal articles, and form a system for the government 
of the Protestant congregation. He performed the same 
services in 1530 for the Protestants at Lubeck. He 
appears, indeed, to have been celebrated for his skill in 
creating churches, for he was employed later in life in the 
same way, in the dukedom of Brunswick, and in other 
places. In 1537 he was sent for by the King of Denmark. 
So early as 1521 a reforming spirit was encouraged in that 
country by Christian or Christiern II, a monarch whose 
" savage and infernal cruelty," to use the expression of 
Mosheim, " rendered his name odious and his memory 
execrable." He was anxious, nevertheless, to free his 
dominions from the superstition and tyranny of Rome, to 
have the Gospel preached according to Luther's exposition, 
and to take possession for the good of the state of the 
ecclesiastical property. He invited Carlostadt to Denmark, 
and appointed him divinity professor at Hafnia : Carlostadt 
accepted the appointment, but after a short stay in Den- 
mark returned to Germany. Christiern II was deposed 
in 1523, and Frederick, Duke of Holstein and Sleswic, 
was placed upon the throne of Denmark. This prince en- 
couraged the Lutheran preachers, but it remained for his 
successor, Christiern III, to extirpate Romanism in his 
dominions. He sent for Bugenhagius, who completely re- 
modeled the Church, or rather converted it into a Pro- 
testant sect. He set forth a book about the ordination of 
ministers, formerly agreed upon by Luther and his col- 



BULL. 229 

leagues, to which he added some prayers, and a form or 
directory for holy ministrations. About fourteen days 
after the coronation of the King, Bugenhagius ordained 
seven Protestant superintendents to supply the place of 
the seven Bishops of Denmark, appointing them for the 
time to come to act as Bishops, and to superintend the 
ecclesiastical affairs. These persons, arrogating to himself 
powers which he did not possess, he ordained in the 
presence of the King and his council, in the chief 
church in Hafnia. The assembly of the states at Odensee, 
in the year 1539, gave a solemn sanction to all these 
transactions. 

In 1533 he had proceeded doctor, at the instance of 
John Frederick, Elector of Saxony, who was present when 
he performed his exercises. 

The peace of his latter years was disturbed by the poli- 
tical troubles of Germany, and the unfortunate disputes 
amoDg the reformers, which he laid much to heart. He 
died on the 20th of April, 1558. He wrote a commentary 
on the Psalms ; Annotations on St. Pauls Epistles ; a 
Harmony of the Gospels, &c. He also assisted Luther in 
translating the Bible into German ; and used to keep the 
day on which it was finished as a festival, calling it the 
"Feast of the Translation." — Melchior Adam. Clark's 
Marrow of Eccles. Hist. Mosheim. D'Auhigmj. Diqnn. 



BULL, GEORGE. 

This eminent divine of the Church of England, 
who takes his place with Athanasius and Basil and 
Gregory, and the illustrious Fathers of the Church, was 
descended from an ancient family in Somersetshire, 
and was born at Wells in that county, March 25th, 
1634. His father dying when he was but four years old, 
he was left with an estate of £200 a year, to the care 
of guardians, by whom he was first placed at a grammar 
school in Wells, and afterwards at the free school of 



230 BULL. 

Tiverton, in Devonshire : a school which still retains 
its high character, and is considered one of the chief 
schools in the West of England. The writer of this article 
bears grateful testimony to the excellence of its discipline, 
when under the direction of the Rev. George Richards, 
one of a family of eminent schoolmasters. From Tiverton 
George Bull removed to Exeter College, Oxford, where he 
entered as a commoner on the 10th of July, 1648. Here, 
says his biographer, he was placed under the care of Mr. 
Baldwin Ackland, a man eminent for his learning and 
piety, zealous for his Sovereign, when so many of his 
subjects and friends forsook him, and true to the interest 
of tlie Church in her most afflicted circumstances. But 
although he was under the direction of so zealous and 
orthodox a divine, it must not be concealed that Mr. Bull 
lost much of the time he spent at the university, and he 
frequently mentioned it himself with great sorrow and 
regret ; though he did not, as is too usual, impute this 
misfortune of his life to any remissness in the government 
of the place, or to any negligence in his tutor, but to the 
great rawness and inexperience of his age. For being 
transplanted very young from the strict discipline of a 
school to the enjoyment of manly liberty, before he had 
consideration enough to make use of it to the best pur- 
poses ; he was overpowered by that love of pleasure and 
diversion, which so easily captivates youth when it is not 
upon the guard. But as the freedoms he took were 
chiefly childish follies, so when he prosecuted them with 
the greatest earnestness, he still gave sufficient evidence of 
an extraordinary genius ; and by the help of his logical 
rules which he made himself master of with little labour, 
and his close way of maintaining his argument, which was 
natural to him, he quickly obtained the reputation of a 
smart disputant, and as such was taken notice of by his 
superiors. 

Mr. Bull had not been admitted two years at Exeter 
College before the Engagement was imposed upon the 
nation by a pretended Act of Parliament, which passed in 



BULL. 281 

January 1649, The kingly office being abolished upon 
the murder of King Charles the martyr, it was declared, 
that for the time to come England should be governed as 
a Commonwealth by Parliament ; that is to say, by that 
handful of men who, by their art and power and villainy, 
had by successful rebellion effected the revolution. And 
that they might secure their new government, and have 
some obligations of obedience for the future from their 
subjects, who had broken all the former oaths they had 
taken, as is observed by a noble author, this new oath 
was prepared and established : the form of which was, 
that every man should swear, " That he would be true 
and faithful to the Commonwealth of England, as it was 
then established, without a King or House of Lords." 
Whosoever refused to take that Engagement, was to be 
incapable of holding any place or office in Church or 
State ; and they who had no employments to lose, were to 
be deprived of the benefit of the law, and disabled from 
suing in any court. There was great zeal shewn in seve- 
ral places to procure this acknowledgment and submission 
from the people to the new government ; particularly all 
the members of the university were summoned to appear, 
and solemnly to own the right and title of the Common- 
wealth to their allegiance. Young George Bull appeared 
• upon this occasion, and signalized himself by refusing to 
take the oath. The several hypotheses which were started 
to make men easy under a change of government directly 
contrary to the constitution of the country, were insuffi- 
cient to convince his honest and straightforward mind. 
Neither the argument of providence, nor that of present 
possession, nor that of the advantages of protection, which 
were, as Mr. Nelson observes, all pleaded in those times, 
were strong enough to influence the mind of one who was 
determined to be constant in his duty to the Church and 
the King. 

He retired in January 1649, with his tutor Mr. Ackland, 
to North Cadbury in Somersetshire. In this retreat, 
which lasted till he was nineteen years of age, he had 



232 BULL. 

frequent conversation with one of his sisters, whose good 
sense and great talents were directed by the most solid 
piety. By her affectionate recommendation to her brother 
of that religion which her own conduct so much adorned, 
she won from, him every tincture of lightness and vanity, 
and influenced him to a serious prosecution of his studies. 
He now put himself, by the advice of his guardians, under 
the care, and boarded in the house of Mr. William Thomas, 
rector of Ubley, in Somersetshire, from whom, a Puritan, 
he received little or no real improvement ; but the ac- 
quaintance he made with his tutor's son Mr. Samuel 
Thomas made some amends : this gentleman persuaded 
Mr. Bull to read Hooker, Hammond, Taylor, and other 
Christian writers with whose works he supplied him, 
though at the hazard of his father's displeasure, who 
never found any orthodox books in his study without 
manifesting visible marks of his displeasure, and easily 
guessing from what quarter they came, he would often 
say, " My son will corrupt Mr. Bull." The deep piety of 
his pupil made him entertain the wish of attaching him 
to the Puritan party, to which the learning united with 
the piety of Mr. Bull offered an effectual barrier. 

The Church of England, says Mr. Nelson, which is, 
and that justly, the glory of the Pteformation, was then 
laid in the dust : she was ruined under a pretence of 
being made more pure and more perfect. Episcopacy, a 
divine institution, and therefore in no case to be deviated 
from, was abolished as anti-Christian ; our admirable 
Liturgy was laid aside as defiled with the corruptions 
and innovations of Popery : and the revenues, which the 
piety of our ancestors had established for the maintenance 
of our spiritual fathers, were ravenously seized on by 
sacrilegious hands, and alienated to support the usurpa- 
tion. These discouraging circumstances did not damp 
the zeal of this servant of God, but he engasjed in the 
service of the Church when the arguments from flesh and 
blood were least inviting. When men propose the glory 
of God and the good of souls as the chief motive in the 



BULL. 233 

choice of their sacred profession, as they want not the 
prospect of riches and grandeur to invite them to under- 
take it, neither are they terrified with those difficuUies 
that lie in the way of such an important service. The 
pilot is then most necessary, w^hen the ship is exposed to 
be driven on rocks and sands ; and not to shrink from the 
exercise of his skill upon such occasions, distinguisheth 
his courage and resolution, as well as his zeal, to save 
those who are in the same bottom with himself. 

Being unable, according to his principles, to officiate 
without being duly called into the Lord's vineyard, he 
applied for ordination to Dr. Skinner, Bishop of Oxford, 
by whom he was ordained deacon and priest on the 
same day. The Bishop, though he was willing to ordain 
Mr. Bui], yet refused to give him, or any others, letters of 
orders under his own hand and seal, for this prudential 
reason ; because he was apprehensive some ill use might 
be made of them, if they fell into the hands of those 
unjust powers which then prevailed ; who had made it 
criminal for a bishop to confer holy orders : but withal he 
assured him, that when the ancient apostolical govern- 
ment of the Church should be restored, which he did not 
question but a little time would bring about, his letters 
of orders should be sent him, in what part soever of the 
nation he then lived, however it should please God to 
dispose of his lordship ; which was accordingly punctually 
complied with, upon the happy restoration of King Charles 
the Second. 

Being now invested with the sacerdotal powers, which 
are the characteristic of a presbyter, he embraced the first 
opportunity the providence of God offered for the exercis- 
ing of them according to his commission. A small living 
near Bristol, called St. George's, presenting itself, he the 
rather accepted it, because the income was very incon- 
siderable ; it being very likely, that upon that account he 
would be suffered to reside without disturbance from the 
men of those times, who would not think it worth their 
pains to persecute and dispossess him for £30 a year. 

VOL. III. X 



234 BULL. 

When lie settled at St. George's, he found the parish 
to abound with quakers, and other wald sectaries, who 
held very extravagant opinions, into which the people 
there and in the adjacent parts were very ready to run; 
hut by his constant preaching twice every Lord's-day, by 
his sound doctrine and exemplary life, by his great chari- 
ties, (for he expended more annually in relieving the poor 
of all sorts than the whole income of his living amounted 
to,) and by his prudent behaviour, he gained very much 
upon the affections of his parishioners, and was very 
instrumental in preserving many, and reclaiming others, 
from those pernicious errors which then were common 
among them. 

A little occurrence soon after his coming to this living, 
contributed greatly to establish his reputation as a preacher. 
One Sunday, when he had begun his sermon, as he was turn- 
ing over his bible to explain some texts of Scripture, which 
he had quoted, his notes, which were written on several 
small pieces of paper, flew out of his bible into the middle 
of the Church : many of the congregation began to laugh, 
concluding that their young preacher would be nonplussed 
for want of materials ; but some of the more religious and 
soberminded of the congregation, good naturedly gathered 
up the scattered notes, and carried them to him in the 
pulpit. Mr. Bull took them ; and perceiving that most of 
the audience, consisting chiefly of sea-faring persons, were 
rather inclined to triumph over him under that surprise, 
he replaced them in his book, and shut it, and then, with-, 
out referring any more to them, he went on with the 
subject he had begun. Another time while he was preach- 
ing, a quaker came into the church, and in the middle of 
the sermon, cried out, " George, come down, thou art a false 
prophet and an hireling;" whereupon the parishioners, 
who loved their minister exceedingly, fell upon the 
poor quaker with such fury, as obliged Mr. Bull to come 
down out of the pulpit to quiet them, and to save him 
from the effects of their resentment : getting in among 
them, and warding off the blows that were falling very 



BULL. -235 

heavy upon the fellow, he said to them, '• Come, neigh- 
bours, be not so violent against the poor man, but spare 
him ; you do not know what spirit he is acted by ; you 
cannot tell but that it may be phrenzy in him, or some 
other distemper; and if so, the man is certainly an object 
of your care ; however let me prevail upon you to forbear 
and hurt him not ; but let me, good neighbours, a little 
argue the matter coolly with him." He then addressed 
the man, " Friend, thou dost call me a false prophet and 
an hireling. Now as to thy first charge, prophecy doth 
generally mean either preaching or interpreting God's 
word, or else foretelling things to come ; and so a prophet 
either true or false, is understood in Scripture. Where- 
fore if thou dost mean that I am a prophet in the first of 
these two senses, I readily acknowledge that I am so, and 
a true one I also hope, forasmuch as in all sincerity and 
truth, I have now for some time preached among this 
good people what I could learn to be agreeable to the doc- 
trine of Christ and His Apostles, not failing to interpret 
to them the mind of God in the Scriptures, without any 
other end, but to bring them to the knowledge of the 
truth, and thereby to the attainment of life everlasting. 
But, friend, if thou dost call me a prophet, and a false 
prophet, from my foretelling things to come, I then appeal 
to my parishioners here present, whether I ever once 
pretended to this manner of prophecy, either in my ser- 
mons or in my discourses with them : and so in this sense 
I can be no false prophet, having never deceived any one 
by pretences of this nature. And as to the other charge 
against me, that I am an hireling, I appeal again to these 
here present and that know me, whether they can say that 
I have preached among them for the sake of gain or 
filthy lucre, and whether 1 have not, on the contrary, been 
ready on all occasions to serve and assist them to the ut- 
most of my power, and to communicate as freely as I 
receive." Upon which the people, being touched with a 
sense of gratitude to this minister of God for his extra- 
ordinary kindness and constant bounty towards them, but 



236 BULL. 

not mindful enough of that sacred regard which was due 
to the place where they were met, and to the occasion 
which brought them together, perceiving the silly enthu- 
siast at a perfect nonplus, and not able to speak a word of 
sense in his own defence, fell upon him a second time 
with such violence, that had not Mr. Bull bustled very 
much among them, and by great entreaties prevailed 
upon them to spare him, and to lead and shut him out of 
the church ; they would have worried him upon the spot. 
After which Mr. Bull went up again into his pulpit, and 
finished his sermon. What a picture is here presented 
to us of those turbulent times ! His labours as a parish 
priest were as judicious as they were great. As to the 
younger sort of people, his custom was, says Nelson, *' to 
address them in public as well as private, and therefore he 
would pitch upon some week day to preach to them before 
he administered the Holy Eucharist ; that such as had 
not yet been admitted to that divine Ordinance, might be 
thoroughly instructed in the nature and design of the 
Christian Sacrifice, and might be taught what prepara- 
tion was necessary to qualify them to appear at the Holy 
Altar." 

The rebels who had now usurped the government being 
dissenters, they tyrannically prohibited the use of the 
Liturgy under the threat of severe penalties ; nevertheless 
Mr. Bull framed all his prayers out of it, after the exam- 
ple of Bishop Sanderson; and those who railed at the 
Liturgy as a lifeless form, admired Mr. Bull as one who 
prayed by the Spirit I A special instance of this delusion 
occurred once at the baptism of the child of a dissenter. 
Mr. Bull had committed the whole of the baptismal ofiQce 
to memory, which on this occasion he repeated with great 
gravity, devotion, and fluency, to the delight and admir- 
ation of the whole company. After the ordinance, the 
father of the child returned Mr. Bull many thanks, and 
praised extempore prayers intimating, at the same time, 
with how much greater edification they prayed, who 
entii;ely depended upon the Spirit of God for His assist- 



BULL. 237 

ance in their extempore effusions, than those did who tied 
themselves up to pre-meditated forms : and that if he had 
not made the sign of the Cross, that hadge of Popery, as 
he called it, nobody could have formed the least objection 
against his excellent prayers. Upon which Mr. Bull, 
hoping to recover him from his ill-grounded prejudices, 
shewed him the Office of Baptism in the Liturgy, whereni 
w^as contained eveiy prayer which he had offered up to 
God on that occasion ; which, with farther arguments that 
he then urged, so effectually wrought upon the good man 
and his w^hole family, that they always after that time 
frequented the parish church, and never more absented 
themselves from communion. 

On the ;^Oth of May, 1658, Mr. Bull married Bridget, 
the daughter of the Rev. Alexander Gregory, minister of 
Cirencester. Their 's was not a mere civil contract, they 
were joined together in holy matrimony by Mr. William 
Master, vicar of Preston, according to the form prescribed 
in the Book of Common Prayer ; the use of which, such 
was the tyranny of the ruling powers, was then forbidden 
under a great penalty. But as Mr. Bull had a particular 
regard to our excellent Liturgy, in those times when it 
was the fashion to despise it : so he had not a less esteem 
for the constitution of the Church ; for in order to render 
so serious an action, as matrimony is, still more solemn, 
he pitched upon Ascension-day for the solemnizing of it, 
which, in 1658, w^as the 20th of May. 

In 1659 he was presented to the living of Suddington 
St. Mary, near Cirencester. The Lady Pool, who at that 
time lived at Cirencester, claimed the right of presenta- 
tion, and gave the living to Mr. Bull, but he would have 
been turned out of it, by neglecting to take out the broad 
seal, liad not a gentleman of Cirencester, Mr. Stone, done 
this without Mr. Bull's knowledge or privity. Mr. Bull 
had become acquainted with his wife on some of his 
periodical journeys to Oxford, for he made a point of 
visiting the university in order to consult the libraries, 
X 2 



238 BULL. 

every year, and he remained there two months, thus em- 
ploying his lawful holiday as a parish priest It is indeed 
gratifying to the parish priests of England, to be able to 
state that the most learned divine of the English Church 
was one of their number, for it was not till late in life 
that Bull was preferred, and during the period of his 
learned labours he was an indefatigable parish priest, a 
working clergyman in every sense of the word, a model of 
piety as well as of zeal. Such was the respect in which 
he was held, that in 1659 his house was the rendezvous 
of the gentlemen in that part of the country who were 
engaged in the glorious work of the Restoration. The 
parish of Suddington St. Mary was small, and the Bishop 
of Gloucester, Dr. Nicholson, having his eye upon such a 
distinguished parish priest, obtained for him the adjacent 
vicarage of Suddington St. Peter, which was in the Lord 
Chancellor s gift. The additional income was only £25 
a-year, which scarcely covered the additional expenses, 
especially when the almost boundless hospitality and 
charity of Bull and his wife are taken into consideration, 
but as the two parishes together contained only thirty 
families, he was glad to obtain a more extensive sphere of 
usefulness, and laboured, though in vain, to have them 
consolidated. He continued to labour among the poor 
and ignorant; his exertions among them were inces- 
sant. Whenever he officiated at the Altar, it was, says 
Mr. Nelson, " agreeably to the directions of the Rubric, and 
with the gravity and seriousness of a primitive priest. 
He preserved the custom of a collection for the poor, when 
the priest begins the Offertory, which I the rather men- 
tion, because it is too much neglected in country villages. 
He always placed the elements of bread and wine upon 
the altar himself, after he had received them either from 
the churchwarden or clerk, or had taken them from some 
convenient place, where they w^ere laid for that purpose. 
His constant practice was to offer them upon the holy 
table, in the first place, in conformity to the practice of 



BULL. 239 

the ancient Church, before he began the Communion 
service ; and this the Rubric after the OiBfertory, seemeth 
to require of all her priests, by declaring, ' When there is 
a Communion, the priest shall then j^lace upon the table so 
much bread and wine as he shall think sufficient.' " " It is 
provided," continues Mr. Nelson, "in the Rubric after 
the Nicene Creed on Sundays, ' The Curate shall declare 
unto the people, what holy days or fasting days are in the 
week following to he observed ;' and this direction is enforced 
by the 64th Canon of the Ecclesiastical Constitutions, 
made by the Convocation in 1603. Now Mr. Bull did 
not satisfy himself only with giving this notice to his 
parishioners, which he could not well omit without neg- 
lecting his duty, but he led them to the observation of 
such holy institutions by his own example. For he had 
so far a regard to these holy-days, as to cause all his 
family to repair to the church at such times ; and on the 
days of fasting and abstinence, the necessary refreshments 
of life were adjourned from the usual hour till towards 
the evening. He was too well acquainted with the prac- 
tice of the primitive Christians, to neglect such observ- 
ances as they made instrumental to piety and devotion, 
had too great a value for the injunctions of his mother, the 
Church of England, to disobey where she required a com- 
pliance ; but above all, he was too intent upon making 
advances in the Christian life, to omit a duty all along 
observed by devout men, and acceptable to God under the 
Old and New Testament, both as it was helpful to their 
devotion, and became a part of it." 

While Mr. Bull was rector of Suddington, the provi- 
dence of God gave him an opportunity of fixing two ladies 
of quality, in that neighbourhood, in the Protestant com- 
munion ; who had been reduced to a very wavering state 
of mind, by the arts and subtleties of some Romish mis- 
sionaries. Their specious pretences to antiquity were easily 
detected by this great master of the ancient Fathers ; and 
by his thorough acquaintance with Scripture, and the 
sense of the Catholic Church, in matters of the greatest 



240 BULL. 

importance, he was able to distinguish between primitive 
truths, and those errors which the Church of Rome built 
upon them. He had frequent conferences with both these 
ladies, and answered those objections which appeared to 
them to have the greatest strength, and by which they 
were very near falling from their stedfastness. 

Mr. Nelson regrets the loss of the paper he drew up for 
their instruction, but it was afterwards discovered and 
published by the Bishop's son, Robert Bull, under the 
title of "A Vindication of the Church of England." 
What a divine so learned in primitive doctriue has said 
in defence of our Church, is so valuable in these days, 
that we are impelled to give the following extract from the 
work, which is a challenge to the Romish controversialist. 

" We proceed, in the next place, to the constant visi- 
bility and succession of pastors in our Church, which he 
challenge th your ladyship, as obliged by promise, to make 
good. And here I make him this fair proposal : Let him, 
or any one of his party, produce any one solid argument 
to demonstrate such a succession of pastors in the Churc 
of Rome, and I will undertake, by the very same argu- 
ment, to prove a like succession in our Church. Indeed, 
your ladyship will easily discern, that the author of the 
letter is concerned, no less than we are, to acknowledge 
such a succession of lawful pastors in our Church, till the 
time of the Reformation; and if we cannot derive our 
succession since, it is a hard case. But our records, faith- 
fully kept and preserved, do evidence to all the world an 
uninterrupted succession of Bishops in our Church, 
canonically ordained, derived from such persons in whom 
a lawful power of ordination was seated by the confession 
of the Papists themselves. For the story of the Nag's 
Head Ordination is so putid a fable, so often and so 
clearly refuted by the writers of our Church, that the more 
learned and ingenuous Papists are now ashamed to make 
use of it. 

"-His demand that we should shew a succession of 
pastors in our Church, in all ages, holding and professing 



BULL. 241 

the thirtj-Dine Articles, is infinitely ridiculous, absurd, 
and unreasonable : for we ourselves acknowledge, that the 
pastors of our Church were, before the Reformation, in- 
volved as well as others, in the errors and corruptions of 
the Church of Rome, against which our thirty-nine 
Articles are mainly directed; or else there had been no 
need of Reformation. And let him, if he can, shew a con- 
stant succession of pastors in the Church of Rome, always 
professing the decrees of the council of Trent, in the 
points of image-worship, invocation of saints, communion 
in one kind, purgatory, indulgences, &c., and I will pro- 
mise heart and hand to subscribe to that council. But it is 
as clear as the light at noonday, that the decrees of that 
council in those articles, are most contrary to the doctrine 
of the Catholic Church (and so of the pastors of the 
Church of Rome) in the first and best ages. As for our- 
selves, that which we maintain is this, that our Church 
and the pastors thereof, did always acknowledge the same 
rule of faith, the same fundamental articles of the Chris- 
tian religion, both before and since the Reformation ; but 
with this difference, that we then professed the rule of 
faith together with the additional coriTiptions of the 
Church of Rome; but now (God be thanked) without 
them. So that the change, as to matter of doctrine which 
hath been in our church, and her pastors, is for the bet- 
ter; like that of a man from being leprous becoming 
sound and healthy, and yet always the same man. This a 
learned prelate of our church solemnly proclaimed to all 
the world in these words : ' Be it known to all the world, 
that our church is only reformed or repaired, not made 
new ; there is not one stone of a new foundation laid by 
us ; yea, the old walls stand still, only the overcasting of 
those ancient stones with the untempered mortar of new 
inventions displeaseth us : plainly, set aside the cori-up- 
tions, and the church is the same. And what are these 
corruptions, but unsound adjections to the ancient struc- 
ture of religion ? These we cannot but oppose, and there- 
fore are unjustly and imperiously asserted. Hence it is 



242 BULL. 

that ours is by the opposite styled an ablative or nega- 
tive religion; for so much as we join vith all true 
Christians in all affirmative positions of ancient faith, 
only standing upon the denial of some late and undue 
additaments to the Christian belief.' Let the author of 
the letter prove, that our church, since the Reformation, 
bath departed from any one article of the common faith, 
always received in the church of God, and more fully ex- 
plained in the creeds of the first general councils, and he 
will perform something to the purpose ; but till then all 
his discourses of our change in point of doctrine will be 
impertinent. And that he will never be able to prove 
this, will appear afterwards. 

'^ Indeed, the question is here the same with that 
threadbare one which the Papists use to reiterate, when 
they have nothing else to say for themselves. Where was 
your Church before Luther? To which the answer is 
easy : Our Church was then where it is now, even here in 
England. She hath not changed one thing of what she 
held before, any way partaining either to the being or 
well-being of a Church ; only she hath made an alteration 
in some things, which seemed to her (and so they will to 
all indifferent judges) greatly prejudicial to both. She 
still retains the same common rule of faith. She 
still teacheth the necessity of a holy life, and presseth 
good works as much as before ; only she is grown more 
humble, and dares not ascribe any merit to them. She 
still observes all the fundamental ordinances and institu- 
tions of Christianity. She baptizeth, she feeds with the 
holy Eucharist, she confirmeth. She retaineth the same 
apostolical government of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. 
And because she finds that a set form of Liturgy is used 
by all Christian Churches in the world, without any 
known beginning, she hath hers too, and that a grave, 
solemn, aud excellently composed one, conformed, as near 
as she could devise, to the pattern of the most ancient 
offices. A Liturgy, for its innocence and purity, so be- 
yond all just exceptions, that the Papists themselves, 



BULL. 243 

upon its first establishment, could not but embrace it. 
xlnd therefore for several years they came to our Churches, 
joined in our devotion, and communicated without 
scruple, till at last (as an excellent person of our Church 
rightly expresseth it) ' a temporal interest of the Church 
of Rome rent the schism wider, and made it gape like the 
jaws of the grave:' nay, it is transmitted to us (as the 
same excellent author observes) by the testimony of per- 
sons greater than all exception, that Paulus Quartus, 
Pope of Piome, in his private intercourses and letters to 
Queen Elizabeth, did offer to confirm and establish the 
Common Prayer Book, if she would acknowledge the pri- 
macy and authority, and the reformation derivative from 
him. And this method was pursued by his successor 
Pius Quartus, who assured her she should have any thing 
from him, not only things pertaining to her soul, but what 
might conduce to the establishment and confirmation of 
her royal dignity ; amongst which, that the Liturgy, newly 
established by her authority, should not be rescinded by 
the Pope's power, was not the least considerable. I be- 
seech your ladyship to make a little pause here. Our 
Liturgy contains the whole religion of the Church of Eng- 
land. This the popes and bishops of Rome themselves 
offer to confirm and establish. Let me now ask this 
question. Is our Liturgy in itself a good and safe way of 
worshipping God, or not? If not, these popes were to 
blame in offering to confirm it ; for no subsequent decree 
of a pope could make that safe and good, which was not 
so antecedently. If it were in itself good and safe, then it 
is so still, though the Pope of Rome never confirmed it ; 
and so the whole religion and reformation of the Church 
of England is safe and good, by the plain confession of 
the Pope himself, the infallible judge of the Roman 
church. But let us proceed. As to the catholic customs, 
our Church (so far is she from the love of innovation) pro- 
fesseth all reverence and respect unto them. Upon this 
score, she still observes all the great and sfncient festivals 
of the Church with great solemnity, viz. the feasts of the 



244 BULL. 

nativity, circumcision, passion, resurrection, and ascen- 
sion of our Saviour, the descent of the Holy Ghost, or the 
feast of pentecost, &c. ; she still honours the memory of 
the holy Apostles, saints, and martyrs, and hath days 
wherein to express this, and to bless God for them, and 
propound their virtues to the imitation of her sons. The 
ancient fasts of the Church she hath not rejected ; and 
therefore, because she finds a Lent, or solemn fast, before 
the great festival of Easter, presently after the Apostles, 
universally observed (though with a considerable variety, 
as to the number of days, and the hours of abstinence on 
those days) in the Church of God, she recommends the 
same observation to her sons, in the full number of forty 
days, to be kept as days of stricter temperance, and prayer 
too, by all those whose health and other circumstances 
will permit them to undertake it. She still observes the 
fasts of the four seasons, or ember-weeks. She still recom- 
mends the two weekly stations of the primitive Church to 
the observation of her sons, Wednesday and Friday, dis- 
tinguishing them from other days of the week by the more 
solemn and penitential office of the Litany. And in the 
table of the fasts to be observed, all Fridays in the year, 
except Christmas-day, are expressly mentioned. I might 
proceed to other instances ; but these are abundantly 
sufficient to shew, that the Church of England in her 
reformation effected no unnecessary change or innovation. 
Indeed, she made no change or innovation, but of those 
things that were themselves manifest changes and inno- 
vations, yea, somewhat worse ; such as those above men- 
tioned, image- worship, the worship and invocation of 
saints and angels, the dry communion, the senseless and 
unreasonable service of God in an unknown tongue, 
enjoined the people, and not understood by them. 
Wherein, as I have already shewn, every man's reason 
and conscience will tell him, that the change is made for 
the better. She hath also shaken off" (and it was high 
time so to do, seeing that St. Augustine so long ago com- 
plained of it) that intolerable yoke of ceremonies, ma ny of 



BULL. '245 

wliich were perfectly insignificant and ridiculous, some 
directly sinful, and their number in the whole so great, as 
to require that intention of mind, which ought to be em- 
ployed about more weighty and important matters, yet 
retaining still (to shew that she was not over nice and 
scrupulous) some few ceremonies, that had on them the 
stamp of venerable antiquity, or otherwise recommended 
themselves by their decency and fitness. In a word, the 
authors of our Reformation dealt with our Church as they 
did with our temples or material churches. They did not 
pull them down and raise new structures in their places, 
no, nor so much as new consecrate the old ones ; but only 
removed the objects and occasions of idolatrous worship, 
at least out of the more open and conspicuous places,) 
and took away some little superstitious trinkets, in other 
things leaving them as they found them, and freely and 
without scruple making use of them." 

The only dissenters he had in this parish were quakers, 
who resisted all the endeavours he made to bring them 
into the church, for they were as obstinate as they were 
ignorant : who, by their impertinent and extravagant 
manner, caused him often no small uneasiness. And 
of this number was one who was a preacher among 
them, who would frequently accost Mr. Bull ; and once 
more particularly said he, " George, as for human 
learning I set no value upon it ; but if thou wilt 
talk Scripture, have at thee." Upon which Mr. Bull, 
willing to correct his confidence, and to shew him how 
unable he was to support his pretensions, answered him, 
" Come on then, friend." So opening the Bible, which 
lay before them, he fell upon the Book of Proverbs; 
*' Seest thou, friend," said he, " Solomon saith in one 
place, 'Answer a fool according to his folly;' and in 
another place, ' Answer not a fool according to his folly ;' 
how dost thou reconcile these two texts of Scripture ?" 
" Why," said the preacher, " Solomon don't say so ;" to 
which Mr. Bull replied, "Aye, but he doth." And tum- 

VOL. III. Y 



216 BULL. 

iDg to the places he soon convinced him ; upon which the 
quaker hereat being much out of countenance, said, "Why 
then Solomons a fool :" which ended the controversy. 

He wrote several tracts, which have been lost, as he 
never entertained, such was his modesty, a high value of 
his own compositions. But in 1669 he published his first 
great work, the Harmonia Apostolica. This involved him 
in controversy, (See Life of Barlow and of Tully,) as, to 
his surprise, he found that principles he had considered 
peculiar to the sectaries had now found their way into the 
Church. In 1675 he published his Examen Censurse, and 
his Apologia pro Harmonia, in reply to Mr. Gataker and 
Dr. Tully. The object of the Harmonia was, in refutation 
of the pestilent heresies of the day, too prevalent among the 
Puritans, to prove that good works, which proceed from 
faith, and are conjoined with faith, are a necessary condi- 
tion required of us by God, to the end that by the new 
and evangelical covenant, obtained by and sealed in the 
Blood of Christ the Mediator of it, we may be justified 
according to His free and unmerited grace. 

In 1678 he was preferred to a stall in Gloucester cathe- 
dral, which, when he had a stall there, we may feel con- 
fident, was in far better order than the Christian visiting 
Gloucester now, finds it to be. In 1680 he finished his 
Defensio Fidei Nicenae, of which he had given a hint five 
years before in his Apologia. The greater part of the work 
was completed when he was only a parish priest, and 
can Dot be connected with any leisure that was offered him 
by his prebendal residence, though when in residence, 
being as conscientious, as a prebendary, as he had been as 
a rector, he turned his leisure to good account, while his 
soul was refreshed by the daily services of the Church. He 
was not one of those who thought prayer a waste of time. 
It will hardly be credited, that the work which, as a contri- 
bution of theological learning, stands pre-eminent in our 
Church, a work for which the Gallican clergy, opposed as 
they^ were to Anglicanism in many respects, presented the 



BULL. 247 

author with their thanks, that this great work was nearly 
lost to the world, because no bookseller would undertake its 
publication, and Bull himself could not risk the expense. 
He gave his manuscript, after it had lain by him for a 
time, to Dr. Jane, Regius Professor of divinity in Oxford, 
and the regius professor being an orthodox man, recom- 
mended it to Bishop Fell. This great and good prelate, 
being not a little glad to hear that the holy Catholic faith, 
in the most fundamental point of it, was so learnedly 
defended against some modern pretenders to antiquity, was 
presently for eucouraging the printing of it, for a general 
benefit ; nor had he need of solicitation, to print a book 
of this nature at his own expense, which so highly tended, 
as he was fully persuaded, to vindicate the honour of our 
blessed Lord, and the veracity of His faithful witnesses in 
the earliest ages of Christianity. 

Thus, in the year 1685, there was published from the 
Theatre in Oxford, the Bishop thereof taking upon him the 
charge of the impression, this most noble Defence of the 
Nicene Faith, out of the writings of the Catholic doctors, who 
flourished within the three first centuries of the Christian 
Church : wherein also the Constantinopolitan Confession, 
concerning the Holy Ghost, is incidently confirmed by the 
testimonies likewise of the ancients. For whereas in the 
ancient creeds and formularies of faith, the Deity of the 
Son is principally and more largely declared, but that of 
the Holy Ghost is for the most part only hinted at, and in 
a few words, the learned author made it his chief care in 
this treatise, to defend tliat rather that this ; as consider- 
ing, that if he could beget and confirm in his readers, the 
tnie faith concerning the Son of God, they might with 
ease then be brought to receive and continue in a right 
confession, concerning the Siy'irit of God. 

This work was received, as it deserved, with universal 
applause, and its fame spread into foreign countries. In 
1685 Mr. Bull was presented to the living of Avening, 
having remained at Suddington for twenty-seven years. 
The year following Archbishop Sancroft promoted him to 



S48 BULL. 

the archdeaconry of Landaff, which was his option, and 
soon after the university of Oxford did itself the honour 
to confer upon him the degi'ee of D.D. At Avening he 
laboured with his usual diligence ; and when, during 
the reign of James II., apprehensions af the increase 
of Popery were far from groundless ; then it was that 
Dr. Bull thought it his duty, chiefly to lay open the errors 
of the Church of Rome, and he then took all opportunities, 
both in his own parish, and in other public places where 
he was called to preach, as at Bath and Gloucester, and in 
a visitation sermon at Hampton, to convince the people 
how much they would hazard their salvation, if ever they 
suffered themselves, by sly arts and insinuations, to be 
drawn into the Roman Communion ; wherein they had 
made many additions to the primitive doctrines of Chris- 
tianity, and had required their novelties to be received as 
necessary articles of faith, though the Holy Scriptures 
and primitive antiquity were silent concerning them, and 
in some points expressly against them. These errors in 
doctrine they aggi'avated by considerable cormptions in her 
public offices ; which were not only in an unknown tongue, 
and consequently no ways edifying to the people, but in 
some parts were addressed to saints and angels, contrary 
to Scripture, and the practice of the primitive Church. 
It must be owned, that Dr. Bull was indeed a very frank 
asserter of some primitive truths, upon which are built 
several errors of the Church of Rome ; and the sermons, 
which are printed, will furnish the reader with several 
instances of this remark. Now among those who cannot, 
or will not distinguish the foundation from the hay and 
stubble that is built upon it, we must not wonder, if he 
was thought too much inclining to the Church of Rome ; 
w^hich unjust censure was confirmed by his exact confor- 
mity to the rules of the Church of England, in a place 
where the people were under great prejudices, both against 
her discipline and Liturgy. But this calumny hath been 
thrown upon the greatest lights of the Church, whereas, 
as Mr. Nelson observes, " in the dav of trial the men of 



BULL. 249 

this character will be found the best defenders of the 
Church of England, and the boldest champions against 
the corruptions of the Church of Rome." 

In 1694 appeared his next great work, the Judicium 
Ecclesiae Catholicas, &c., the judgment of the Catholic 
Church of the first three centuries concerning the neces- 
sity of believing that our Lord Jesus Christ is very God, 
asserted against Simon Episcopius and others. 

Mr. Nelson, soon after the publication of this work, sent 
it as a present to Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux. That pre- 
late communicated it to several other French Bishops, the 
result of which, was, that Mr. Nelson was desired, in a letter 
from the Bishop of Meaux, not only to return Dr. Bull his 
humble thanks, but the unfeigned congratulations also of 
the whole clergy of France, then assembled at St. Ger- 
mains, for the great service he had done to the Catholic 
Church, in so well defending her determination, concerning 
the necessity of believing the divinity of the Son of God. 
In that letter the Bishop of Meaux expresses himself in 
the following terms : " Dr. Bull's performance is admirable, 
the matter he treats of could not be explained with greater 
learning and judgment, but there is one thing I wonder 
at, which is, that so great a man, who speaks so advantage- 
ously of the Church, of salvation which is obtained only 
in unity with her, and of the infallible assistance of the 
Holy Ghost in the Council of Nice, which infers the same 
assistance for all others assembled in the same Church, 
can continue a moment without acknowledging her. Or, 
let him tell me, sir, what he means by the term Catholic 
Church ? Is it the Church of Rome, and those that adhere 
to her ? Is it the Church of England ? Is it a confused 
heap of societies, separated the one fi'om the other ? And 
how can they be that kingdom of Christ, not divided 
against itself, and which shall never perish ? It would be 
a great satisfaction to me to receive some answer upon this 
subject, that might explain the opinion of so weighty and 
solid an author?' Dr. Bull answered the queries proposed 
Y '2 



250 BULL. 

in this letter ; but just as his answer came to Mr. Nelson's 
hands, the Bishop died. However, Dr. Bull's answer 
was published, and a second edition printed at London, 
1707, in 12mo, under the following title: "The corruptions 
of the Church of Rome, in relation to ecclesiastical govern- 
ment, the rule of faith, and form of divine worship : in 
ansvr'er to the Bishop of Meaux's queries." (See Life of 
Bossuet.) His last work was Primitiva apostolica traditio 
dogmatis in ecclesia catholica recepti de Jesu Christi, 
Servatoris nostri, divinitate, asserta atque evidenter demon- 
strata contra Danielum Zuikerum Borussum ejusque 
nuperos in Anglia sectatores. Which, with his other 
Latin works, was printed in one volume in folio ; under 
the care and inspection of Dr. John Ernest Grabe, the 
author's age and infirmities disabling him from under- 
taking this edition. The ingenious editor added many 
learned annotations, and an excellent preface. 

Dr. Bull was in his 71st year when his majesty's inten- 
tion of recommending him to the chapter of St. David's, 
that he might be elected Bishop of that see, was announced 
to him. He received the intelligence with concern as 
well as surprise. He declined the appointment. And 
although at length he yielded, it was not till he had been 
importuned by several of the Bishops themselves to under- 
take what, to his conscientious mind, was an overpowering 
burden. He looked upon their solicitation as the call of 
a spiritual Providence, and felt that he might humbly 
hope, that God, who had called him from the care of a 
parish to the government of a diocese, would enable him, 
by His Holy Spirit, to discharge the several duties which 
belonged to it ; and that He who laid the burden upon 
him, would strengthen him under it ; and it is certain, 
that God proportioneth His gifts to the wants of those 
who depend upon Him : and the distributions of grace are 
larger, as His wise providence maketh them necessary. 

However difficult, says Nelson, the employment might 
prove to Dr. Bull, in the decline of his strength and 



BULL. -251 

vigour, it certainly concerned the honour of the nation, 
not to suffer a person to die in an obscure retirement, who 
upon the account of his learned performances, had shined 
with so much lustre in a neighbouring nation, where he 
had received the united thanks of her Bishops, for the 
great service he had done to the cause of Christianity. 
Accordingly he was consecrated Bishop of St. David's, in 
Lambeth chapel, the 29th of April, 1705. 

Bishop Bull took his seat in the House of Lords in a 
most critical conjuncture, even that memorable session 
when the bill for uniting the kingdoms of England and 
Scotland passed for a law : a noble lord on the occasion 
moved that as the parliament of Scotland had extolled 
their presbyterian establishment, a clause should be moved 
in which the Church of England might be spoken of in 
the proper terms, for, said he, turning to the bench of 
Bishops, " I have always been taught by my lords the 
Bishops, from my youth, that the Church of England is 
the best constituted Church in the world and most agree- 
able to the Apostolical institution." Upon which. Bishop 
Bull, who sate very near his lordship, apprehending how 
upon such an appeal to the Bishops, it was necessary for 
them to say something, stood up and said : "My lords, I 
do second what that noble lord hath moved, and do think 
it highly reasonable, that in this bill a character should 
be given of our most excellent Church. For, my lords, 
whosoever is skilled in primitive antiquity, must allow it 
for a certain and evident truth, that the Church of Eng- 
land is, in her doctrine, discipline, and worship, most 
agreeable to the primitive and Apostolical institution." 

The Bishop of St. David's coming out of the house, 
Bishop Beveridge and another Bishop thanked his lord- 
ship for his excellent speech ; and said Bishop Beveridge, 
" My lord, if you and I had the penning of the bill, it 
should be in the manner your lordship hath moved." 
Upon which, Bishop Bull made such a reply, as repre- 
sented the necessity he lay under of thus discharging his 



25S BULL. 

duty, when so solemnly called upon in the greatest court 
of the nation. 

He immediately repaired to his diocese, there to devote 
to the service of his Master, the Great Bishop of Souls, 
his remaining strength. He was received by the clergy 
and gentry with every demonstration of respect ; the clergy 
indeed are always happy to see a parish priest sent to 
preside over them, for they know that he can sympathize 
with them in their difficulties, and that his advice will be 
practical, far different from that which heads of houses, 
overburdened as heads of houses must often be, with clas- 
sical, if not with theological learning, are capable of giving. 
He resided at Brecknock where his charities were un- 
bounded. His doors were always thronged with the poor 
and needy ; and sixty poor were fed at his hospitable 
board every Sunday. 

He soon found, however, that he ought to have 
persevered in his first determination not to accept the 
bishopric. He was too infirm to make his visitation at 
the end of three years. But he appointed a commission 
to visit in his stead, and to read the charge which he had 
prepared, very difi'erent from the dry compositions then in 
vogue. He felt that as an experienced parish priest he 
could advise working clergy how to act. He gave them 
particular directions as to the saying of prayers, preaching, 
catechizing, administering the Sacrament, and visiting the 
sick, and as to their private devotions. As to catechising, 
he hinted at the necessity and usefulness of it ; and 
required the churchwardens to present the neglect of it, 
that he might by his authority rectify it. As to the 
administration of the holy Sacraments, he enjoined them 
to perform Baptism in public, and chiefly on Sundays and 
holy-days, when the assemblies of Christians are fullest ; 
and in order to reform the abuses of that kind, he resolved 
to exert his episcopal power. He exhorted to great 
reverence and solemnity in officiating at the altar, and to 
the observation of every punctilio, according to the Rubrics 



BULL. 253 

compiled for that purpose ; and especially to take care 
not to administer the holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper 
to persons known to be vicious and scandalous. As to 
visiting the sick, the parochial priest is directed to go 
without being sent for, when he hears any of his parishi- 
oners are under the afflicting hand of God, and to perform 
tlie duty, according to the rules prescribed by the Church ; 
from whence also, he took occasion to press the parochial 
clergy to acquaint themselves with their flock, when they 
are in health, in order to promote the great end of their 
own function, the salvation of souls. 

His carefulness in administering holy orders was truly 
exemplary, and he gave much sound advice to the candi- 
dates themselves ; he pressed upon them especially the 
necessity of ascertaining how far they could say conscien- 
tiously, that they were inwardly called by the Holy Ghost 
to their office. He advised and recommended the read- 
ing of the Fathers of the Church next to the Holy 
Scriptures, especially those of the first three centuries. 
The deference the Bishop himself paid to the consentient 
testimony of primitive writers, is apparent in all his 
works. The following passage is from his discourse con- 
cerning the state of man before the fall, in which, after he 
had justified the concurrent interpretation of a text of 
Scripture by the Catholic doctors, he speaks after this 
manner ; " you will now, I presume, easily pardon this 
large digression, being in itself not unuseful, and being 
also necessary to remove a stone of ofience often cast in 
the way of the reader, that converseth with the writings 
of the ancient Fathers. Nay, moreover, I shall persuade 
myself, that from this one instance, among many, you 
will learn from henceforth, the modesty of submitting your 
judgment to that of the Catholic doctors, where they are 
found generally to concur in the interpretation of a text of 
Scripture, how absurd soever that interpretation may at 
first seem to be. For upon a diligent search you will find, 
that aliquid latet quod non patet, there is a mystery in tlie 
bottom, and that what at first view seemed verv ridiculous, 



254 BULL. 

will afterwards appear to be an important truth. Let 
them therefore, who, reading the Fathers, are prone to 
laugh at that in them which they do not presently under- 
stand, seriously consider, quanto suo periculo idfaciant.'' 

Sometime before his last illness he entertained thoughts 
of addressing to all his clergy, by way of a circular letter, 
in order to recommend to their consideration, and press 
upon their practice, some very important methods for 
promoting virtue and piety in his diocese ; and after his 
death, there was found among his papers a letter drawn 
up to that purpose. 

In this the first thing recommended, was the establish- 
ing family devotion. The second thing recommended, is 
erecting charity schools. The third thing recommended, 
is a library of books of practical divinity for youth. The 
fourth thing recommended, the Welsh Common Prayer 
Book. The fifth thing recommended, was to procure the 
laws to be put in execution against vice and immorality. 

He was taken ill on the '27th of September, 1709. He 
perceived his end approaching, and seeing the concourse 
of his medical attendants, he thus addressed himself to 
one of them : " Doctor, you need not be afraid to tell me 
freely what your opinion of me is ; for I thank my good 
God I am not afraid to die : it is what I have expected 
long ago ; and I hope I am not unprepared for it now." 
Repentance and mortification had been so much the 
happy work of his strongest and healthful days, that when 
death approached, he received the summons, not only with 
resignation, but with some degree of satisfaction. He had 
wisely made such a careful preparation for his last hours, 
that he was now able to bear the thoughts and approaches 
of his great change without amazement, he had overcome 
that strong inclination of nature, whereby men usually 
cleave so fast to life, by the wiser dictates of reason and 
religion, which made him willing and contented to die 
whenever God thought fit. 

This sense of his approaching departure out of the 
world, made him careful not to omit any thing that could 



BULL. 255 

now be done both for himself and family, for the better 
securing their common interest and salvation. During 
the time therefore of his confinement, he would often have 
the family to prayers in his chamber at the usual hour ; 
and the Prayers for the Sick in the Office of the Visitation 
were added] upon those occasions, and sometimes the 
Litany. The Prayers for the Sick were frequently repeated 
during the whole time of his illness, at which he expressed 
always great devotion. He would sometimes desire to receive 
absolution in the Form used in the Communion Office, 
which he thought came nearer to the precatory forms of 
absolution mentioned in the Fathers than any other. 
But it doth not appear, says Nelson, " that he hereby con- 
demned the use of that form, which is, at least in some 
cases, prescribed by our excellent Church in her office for 
the Visitation of the Sick, or that he had any doubt con- 
cerning the benefits of sacerdotal absolution, or of that 
authority which is derived to the ministers or delegates of 
Christ of forgiving the penitent their sins in ' His Name,' 
since in his last acts of preparation for death, he earnestly 
desired it and solemnly received it." 

He made a general confession of his sins and a profes- 
sion of his faith, very affecting and beautiful, before he 
died, and he professed, that as he had always lived, so he 
was now resolved to die, in the Communion of the Church 
of England ; and declared, that he believed that it was 
the best-constituted Church this day in the world ; for 
that its doctrine, government, and way of worship, were, 
in the main, the same with those of the primitive Church. 
Here he put up some prayers for its peace and prosperity ; 
and declaring again, that he was resolved to die in its 
communion, he desired absolution, and received it as 
before mentioned. And it is no wonder that on his death- 
bed, the good Bishop professed such an high esteem for 
the Church of England, since in the time of his health 
and greatest vigour, he was used to express his zealous 
concern for her after the following manner : "I would 
not be so presumptuous as to say positively, that I am 



556 BULL. 

able to bear so great a trial ; but according to my sincere 
thoughts of myself, I could, through God's assistance, lay 
down my life, upon condition that all those who dissent 
from the Church of England were united in her com- 
munion." 

The evening before he departed, his son-in-law, Mr. Arch- 
deacon Stephens, arrived from a great jouraey, upon the 
news he received of his dangerous illness. The Bishop 
embraced him with great satisfaction, when he raised 
himself up in his bed to give him his blessing. When 
Mr. Stephens expressed his great sorrow and concern, to 
find him in so great misery by the complaints he made, 
he told him, " he had endured a great deal, that he did not 
think he had so much strength of nature, but that now it 
was near being spent, and that in God's good time he 
should be delivered." And when Mr. Stephens, in order 
to support him, urged that his reward would be great in 
Heaven, the good Bishop replied, " My trust is in God, 
through the merits of Christ." And being prevented from 
enlarging, by the exquisiteness of his pains, he desired 
Mr. Stephens to retire, and refresh him-elf after his jour- 
ney. Some little time after this, he told those that were 
about him, that he perceived he had some symptoms of 
the near approach of death ; and ordered them to call the 
doctor to him. And when he came, he told him he 
thought he felt himself a dying ; to which the doctor 
answered, that he could not say he would live many hours. 
Upon this he sent for his wife and children, and the rest 
of his family, and desired them to pray with him, and for 
him. And when prayers were over, he took his solemn 
leave of every one in particular ; giving each of them some 
serious exhortation and advice. And this being done, he 
gave them his benediction, and dismissed them. 

He continued in this state longer than he expected, but 
his devotions continued fervent and happy to the last ; he 
recommended his soul into the hands of his Creator, in 
several short but most excellent prayers, and repeated 
most part of the seventy-first Psalm, so far as it suited his 



BULL. 257 

circumstances, than which nothing could be more proper, 
to express his trust and dependance upon the power and 
goodness of God, and the continual want he had of his 
grace and assistance ; moreover, he ordered his chaplain 
to use the commendatory prayer, when he perceived him 
to be at the point of expiring, which was accordingly done 
several times. 

About nine in the morning his spirits began to sink, 
and his speech to falter, and a few minutes after, without 
any visible sign of pain or difficulty, with two gentle sighs, 
he resigned his soul to God, the 17th of February, 17^ 9. 
The last word he spoke was Amen, to the commendatory 
prayer, which he repeated twice distinctly and audibly 
after his usual manner, a very little while before he 
died. 

As to the devotional exercises of this great man in his 
most active days, Mr. Nelson says, there is great reason to 
believe that he was very frequent in his private prayers ; 
and by his rising early, and going to bed late, he secured 
retirement sufficient for that purpose. Besides, they w^ho 
lay near his study, made discoveries of that nature, from 
the warmth and fervour and importunity used in his 
spiritual exercises, when he thought all the family safe 
at rest ; and the way he took sometimes to express the 
pious and devout affections of his mind by singing of 
Psalms, made it more difficult to be concealed. It is true 
indeed, that he has left no compositions of this kind 
behind him, which make it reasonable to suppose, that 
in his closet he gave the desires of his soul a freer vent, 
and that when he conversed with God alone, he presented 
Him with the natural language of the heart. 

The constant frame and temj)er of his mind was so 
truly devout, that he would frequently in the day-time, as 
occasion offered, use short prayers and ejaculations, the 
natural breathings of pious souls ; and when he was 
sitting in silence in his family, and they, as he thought, 
intent upon other matters, he would often, with an 

VOL. III. z 



258 BULLINGER. 

inexpressible air of great seriousness, lift up his hands 
and eyes to heaven, and sometimes drop tears. And as a 
farther evidence of this true Christian frame of spirit, he 
took great delight in discoursing of the things of God, 
particularly of His love and mercy in the daily instances 
of His watchful providence over mankind, and the right 
use that ought to be made of it. He would often recount 
to those he conversed with, the wonders of Divine good- 
ness already vouchsafed to himself and his friends ; their 
happy and amazing escapes out of several sorts of dangers, 
their unexpected good success, not without rejoicing in 
the Lord ; and invite others to tell what God had done for 
them ; of which he would make a noble use by way of 
relis[ious inference and exhortation, till he made the hearts 
of his hearers burn within them. 

His English works were published by Mr. Nelson, in 
three vols, 1713 ; and his whole works, Latin and English, 
were published at the Clarendon Press in 1827, under 
the editorship of the late regius professor of divinity. 
Dr. Burton. 

All the materials for this article are taken from Nelsons 
Life of Bull, our only aiitJiority. See the last volume of 
the Oxford edition of Bulls Works. 



BULLINGER, HEKEY. 

Henry Bullinger was born at Bremgarten, a village 
near Zurich, in Switzerland, July 18th, 1504. At the age 
of twelve he was sent by his father to Emmeric, a town in 
the duchy of Cleves. It was a good school at that time, 
and Mosellanus was one of the masters. Here he remained 
three years, during which time his father, to make him 
feel for the distresses of others, and be more frugal and 
modest in his dress, and more temperate in his diet, 
withheld his customary pecuniary allowance ; so that 
Bullinger was forced, according to the custom of those 



BULLINGER. 259 

times, to subsist on the alms he got by singing from door 
to door. While here, he was strongly inclined to join the 
Carthusians, but was dissuaded from it by an elder 
brother. At fifteen years of age he was sent to Cologne, 
where he studied logic, and commenced B.A. at sixteen 
years old. He afterwards betook himself to the study of 
divinity and canon law. To the school-divines he took a 
boyish prejudice, so that, in 15'20, he wrote some dialogues 
against them. The first two attacked the divines gener- 
ally ; the two follo\ving contained an apology for Reuchlin; 
the title of the fifth was Promotores. They were never 
printed, and while they evinced the talent, they betrayed 
more evidently the extreme presumption of the youth. 
Whatever other faults may be attributed to the school 
divines, metaphysical acumen, deep thought, and profound 
learning, were pre-eminently theirs, and for a boy of 
sixteen to attempt to refute them is only less absurd than 
the conduct of a biographer such as Simler, who mentions 
this as creditable to Buliinger. But his study of the 
school divines had the effect of sending him to the 
Fathers. He studied St. Chrysostom's homilies on 
St. Matthew, with portions of the writings of St. Augustine, 
Origen, and St. Ambrose. Observing that as the school- 
men quoted the Fathers, so the Fathers quoted Scripture, 
to the study of Scripture he betook himself, especially to 
the study of the New Testament, with such assistauce as 
St. Jerome and other commentators afforded. But not con- 
tent with these studies, having now pronounced sentence 
on the schoolmen, he thought of deciding for himself as to 
certain other works which were much talked of, and he pro- 
cured and clandestinely read Luther De Captivitate Baby- 
lonica, and De Bonis Operibus. He was much delighted 
also with Melancthon's Commcm-places. But though the 
young man was favourable enough to any movement, 
and could easily perceive, as most persons at that time 
did, the necessity of a reformation, it does not appear that 
these writings did more than unsettle his mind. He took 
his M.A. degree in 152-2, and returning to his father, 



060 BULLINGER. 

remained there for a year, pursuing his studies privately. 
Being called by the Abbot of La Chapelle, a Cistercian 
abbey near Zurich, to teach in that place, he did so with 
great reputation for four years. Many persons resorted to 
his lectures, and to them he read the New Testament, 
portions of Erasmus, and Melancthon's Common-places. 
In 1527 he was sent by his abbot to Zurich, and there he 
attended for five months the preaching and lectures of the 
celebrated Zuinglius, while he perfected his knowledge of 
Greek, and commenced the study of Hebrew. On his 
return to La Chapelle he prevailed with the abbot and his 
monks to adopt the reformation of Zuinglius, to which 
they had been before inclined. In 1528 he went with 
Zuinglius to the disputation at Berne. In the year 
following he was made pastor of the reformed at Brem- 
garten, his native place, and married Ann Adlischuiler, by 
whom he had six sons and five daughters. His wife died of 
the plague in 1564 ; and the fury for a marrying ministry 
was at that time so great, amounting to absolute fanati- 
cism, that he gave great offence by not marrying again. 
It seemed to be an impeachment of his orthodoxy, and 
his vindicators had to assure the public that he had no 
doubt of the validity of second marriages. In vain did the 
poor widower say that his first wife was living in his 
heart, and in the children she had brought him ; in vain 
did he assert that he had a daughter who governed his 
family prudently, and that he was himself bowed down by 
the weight of sixty years : the zealots for marriage, accord- 
ing to Simler, " had recourse to secret reasons, which 
might be the cause of his continuing a widower, even to 
the prejudice of his health." When the feeling was so 
fanatical on this point, we are not to be surprised at 
finding some of the leading reformers favourable to the 
introduction, in certain cases, of polygamy among the 
laity. (See Life of Bucer.J Bullinger violated no vows by 
his marriage, and as a family man was peculiarly happy. 
He had many changes and chances to encounter before 
he lost the wife, who lived in his heart to the last, and 



BULLINGER 261 

doubtless he found in her the comfort which in domestic 
intercourse he so truly merited. 

When he settled at Bremgarten he found some who car- 
ried out his own principles to what he considered a vicious 
extreme, and he had to refute the Anabaptists on the 
principles they held in common : a difficult task, as they 
naturally supposed their private judgment to be as good 
as his. He wrote in defence of tithes, which they con- 
tended should be abolished: he afterwards wrote six 
books against the Anabaptists, in which he shewed their 
origin and progress, and endeavoured to refute their 
opinions. 

On the victory of the Catholic cantons over the Re- 
formed in 1531, Bullinger was obliged to leave his coun- 
try, and he took refuge in Zurich. Zuinglius, the 
reformer and pastor of Zurich, had died valiantly in the 
field of battle, fighting against the Papists, not perhaps 
the most appropriate place for the death of one who had 
appointed himself to be a preacher of the Gospel of peace ; 
and as a successor to Zuinglius, Bullinger was selected. 
Zuinglius himself had mentioned him for his successor 
if he should die in battle. It was the opinion of this 
" reverend soldier, or gallant divine," as his enemies were 
pleased to style him, that Luther's scheme of reformation 
fell very short of the extent to which it ought to have been 
carried. Under the impression we have mentioned, and 
with a view, as he termed it, of restoring the Church to 
its original purity, Zuinglius Sought to abolish many doc- 
trines and rites of the Roman Catholic Church, which 
Luther had retained. In some points of doctrine, he also 
differed from Luther, and his opinion on the Real Presence 
made a complete separation between them. Luther, as 
we have already mentioned, held that, together with the 
bread and wine, the Body and Blood of Christ were really 
present in the Eucharist. Zuinglius held, that the bread 
and wine were only signs and symbols of the absent Body 
and Blood of Christ; so that the eucharistic rite was merely 
z2 



260 BULLINGER. 

a pious and solemn ceremony, to bring it to the remem- 
brance of the faithful. The opinions of Zuinglius were 
adopted in Switzerland, and several neighbouring nations. 
They gave rise to the most violent animosities between 
their favourers, and the disciples of Luther. Frequent 
advances to peace were made by the Zuinglians : Luther 
uniformly rejected them with sternness. He declared an 
union to be impossible : he called them " ministers of 
Satan." When they entreated him to consider them as 
brothers, " What fraternity," he exclaimed, " do you ask 
with me, if you persist in your belief?" On one occasion, 
the ingenuity of Bucer enabled him to frame a creed, 
which each party, construing the words in his own sense, 
might sign. This effected a temporary truce; but the 
division soon broke out with fresh animosity. "Happy," 
exclaimed Luther, " is the man who has not been of the 
council of the Sacramentarians ; who has not walked in 
the ways of the Zuinglians." 

Such was the party at the head of which BuUinger was 
now placed, and as a party leader he conducted himseK 
with prudence as well as skill. He was assailed on both 
sides, he had in the first place to contend against Faber, 
styled the Malleus Hoereticorum, that the truth of a reli- 
gion is not to be decided by the good or bad success of a 
battle ; and had then to exert himself against those who 
proceeded from denying the Real Presence of our Lord in 
the Eucharist, to the denial of His Divinity. The argu- 
ments used by himself and his followers against the Pro- 
testant doctrine of the Real Presence, seemed to tend, in 
the private judgment of many, to scepticism, on the latter 
most sacred and solemn subject. He not only wrote there- 
fore a work on the two-fold nature of our Lord, but at a 
meeting held at Basil, became anxious to accede to Bucer's 
plan of union between the Lutherans and the Zuin- 
glians. But if Bullinger was rather more inclined at this 
period to yield, such was not the case with Luther. In 
1542 Leo Judah's version of the Bible was finished, and 



BULLINGER. 263 

the printer sent a copy to Luther. Luther desired him 
to send no more of the Tigurine minister's books ; for he 
would have nothing to do with them, nor would he read 
any of their works : for (said he) the Church of God can 
hold no communion with them : and whereas they have 
taken much pains, all is in vain; for themselves are 
damned, and they lead many miserable men to hell with 
them. Adding that he would have no communion with 
their damnable and blasphemous doctrine, and that so 
long as he lived, he would with his prayers and books 
oppose them. 

In the year 1544, Luther published his Annotations on 
Genesis, in which he inveighed bitterly against the Sacra- 
mentarians, (as he called them) saying, that Zuinglius, 
CEcolampadius, and their disciples, were heretics, and 
eternally damned. Melancthon would fain have hindered 
the publication, but could not, whereupon he wrote to 
Bullinger, telling him how much he was grieved at this 
violent proceeding of Luther, which he knew was so plea- 
sing to their common adversaries tlie Papists. When 
this book of Luther's was published, there was much dis- 
pute whether it should be answered : Bucer was against 
it, because Luther was grown old, and had deserved 
well of religion; but others thought that it would be a 
betraying of the truth not to answer it : wherefore Bullin- 
ger was appointed to that work, which he accordingly 
performed with great judgment. 

In 1546 Luther died, and the German war began be- 
tween the Emperor and the Protestants ; at which time 
many accused the Tigurines on account of Bullinger 's 
book, as if they had insulted over Luther after his death, 
and gloried that he died of grief because he could not 
answer that book. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, acquainted 
Bullinger with these reports. 

Bullinger replied by giving him thanks for his zeal in 
endeavouring to effect the peace of the Church, and for 
acquainting him with these rumours ; he then told him 
how much he was grieved that some turbulent spirits 



264 BULLINGER. 

sought by such reports to bring an odium upon the Helve- 
tians, and to aUenate the princes' affections from them : 
whereas (saith he) it is not the manner of the Helvetian 
divines to reproach any, either in their sermons or lec- 
tures, much less Luther, who had deserved so well of 
religion: and although Luther in the controversy about 
the Sacrament had used much reproachful language 
against them, yet they never made mention of him but 
with honour. Whereas they were certainly informed that 
many of the Saxon ministers used divers reproachful 
speeches against them, calling them Sacramentarians, 
Image-haters, Blasphemers, &c. Yea that in his own 
university of Marpurg, Theobald Thammer in his public 
lectures had greatly aspersed them ; wherefore he earnestly 
requested him to consider their innocency, and to enjoin 
silence to such intemperate sj)irits, &c. For (said he) we 
cannot with Luther confess the bread to be the natural 
Body of Christ, and that Judas, and other wicked men 
received His Body as well as Peter and the saints, which 
are Luther's own words. Yet we are ready to preserve 
peace, so that it be not urged upon us to yield to those 
things which neither ourselves can understand, nor can 
we teach them to others. In all other things you shall 
find us as peaceable men, ready to give an account of our 
faith, whenever it shall be required of us. 

The Landgrave was well satisfied with this answer, 
being well inclined to the Helvetians, and to Bullinger 
in particular, to whom (after the war was begun) he 
often wrote, desiring also the Protestant cantons to 
send some auxiliaries to them. But upon serious deli- 
beration they denied this request: for (said they) if 
we shall send you aid, the Popish cantons will also aid 
the Emperor, which hitherto (moved by our example) 
they have refused, though they have been earnestly soli- 
cited both by the Pope and Emperor thereto. In the 
meantime our ministers cease not daily to pray for the 
peace of Germany, and we have had public fasts for 
that end. 



BULLINGER. 265 

It is highly creditable to Bullinger and his followers 
that when many of the Protestants on the publication of 
the Interim in 1548, fled to Zurich, they gave them a 
kind and hospitable reception, which was not, however, 
returned with the gratitude which was expected. 

In the midst of these controversies Bullinger was zea- 
lous in exercising discipline among the preachers of his 
communion, through synods, in establishing schools, and 
in increasing the library at Zurich. 

In 1549, he concurred with Calvin in drawing up a 
formulary, expressing the conformity of belief which sub- 
sisted between the Churches of Zurich and Geneva, and 
intended, on the part of Calvin, to remove any suspicions 
that he inclined to the opinion of Luther with respect to 
the Eucharist, though Calvin's ^dews were less heretical 
on the subject than those of Zuinglius. He also edited 
the writings of Zuinglius, and gave his protection to the 
French refugees, and to the English divines who fled 
from the persecution raised in England by Queen Mary. 
He likewise ably confuted the Pope's bull excommuni- 
cating Queen Elizabeth. In 154G, he by his influence 
hindered the Swiss from renewing their league with 
Henry II. of France ; representing to them, that it was 
neither just nor lawful for a man to consent to be hired to 
shed another mans blood, from whom himself had never 
received any injury. In 1551 he wrote a book, the pur- 
port of which was to show, that the council of Trent had 
no other design than to oppress the professors of sound 
religion ; and, therefore, that the cantons should pay no 
regard to the invitations of the Pope, which solicited them 
to send deputies to that council. In 1561 he commenced 
a controversy with Brentius, concerning the ubiquity of 
the Body of Christ. This controversy lasted for a con- 
siderable time. It was easy on Catholic principles to 
refute Brentius who was an uncompromising ubiquitarian, 
but on the subject of our Lord's presence, Bullinger was 
not orthodox himself. To ascribe ubiquity to our Lord's 
Body, as some of the Lutherans did, would be in effect to 



266 BULLINGER. 

confound the two natures of our Lord. But to contend 
as Bullinger did, that our Lord being present in heaven 
cannot also be present in many places upon earth also, is 
to forget that the spiritual Body differs from the natural 
Body, and to contradict our Blessed Lord's own most 
gracious promises, that He, the God-Man, will be pre- 
sent where two or three are gathered together in His 
Name, and in the ministrations of the Apostles and their 
successors. 

It was a misfortune that so many of those who were 
persecuted in the reign of Mary, sought refuge in Zurich, 
as has been observed before, for they imbibed some of the 
heretical principles of the Zuinglians. Some of these, 
when they returned home, consulted Bullinger on the 
subject of conformity, and Bullinger's advice was, that 
although there is much of Popery in the Church of Eng- 
land, these men had better conform to keep out the 
Papists and Protestants, or followers of Luther. They 
were to do a little evil that what he thought a greater evil 
might be prevented. This perhaps is the reason why so 
many dishonest men are still found in the Church of 
England, men who actually deny the doctrine of regenera- 
tion in Baptism. They have the feelings of Bullinger on 
the policy of remaining, and while they declare in the 
sight of God that they give their assent and consent to 
every thing in the Prayer Book, venture even to preach 
against a fundamental doctrine, with which almost every 
other doctrine is directly or indirectly connected. In 
writing to Robert Home, Bishop of Winchester, Bullinger 
says: "As far as I can form an opinion, your common 
adversaries are only aiming at this, that on your removal 
they may put in your places either Papists, or else 
Lutheran doctors and presidents, who are not very much 
unlike them. Should this come to pass, not only will all 
ecclesiastical order be disturbed, and the number of 
most absurd ceremonies be increased, but even images 
(which we know are defended by the Lutherans) will 
be restored ; the artolatry, [or worshipping of the bread] 



BULLINGER. 267 

in the Lord's Supper will be reintroduced ; private abso- 
lution, and after this, auricular confession will creep 
in by degrees ; and an infinite number of other evils 
will arise, which will both occasion confusion in gene- 
ral, and also bring into danger many godly individuals. 
For I doubt not but that you have met with so much 
success in your ministry, as that you have very many 
throughout the whole kingdom, both nobility, citizens, 
husbandmen, men, in short, of every rank and class 
in society, who are most favourably disposed to reli- 
gion, and who abhor all doctrine that may open the 
door to superstition and idolatry ; and who would feel it 
intolerable that a tyranny should again be set up in the 
Church, to burden the consciences of the unhappy people. 
These, if you depart from the helm of the Church, will 
most assuredly be subjected to the rage of their adversaries, 
who will establish examinations and inquisitions against 
them, as well public as private ; will accuse them of 
heresy and sedition, and through them will render the 
whole cause of religion suspected and hateful, both to hen 
most Serene Majesty, and all the nobility of the realm. 
We must therefore carefully guard against their wicked 
artifices, lest we should yield to them of our own accord 
what they have now for many years endeavoured to obtain 
with much labour and diligence. 

" But if any one should ask me whether I approve of 
those who first enacted, or are now zealous maintainors of, 
those laws by which the dregs of Popery are retained, 
I candidly and freely answer that I do not approve of 
them. For they are either acting too imprudently, if they 
are on our side; or else they are treacherously laying 
snares for the hberty of the Churches. But although 
they have obtruded upon you these dregs, as if they were 
necessary for the worship of God, for a safe conscience, 
and the salvation of the soul, I should think that every 
thing ought rather to be submitted to, than that you 
should suffer a godly people to be led away by them from 
a pure profession of faith." 



268 BUNYAN. 

The bitterness of Bullinger against the Protestants as 
well as the Papists is here to be remarked. There is a 
letter written by Bullinger to Lawrence Humphrey and 
Thomas Sampson which is very creditable to him, on the 
Vestiaiian controversy. It is too long to insert, but is 
worthy of perusal in these days. Bullinger died on the 
17th September, 1575. His funeral oration was pro- 
nounced by John Stukius, and his life was written by 
Josias Simler, (who had married one of his daughters,) 
and was published at Zurich in 1575, 4to. His printed 
works are very numerous, doctrinal, practical, and contro- 
versial, and form ten volumes folio. — Vita a Simlero. 
Melchior Adam. Clark's Medulla. Bayle. Butlers Con- 
fessions. Zurich Letters. 



BUNYAN, JOHN. 

John Bunyan was bom at Elstow, in Bedfordshire, in 
1628. He learnt to read and write, and followed his 
father's business, which was that of a travelling tinker. 
For some years he lead a dissolute life, but at length 
he was converted, and began to study the Scriptures, in 
which he acquired a great knowledge. In the civil war he 
entered into the parliament army, and was present at the 
siege of Leicester. About 1655 he became member of a 
Baptist congregation at Bedford, to whom he occasionally 
preached ; for which, at the Restoration, he was taken up 
and confined in Bedford gaol twelve years and a half, sup- 
porting himself and family all the while by tagging laces. 
It was here that he wrote his Pilgrim's Progress, a reli- 
gious allegory, which has gone through fifty editions, and 
been translated into many languages. On his release from 
prison, for which he was indebted to Bishop Barlow, of 
Lincoln, he became teacher of the Baptist congregation at 
Bedford. He also travelled into different parts of England 
to visit the people of that persuasion, on which account he 
was called Bishop Bunyan. He died in London of a fever 



BURGES. 269 

in 1688. His works, which have been often printed col- 
lectively and in a separate form, make 2 vols, folio. — 
Biog. Brit. 



BURCHARD. 

St. Buechaed was born in England at the close of the 
seventh century. In 732, when St. Boniface was labour- 
ing for the conversion of the Germans, St. Burchard se- 
conded his exertions with so much zeal and success, that 
his character and influence rose considerably, insomuch 
that, when the nobles of France designed to depose 
Childeric III., for the purpose of placing Pepin-le-Bref 
upon the throne, St. Burchard was deputed to explain 
and justify the measure before the pontiff, Gregory III. ; 
a negotiation in which he was eminently successful; and 
in consideration of his services, he was afterwards made 
Bishop of Wurtzburg, by Pepin. He was the first prelate 
of that see, being consecrated by St. Boniface himself. He 
afterwards resigned his bishopric, and retired to Hoym- 
burg with six fervent monks, where he died in 752. Out 
of veneration for his sanctity King Pepin, in 752, declared 
the Bishops of Wurtzburg dukes of Franconia, with all 
civil jurisdiction. — Butler. 



BURGES, OR BtlRGESS, CORNELIUS. 

Cornelius Burges was educated at Oxford about the 
year 1611, when he took his B. A. degree at Wadham 
College. There is scarcely any public character of the 
age of the great Rebellion, whose personal histoiy is more 
instructive than that of Cornelius Burges. He was a man 
of mature age when those civil strifes began, had learning 
enough to make a handsome shew, and gained the fame 
of an eloquent preacher. Nor had his merits been 
VOL. in. 2 A 



270 BURGES. 

altogether overlooked ; for he was the incumbent of two 
livings in the diocese of London, the vicarage of Watford 
in Essex, and the rectory of St. Magnus in the city, and 
he had the honour of being appointed one of the chaplains 
in ordinary to Charles I. But he was one of those spirits, 
in whom a cold avarice disguises itself under the outward 
form of public zeal. Hence, having for some time courted 
higher preferment by preaching and writing in defence of 
obedience and conformity, and attacking in no measured 
terms "the rabble of mad mar-prelates and bold-faced 
mercenary empirics," who were so much admired by "silly 
women and other ninnies," for speaking evil of dignities, 
[in his ''Fire of the Sanctuary newly discovered.'" Land. 
1625, p. 82, dc.'] — when the preferment did not come, 
and the discontents increased, he suddenly changed his 
tone and style, joined the assailants of Church-discipline, 
and in a Latin sermon preached before the London clergy, 
at St. Alphage's, in 1635, uttered such passages against 
the Bishops and government of the Church, that, Bishop 
Juxon having required a copy of his notes, and he having 
refused to give it, he was summoned into the Court of 
High Commission. [Laud. Troubles and Trial, p. 539. 
Rymers Fwd. xx. 109.] 

Here however, it is plain, even from his own uncandid 
account, that he met with no extraordinary severity. 
Having delivered up his sermon to Archbishop Laud, the 
primate, " after perusal of it, never troubled him further." 
[Burgess own " Case of buying Bishops' Lands.'' 1659. 
p. 28.] He repaid this lenity by charging the whole 
bench of Bishops, according to the approved mode of the 
day, with Arminianism and Popery ; and compared the 
court, before which he had been summoned, to the 
Spanish Inquisition. 

The eventful era of the assembling of the Long Parlia- 
ment came on ; and Burgess merits had already raised 
him to that bad eminence, which pointed him out for a 
token of favour from the Low Churchmen who bore sway 



BURGES. 271 

in tliat conclave. He was chosen with Stephen Marshall 
to preach on the solemn Fast-day, which the Commons 
had proclaimed as the initiation of their darker mysteries. 
His sermon, published by order of the house, spoke 
significantly of the destruction of Babylon, " by an army 
from the North," and how the restoring of the Church by 
that deliverance produced a " solemn covenant" with 
God. (Jer. 1. 3, 5.) whence he went on to argue, that 
there would be " no buckliDg to God s work," till the 
covenant was taken. He continued to be appointed to 
preach occasionally before the same audience in the 
following years of their session, and had a great hand in 
promoting the convocation of the assembly of Divioes at 
Westminster, among whom he sat, and took an active part 
in their proceedings. 

When the parliament wanted loans for putting down 
the rebellion in Ireland, and afterwards for the war against 
the King, Burges ventured a good part of his fortune on 
the faith of his new masters, subscribing, as he says, at 
various times about £1700. And now having gone too 
far to recede, he gave himself up to serve the cause in those 
ways in which a man of education, if he will stoop to 
them, will seldom fail of obtaining a temporary influence. 
When any motion was on foot for a treaty with the King, 
he might be seen leading on the city mob to the doors of 
Parliament, to intimidate the more moderate members, 
and to take care that the violent ones should not be out- 
voted. His vanity is reported to have betrayed him on 
one occasion into a singular boast of his power over these 
rough-handed followers : " These," he said, " are my ban- 
dogs : I can set them on, and I can take them off again." 
[Persecutio Undecima, IQiS, p. 62.] 

But the service of rebellion is hard. When Dr. Hacket, 
afterwards the excellent Bishop who restored Lichfield 
Cathedral, had made his noble defence of cathedral insti- 
tutions at the bar of the House of Commons, May 11th, 
1641, Burges, who was employed to answer him, though 
he said much of the unprofitableness of deans and canons, 



272 BURGES. 

and the bad lives of the song-men in the choir, had yet 
agreed in asserting the Church's right to the property to 
be inviolable. Time went on, and he had shrewdness 
enough to perceive that the credit of such a government 
as now occupied the ruins of the monarchy, though they 
professed to pay eight per cent, was not a good basis of 
security for his loan. By their ordinance of November 16, 
1646, the Parliament had directed the sale of Bishops' 
lands, — not however to satisfy their old creditors so much 
as to obtain a new loan. They invited all who had before 
lent money, plate, or other stores, for their use, to double 
their former contributions, and take these lands in pay- 
ment, " not without intimation," as Burges says, " that 
such as doubled not, must expect no other security than 
the then despised public faith, nor be paid, till all 
Douhlers were satisfied." [Burgess Case, dc. p. 2.] There 
was then this alternative proposed to him, to give up his 
scruples as to the sacred character of the property, or to 
trust his friends. No one could have had better opportu- 
nities of knowing his men ; and perhaps it is no great 
wonder that he chose to take the manor of Wells, and 
blaspheme the memory of old King Cynewulf of Essex, 
who gave it to God and St. Andrew, \ih. p. 20.] rather 
than to wait till "the fag-end of the expired carcase," 
[Clarendons elegant periphrasis far a well known mono^ 
syllabic appellation of this ivonderful Parliament,] of the 
British constitution should be re-inforced with a resolution 
to repay the sums which they had spent. 

This transaction, and another, which he effected about 
the same period, procuring himself to be appointed special 
Lecturer at St. Paul s, with a grant of the dean's house, 
and a modest salary of £400 a year, were exposed in a 
passsage of delicate irony by the quaint and honest 
Thomas Fuller: it is in the conclusion of his History, 
where he has been recording the debate between Hacket 
and Burges, and how the latter had spoken of the inviola- 
bility of cathedral lands : 

" If since this time," he says, "Dr. Burges hath been 



BURGES. 273 

a large purchaser of such lands himself, — if, since, 
St. Andrew the first-converted, and St. Paul the last-con- 
verted, Apostle, have met in his purse, — I doubt not but 
that he can give sufficient reason for the same, both to 
himself and other that shall question him thereon ; the 
rather because lately he read learned lectures in St. Paul's 
on the criticisms of conscience, no less carefully than 
curiously weighing satisfaction to scruples ; and if there 
be a fault, so able a confessor knows how to get his abso- 
lution." This passage, being noticed by Burges in his 
' Case of buying Bishop's Lands,' occasioned an admirable 
letter of Fuller's to him, which may be seen, with a good 
note of the last editor, in Nichols's edition of Fuller's 
Church History, vol. iii. Burges made a lame answer in 
his * No Sacrilege nor Sin to alienate Cathedral Lands,' 
p. 54, 5. 

There is often found a litigious restless temper, accom- 
panying ill-gotten gains; as the raven cannot swallow 
its prey without a noise. Burges could find little 
quiet in his new possessions. The corporation of Wells 
and he were at once embroiled in a protracted lawsuit, 
about some debateable ground, the undoubted property of 
the Church, but now disputed, because part was pur- 
chased by himself, and part by the town-council. Burges 
gives a long detail of the arbitrations, trials, and judg- 
ments, which his claim had to go through, with a wonder- 
ful blindness to the fact how plainly the story tells against 
himself. The courts of law under the Protectorate having 
dexiided for the corporation, he had recourse to an autho- 
rity, which probably might be found in those days 
stronger than the law, the arbitration of the great Lord 
Desborough, Cromwell's Major-General of Somerset and 
other western counties. This mighty " clown, without 
fear or wit," (as the pamphleteers describe him,) was not 
unwilling to interpose ; but the parties not agreeing as to 
the questions to be referred to him, that expedient also 
failed. Things were still unbalanced, when Oliver died. 
2 z ^ 



274 BURGES. 

Richard Cromwell's Parliament met, and Burges proposed 
his ' Case' to lay before them. He had evidently singular 
hopes, like other Presbyterians, from the accession of the 
young man, whom he complimented, as the Romans did 
the Emperor Titus, with the title of " the darling of the 
English people," (gentis Anglicanae deliciae.) Bradshawe 
the regicide was then a great man again, being President 
of Richard's Council ; and to him Burges sent a copy of 
his pamphlet, " ex dono authoris." But in this nick of 
time Bradshawe died, and the reign of Richard soon after 
came to an end, while the suit was as far from being set- 
tled as ever. 

The name of this unhappy man had long since become 
a proverb of reproach among more parties than one. He 
was accused in the pasquils of the time with having taken 
up the pavement of St. Paul's to flag his kitchen, with 
having sold the timber- work and carved stones ; and hints 
were given of other breaches of the moral law. [Lamenta- 
tion of the hay Elders, 1647. Case for the City Spectacles, 
1648, dc.'] Yet it would seem that virtue still struggled 
within him, and at least held him back from consenting 
to the bolder crimes of that troubled period. When the 
Independents and Cromwell had determined on the King's 
murder, though he had not the courage to put his name 
to the ' Serious and Faithful Representation' presented by 
the forty-seven Presbyterian ministers to General Fairfax, 
[Collier, ii. 859, 60.] he afterwards drew up the 'Vindica- 
tion of the Ministers of the Gospel in and about London,' 
a more equivocal document, professing the same object, 
but so worded as if to exculpate themselves, rather than 
to save the King. It would seem that he also delivered 
another testimony against King-killing, in a sermon enti' 
tied 'Prudent Silence,' preached in Mercer's Chapel before 
the Lord Mayor and City Council, on Jan. 14, 1649, from 
the text Amos, v. 13. This sermon he now published, 
when the Restoration was at hand, in 1660, and prefixed 
to it a dedication to Charles the Second. 



BURGES. 257 

There was now, however, a nearer danger that beset 
him, for which it was expedient, if he could, to remove the 
suspicion of disloyalty. Things were evidently tending to 
a re-estabhshment of episcopacy ; and a strong effort must 
be made to prevent all that he had acquired from being 
lost. To do him justice, though he was now become a 
man in years, he set to work with an industry worthy of a 
better cause. To maintain the temporal part of the ques- 
tion, he drew up his ' No Sacrilege nor Sin to alienate or 
purchase Cathedral Lands,' a more elaborate exposition of 
the argument of his ' Case ;' but omitting all mention of 
poor Pilchard, and the history of the law- suit. It is full of 
learning, and not without that ingenious kind of logic, 
which is sometimes employed to perplex a plain cause, 
with all the special pleading of a self-interested advocate. 
This pamphlet was no doubt busily circulated by those 
subalterns of the rebellion, such as Sir Arthur Haselrigge 
and Colonel Harvey, who had the same kind of property 
at stake ; and three editions are said to have been called 
for. Another pamphlet was however wanted to meet the 
more spiritual peril which threatened him, in the proposed 
restoration of the Prayer- Book, and all that its restoration 
involved. Against this measure he now put forth his 
'Reasons, shewing the necessity of Reformation of the 
Public Doctrine, "Worship, Rites and Ceremonies, Church 
Govermnent and Discipline, reputed to be, but indeed 
not, estabhshed by Law.' This pamphlet was addressed 
to the parliament which met after the King's return, and 
purported in the title-page to be * by sundry Ministers in 
divers Counties.' Baxter however states that it was the 
work of Burges alone ; [Baxters Life., ii. 265.] and that 
it was so is tolerably clear from internal evidence. A vein 
of buffoonery pervades it to the injury of his argument ; 
as is the case in other of his pamphlets. He declares 
against all instrumental music in churches ; which is 
consistent with what he had done in abolishing the 
organ at St. Paul's ; he attacks the same opponents, 
Dr. Heylin and Gauden, as he had done in his ' Case ;' 



276 BUEGES. 

and he shews the same superficial views of history and 
antiquities, for which Fuller had before exposed him. 

This pamphlet was in fact, as Baxter seems to have felt 
it, very disadvantageous to the Presbyterian cause. Its 
tone was so bitter and offensive, that it took away the 
hope of peace between the two parties ; it was considered 
disrespectful to the court, where schemes of reconciliation 
were then favourably entertained ; and, what was perhaps 
still worse for its credit, the portion of it, which had as- 
sailed the doctrine of the Prayer-Book, was answered in a 
grave convincing style by one of the best divines of the 
episcopal side, Dr. John Pearson, the expositor of the 
Creed, and afterwards Bishop of Chester. ['No Necessity 
of Reformation of the Public Doctrine of the Church of 
England,' Uo. 1660.] Burges attempted a reply in a 
postscript to a third edition of his ' No Sacrilege;' but this 
was immediately noticed in an ' Answer to Dr. Burges 's 
Word by way of Postscript,' by Pearson ; and the contro- 
versy went no further. 

No doubt the time was past, when the English people 
could be deceived by those pretences, which had led to 
confusion alike of Church and state. The restitution of 
the Church's spoils was no longer to be delayed by men, 
who had too long covered under a shew of public zeal 
their singular kindness to themselves. The purchasers of 
Bishop's lands, by Burges' advice as it was supposed, put 
forth an anonymous paper, proposing to pay £500,000 to 
the I^ng, if they might have their illegal bargain con- 
firmed for ninety-nine years by the legislature ; but, this 
bribe being rejected, there was no remedy but to give up 
what could no longer be retained. Burges appears to 
have saved nothing from so many years' tenure of the 
property, which he had so sacrilegiously invaded. Having 
lost all, he retired in poverty and shame to die at Watford, 
the scene of his early pastoral labours, while he was yet 
unseduced by low ambition. It may be hoped that even 
these days of bitter privation were better for him, than the 
years of dangerous prosperity, in which his vanity and 



BURGESS. 277 

self-love had robbed him of all peace. For it can scarcely 
be doubted, that all that time he was stifling the stings 
of conscience, and his mind approved the virtue he 
forsook : 

And oh, how sharp the pain, 
Our vice, ourselves, our hahits to disdain ; 
To go where never yet in peace we went. 
To feel our hearts can bleed, yet not relent ; 
To sigh, yet not recede ; to grieve, yet not repent ! 

His latter davs were past, it is said, in exercises of 
penitence, and in observing the duties of the Church. 
But his sufferings were extreme. His neck and one 
cheek were eaten away with a cancer ; and, after having 
sold his books to buy bread, he was again in want. He 
applied to Sir Pdchard Browne, a rich citizen in London, 
acquainting him with his condition ; but obtained a 
scornful answer, reminding him of his old preaching of 
rebellion, and a scanty donation of three pounds. He 
died, unnoticed and deserted, in June, 1G65. About 
three months before his death he sent a humble and duti- 
ful message to the university of Oxford, with a collection 
of some scarce editions of the Prayer-Book, begging his 
honourable mother of Oxford to accept of them from a 
dying man, ' as our Lord and blessed Saviour did of the 
poor ^vidow's two mites, who, by casting in that, cast in all 
she had." — Dr. Isaac Basires Sacrilege Arraigned. Wood's 
Athence Oxonienses. 



BUEGESS, DANIEL. 

Dan'iel Buegess was born at Staines, in 1645. He 
received his education at Westminster-school, from whence 
he went to Magdalen Hall, Oxford, but having imbibed 
puritanical principles, he left the university without a 
degree. In 1667 he became master of a school at 
Charleville in Ireland, after which he was ordained in the 



278 BURKITT. 

Presbyterian way at Dublin, and married. x\t the end of 
seven years he returned to England, and in 1685 settled 
in London, as preacher to a congregation in Brydges- 
street, Covent-garden, from whence he removed to a 
meeting in Carey-street, which, being pulled down by 
Dr. Sacheverell's mob, was rebuilt at the expense of 
government. Daniel died in 1713. The celebrated Lord 
Bolingbroke was once his pupil, and acquired his disgust 
of Christianity from what he witnessed of the morality 
of puritanism. His humour in the pulpit was of the 
lowest cast of buffoonery, but it had the effect of drawing 
crowds of hearers. The following is a specimen of his 
preaching on the imputation of Christ's righteousness, 
" If any of you," said he, " would have a good and cheap 
suit, you will go to Monmouth-street ; if you want a suit 
that will last for life, you must go to the Court of Chan- 
cery ; but if you wish for a suit of everlasting duration, 
you must go to the Lord Jesus, and put on his robe of 
righteousness." He published some single sermons, one 
of which was entitled "The Golden Snuffers." — Gen. 
Biog. Diet. 

BUKKITT, WILLIA^r. 

WiLLiAisr BuRKiTT was born at Hitcham, in Suffolk, in 
1650. His father was a Nonconformist minister. He was 
sent first to a school at Stow Market, and from thence to 
another at Cambridge. He was admitted of Pembroke 
Hall, at the age of fourteen years, and upon his removal 
from the University, when he had taken his degree, he be- 
came a chaplain in a private gentleman's family, where he 
continued for several years. He was ordained by Bishop 
Pteynolds, and the first clerical duty which he had was at 
Milden, in Suffolk, where he continued for twenty- one 
years, first as curate, and afterwards as rector of that 
parish. In 1692 he was presented to the vicarage of 
Dedham, in Essex, where he continued to the time of 
his death, which happened in the latter end of October, 



BUEN. 279 

1703. He made liberal collections for the FreDch Pro- 
testants in the years 1687, &c., and by his influence pro- 
cured a minister to go and settle in Carolina. Among 
other charities, he bequeathed by his last will and testa- 
ment the house in which he lived, with the lands belonging 
to it, to be a residence for the lecturer that should be 
chosen from time to time to preach the lecture at 
Dedham. He wrote several small tracts, and published 
a commentary on the New Testament, which has been 
popular. — Life by Parkhurst. 



BUKN, EICHAP.D. 

Richard Burn was born at Kirby Stephen, near 
Winton, in Westmoreland, He entered at Queen's College, 
Oxford, and received from that University, in 1762, the 
honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. The following year 
he entered into holy orders, and was appointed to the 
living of Orton, in Westmoreland. He also held the 
commission of the peace for Westmoreland and Cumber- 
land, and was chancellor of the diocese of Carlisle. As 
compiler of the Justice of the Peace, he is well known, and 
he has earned for himself equal celebrity by a similar 
digest of the Ecclesiastical Law. The first of these is an 
alphabetical arrangement of the common law and statutes, 
pointing out the duties of magistrates and parish officers ; 
and the second comprehends the English system of eccle- 
siastical law, arranged in the same manner. They deserv- 
edly gained a high reputation as works of great practical 
utility. In conjunction with Mr. Nicholson, nephew of 
the Bishop of Carlisle, Dr. Bum compiled a history of the 
antiquities of Cumberland and Westmoreland, published 
in 1777, in 2 vols, 4to. He also published an edition of 
"Blackstone's Commentaries," and some theological works. 
Dr. Burn enjoyed the rectorship of Orton for forty-nine 
years, where he died, 20th Novenber, 1789. — History of 
Westmoreland. Bridgmans Legal Bibliography. 



'280 BURNET. 



BUENET, ALEXANDER. 

Alexander Burnet was the son of the Eev. John 
Burnet, a parochial minister, and one of the respectable 
family of Bams, in the county of Peebles : his mother was 
a daughter of the family of Traquair. He was born in 
the year 1614, and was first appointed chaplain to the Earl 
of Traquair, but on the breaking out of the rebellion, he 
retired into England, where he received holy orders, and 
was presented to a rectory in Kent, from which he was 
ejected on account of his loyalty, in the year 1650. After 
this he went abroad, and was of considerable service to 
Charles II, in procuring intelligence from his friends in 
England and Scotland. At the Restoration he became 
chaplain to the Earl of Teviot, his cousin, who was ap- 
pointed governor of Dunkirk, whither Burnet accompanied 
him, and where he officiated in an English congregation. 
He was consecrated to the see of Aberdeen in 1663, and 
in the following year was translated to the archbishopric 
of Glasgow. Here he was brought into trouble, but under 
circumstances most creditable to himself. He incurred 
the displeasure of the Earl of Lauderdale, whom no one 
ever offended with impunity. This nobleman was pro- 
fessedly a Presbyterian, and almost as great an enemy to 
the Episcopalians as he was to the Covenanters. It has 
even been alleged, and with some appearance of truth, 
that one of the reasons of his extreme cruelty to the lat- 
ter, was to excite popular odium against the former. If 
such were his object, he certainly succeeded. His speech 
to Sharp, when he learnt he was to be made Archbishop 
of St. Andrews, is well known. " Mr. Sharp," he said, 
" bishops you are to have in Scotland, and you, I hear, 
are to be Archbishop of St. Andrews ; but, whoever shall 
be the man, I will smite him and his order under the 
fifth rib." And he was as good as his word. 

Burnet had complained to the King of Lauderdale's un- 
necessary severity to the Covenanters, and recommended 



BUKNET. 281 

more lenient measures. The King, who was naturally 
good-natured, approved of this recommendation, and 
gave the Earl instructions to proceed in conformity 
with it. For this interference on the part of the Arch- 
bishop, and with a view to gratify his spleen against him, 
he determined to make the whole Episcopal order feel the 
weight of his vengeance, and to stab them "under the 
fifth rib." Accordingly, he introduced into parliament, 
in the year 1669, the famous act of Indulgence, the mean- 
ing of which was, that ministers dissenting from the 
established church might be permitted to hold benefices 
in it, without, in any respect, acknowledging the jurisdic- 
tion of its Bishops. In short, like the Roman Catholic 
doctrine which passes under that name, it gave a license 
to practise every kind of ecclesiastical irregularity without 
any fear of suffe.ing. Such a system, it was apparent, no 
established church could approve, under any circum- 
stances : yet Lauderdale had the address to persuade both 
the King and the Parliament, that it was necessary for 
the tranquillity of the kingdom. The more violent Co- 
venanters repudiated the notion of accepting any religious 
favour whatever from Charles's government ; and railed 
very bitterly against those who took the Indulgence, even 
on terms where all the advantage lay with themselves, 
and all the disadvantage with their opponents ; but a con- 
siderable number of the more moderate Presbyterians 
availed themselves of it ; and, among others, Mr. Robert 
Douglas, who had, since the Restoration, joined the Epis- 
copal church, in obedience to the laws, as a private indi- 
vidual, but was now admitted as Presbyterian minister of 
the parish of Pencaithland. 

Burnet, and the clergy of his diocese, took the lead in 
their opposition to this mischievous measure ; which was 
so far from being a healing one, as it professed to be, that 
it split the established church into two hostile parties, 
and made the minority independent of the majority. This 
opposition to his own act so provoked Lauderdale, that he 

VOL. III. 2 B 



r2B2 BURNET. 

brought into parliament, and carried, a still more offensive 
and oppressive one, namely, the Assertory Act, which con- 
ferred on the King the exclusive power to change, at his 
pleasure, " the external government and polity of the 
(Jhurch" in Scotland. The whole of the Bishops united 
in strenuous opposition to this measure, which, however, 
did not prevent the King from so far acting upon it, as, 
at the instigation of Lauderdale, to suspend Archbishop 
Burnet, and place Leighton Bishop of Dunblane in his 
room. This most obnoxious bill was repealed, after it had 
been in operation two years ; but not before several of the 
Bishops and clergy had suffered by their conscientious 
refusal to comply with it. Burnet was not restored to his 
archbishopric till the year 1674. Wodrow, for this con- 
duct on the part of Burnet, accuses him, first, of acting 
contrary to his ''passive obedience" principles, and then 
of tamely submitting to the royal sentence of ecclesiastical 
deprivation. It is very difficult to make writers of that 
school comprehend the simple scriptural, though un- 
fashionable and unpalatable, doctrine of what is called 
(improperly, perhaps,) " passive obedience." Burnet, on 
this occasion, acted in strict conformity with it ; that is, 
he dutifully obeyed the lawful commands of his Sove- 
reign, and he patiently suffered for disobeying his unlaw- 
ful ones. The Presbyterians of that age did neither one 
nor the other. So far from dutifully obeying all lawful 
commands, they would not obey even the most indifferent, 
if unsuited to their taste : and so far from patiently suf- 
fering for their disobedience to unlawful commands, (or 
those which they considered to be so,) that they took up 
arms to force the government to rescind them. 

On the murder of Archbishop Sharp in 1679, he was 
translated to the see of St. Andrews. 

Archbishop Burnet died on the 24th of August, 1684, 
and was buried in St. Salvator's church. — KeitJis Scottish 
Bishops. Lyon's History of St. Andrews. 



BURNET. ^483 



BURNET, GILBERT. 



Gilbert Burnet was bom at Edinburgh on the ] 8th of 
September, 1643. His father was a lawyer, whom many 
agreed to praise and few to employ : he was at first opposed 
to the Scottish Bishops, but when he saw that the destruc- 
tion of the episcopal order was what those designed who 
spoke of its reformation, he adhered to the order with 
zeal and constancy. His mother was a sister of Sir Archi- 
bald Warriston, and a bigoted Presbyteiian. Of her Presby- 
terian spirit an account is given when Burnet was on one 
occasion seized with a fever at Saltoun where she resided 
with him ; in the ravings of his distemper he thought that 
Archbishop Sharp was to sleep at his house, and testified 
anxiety about a proper place for his reception. Upon this 
his Presbyterian mother desired him to make himself 
quite easy, for that a place should be provided for the 

Archbishop in the hottest corner of hell. How dreadful 

is such want of charity in a person who thought herself 
decidedly pious. Such was the parentage of Gilbert 
Burnet, and the kind of religious education he received 
from such parents may be easily surmised. He grew up an 
earnest minded, honest hearted man, disinterested, liberal 
and learned : but he was an egotist who, conscious of his 
own rectitude of intention, could not believe any person to 
be honest who thought not or acted not as he did himself, 
who hated with an ungenerous hatred all who opposed 
him, who, looking upon himself as an angel, expected to 
see the cloven foot in every opponent : and who, as such 
egotists frequently do, so entirely identified himself with a 
party, that he felt a personal disgust for every one who 
either wronged that party or deserted it, or advocated prin- 
ciples not acknowledged by it. Never did man so com- 
pletely identify himself with his party ; he did indeed 
sacrifice for it so much, that he would have become enti- 
tled to the character of generous, had not his conduct 
towards those who opposed his party been ungenerous in 
the extreme, though even then, when their sufferings be- 



284 BURNET. 

came personally known to him, the generosity of his 
nature would sometimes display itself. 

To give an account of such a person would be at all 
times difficult, but it is rendered the more difficult from 
the fact that he is himself our only authority, either in the 
History he wrote of his Own Times, which is an eulogy of 
himself and a satire upon those who differed from him, 
or in the Memoirs of his Life, written by his son Sir 
Thomas Burnet, almost, we may conclude, from his father's 
dictation. 

Burnet's father, having suffered some persecution dur- 
ing the rebellion, lived retired in the country on his own 
estate till the Restoration, when he was made one of the 
Lords of Session. His father superintended his education, 
and afterwards sent him to King's College, Aberdeen, 
where he took his degree of M.A. at the early age of four- 
teen. He commenced the study of civil law, but feeling a 
distaste for it, he had recourse to the study of divinity. 
At the age of eighteen he was put on trial as a proba- 
tioner, which was at that time the first step towards ordi- 
nation in the Episcopal church. Probationers were then 
appointed to preach practically on an assigned text ; next, 
critically on another controverted one ; and then a mixed 
sermon of criticism and practical inferences from a given 
text. Then followed an examination in the languages; 
and lastly, the " questionary trial," in which every minister 
present might put such questions, from Scripture or 
divinity, as he pleased. He declined the offer of a 
church, and prosecuted his studies under the direction of 
Mr. Nairn. 

Of Mr. Nairn he learnt the art of preaching extempore : 
this was not the custom of the Presbyterians, whose ser- 
mons, though they were delivered without book, were pre- 
meditated discourses, first written, and then learned by 
heart, — a sheer waste of time. The power of preaching 
extempore was retained by Burnet through life. He studied 
under Mr. Nairn, Smith's select discourses, Dr. More's 
works, and the judicious Hooker. With Archbishop 



BURNET. S86 

Leighton, Burnet also formed an acquaintance, and by his 
advice studied the primitive fathers, especially those of the 
three first centuries, and Binnius's collection of councils, 
down to the second council of Nice. 

In 1663 he visited England, and went to Oxford and 
Cambridge. From Oxford, where he contracted a friend- 
ship with Drs. Fell and Pocock, he went to London, and 
was introduced to Mr. Boyle, Tillotson, Stillingfleet, 
Patrick, Lloyd, and Sir Robert Murray. In 1664 he 
returned to Scotland, whence he went to Holland ; and, 
passing through the Netherlands to France, made some 
stay at Paris. In 1665 he returned to Scotland through 
London, and was there made a member of the Royal 
Society. On his return, in 1665, he was ordained a 
priest by Dr. Wiseheart, then Bishop of Edinburgh, and 
presented to the parish of Saltoun, by Sir Robert Fletcher. 
Although extempore worship was then practised, Burnet 
used the English Liturgy all the time he held the living 
of Saltoun, where he seems, according to his own account, 
to have been very diligent in the duties of his profession, 
and to have gained the respect of his parishioners. He 
had scarcely entered upon his parochial duties, when he 
published a most malicious libel upon the Scottish Bishops, 
which he confuted afterwards in his life of Bishop Bedell, 
and which we must therefore ascribe to some mortifica- 
tion that he had experienced. He was summoned before 
the bench, and severely reprimanded; which may, per- 
haps, account for the severity of his strictures in the His- 
tory of his Own Times. The libeller who, by the account 
given by himself, was as insolent to the Bishops as he well 
could be, w^as soon takea into favour by the enemies open 
or concealed of episcopacy ; and young as he was, in 1668, 
Burnet seems to have been consulted by the government, 
especially by his friend, Sir Robert Murray, then president 
of the court of session ; and it is suspected that he advised 
the Indulgence and the introduction of the moderate Pres- 
byterians into vacant livings, without requiring them to 



286 BURNET. 

submit to the jurisdiction of the Bishop. (See tJie last arti- 
cle on Archhisliop Burnet.) All this part of Burnet's life is 
necessarily involved in obscurity : it is obvious that he be- 
haved extremely ill, and he was not the person to condemn 
himself. Nevertheless, the regularity of his life, his learn- 
ing, and his talents, commended him to those who were 
not unwilling to hear the clergy censured, even though 
unjustly, and to an unprincipled government willing to 
employ a young man who would do their work, but whom 
they might, whenever it was convenient, repudiate. In 
1669 he was invited to visit the Duchess of Hamilton, who, 
" though her inclinations lay to presbytery, professed her- 
self a friend to moderate counsels," and at her house he 
met the Regent of the University at Glasgow, and through 
him he obtained the professorship of divinity in that uni- 
versity. Bumet represents himself as in doubt whether 
to accept the office of the divinity chair or to remain at 
Saltoun, but the professorship was a situation so much in 
accordance with his tastes and pursuits that he was doubt- 
less very easily persuaded to enter upon its duties. That 
he gave great dissatisfaction is clear from his own account, 
and not to be wondered at when we take into considera- 
tion that to an overbearing temper, and an offensive self- 
sufficiency, he added, according to Lord Dartmouth, " a 
boisterous vehement manner of expressing himself." But 
Burnet could never admit that he was in the wrong, and 
attributed his failure to those principles of moderation on 
which he professed to act, and by which he equally of- 
ended the Episcopal and the Presbyterian party. But 
here, as elsewhere, what he did he did with all his might, 
and if his conduct was not judicious, it was at least ener- 
getic. Here he remained for four years and a half. In 
1669 he published his Modest and Free Conference 
between a Conformist and a Non- Conformist, in seven 
dialogues, with which all men who were in earnest, either 
Episcopalians or Presbyterians, were justly offended, but 
which gave satisfaction to those whom Burnet desired to 



BURNET. 287 

please, the men who cared for none of these things. It 
ought to be observed here that Burnet's inclinations were 
all along decidedly in favour of episcopacy and the liturgy, 
and one cause of his hatred to the Scottish Bishops and 
clergy was their not permitting him to defend them in 
his own way, yielding when he desired them to yield, 
and conforming to what he considered the proper line of 
conduct. He regarded them as fools, and worse than fooJs, 
because when he wished to put himself forward as their 
leader, they w^ould not accept him, and because when he 
talked of moderation they supposed him to speak of a 
dereliction of principle. 

During his residence in Glasgow he was entrusted with 
the papers belonging to the Hamilton family, from which 
he compiled the memoirs of that house ; and afterwards 
meditated a reconciliation between the Dukes of Hamilton 
and Lauderdale. The Earl of Lauderdale, whom he 
vtsited in London, could have pushed his fortunes, had 
Burnet consented to be one of his followers, but Burnet 
was of too imperious a temper himself to submit to the 
imperious temper of that iniquitous nobleman, and we 
may add, that he was of too independent a spirit, and too 
high a cast of mind to endeavour to establish an interest 
at court. His favour, however, with the great was such, 
that while in London he was offered a bishopric in Scot- 
land. He declined it, because, as his son states, he 
thought himself of an unfit age, and that this was one 
reason we can readily believe ; Burnet would not accept 
an office for the duties of which he felt himself to be 
incompetent ; and that an earnest-minded man should 
shrink from the responsibilities of a Scottish bishopric at 
that time is not wonderful. But other reasons certainly 
operated in his mind ; he was now connected with 
moderate Presbyterians : they received him as a moderate 
Episcopalian : such a position was more flattering to the 
self-complacency of a man of Burnet's character, than a 
bishopric, for as a Bishop he must either connect himself 
entirely with Church principles, or become despicable. He 



288 BURNET. 

was not prepared for either alternative. Besides, he was 
now engaged to be married to a Presbyterian lady, and it 
would not be seemly for such a person to be a Bishop's 
wife, even if she could have consented to the marriage. 
His marriage took place soon after his return to Glasgow, 
with the Lady Margaret Kennedy, daughter of the Earl 
of Cassillis. In 1672 he came out in a new character by 
pubhshing a Yiudication of the Authority, Constitution, 
and Laws of the Church and State of Scotland, being 
a defeuce of the prerogatives of the crowo, and the estab- 
lishment of Episcopacy, against the republican princi- 
ples of Buchanan. A dedication to Lauderdale, against 
whose character he afterwards wrote with vehemence, 
exposed him to a charge of inconsistency, but most 
unjustly, for he may have thought highly of Lauderdale 
at one period of life, and have seen reasons for changing 
his opinion afterwards. There was a wonderful judgment 
in Burnet in choosing the right time for his publications, 
and so well timed was this work considered, that he was 
again pressed to accept a bishopric, with the promise of 
the first vacant archbishopric, which he again declined. 
Why he declined on this occasion is not quite apparent ; 
he may have shrunk from the responsibilities of a most 
unpopular office, or he may have been influenced by his 
wife, but there does not seem at this period any reason in 
principle why he should have refused the appointment, 
since he had committed himself, and was soon after sent 
among the Covenanters, to preach to them on the necessity 
of accepting the benefits of the Act of Indulgence, which 
they indignantly rejected. He was disgusted with the 
Covenanters, of whom he said, that " they knew very 
little of the essentials of religion;" "hot men among 
them," he said, " were positive, and all of them were full 
of contention." He assisted Archbishop Leighton also 
in a conference which he held with the leading Presby- 
terian ministers, for the pui*pose of an *' accommodation," 
but the conference only tended to widen the breach, and 
Burnet, indignant that those whom he sought to benefit 



BURNET. 289 

should think differently from himself, remarks, that " the 
Presbyterians may see how much their behaviour disgusted 
all moderate, wise and good men ; how little sincere and 
honest they were in it when the desire of popularity made 
them reject propositions which came so home to the 
maxims which they themselves had set up." 

In 1673 he went again to London and preached before 
Charles II, who was so well pleased that he appointed 
him one of his chaplains in ordinary. He was introduced 
by the Earl of Ancram to the Duke of York, with whom 
he soon rose into favour. He introduced Dr. Stillinglleet 
to the Duke, and proposed with his assistance to hold a 
conference, in the presence of his royal highness, with 
some Popish priests ; but this was prudently declined. 

Upon his return to Scotland, he retired to his professor- 
ship at Glasgow, but was obliged the next year to return 
to court, in order that he might justify himself against the 
accusations of the Duke of Lauderdale, who had represented 
him as the cause of the failure of all the court measures 
in Scotland. There was some justice in the accusation. 
The King received him very coldly, and ordered his name 
to be struck out of the list of chaplains ; yet at the Duke 
of York's intreaty, consented to hear what he could ofifer 
in his own justification, with which he seemed to be satis- 
fied. As Lauderdale, however, was still his enemy, 
Burnet, who was told that his enemies had a design to 
have him imprisoned, resigned his professor's chair at 
Glasgow, and resolved to settle in London. About this 
time the living of Cripplegate being vacant, the dean and 
chapter of St. Paul s, in whose gift it was, hearing of his 
circumstances and the hardships he had undergone, sent 
him an offer of the benefice, but as he had been informed 
of their first intention of conferring it on Dr. Fowler, he 
generously declined it. In 1675, at the recommendation 
of Lord Hollis, whom he had known in France, ambas- 
sador at that court, he was, by Sir Harbottle Grimstone, 
master of the rolls, appointed preacher of the chapel 
there, notwithstanding the opposition of the court. He 



290 BURNET. 

was soon after chosen a lecturer of St. Clement's, and 
became a popular preacher. " I have heard him preach," 
says Speaker Onslow, " and he was the finest figure in 
the pulpit I ever saw." 

In 1676 he pubhshed his memoirs of the Dukes of 
Hamilton, and also an account of a conference between 
himself and Dr. Stillingfleet, with Coleman, a Jesuit, and 
secretary to the Duchess of York. A strong no-popery 
feeling at this thne prevailed in the country, in which 
Burnet most cordially sympathized ; a just alarm was 
felt as to the intentions of the court, and Burnet was 
easily persuaded by Sir William Jones, the attorney 
general, to write a history of the Reformation in England. 
The first volume was published in 1679, at a time when 
it was sure to succeed, during the agitation of the Popish 
plot. So well-timed was its publication, that Burnet 
received the thanks of both houses of parliament, with a 
desire that he would finish the work. He was not 
thanked by the convocation. He published the second 
volume in 1681, and the third, with a supplement, in 
1715. Burnet was of too vehement a temper, and too 
much of a party man, to be able to take a calm, dis- 
passionate, philosophical view of the history he undertook 
to write. His history is the history of a partizan, and is 
therefore too one-sided. When this is known, and allow- 
ance is made for the author s bias, it is a work which 
every student of the history or of the theology of his coun- 
try will read with profit. He will find on the one side 
faults extenuated, while, on the other side, they are ex^- 
gerated, but he will not find facts wilfully misrepresented. 
And such an historian as Burnet is at least more impar- 
tial than some modern historians, who, professing to write 
history philosophically, pretend to an impartiality which 
is only violated when the Church of England or her 
divines are censured. Burnet's history was intended to 
be a counterpart to Sander's Sixty Years Schism, which 
had lately been translated into French, and industriously 
circulated in France. And, both for integrity and temper, 



BURNET. 291 

the comparison is in favour of the Protestant, to the con- 
demnation of the Popish historian. 

About the time of the publication of his first volume he 
attended a sick person, who had been engaged in an amour 
v?ith the Earl of Piochester. The manner in which he 
treated her during her illness, gave that lord a great 
desire to become acquainted with him. Whereupon 
for a whole winter, he spent one evening in a week with 
Mr. Burnet, who discoursed with him upon all those 
topics, upon which sceptics and men of loose morals attack 
the Christian religion. The happy effect of these confer- 
ences occasioned the publication of his account of the life 
and death of that earl, an account which Dr. Johnson 
says, " the critic ought to read for its eloquence, the 
philosopher for its argument, and the saint for its piety." 
Burnet indeed had honestly attempted to convert King 
Charles, to whom on one occasion he addressed a letter of 
remonstrance, conceived not with judgment or delicacy of 
feeling, but with an honest intent. It appears that he 
was often consulted by Charles during the Popish plot, 
and that he received from him the offer of the bishopric of 
Chichester, " provided he would entirely come into his 
interest," — a base offer of a bribe on the part of the King, 
which Burnet, like an honest man, refused. When the 
administration was changed in 1682 in favour of the Duke 
of York, Burnet sacrificed all his views at court, together 
with the preachership of the rolls, rather than desert his 
party. He published in 168'2 the Life of Sir M. Hale, 
and the History of the Plight of Princes in the disposal of 
Ecclesiastical benefits and Church Lands. He was sus- 
pected of having written the speech which Lord WilHam 
Pcussell delivered on the scaffold, and was, in consequence, 
examined at the bar of the House of Commons. In 1683 
he was offered a living in the country, but as it was on 
condition that he should reside in London, where his ser- 
vices were required by his party : with his usual disinter- 
estedness, and consistent observance of his principles, he 
refused it, and went to Paris, where he was well received 



292 BURNET. 

at the court. On his return, the same year, he published 
a translation and Examination of a Letter written by the 
last General Assembly of the clergy of France to the Pro- 
testants, inviting them to return to their communion, &c. 
Also a translation of Sir Thomas More's Utopia, with a 
preface, concerning the nature of translations. In conse- 
quence of the resentment of the court, he was deprived of 
his lectureship at St. Clement's, because he had com- 
mented with great and just severity on the gunpowder 
plot on its anniversary, which gave great offence to a 
popishly affected court. Charles also intimated to the 
inhabitants of a parish in London, to whom the right of 
election to a vacant benefice belonged, that if they chose 
Burnet, he would be highly displeased. In 1685 he 
published his life of Bishop Bedell ; and on the accession 
of James 11. Burnet thought it prudent to retire to Paris, 
where he lived in great privacy for a short time, and soon 
after went to Rome, where at first he was well received. 
He soon with indiscretion and vehemence entered into 
some religious disputes, and he then received a hint that 
it was necessary for his personal safety that he should 
immediately quit that city. From Rome he went to 
Geneva, where he was instrumental in procuring the 
abolition of the practice of compelling the ministers of 
religion to subscribe their consensus, or consent of doctrine 
w'hich many holding Socinian doctrines, the legitimate 
offspring of Calvinism, thought they could not conscien- 
tiously do. He then went to Utrecht, with the view of 
settling there ; but he was invited to the Hague by the 
Prince and Princess of Orange, whom he advised to put 
the Dutch fleet immediately into commission, and pre- 
vailed on their highnesses to write to King James, in 
favour of the Bishop of London, who was then under 
suspension. When Dychvelt was sent ambassador into 
England, Buraet w^as employed to draw up his secret 
instructions, and advised the Princess to make known 
what share of the government the Prince might expect, in 
the event of the crown of England devolving on her. 



BURNET. 293 

James was offended at the high favour shown to Burnet at 
the Hague, (who was indeed acting as a traitor,) and 
wrote two severe letters to the Princess, insisting on his 
being forbidden the court. Burnet was, accordingly, ex- 
cluded from the court, but he was employed and trusted 
as formerly, nevertheless. About this period he married 
Miss Mary Scott, a Dutch lady of great fortune, and a 
descendant of the family of Buccleuch, in Scotland. 

Burnet, who was in fact more guilty of high treason 
than many a poor wretch who has been hanged, drawn, 
and quartered, instead of suffering for his crime, was re- 
warded, through the success of his treasonable practices. 
In the revolution of 1688 he had a very important share, 
and whatever benefits may have been derived to the coun- 
try by that event, the conduct of the chief movers in it 
cannot be sufficiently reprobated. Burnet, and a few of 
those most active in the Orange interest, saw the end from 
the beginning ; and while the good people of England 
only desired to have their infatuated King restrained in his 
tyrannical attempts to introduce Popery into our church, 
Burnet and his friends were determined to change the 
dynasty. Of the Ptevolution he gave early notice to 
the court of Hanover, intimating that its success would 
naturally lead to the entail of the British Crown on that 
illustrious family, with which he kept up a correspond- 
ence, fie wrote several pamphlets in support of the 
Prince of Orange's designs, whom he accompanied on his 
expedition in quality of chaplain, and at Exeter drew up 
the association for pursuing the ends of his highness's 
declaration. Dr. Crew, Bishop of Durham, offered to 
resign that see in favour of Burnet, on condition of receiv- 
ing £1000 per annum, which was declined. But the see 
of Salisbury falling vacant, he was preferred to it. So 
objectionable was this promotion thought, that Archbishop 
Sancroft ventured to incur a premunire, rather than con- 
secrate him ; but at last was persuaded to grant a com- 
mission to all, or to any three of the Bishops of his pro- 
vox. III. H c 



294 BURNET. 

vince, in conjunction with the Bishop of London, to 
exercise his metropoHtical powers, and Burnet was con- 
secrated on the 31st March, 1689. 

He soon became distinguished as a party man in the 
House of Lords. Lord Dartmouth describes him as a 
man " of the most extensive knowledge I ever met with ; 
he had read and seen a great deal, with a prodigious 
memory, and a very indifferent judgment ; he was very 
partial, readily took every thing for granted that he heard 
to the prejudice of those that he did not like ; which 
made him pass for a man of less truth than he really was. 
I do not think he designedly published any thing he be- 
lieved to be false. He had a boisterous vehement manner 
of expressing himself, which often made him ridiculous, 
especially in the House of Lords, when what he said 
would not have been thought so, delivered in a lower 
voice and a calmer behaviour. His vast knowledge occa- 
sioned his frequent rambling from the point he was 
speaking to, which ran him into discourses of so universal 
a nature, that there was no end to be expected but from a 
failure of his strength and spirits, of both of which he had 
a laiger share than most men ; which were accompanied 
with a most invincible assurance." His lordship also in- 
forms us that "it is notoriously known, that the Marquis 
of Halifax, after he sat with him (Bumet) in the House of 
Lords, ma le it his constant diversion to turn him and all 
he said into ridicule ; and his son, the last marquis, told 
me in his private conversation, he always spoke of him 
with the utmost contempt, as a factious, turbulent, busy 
man, who was always officiously meddling with what he 
had nothing to do, and very dangerous to put any con- 
fidence in, having met with many scandalous breaches of 
trust while he had any conversation with him." 

When, in 1740, John Duke of Argyle alluded to Bishop 
Burnet's History of his own Times in the House of Lords, 
he said of him, " those who have sat in this house with 
that prelate must know that he was a very credulous. 



BURNET. !395 

weak man. I remember him, my lords, in this house ; 
and I likewise remember that my Lord Halifax, my Lord 
Somers, and his other friends in the house, were always 
in a terror when he rose to speak, lest he should injure 
their cause by some blunder." 

On taking his seat in the House of Lords, he advocated 
the Act of Toleration. He proposed the succession of the 
Electress Sophia of Brunswick, next after the Princess 
Anne, by the command of William ; and the house of 
Hanover always considered him as their devoted adherent, 
with whom the Princess Sophia maintained a correspond- 
ence to the day of her death. He published a pastoral 
letter to the clergy of his diocese, respecting the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy, in which he grounded the 
Prince and Princess of Orange's title to the crown on the 
right of conquest, which gave such offence to both houses 
of parliament, that they ordered it to be burnt by the 
hands of the common hangman. On this point he was 
undoubtedly right : it was by the sword, not by any con- 
stitutional act, that the Prince of Orange was placed on 
the throne of these Pi-ealms. 

We have hitherto regarded Burnet as a turbulent offi- 
cious politician, or a mendacious historian, guilty of men- 
dacity through party vehemence rather than from a wish 
to deceive ; we have now the more pleasant duty of repre- 
senting him as an active, zealous, conscientious prelate. 
His mind was earnest, and whatever he attempted he did 
with all his might. On the rising of parliament he went 
down to his diocese, w^here he exercised his episcopal 
functions with exemplary vigilance. In 1692 he pub- 
lished the Pastoral Care, in which he specified the clerical 
duties with great plainness, and enforced them with equal 
zeal. In 1693 he published his Four Discourses to the 
clergy of his diocese; and in 1694 he preached the funeral 
sermon of his intimate friend Archbishop Tillotson, and 
defended his memory from some attacks. Queen Mary 
died the same year, and Burnet published an essay on 



596 BURNET. 

her character. We are not informed when Lady Margaret 
Burnet, his first wife, died ; but Mrs. Burnet died of the 
small-pox in 1698, whose loss he soon supplied by marry- 
ing a third wife, Mrs. Berkeley, of Spetchley, near Wor- 
cester, a person of a very high class of mind. The Bishop's 
son informs us that he was a very affectionate husband to 
all his three wives. We may here remark that there is a 
passage in Bishop Burnet's Life of the Earl of Rochester, 
which seems to shew that in later life he discarded the 
opinion he at one time entertained in favour of polygamy. 
In the year 1670, the Duke of Lauderdale, having inform- 
ed him that the Duke of York was a Papist, hinted to him 
the disgraceful intrigue into which some ultra-Protestants 
had entered, to obtain a divorce for Charles II., and to set 
aside the duke by obtaining an heir for the crown. The 
questions were put to Dr. Burnet, whether a woman's bar- 
renness was a just ground for divorce, or for polygamy ; 
and, secondly, whether polygamy be in any case lawful 
under the Gospel. Burnet, who was an ultra-Protestant, 
not an Anglican, resolved both these cases in the affirma- 
tive, according to the principles of his masters, the great 
foreign Reformers. — (See Life of Bucer.J — In the year of 
his third marriage. Bishop Burnet was appointed preceptor 
to the Duke of Gloucester, son of the Princess Anne, 
which he very reluctantly accepted ; and as he considered 
the due discharge of this duty to be inconsistent with his 
duties to his diocese, he surprised William by offering to 
resign his bishopric. It was at last agreed that the prince 
should reside at Windsor, which is within the diocese of 
Salisbury, and that the Bishop should be allowed ten 
weeks annually to visit his diocese. He seems to have 
bestowed great care on the prince s education, and to have 
exerted a watchful superintendence over the inferior 
teachers. He published his Exposition of the Thirty-nine 
Articles in 1699, the object of which is to shew that they 
may be understood in a non-natural sense, by either 
Arminians or Calvinists. 



BURNET. 297 

In the convocation which assembled in 1700, the clergy 
of the lower house deHvered the following representation 
with respect to this book, to the house of bishops : 

" Whereas a book hath been lately published, entitled, 
' An Exposition of the XXXIX Articles of the Church of 
England, by Gilbert, Lord Bishop of Sarum,' which the 
author declares to have passed the perusal of both the 
Archbishops, and several Bishops and other learned di- 
vines, and suggests their approbation of it ; and whereas 
we think it our duty, as much as in us lies, to secure the 
doctrines contained in those articles, from any attempts 
that may be made against them ; we most humbly offer to 
your grace and your lordships the sense of this house, 
which is as follows : 

"1. That the said book tends to introduce such a lati- 
tude and diversity of opinions, as the Articles were framed 
to avoid. 

" -2. That there are many passages in the exposition of 
several articles, which appear to us to be contrary to the 
true meaning of them, and to other received doctrines of 
our Church. 

"3. That there are some things in the said book which 
seem to us to be of dangerous consequence to the Church 
of England as by law established, and to derogate from 
the honour of its Reformation. 

" iVll which particulars we humbly lay before your lord- 
ships, praying your opinion herein." 

To this representation the Bishops, waiving for the time 
the atonement they had required for the contumacy of the 
other house, prepared the following answer : 

"1. It is our opinion that the lower house of con- 
vocation has no manner of power judicially to censure any 
book. 

" 2. That the lower house of convocation ought not to 
have entered upon the examination of a book of any 
Bishop of this Church, without first acquainting the pre- 
sident and Bishops with it. 

'2c 2 



•298 BURNET. 

"3. That the lower house of convocation's censuring 
the book of the Bishop of Sarura in general terms, without 
mentioning the particular passages on which the censure 
is grounded, is defamatory and scandalous. 

" 4. That the Bishop of Sarum by his excellent 
' History of the Reformation' approved by both houses of 
parliament, and other writings, hath done great service to 
the Church of England, and justly deserves the thanks of 
this house. 

"5. That though private persons may expound the 
articles of the Church, yet it cannot be proper for the con- 
vocation at this time to approve, and much less to con- 
demn, such private expositions." 

The particularities of the charge against Bishop Burnet's 
book, which the Bishops insisted on receiving, were never 
delivered to them, and the convocation was prorogued by 
royal writ to the 7th of August, then to the 18th of 
September, and so on till both convocation and parliament 
were dissolved in the month of November, 1701. 

Burnet projected the scheme for the augmentation of 
poor livings, known by the name of Queen Anne's bounty, 
which in 1704 was incorporated by act of parliament. 
The first-fruits were at first seized by the Pope, and after- 
wards transferred to the crown by Henry VIII., and now 
were restored to the Church by Queen Anne. In 1706 
Burnet published a collection of Sermons, in 3 vols, 4to ; 
in 1710, an Exposition of the Church Catechism; and in 
1713, Sermons on several Occasions, with an Essay to- 
wards a new book of Homilies, with many other short 
pieces, which we have not room to enumerate. Bishop 
Burnet died on the 17th March, 1715, in the seventy- 
second year of his age, and was interred in the parish 
Church of St. James, Clerkenwell, in London. After his 
death, his son Thomas Burnet, Esq., published his 'His- 
tory of his Own Times.' The conclusion of this work is 
written, says Lord Dartmouth, " with a spirit of modera- 
tion and integrity that could not have been expected 



BURNET. 299 

from the author of the precedent history, to which it has 
little or no relation; and had he never published any 
thing besides this, and his History of the Reformation, he 
might have passed hereafter as a good as well as a learned 
man ; but he was so intoxicated w^ith party zeal and fury, 
that he never scrupled saying or doing any thing that 
he thought could promote the ends of a party to which he 
had so extremely devoted himself." Bishop Burnet him- 
self says, " I find that the long experience I have had of 
the business, the malice, and the falsehood of mankind, has 
inclined me to think generally the worst of men and of 
parties." 

It is necessary to remind the reader of these things, as 
Bishop Burnet in his history maligns great and good men 
with whom for their excellence he was not himself to be 
compared. Of Archbishops Sheldon and Sancroft he 
speaks with unpardonable severity ; and of the clergy 
generally, whom he treated with excessive harshness, he 
admits that he may have been too much " irritated against 
them in consequence of the peevishness, ill-nature, and 
ambition of many of them." 

The list of Bishop Burnet's works is too long for inser- 
tion, and may be found in the Oxford edition of His Own 
Times, published in 1823. 

Burners Own Times, Edit. Oxon. Life appended by Sir 
Thomas Burnet. Notes by Lord Dartmouth, Sidft, and 
others, printed in the Oxford edition. 



BUKNET, THOMAS. 

Thomas Buenet was born at Croft, in Yorkshire, about 
the year 1635. His earlier education was at the free- 
school of North Allerton, in that county, whence he was 
removed to Clare Hall, Cambridge, where he had 
Dr. Tillotson for his tutor. Dr. Cudworth was at that 
time master of Clare Hall, but removed from it to the 



300 BURNET. 

mastership of Christ's College, iu 1654; and thither 
Burnet followed him. Under his patronage he was chosen 
fellow in 1657, commenced M. A. in 1658, and became 
senior proctor of the university in 1661 ; but it is uncer- 
tain how long he continued his residence there. On 
leaving college, he travelled in the capacity of tutor ; first 
with the young Earl of Wiltshire, son of the Marquis of 
Winchester, (soon after the Revolution created Duke of 
Bolton,) and afterwards with the young Earl of Ossory, 
grandson and heir of the first Duke of Ormond. His first 
publication was his " Telluris Theoria Sacra, Orbis nostri 
Originem et Mutationes generales, quas olim subiit et 
subiturus est, Complectens." This work, the basis of his 
fame, was originally published in Latin, in 2 vols, 4to, the 
first two books concerning the Deluge and Paradise, in 
1681 ; the last two, concerning the Burning of the World, 
and the New Heavens and New Earth, in 1689. The 
approbation this work met with, and the particular en- 
couragement of Charles II., who relished its beauties, 
induced the author to translate it into English. Of this 
translation he published the first two books in 1684, folio, 
with an elegant dedication to the King ; and the last two 
in 1689, with a no less elegant dedication to Queen Mary. 
Of the Sacred Theory of the Earth, which is the principal 
of all his productions, the theory is well imagined, sup- 
ported with much erudition, and described with great 
elegance of diction ; but it can only be considered as an 
ingenious fancy, and its mistakes arise from too close an 
adherence to the philosophy of Des Cartes, and the whole 
fabric is a mere visionary system of cosmogony. Yet it 
would be endless to transcribe all the encomiums passed 
on it. Mr. Addison in 1699, wrote a Latin Ode in its 
praise, which has been prefixed to many editions of it. 
Dr. Warton, in his Essay on Pope, has not scrupled, from 
this single work, to rank Dr. Burnet with the very few in 
whom the three great faculties of the understanding, viz. 
judgment, imagination, and memory, have been found 



BURNET. 301 

united. On the 19th of May, 1685, he was chosen master 
of the Charter-house, by the interest of the Duke of 
Ormond, Lord Steward, to whose grandson, the Earl of 
Ossory, he had been governor. Those Bishops, who were 
of the number of the electors, made exceptions to him, 
that though he was a clergyman, he went always in a lay 
habit. But Ormond being satisfied that his conversation 
and manners were worthy of a clergyman in all respects, 
insisted that these points were much more essential than 
the exterior habit. In this station he made a noble 
stand against an attempt of King James, to impose one 
xlndrew Popham, a Papist, as a pensioner upon the 
foundation of that house. After the Revolution, he 
was appointed chaplain in ordinary to King William, 
and also clerk of the closet. The latter place he owed to 
Archbishop Tillotson's interest. In 169'2 he published, 
" Archfeologise Philosophicae ; sive Doctiina Antiqua de 
Rerum Originibus. 4to," with a dedication to King William. 
But neither the high rank and authority of his patron, 
nor the elegance and learning displayed throughout the 
work, could protect the author from the indignation excited 
against him for allegorizing in a very improper manner 
the Sciipture account of the Fall. It contains an imagi- 
nary dialogue between Eve and the Sei'pent. In conse- 
quence of which, as appears from a Latin letter written by 
himself to Walters, a bookseller at Amsterdam, dated 
September 14, 1G94, he desires to have the offensive parts 
omitted in the future editions of that work. But all this 
proved insufficient ; and the storm raised against him was 
increased by an encomium which Charles Blount, a pro- 
fessed infidel, and the author of the Oracles of Reason, 
bestowed upon his work. The support of this infidel 
writer gave such force to the complaints of the clergy, 
that it was judged expedient, in that critical season, to 
remove Burnet from his place of clerk of the closet. He 
withdrew accordingly from court ; and, if Mr. Oldmixon 
can be credited, actually missed the see of Canterbury, 



30-2 BURTON. 

upon the death of Tillotson, on account of this very work, 
wliich occasioned him to be then represented by some 
Bishops as a sceptical writer. He then retired to his 
studies in the Charter-house, where he lived to an ad- 
vanced age. He died in 1715. 

In 1727, two other works of his were published in 8vo, 
by his friend Mr. Wilkinson, of Lincoln's Inn ; one, De 
Fide et Officiis Christianorum ; the other, De Statu Mor- 
tuorum et Resurgentium ; in this latter the author main- 
tains the doctrine of the Millennium, and the limited 
duration of future punishment. One of the few copies 
which Burnet had caused to be printed, happened to fall 
into the hands of Dr. Mead, who, ignorant of the name of 
the author, had the work handsomely reprinted. The 
text was very faultily revised by Mattaire. To the second 
edition, in 1733, of De Statu Mortuorum et Resurgentium, 
is added an appendix, De futura Judi3eorum Restauratione: 
it appearing to the editor from Burnet's papers, that it 
was designed to be placed there. He is said also to have 
been the author of three small pieces without his name, 
under the title of Remarks upon an Essay concerning 
Human Understaoding; the first two published in 1697, 
the last in 1699 ; which Remarks were answered by 
Mrs. Catherine Trotter, afterwards Mrs. Cockburn, then 
but twentj'-three years of age, in her Defence of Mr. Locke's 
Essay, printed in May, 1702. 

Dr. Burnet while eulogized by men of literature as a 
profound genius, was justly censured by divines for his 
heretical tenets and presumptuous speculations, and has 
been attacked by men of science for having argued on 
erroneous and false principles. — Dr. Ralph Heathcotes 
Life in Chalmers. 

BURTON, HEZEKIAH. 

Hezekiah Burton was educated at Magdalen College, 
Cambridge, of which he became a fellow, and where he 



BURTON. 303 

was an eminent tutor. He was ordained priest by Bishop 
Sanderson ; and, in 1667, was appointed chaplain to Lord 
Keeper Bridgeman, by whom he was presented to a pre- 
bend of Norwich, and to the rectory of St. George's, South- 
wark. In 1668, he was engaged, with Dr. Stillingfleet 
and Dr. Tillotson, in the treaty proposed by Sir Orlando 
Bridgeman, and countenanced by Lord Chief Baron Hale, 
for a comprehension with the dissenters. One of the 
proposals made was that Presbyterians should be admitted 
to officiate in the Catholic Church of England, by imposi- 
tion of hands, with words importing, that the person so 
ordained was received to serve as a minister of the Church 
of England. Dr. Bates, Dr. Manton, and Mr. Baxter, as 
Presbyterians, were willing to come into these terms, as 
well as they might : the Church of England was treated 
as a sect, to minister in which a useless form was to 
be submitted to, but the grace of the holy ordinance 
of orders was virtually denied. Other concessions were 
of course to be made. " The particulars of that pro- 
ject," says Bishop Burnet, "being thus concerted, they 
were brought to the Lord Chief Baron ; who put them 
in form of a bill, to be presented to the next session of 
pai'liament. 

•' But two parties appeared vigorously against this 
design: the one, was of some zealous clergymen, who 
thought it below the dignity of the Church, to alter laws 
and change settlements, for the sake of some, whom they 
esteemed schismatics : they, also, believed it was better to 
keep them out of the Church, than bring them into it, 
since a faction upon that would arise in the Church, 
which, they thought, might be more dangerous than the 
schism itself was. Besides, they said, if some things were 
now to be changed, in compliance with the humour of a 
party, as soon as that was done, another party might de- 
mand other concessions ; and there might be as good 
reasons invented for these, as for those : many such 
concessions might, also, shake those of our Commu- 



304 BURTON. 

nion, and tempt them to forsake us, and go over to the 
Church of Rome ; pretending, that we changed so often, 
that they were, thereby, incHned to be of a Church 
that was constant and true to herself. These were 
the reasons brought, and chiefly insisted on, against 
all comprehension : and they wrought upon the greater 
part of the House of Commons, so that they passed 
a vote, against the receiving of any bill for that 
effect. 

" There were others, that opposed it upon very different 
ends : they designed to shelter the Papists from the exe- 
cution of the law; and saw clearly, that nothing could 
bring in Popery, so well as a toleration. But, to tolerate 
Popery bare-faced, would have startled the nation too 
much : so, it was necessary to hinder all the propositions 
for union, since, the keeping up the differences was the 
best colour they could find, for getting the toleration to 
pass, only as a slackening the laws against dissenters ; 
whose numbers and wealth, made it advisable to have 
some regard to them : and, under this pretence. Popery 
might have crept in more covered, and less regarded. 
So, these counsels being more acceptable to some con- 
cealed Papists, then in great power, as has since ap- 
peared but too evidently, the whole project for compre- 
hension was let fall : and those who had set it on foot, 
came to be looked on with an ill eye, as secret favourers 
of the dissenters, underminers of the Church, and every 
thing else that jealousy and distaste could cast on 
them." 

About a year before his death, Oct. 19, 1680, by the 
interest of his friend Tillotson with the chapter of 
St. Paul's, Dr. Burton obtained the rectory of Barnes, in 
Surrey, where he died, in 1681. He wrote the short 
Alloquium ad Lectorem, prefixed to Cumberland's treatise, 
De Legibus Naturae. After his decease, Dr. Tillotson 
published two volumes of his discourses, which are writ- 
ten with singular ability. 



BURTON. 805 

BURTON, HENRY. 

Henry Burton. This celebrated Puritan was born at 
Birdsall, in Yorkshire, about 1579, and educated at 
St. John's College, Cambridge, where he took both his 
degrees in arts. He was afterwards in 161*2 incoi-jDorated 
M. A. at Oxford, and there took the degree of B. D. He 
first was tutor to the sons of Lord Carey of Lepington, 
afterwards Earl of Monmouth, and was appointed proba- 
bly by his lordship's interest, clerk of the closet to Prince 
Henry ; and after his death to Prince Charles. He was 
appointed in 16*23, to attend the Prince into Spain, but 
this appointment was cancelled, for reasons unknown, after 
his luggage had been shipped. He did not forget this dis- 
appointment, but probably he would have remained in 
silence had his ambition been gratified : for on the accession 
of King Charles he was mortally offended at not being con- 
tinued clerk of the closet, — Dr. Neile, Bishop of Durham, 
who had filled that office under James I. being continued. 
These two disappointments excited his hatred, and he 
revenged himself by a continual course of opposition and 
abuse to the Church. In 1625 he was dismissed the 
Court, for some misdemeanour, and for presuming to 
write a letter to the King, charging Bishops Xeile and 
Laud as inclined to Popery. About the same time he 
was presented to the rectory of St. Matthew's, Friday 
Street, London, but the date of his institution is not 
known. Being leagued with the Puritan faction through 
mere reveuge ; (for he afterwards became a violent Inde- 
pendent, and opposed his quondam associates Prynne 
and Bastwick, who were as bitter in their Presbyterian 
notions ;) he made the pulpit of St. Matthew's the place 
for vaunting his puritanical extravagances, and became 
one of the most violent factionists of his party. In 1624 
he began to publish his opinions ; and his works, which 
are seventy in number, are enumerated in the Bodleian 
Catalogue, and by the industrious Anthony Wood. These 
VOL. in 2d 



306 BURTON. 

have in general the quaint and ludicrous titles f»)r which 
the Puritan rhapsodies were so much distinguished. His 
first work is " A censure of Simony," London, 1624. 
•2. "A Plea to an Appeal, traversed Dialogue wise," 1626. 
3. " The Baiting of the Pope's Bull," 1627. 4. *' Trial of 
Private Devotions, or a Dyal for the House of Prayer," 
1628. 5. " Israel's Fasts," 1628. 6. "Seven Vials," 1628. 
6. " Babel no Bethel, or the Church of Rome no true 
visible Church of Christ." 7. "Truth's Triumph over 
Trent," 1629, &c. &c. 

Burton had been always known as a factious zealot, 
but it was not till the year 1636 that he became remark- 
able. On the 5th of November, he preached two sermons 
in St. Matthew's Church, which he afterwards published, 
entitled, " For God and the King," for which he was sum- 
moned in December before the commissioners for ecclesi- 
astical causes. The oath being tendered to him ex officio, 
he refused to take it, and appealed to the King. This 
served him nothing, for the same commission soon after 
met at Doctors' Commons, by whom he w^as suspended 
and deprived of his benefice. He thought it expedient 
aftei- this to conceal himself in his own house, and he 
published his sermons with an apology. 

These sermons were founded on Prov. xxiv. 22, and are 
in the same style as the effusions of his associates Prynne 
and Bastwick. He assails the Bishops, whom, instead of 
fathers, he styles stepfathers, caterpillars instead of pillars, 
whose houses are haunted, and their episcopal chairs 
poisoned, by the spirit that bears rule in the air. " They 
are," he says, " the limbs of the beast, even of Anti-ohrist, 
taking his very courses to bear and beat down the hearing 
of the word of God, w^hereby men might be saved. Their 
fear is more towards an altar of their own invention, an 
image or crucifix, the sound and syllable of Jesus, than 
towards the Lord Christ. They are miscreants, traps and 
wiles of the dragon dogs ; like flattering tales, new Babel- 
builders. Blind watchmen, dumb dogs, thieves, robbers 



BURTON. SOT 

of souls, false prophets, ravening wolves, factors for Anti- 
christ, anti-christian mush- rumps." He then clamours 
about Popery, which he flatly charges the Bishops with 
attempting to introduce, — that the spirit of Rome breathes 
in them — that they wish " to wheel about to their Roman 
mistress," — that they are confederated with " Priests and 
Jesuits to rear up that religion." And, therefore, in his 
Apology, which being published at his leisure, makes his 
sedition or treason the more notorious, they are styled 
" jesuited polypragmatics, and sons of Belial." Dr. White, 
Bishop of Ely, is charged with railing, perverting, and 
fighting against tiTith. The learned Montague of Chiches- 
ter, is " a tried champion of Rome, and devoted votary of 
the Queen of Heaven:" Wren, of Norwich, meets with no 
quarter from this Puritan Rabshekah; and, finally, he 
falls upon the Archbishop, upon whom he bestows plenti- 
ful abuse, and declares, " that he had a papal infallibihty 
of spirit, whereby, as by a divine oracle, all questions in 
religion are finally determined." — "These," says Heylin, 
who quotes numerous other expressions, " are the princi- 
pal flowers of rhetoric which grew in the garden of Henry 
Burton, sufficient, without doubt, to shew how sweet a 
champion he was likely to prove of the Church and 
Gospel." 

It was resolved to adopt strong measures to silence Burton, 
but the measures adopted, involved a punishment such as 
has excited for Burton the sympathy of many by whom 
his principles are detested. As hating arbitrary proceed- 
ings we do not attempt a defence of Charles' government 
at this time, further than that which exists in the fact, 
that all things against Burton were conducted according 
to law, and that the law rather than its administrators 
ought to be blamed. Even in these days such a libeller 
as Burton would not be tolerated, although the spirit by 
which he was animated, still instigates the Puritan party 
to the utmost bounds of violence and falsehood which are 
unpunishable. 

On the 1st of February, 1636-7, a Sergeant- at- Arms, 



308 BUETOlN. 

with several attendants, having a warrant frofu^'2^ which 
Chamber, forcibly entered Burton's house, searcheu^^^ 
study, and carried him off to prison. The following day, 
by order of the Privy Council, he was conveyed to the 
Fleet, where he was closely confined several weeks. Here, 
instead of moderating his conduct, he farther insulted the 
government by writing "An Epistle to his Majesty," 
a second "to the Judges," and a third to the "true- 
hearted Nobiliiy." For these, and the two sermons before 
mentioned, an information was laid against him on the 
11th of March. 

It appears from Rushworth, that all the Judges met at 
Sergeant s Inn, together with the King's Counsel, to con- 
sider whether these writings did not amount to high 
treason. The Judges agreed, however, in the absence of 
the Counsel, that nothing could be high treason, unless 
charged on the 25th Edward III. This opinion was 
delivered by the Lord Chief Justice to the King and 
Council, and it remained undecided, till at length it was 
resolved to proceed against them in the Star-Chamber. 

After an interval of several days, the cause came on at 
Trinity Term, when Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, were 
severally charged with " printing and publishing seditious, 
schismatical, and libellous books against the hierarchy of 
the Church, and to the scandal of the government." 
Prynne, however, fearing, or pretending to fear, that they 
would not have liberty to reply to the information, after 
having drawn up, with his companions, some answers, 
which were in themselves so scurrilous that no councillor 
would sign them, as was customary in the court, exhibited 
a cross information against the Archbishop and others, in 
which they were charged " with usurping his Majesty's 
prerogative royal, with innovations in religion, licensing 
of Popish and Arminian books," and other imaginary 
crimes ; but this information being signed solely by them- 
selves, it was refused by Lord Keeper Coventry as inad- 
missible. A variety of exceptions were now made by the 
defendants : they desired that they might have their 



BURTON. 809 

answers signed with their own hands, according to the 
ancient custom of the court, and that they then would 
abide its censure. In fine, after having had six weeks 
allowed them to prepare their answers, and having neg- 
lected so to do, they were held as j^ro confessis; and 
Burton's obstinacy in particular was reckoned self-convic- 
tion. On the 14th of June, sentence was passed upon 
them: Prynne, the most inveterate offender, was con- 
demned to be fined £5000, to lose the remainder of his 
ears in the pillory, to be branded in both cheeks with the 
initials of Slanderous Libeller, and to be imprisoned for 
life in Carnarvon Castle. Bastwick and Burton were 
sentenced to pay the same fine, and were to lose their 
ears in the pillory, to be imprisoned, the one in Laun- 
ceston and the other in Lancaster Castle. Prynne and 
Bastwick had already been degraded in their several pro- 
fessions ; Burton was also degraded from the ministerial 
functions, his benefice forfeited, his degrees at the univer- 
sity rescinded, writing materials were prohibited to him, 
and he was to have no communication with any individual 
except his jailor. 

Archbishop Laud has been accused by Sectarians of 
having borne the principal part in these proceedings, but 
it is clearly shewn by Mr. Lawson, that -because he was 
personally attacked, he refused to vote when sentence was 
pronounced; "Because," said he, at his speech on the 
occasion, " the business hath some relation to myself, 
I shall forbear to censure them, and leave them to God's 
mercy and the King's justice." 

On Friday the 30th of June, the three libellers under- 
went their sentence. The sentence upon Burton on 
account of his profession as a Puritan preacher was 
exceedingly unpopular. At his punishment there was 
great murmuring among the spectators. He made a very 
long speech, extremely incoherent, and abounding in 
rhapsodies, the chief design of which was to establish a 
parallel between his sufferings and those of our Saviour. 
'2d -2 



310 BURTON. 

There were three pillories set up, and his happened to be 
in the centre ; before he was brought out, looking from the 
apartment into the Palace- Yard, he said, "Methinks I see 
Mount Calvary, where the three crosses, one for Christ, 
and the other two for the two thieves, were pitched," This 
was the height of enthusiasm : here he compares himself 
to Christ in language bordering on profaneness : his allu- 
sions, however, to the two other pillories, crosses, in his 
opinion, destined, in his religious allegory, for the two 
thieves, was no great compliment to his two associates in 
suffering, Bastvvick and Prynne, more especially if we ob- 
serve his farther expressions, " If Christ," said he, " was 
numbered among thieves, shall a Christian for Christ's sake, 
think much to be numbered among rogues, such as we are 
condemned to be ? Surely, if I be a rogue, I am Christ's 
rogue, and no man's." Turning to his wife, he said, 
"Wife, why art thou so sad?" — *' Sweetheart," replied 
she, " I am not sad." — " No," said he, " see thou be not ; 
for I would not have thee dishonour this day by shedding 
one tear, or fetching one sigh ; for behold there, for thy 
comfort, my triumphing chariot, on the which I must 
ride, for the honour of my Lord and Master. And never 
was my wedding day so welcome and joyful as this. And 
so much the more, because I have such a noble captain 
and leader, who hath gone before me with such undaunt- 
ed courage, that he saith of himself, ' I gave my back to 
the smiters, my cheeks to the scoffers, they pluckt off the 
hair. I hide not my face from shame and spitting,' for 
the Lord God will help me.' " When he was put into the 
pillory, he exclaimed, " shall I be ashamed of a pillory 
for Christ, who was not ashamed of a cross for me ? Good 
people, 1 am brought hither to be a spectacle to the world, 
to angels, and men, and howsoever I stand here to under- 
go the punishment of a rogue, yet, except to be a faithful 
servant to Christ, and a loyal subject to the King, be the 
property of a rogue, I am no rogue. I glory in it." A 
bee happening to alight on a nosegay he held in his hand, 



BURTON. 311 

" Do you not see this poor bee?" he exclaimed, " It hath 
found out this very place to suck sweetness from these 
flowers, and cannot / suck sweetness from Christ?"' He 
then proceeded in a strain of enthusiasm to compare 
himself with Jesus Christ. One asked him if the pillory 
werexuot uneasy for his neck and shoulder. " How can 
Christ's yoke be uneasy," he replied : " this is Christ's 
yoke, and he bears the heavier end of it." At another 
time, on calling for a handkerchief, he said, "It is hot, 
but Christ bore the burden in the heat of the day." With 
numbers of his friends he held conversation, who seem to 
have been all imbued with the same enthusiasm, and to 
have exulted in his extravagant expressions. One of the 
guards had a rusty halberd, the iron of which was fixed 
to the staff with an old crooked nail. " What an old 
rusty halberd is that," exclaimed one : to which Burton 
replied, "This seems to me to be one of those halberds 
which accompanied Judas when he went to betray his 
Master." A friend asked him, if he would have gladly 
dispensed with his suffering, " No, not for a world," was 
his reply. 

After their sentence-, those three unfortunate men were 
removed to prison. Prynne, on the 27th of July, was 
sent to Mount Orgueil Castle, in the Island of Jersey, 
where he continued till he v*as released by the Long 
Parliament in 1640. Bastwick was sent to St. Mary's 
Castle, in the Island of Scilly, and Burton to Cormet 
Castle, in Guernsey. They both remained prisoners till 
the same period, when they were released by the said 
Parliament ; their sentence reversed ; reparation and da- 
mages awarded to them for their punishments, and £5000 
voted to Bastwick, and £6000 to Burton, out of the estates 
of the Archbishop, the Bishop of London, the Earl of 
Arundell, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir Henry Vane, Sir 
John Cook, and Sir Francis Windebank, who had all 
signed the warrant in the Star- Chamber. The ensuing 
disasters, however, prevented the payment of the money. 

He was, however, restored to his living of St. Matthew's, 



3ia BURTON. 

after which he declared himself an Independent, and 
complied with the alterations that ensued ; but, according 
to Wood, when he saw to what extravagant lengths the 
parliament went, he grew more moderate, and afterwards 
fell out with his fellow-sufferers, Prynne and Bastwick, 
and with Mr. Edmund Calamy. He wrote many contro- 
versial and abusive pamphlets. He died Jan. 7, 1648. 
Wood. PiUshworth. Neal. Heylms Life of Laud, and 
Lawsons Life of Laud. 



BUETON, JOHN. 

John Burton was born in 1696, at Wenbworthy, in 
Devonshire, and educated at Okehampton in that county, 
after which he studied some time under Mr. Samuel 
Bentham at Ely, and in 1733 removed to Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford. Here he was appointed a college tutor, and 
read a Greek lecture, when he was only Bachelor of Arts. 
In 1720 he took the degree of Master of Arts, and in 1729 
that of B.D. In 1733 he was elected fellow of Eton Col- 
lege, and about the same time obtained the vicarage of 
Maple-Derham in Oxfordshire, where he married the 
widow of his predecessor, Dr. Edward Littleton, though 
she was wholly unprovided for, and had three daughters, 
whom he regarded as his own. In 1752 he took his 
Doctor's Degree, and in 1766 was presented to the rectory 
of Worplesdon in Surrey. At the close of his life he col- 
lected his scattered pieces under the title of Opuscula 
Miscellanea. On the death of his wife, in 1748, he resided 
chiefly at Eton, giving himself up to literature and the 
exercise of that hospitality, which rendered his house 
equally acceptable to the young and old who merited his 
regard. Having taken a decided part against Wilkes he 
was bitterly attacked by Churchill, who describes his style 
as full of trick and awkward affectation, and says, that 

" So dull his thoughts, yet pliant in their growth, 
They're verse or prose, are neither or are both-'" 



BURTON. 313 

On the Sunday before his death, which was hastened by 
an attack of erysipelas, he sent, according to custom, for 
some of the most promising boys of the school, and after 
supper discoursed with more than usual perspicuity and 
elegance, on some important subject of divinity, and after 
a gentle sleep breathed his last, on February 11, 1771, 
aged seventy-six. His works consist of two volumes of 
sermons, and his dissertation on Samuel contains some 
curious observations on the schools of the Prophets 
amongst the Israelites. To these must be added his 
Opuscula Miscellan. Theolog., and Opusc. Miscell. Metrico 
Prosaica, a portion of which, under the title of Sacerdos 
Parochialis Rusticus, was translated, in 1800, by the 
Rev. Davis Warren. In 1744 appeared his Genuineness 
of Lord Clarendon's History, in refutation of the slanders 
of Oldmixon, in his Critical History of England ; and in 
1766 he published his Papists and Pharisees compared, 
&c., as an antidote to Phillip's Life of Cardinal Pole; and 
about the same time he preached a series of sermons to 
refute the articles of the Council of Trent. His name as 
a scholar is mixed up with an edition of the Pentalogia, 
subsequently reprinted by T. Burgess; but the work was 
merely brought out at his expense in honour of his pupil, 
Joseph Bingham, through whose early death it had been 
left unfinished. 

The university of Oxford was much indebted to him for 
his exertions in promoting discipline, and particularly for 
his attention to the Clarendon press. — De vita et moribus 
Johannis Burtoni by Dr. Edward Bentham. Nichols s Life 
of Boicyer. 



BURTON, EGBERT. 

Robert Burton was born at Lindley, in Leicestershire, 
in 1576. He was the younger brother of the Leicester 
antiquary, and was educated at Sutton-Coldfield ; after 
which he became a commoner of Brazenose College, 



8U BUS. 

Oxford, from whence he removed to Christ Church, on 
being elected to a studentship. In 1614 he took his degree 
of B. D., and in 1616 was presented to the vicarage of 
St. Thomas, in Oxford, to which was afterwards added the 
rectory of Segrave, in Leicestershire. Wood's character 
of him is, that "he was an exact mathematician, a curious 
calculator of nativities, a general read scholar, a thorough- 
paced philologist, and one that understood the surveying 
of lands well. As he was by many accounted a severe stu- 
dent, a devourer of authors, a melancholy and humorous 
person ; so by others, who knew him well, a person of great 
honesty, plain dealing, and charity. I have heard some of 
the ancients of Christ Church often say, that his company 
was very merry, facete, and juvenile : and no man in his 
time did surpass him for his ready and dexterous inter- 
larding his common discourses among them with verses 
from the poets and sentences from the classic authors, 
which, being all the fashion, made his company the more 
acceptable." Burton was an hypochondriac, and much 
given to astrology. He died in 1639-40, and was buried 
in Christ Church. His " Anatomy of Melancholy," was 
printed first in 4to., and afterwards in folio. It is a store- 
house of learning on all kinds of subjects, intermingled 
with quaint observations and witty illustrations, from 
which several modern writers have drawn amply, without 
acknowledgment. Among these wholesale plagiaries, 
Sterne was the most barefaced, and the best of his pathetic, 
as well as humorous passages, are literally copied from 
Burton. — Wood, Athen. Oxon. Ferriers Illustrations of 
Sterne. 



BUS, CiESAR DE. 

C^SAR DE Bus, founder of a religious order, called 
Priests, or Fathers of the Christian doctrine, was born of 
a noble family at Cavaillon, in 1544. He at first cul- 
tivated poetry, and gave himself up to a life of pleasure ; 



BUSBY. 315 

but he afterwards reformed, lived in a most exemplary 
manner, took orders, and travelled from place to place, 
administering the right of confession, and catechising. 
His zeal having procured him many disciples, he formed 
them into a society, whose principal duty was to teach what 
they called the Christian doctrine. Pope Clement VIII. 
gave his approbation to the establishment of this society 
in 1597, and in the following year appointed De Bus 
general of it. He had also some share in establishing the 
Ursulines of France. He lost his sight about fourteen 
years before his death, which took place at Avignon, in 
1607. He left only a book of instructions, drawn up for 
his society, called Instructions familiares sur les quatre 
parties de la Doctrine Chretienne, 1G56, 8vo. — Moreri. 
Moshehn. 

BCSBY, EICHAED. 

Richard Busby was born at Lutton, in Lincolnshire, 
September 22, 1606 ; and after receiving his education as 
a king's scholar at Westminster, was elected a student of 
Christ Church, Oxford, where he took his B.A. degree 
October 21, 1628, and M.A. January 18, 1631 ; but as he 
was too poor to pay the fees, the vestiy of St. Margaret's, 
Westminster, voted him £11. 13s. 4d., which he not only 
repaid afterwards, but added to it an annual sum for the 
support of the parish school. In 1631 he obtained a pre- 
bendal stall in Wells cathedral, the income of which he 
lost during the civil war. In 1638 or 1640, for authorities 
differ, he became head-master of Westminster school, 
and continued so for fifty-five years ; and used to boast 
that at one time sixteen out of the whole bench of bishops 
had been his pupils. 

Mr. Darnell, in his life of Dr. Basire, has published 
three private letters of this great and good man which 
exhibit his character in an amiable pi.-int of view. As 
Mr. Darnell observes, there was something eminently 
social as well as practical in the religion of this period. 



316 BUSBY. 

Friends strengthened each other in sphit, and drew their 
own union closer by urging their mutual wants to the 
throne of grace. It had not yet become a matter of form 
only for Christians to request each others prayers — the 
intermediate step towards that oblivion of the duty of in- 
tercession, which seems to prevail so generally. 

"To the Bight WorshijTfull my very ivorthy friend 
Dr. Basire, at Eaglesdiffe in the Bishoprick of Dur- 
ham these. 

** Dear Friend, 

" I REJOICE with you at your safe arrival. Since your 
departure I have taken your counsel as to the country 
air, and find the blessing of it. And that you may know 
me to be very regardful of your direction, I make haste 
again to obey the advice of your letters, and write now 
this my answer booted. The friendly esteem which you 
are pleased to have of me, (truly very unworthy of your 
consideration, especially of your love,) obligeth me to 
make my acknowledgments of it before God, and to 
beseech Him that he would repay you with His all. suffi- 
cient plentitude, for that portion which you vouchsafe me 
of your much beloved self. Sir, you have made an indeli- 
ble impression of your merit in me, which I shall pre- 
serve with the same fidehty I do your goods ; and I 
heartily intreat you to retain me, a most empty name, 
meritissimam sarcinam, in your memory and devotion. 
I remember your expression of Jacob's staff in your part- 
ing note ; and I assure you that I esteem your fervent and 
assiduous prayers to be both a Jacob's staff and ladder to 
support and elevate a feeble and sinful soul — sic enim 
Jacobus, " the prayers of the faithful avail much." I 
would heartily wish that you were sensible of that sweet- 
ness, that religiosissimum mel, which I find in my heart, 
a tui nominis recordatione favos luxuriosissime degustans; 
then you would believe these words faint symbols, not 
fnirid globes, of a heart devotedly yours. 



BUSBY. S17 

" No news but what you may read or spell out of the 
orders enclosed — only this — the Bishop of Lincoln rides 
his visitation, and begins in October: and for security he 
hath an order from the Lords at his own motion. The 
Bishop hath not yet left us at Westminster; remaining 
still alone of all the Bishops ; a stout defendant of his 
order and discipline; not without the envy, hatred, and 
broad censures of the people. Pray for the church as it 
concerns us all ; and pray for me. 

" Yours, animiter 

" Richard Busby. 

** My service to your virtuous bedfellow. Child is very 
well." 

The second letter is a short one, and concludes thus : — 
*• Good Sir, help me to present my humble thanks to 
your religious family for all your goodness towards me, 
specially Sursum : and I heartily request you and yours 
not to cease, through my nnworthiness, so still to oblige 
your most obt. servant, R. B." The third letter was 
written when the hearts of all good men were full of 
trouble. 

Dr. Bushy to Dr. Basire. 

** Reverend and dear sir, 

'* My omission of L'rs, so much due, may justly deserve 
your complaint : which, that I may expiate, I desire your 
friendly iniilt. There may appear in me defect of words, 
but not of will or deed, for your service : and it is your 
favour to require and accept my rudeness of speech so as 
to signify the want. But who could be silent to such a 
friend ! whose commerce is so precious. It is sufficient 
loss to me that I have retarded your hand, which other- 
wise would have been more frequent in writing. Let not 
this be my punishment, to suffer your silence for mine. 
Rather rebuke me as you have done by your L'rs sweetly, 
and help me to procure pardon by your prayers, as you 
VOL. III. 2e 



318 BUSBY. 

do daily. Ah, friend ! Never more need of wrestlings witb 
God, and woe is me, that I acknowledge it rather than 
practice it. A dead numbness hath these many years 
fallen upon my spirits, as upon the nation: join with me 
in the versicle, Ps. 13, ' Lord my God, lighten mine 
eyes that I sleep not in death.' All things at this time 
are in so dubious a calm, that the fear is greatest when 
the danger is less visible. Oh, that after this fluctuation 
of things, any hope of settlement were, that we might com- 
fort our souls in the issue, if bad with patience, if good 
with joy. But a wiser pilot than I cannot foresee any cer- 
tainty of the event : and a tedious expectation wearies the 
minds of all them, who are not strong in the Lord. And 
it would be a great solace to me, if in this blind condition 
of things I might but enjoy the sight of you, for whose 
exile I have reason to mourn. I pray, Sir, assist my 
ardent desires of lessening your captivity, by showing me 
the means whereby I am able. Discover unto me, what I 
may do, more, than desire to do, for you. Money! what 
I cau, I would send ; and of this my will, my deed may 
be the true interpreter ; but your modesty permits me not 
to enlarge myself. 'Tis true, I abound not ; but I beseech 
you, let me not suffer you to want in necessaries. At my 
request Sir Wm. Godolphin undertook to make the place of 
your abode comfortable to you by his friends there with 
you ; and for this office and benefit I have engaged myself 
by way of commutation in his son, a pledge with me. 
What hath been done, more than the return of that my 
token (whereof you acknowledged the receipt long since) I 
know not, but desire to learn from you by your next. 
Travellers into your parts there are yet none, whom I would 
present to your acquaintance. Mr. Thurscrosse is again 
settled in Yorkshire : Mr. Ferrar with his family at Gidden, 
long since Mr. Mapletiffe hath a good living. All remem- 
ber you the Joseph in affliction. I intend to pass the 
month August in progress for the recovering of my health 
and strength, if it so please God, for I am wearied and 



BUSBY. 319 

wasted with phjsick, your prayers have (I believe) much 
contributed to my preservation in my great infirmities and 
perils. For which I beseech you still oblige, 

" Your most affectionate. 

"R. B/- 

We have an interesting account also of Dr. Busby in the 
letter of Isaac Basire to his father Dr. Basire, in 1065. 

"I. H. S. 
•' Isaac Basire to Dr. Basire. 
" Reverend Sir, 

" At Cambridge I was on the 4th of this instant, when 
I received both yours dated the last week: within two 
hours of the receipt I set forward for London : I have left 
tlie chief of my business at Cambridge undone, as my own 
exeat, my Bro. Ch. settlement, and a chamber for him, ray 
Br. P. admission, &c., all which will cost me a journey back 
for two or three days. 

" Yours to Dr. Busby, then very busy, I delivered in my 
riding habit, that to Mr. Sayer (who entertains me with a 
great deal of civility and thankfulness) on the 6th of May; 
to my Lord of Winchester and Mr. Eyles, I presented 
theirs the same day ; my Lord Grace of Canterbury was 
then in the room : as sooq as my lord had read your 
letter, his lordship told me he would not write then, (I 
heard they were going to sit in council, and the French 
ambassador had public audience that day) but appointed 
me to come and receive the answer to-morrow morning, 
betwixt seven and eight. 

" Mr. Durell is at Windsor, and will not be in town till 
next week. Mr. Sayer can procure me a bill of exchange 
payable in France, so that I shall need but as many livres 
as I shall need in France till my bill be paid. 

" Yesterday I was with Dr. Busby ; in these words he 
gives my brothers a character, they are industrious and 
good children, that my Br. Ch. has learning, and is much 
improved since his coming up, and that very many not so 
good scholars as he are gone from his school to the univer- 



820 BUSBY. 

sity. The Dr. will not promise that he is so exquisite and 
every way qualified as you desire. His advice is, {you 
know very well his way and humour,) that you should call 
him down to you to try yourself and to give him your in- 
structions (which may be done, as to me it was by letter) 
for his behaviour and studies in the university. The 
Dr. gave me his benediction when I took my leave, and 
desired me to sup with him and our D. of Durham this 
night, (whom I have w^aited on yesterday morning). If 
Dr. Busby say no more concerning my brother I will follow 
your former instructions, and take him to Cambridge and 
admit him ; from thence if you please (which I hope you 
need not) you may send for him to you. 

" By the next you will receive my Lord Bishop's answer 
and an account of what I could not dispatch by this. I 
humbly beg yonr good prayers for prosperity in all our 
undertakings and for a blessing upon, 
" Sir, 

"Your dutiful son, 

Isaac Basiee. 
"Westminster, May 7, 1665. 

*' P.S. You may please to direct yours at my brother's 
lodgings here." 

During the usurpation of Cromwell he was removed by 
the tyranny of ruling powers from his situation, to make 
room for the second master, Bagshaw, who was a hot dis- 
senter and republican ; but he was reinstated at the Resto- 
ration. In 1660 he obtained a prebendal stall in West- 
minster, and was made treasurer and canon residentiary 
of Wells ; and at the coronation of Charles II. he carried 
the ampulla, containing the oil of consecration. From the 
inscription on his monument, it appears that, as a school- 
master, he possessed the happy art of discovering the 
latent seeds of talent in his pupils, and the still greater 
power of bringing them forward ; while he felt as a wealthy 
pluralist, that riches were showered upon him only to 
enable him to relieve the poor, and to encourage men of 
learning, and for the promotion of piety. His disciplina 



BUSBY. 321 

was severe, and he used to declare that a rod was his sieve ; 
and that whosoever could not pass through it, was no boy 
for him — an obsei-vation verified in the case of Dr. South ; 
of whom, when young, he observed, " I can see great talents 
in that sulky boy, and will bring them out with my rod." 
But notwithstandiug his rigid discipline, he contrived to 
gain the love of his pupils ; who could scarcely fail to ad- 
mire the independence of their master, who, when the King 
entered his school-room, did not condescend to take off his 
hat ; observing afterwards to some of the suite, that a 
master should appear as great a sovereign in his school, as 
the King did at court. Of his numerous benefactions done 
in secret, no record has been presei-ved ; but it is known that 
he gave £"250 to the funds required to repair the chapel of 
his college, and another sum for that of Lichfield cathedral. 
He offered to found a lectureship of £100 per annum at 
each university, for instructing the under-graduates in 
the rudiments of the Christian religion ; but the offer was 
rejected, because it was accompanied with stipulations 
supposed to be inconsistent with their statutes. He died at 
the advanced age of eighty -nine, April 6th, 169-5, without 
experiencing any of the evils which length of years seldom 
fail to bring, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. A list 
of his publications, which are merely elementai7 works, or 
school editioDs. is given in a note in the Biog. Britan. : 
but some of them are supposed by Wood, in his Athense 
Oxonienses, to have been got up by Busby's assistants : 
a remark that appears the more probable, as it has been 
said that he never allowed notes upon any classical authors 
read in his school. — Wood. Gent. Mag. Ixv. Darnell's 
Basire. Seward's Anecdotes. 

BUSH, PAUL. 

Paul Bush was born in ] 490. He became a student at 

the university of Oxford about 1513, and five years after 

took the degree of B.A., being then, according to Wood, 

numbered among the celebrated poets of the university. 

2e 2 



S2a BUTLER. 

He afterwards became a brother of the order called Bon- 
lioms, and, after studying some time among the friars of 
St. Austin, now Wadham College, he was elected provin- 
cial of his order at Edington in Wiltshire, and canon of 
Salisbury. In process of time he was appointed chap- 
lain to King Henry VII Ith, and when that Monarch 
founded the see of Bristol he was elected the first Bishop 
thereof, being consecrated at Hampton on the '^Sth of 
June, 1542. He was deposed on the accession of Mary, as 
a married Bishop, and died in 1558. — Wood. Stnjpe. 



BUTLER, JOSEPH. 

Joseph Butler, a celebrated saint, of whom the 
Church of England may justly boast, though by puritans, 
and worse than puritans, by rationalists, he was accused 
in his day of Popery, was born at Wantage, in Berkshire, 
in 1692. His father, Mr. Thomas Butler, was a reputable 
shopkeeper in that town, of the Presbyterian persuasion, 
and had determined to educate him for the Presbyterian 
ministry. With this view, after young Butler had gone 
through a course of grammatical literature, at the free 
grammar school of his native place, under the care of the 
Rev. Philip Barton, he was sent to a dissenting academy 
at Gloucester, under the superintendance of a Mr. Jones, 
who shortly after removed with his students to Tewkes- 
bury, where he had for pupils three young men, whose 
original destination was the Presbyterian ministry, but 
who afterwards became prelates of the Church of Eng- 
land — Chandler, Seeker, and Butler; of these the two 
latter were contemporaries. It was during his residence at 
Tewkesbury, and when only in his twenty-second year, 
that Butler discovered that taste for metaphysical specu- 
lation, and that severe accuracy of judgment, for which he 
has since been distinguished throughout the world. An 
examination of the argument a prion employed by 
Dr. Samuel Clarke, in his celebrated Demonstration of 



BUTLER. 328 

the Being and Attributes of God, suggested to the mind 
of Butler certain doubts and difficulties, which he ven- 
tured to state, with becoming modesty, in an anonymous 
communication to Clarke. 

He commenced the first of these letters, which is dated 
Nov. 4, 1713, by remarking that he had "made it his 
business, ever since he thought himself capable of such 
sort of reasoning, to prove to himself the being and attri- 
butes of God ;" that, " being sensible that it is a matter of 
the last consequence, he endeavoured after a demonstra- 
tive proof, not only more fully to satisfy his own mind, 
but also in order to defend the great truths of natural 
reHgion, and those of the Chiistian revelation, which 
follow from them, against all opposers." He expresses 
his " concern, that hitherto he has been unsuccesful ; for 
although he had got very probable arguments, yet he 
could go but a very little way with demonstration in the 
proof of those things." He refers to the hope he had 
entertained, of having all his enquiries answered, by the 
peiiisal of the work published by his learned correspond- 
ent, entitled A Demonstration of the Being and Attri- 
butes of God ; but adds, that " even that had failed him."' 
He then proceeds to state the difficulties which arose in 
his mind, in connexion with Proposition 6, where 
Dr. Clarke proposes to prove, " the infinity or omni- 
presence of the Self-existent Being;"' observing, "The 
former part of the proof seems highly probable ; but the 
latter part, which seems lo aim at demonstration, is not to 
me convincing." The cogency and depth of thought con- 
tained in Butlers arguments, and the modesty with 
which they were proposed, attracted the attention of the 
distinguished person to whom they were submitted, and 
he commenced his reply, dated Nov. 10, in the following 
manner: "Did men who publish controversial papers, 
accustom themselves to write with that candour and 
ingenuity with which you propose your difficulties, 1 am 
persuaded almost all disputes might be very amicably 
terminated, either by men's coming at last to agree in 



3-24 BUTLER. 

opinion, or at finding reason to suffer each other friendly 
to differ. Your two objections are veiy ingenious, and 
urged with great strength and acuteness ; yet I am not 
without hopes of being able to give you satisfaction in 
both of them." The letter concludes with this remark : 
'• If any thing still sticks with you in this or any other 
part of my books, I shall be very willing to be informed of 
it." 

This correspondence extends to five letters on each 
side. Butler opens the second, by saying, " I have often 
thought that the chief occasions of men's differing so 
much in their opinions, were, either their not under- 
standing each other ; or else, that instead of ingenuously 
searching after truth, they have made it their business to 
find out arguments for the proof of what they have once 
asserted." I am sorry I must tell you, your answ^ers to 
my objections are not satisfactory. The reasons why I 
think them not so, are as follow," &:c. Dr. Clarke, with 
much courtesy, replied to these reasons, but without con- 
vincing Butler's mind ; who thus concludes his rejoinder : 
" I am so far from being pleased that I can form objec- 
tions to your arguments, that besides the satisfaction it 
would have given me in my own mind, I should have 
thought it an honour to have entered into your reason- 
ings, and seen the force of them. I cannot desire to 
trespass any more upon your better employed time ; so 
shall only add my hearty thanks for your trouble on ray 
account, and that I am, with the greatest respect, &c." 

Dr. Clarke, however, w^as not willing that the correspond- 
ence should thus terminate, and he therefore began his 
third letter with, " Though, when I turn my thoughts 
every way, I fully persuade myself there is no defect in 
the argument itself; yet in my manner of expression, I 
am satisfied there must be some want of clearness, when 
there remains any cUfficulty to a person of your abilities 
and sagacity." To this, Butler answers, "Whatever is 
the occasion of my not seeing the force of your reasonings, 
I cannot impute it to (what you do) the want of clearness 



BUTLER 825 

in your expression. I am too well acquainted with my- 
self, to think my not understanding an argument, a suffi- 
cient reason to conclude that it is either improperly 
expressed, or not conclusive ; unless I can clearly show 
the defect of it. It is with the greatest satisfaction, I 
must tell you, that the more I reflect on your first argu- 
ment, the more I am convinced of the tiuth of it." " I 
wish I were as well satisfied in respect to the other." He 
thus concludes this fourth letter : " All your conse- 
quences, I see, follow demonstrahly from your suppo- 
sition ; and were that evident, I believe it would serve to 
prove several other things as well as what you bring it 
for. Upon this account, I should be extremely pleased to 
see it proved by any one. For, as I design the search 
after truth as the business of my life, I shall not be 
ashamed to learn from any person ; though, at the same 
time, I cannot but be sensible, that instruction from 
some men is like the gift of a prince, it reflects honour on 
the person on whom it lays an obligation." 

To the further explanations of Dr. Clarke, Butler in 
the commencement of his fifth letter, remarks, " You 
have very comprehensively expressed in six or seven lines, 
all the difficulties of my letter." I am very glad the 
debate is come into so narrow a compass ; for I think now 
it entirely turns upon this, whether our ideas of space 
and duration are partial, so as to pre-suppose the exist- 
ence of some other thing," &c. Having then proposed 
certain difficulties which lay in the way of a demonstra- 
tive conclusion, he adds, " Notwithstanding what I have 
now said, I cannot say that I believe your argument not 
conclusive ; for I must own my ignorance, that I am 
really at a loss about the nature of space and duration." 
The correspondence on Butler's part was thus ended : 
" Your argument for the omnipresence of God seemed 
always to me very probable. But being very desirous to 
have it appear demonstrably conclusive, I was sometimes 
forced to say what was not altogether my opinion ; not 
that I did this for the sake of disputing (for besides th« 



326 BUTLER. 

particular disagreeableness of this to my own temper, I 
should surely have chosen another person to have trifled 
with) ; but I did it to set off the objections to advantage, 
that it might be more fully answered. '' 

The closing letter of Dr. Clarke, contains the following 
passage : " We seem to have pushed the matter in ques- 
tion between us as far as it will go ; and, upon the whole, 
I cannot but take notice, I have very seldom met with 
persons so reasonable and unprejudiced as yourself, in 
such debates as these." 

When Mr. Butler's name was made known to Dr. Clarke, 
the candour, modesty, and good sense with which he had 
written, immediately procured him his friendly considera- 
tion. Another subject which occupied Butler's mind 
during his residence at Tewkesbury was, the propriety of 
his becoming a dissenting minister. Accordingly, he 
entered into an examination of the principles of Noncon- 
formity ; the result of which was such a dissatisfaction 
with them, as determined him to conform to the Catholic 
Church, and to seek for orders in the English branch of 
it. This intention was at first very disagreeable to his 
father, who earnestly endeavoured to divert him from it, 
and with that view called in the assistance of some 
eminent Presbyterian teachers ; but finding his son's 
resolution to be fixed, he at length consented to his 
removal to Oxford, where he w^as admitted a commoner 
of Oriel College, on the 17th of March, 1714. While at 
Oxford, he formed a friendship with Mr. Edward Talbot, 
second son of Dr. William Talbot, successively Bishop of 
Oxford, Salisbury, and Durham, at whose recommenda- 
tion he was, in 1718, appointed by Sir Joseph Jekyll 
preacher at the Rolls; where he continued till 1726, 
when he published, in one volume 8vo, Fifteen Sermons, 
preached at that chapel. 

In these sermons he has taught, says Sir James Macin- 
tosh, "truths more capable of being exactly distinguished 
from the doctrines of his predecessors, more satisfactorily 
established by him, more comprehensively applied to par- 



BUTLER. 327 

ticulars, more rationally connected with each other, and 
therefore more worthy of the name of discovery, than any 
with which we are acquainted." The ethical system of 
Butler is thus briefly and ably given by Macintosh. 

"Mankind have various principles of action; some lead- 
ing directly to the private good, some immediately to the 
good of the community. But the private desires are not 
self-love, or any form of it ; for self-love is the desire of a 
man's own happiness, whereas the object of an appetite or 
passion is some outward thing. Self-love seeks things as 
means of happiness ; the private appetites seek things, 
not as means, but as ends. A man eats from hunger, and 
drinks from thirst ; and though he knows that these acts 
are necessary to life, that knowledge is not the motive of 
his conduct. No gratification can indeed be imagined 
without a previous desire. If all the particular desires 
did not exist independently, self-love would have no object 
to employ itself about ; for there would be no happiness, 
which, by the very supposition of the opponents, is made 
up of the gratifications of various desires. No pursuit 
could be selfish or interested, if there were not satisfactions 
first gained by appetites which seek their own outward 
objects without regard to self; which satisfactions compose 
the mass which is called a man's interest. 

" In contending, therefore, that the benevolent affections 
are disinterested, no more is claimed for them than must 
be granted to mere animal appetites and to malevolent 
passions. Each of these principles alike seeks its own 
object, for the sake simply of obtaining it. Pleasure is the 
result of the attainment, but no separate part of the aim 
of the agent. The desire that another person may be gratifi- 
ed, seeks that outward object alone, according to the general 
course of human desire. Reseutment is as distinterested 
as gratitude or pity, but not more so. Hunger or thirst 
may be, as much as the purest benevolence, at variance 
with self-love. A regard to our own general happiness is 
not a vice, but in itself an excellent quality. It were well 
if it prevailed more generally over craving and short- 



328 BUTLER. 

sighted appetites. The weakness of the social affections, 
and the strength of the private desires, properly consti- 
tute selfishness ; a vice utterly at variance with the hap- 
piness of him who harbours it, and, as such, condemned 
by self-love. There are as few who attain the greatest 
satisfaction to themselves, as who do the greatest good to 
others. It is absurd to say, with some, that the pleasure 
of benevolence is selfish, because it is felt by self. Un- 
derstanding and reasoning are acts of self, for no man 
can think by proxy ; but no one ever called them selfish. 
Why ? Evidently because they do not regard self. Pre- 
cisely the same reason applies to benevolence. Such an 
argument is a gross confusion of self, as it is a subject of 
feeling or thought, with self considered as the object of 
either. It is no more just to refer the private appetites 
to self-love because they commonly promote happiness, 
than it would be to refer them to self-hatred in those fre- 
quent cases where their gratification obstructs it. 

" But, besides the private or public desires, and besides 
the calm regard to our own general welfare, there is a 
principle in man, in its nature supreme over all others. 
This natural supremacy belongs to the faculty which sur- 
veys, approves, or disapproves the several affections of our 
minds and actions of our lives. As self-love is superior 
to the private passions, so conscience is superior to 
the whole of man. Passion implies nothing but an 
inclination to follow it ; and in that respect passions differ 
only in force. But no notion can be formed of the prin- 
ciple of reflection, or conscience, which does not compre- 
hend judgment, direction, superintend ency. Authority 
over all other principles of action is a constituent part of 
the idea of conscience, and cannot be separated from it. 
Had it strength as it has right, it would govern the world. 
The passions would have their power but according to 
their nature, which is to be subject to conscience. Hence 
we may understand the purpose at which the ancients, 
perhaps confusedly, aimed, when they laid it down, that 
virtue consisted in following nature. It is neither easy, 



BUTLER. 829 

nor, for the main object of the moralist, important, to ren- 
der the doctrines of the ancients by modern language. If 
Butler returns to this phrase too often, it was rather from 
the remains of undistinguishing reverence for antiquity, 
than because he could deem its employment important to 
his own opinions. 

" The tie which holds together Religion and Morality is, 
in the system of Butler, somewhat different from the 
common representations, but less close. Conscience, or 
the faculty of approving or disapproving, necessarily con- 
stitutes the bond of union. Setting out from the belief of 
Theism, and combining it, as he had entitled himself to 
do, with the reality of conscience, he could not avoid dis- 
covering that the being who possessed the highest moral 
qualities, is the object of the highest moral affections. He 
contemplates the Deity through the moral nature of man. 
In the case of a being who is to be perfectly loved, ' good- 
ness must be the simple actuating principle within him ; 
this being the moral quality which is the immediate 
object of love.' ' The highest, the adequate object of 
this affection, is perfect goodness ; which, therefore, we 
are to love with all our heart, with all our soul, and with 
all our strength.' ' We should refer ourselves implicitly 
to him, and cast ourselves entirely upon him. The whole 
attention of life should be to obey his commands.' Moral 
distinctions are thus pre- supposed before a step can be 
made towards religion : virtue leads to piety ; God is to 
be loved, because goodness is the object of love ; and it 
is only after the mind rises through human morality to 
divine perfection, that all the virtues and duties are seen 
to hang from the throne of God.' 

Dr. Chalmers, in his Bridgewater Treatise, remarks 
that " Bishop Butler has often been spoken of as the dis- 
coverer of this great principle in our nature, i. e. the supre- 
macy of conscience; though, perhaps, no man can properly 
be said to discover what all men are conscious of. But 
certain it is, that he is the first who hath made it the 
VOL. ni. '^ F 



330 BUTLER. 

subject of a full and reflex cognizance. It forms the argt 
ment of his three first sermons, in a volume which may 
safely be pronounced, the most -precious repository of sound 
ethical principles extant in any language. " The authority 
of conscience," says Dugald Stewart, " although beauti- 
fully described by many of the ancient moralists, was not 
sufficiently attended to by modern writers, as a funda- 
mental principle in the science of ethics, till the time of 
Dr. Butler." 

In 1722 Butler w^as presented by Dr. Talbot, Bishop 
of Durham, to the rectory of Haughton, near Darlington, 
and in 1725 to that of Stanhope, in the same diocese, and 
one of the wealthiest, but most retired benefices in Eng- 
land. While Butler continued preacher at the Rolls 
chapel he divided his time between his duty there and 
his parochial functions ; but when he quitted the Rolls, he 
resided during seven years wholly at Stanhope. 

Butler gave himself up, with his accustomed piety, to 
the duties of a parish priest, but as the bent of his mind 
was to contemplation rather than to those active habits 
which a country clergyman is obliged to form, he felt 
severely the want of that more cultivated society to which 
he had been so long accustomed, and which seemed neces- 
sary to awaken the activity of his mind. It must have 
been severe labour to Butler to render himself intelligible 
to his humble flock ; he nevertheless exerted himself, and 
the parish priests of England are complacent, when they 
remember that the greatest metaphysician the world ever 
produced, long laboured in an obscure parish, setting a 
bright example of pastoral duty. 

Dr. Philpotts, the present Bishop of Exeter, who, after 
an interval of eighty years, succeeded Dr. Butler at 
Stanhope, informs us, that he "lived very retired, was 
very kind, and could not resist the importunities of com- 
mon beggars, who knowing his infirmity, pursued him so 
earnestly, as sometimes to drive him back into his house, 
as his only escape. I confess I do not think my authority 



BUTLER. 331 

)!• this trait of character in Butler, is quite sufficient to 
justify my reporting it with any confidence. There was, 
moreover, a tradition of his riding a black pony, and 
riding always very fast. I examined the parish books, 
not with much hope of discovering anything worth record- 
ing of him ; and was unhappily as unsuccessful as I 
expected. His name, indeed, was subscribed to one or 
two acts of vestiy, in a very neat and easy character; but 
if it was amusing, it was mortifying, to find the only trace 
of such a man's labours, recorded by his own hand, to be 
the passing a parish account, authorizing the payment of 
five shillings, to some adventurous clown who had de- 
stroyed a 'foumart,' or wood-marten, the marten-cat, or 
some other equally important matter." 

The late Bishop of Durham, Dr. Van Mildert, in a 
letter to the Archdeacon of Lincoln, mentions the following 
reminiscence of his great predecessor, while at Stanhope, 
upon the authority of the present incumbent of that parish : 
*' When in London, Dr. Butler used to say to his servant, 
' John, you and I must be thinking of riding down to 
Stanhope some of these days.' A communication which 
the servant always judiciously interpreted to mean that 
the horses were to be at the door on the next Monday 
morning, after breakfast, for the commencement of their 
journey to the north." The Bishop adds, moreover, " that 
he was frequently seen riding through Frosterley, a hamlet 
of Stanhope, at a great pace, on a black horse." 

Although Butler sought no removal himself, his friends 
desired to see him placed in some situation more congenial 
to his peculiar powers of mind. His friend Seeker, after- 
wards Archbishop of Canterbury, omitted no opportunity 
of expressing this desire to such as he thought capable of 
giving effect to it. Having himself been appointed King's 
chaplain in 1732, he took occasion, in a conversation with 
Queen Caroline, to mention to her his friend Mr. Butler. 
The queen remarked that she thought he was dead ; and, 
not satisfied with his assurance to the contrary, she enquir- 
ed of Archbishop Blackburne, who replied, "No, madam; 



83a BUTLER. 

but he is buried." Mr. Seeker, continuing his purpose 
of endeavouring to bring his friend out of his retirement, 
found means, upon Mr. Charles Talbot's being made Lord 
Chancellor, to have Mr. Butler recommended to him for 
his chaplain. The chancellor assented ; and this promo- 
tion calling Butler to town, he took Oxford in his way, 
and was admitted there to the degree of D. C. L. on the 
8th of December, 1733. The chancellor gave him also a 
prebend in the church of Eochester, and when Dr. Butler 
refused to absent himself from his parish, the chancellor 
entered into a compromise, and consented that he should 
reside at Stanhope one half of the year. Dr. Butler being 
thus drawn from retirement, soon gained that notice which 
was due to his virtues and acquirements. In 1736 he was 
appointed clerk of the closet to Queen Caroline ; and in 
the same year he presented to her, previous to its publi- 
cation, his celebrated treatise, entitled The Analogy of 
Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the Constitution and 
Course of Nature. 

This great work, as Mackintosh remarks, is only a 
commentaiT on the singularly original and pregnant pas- 
sage of Origen, which is so honestly prefixed to it as a 
motto, but it is, notwithstanding, the most original and 
profound work extant in any language on the philosophy of 
religion. It is impossible, within the limits prescribed to us 
in this work, to give an analysis of this wonderful treatise, 
with which every student in divinity is accustomed to 
make himself thoroughly acquainted. It is, says a writer 
in the Quarterly Review, a work too thoughtful for the 
flippant task of the sceptical school, and indeed is only to 
be appreciated after much patient meditation. It is not 
a short line that will fathom Butler. Let a hundred 
readers sit down to the examination of the Analogy, and 
however various the associations of thought excited in their 
minds by the perusal, (whether as objections or otherwise), 
they will find on examination that Butler has been before- 
hand with them in all. This may not at first strike them. 
Often it will discover itself in a hint, overlooked, perhaps, 



BUTLER. 333 

in a first reading, dropped by Butler in the profusion of 
his matter, as it were, to show, that he was aware of what 
might be said, but that he had better game on foot; and still 
more often will it be traced, in the caution with which he 
selects an expression, not perhaps the obvious expression, 
such, indeed, as to a superficial reader may seem an unac- 
countable circumlocution, or an ungraceful stiffness of 
language. In all these cases, he is evidently glancing at 
an argument, or parrying an objection of some kind or 
other, that had been lurking about him ; objections and 
arguments which may sometimes present themselves to us 
at once, but which very frequently are latent till the 
undercurrent of our thoughts happens to set in with 
Butler's, and throws them up. We have heard persons 
talk of the obscurity of Bishop Butler's style, and lament 
that his book was not re-written by some more luminous 
master of language. We have always suspected that such 
critics knew veiy little about the Analogy. We would 
have no sacrilegious hand touch it. It would be like 
officious meddling with a well considered move at chess. 
We would change a word in it with the caution of men 
expounding hieroglyphics, — it has a meaning, but we have 
not hit upon it; others may, or we ourselves may, at 
another time. The Analogy is a work carefully and 
closely packed up, out of twenty years' hard thinking. It 
must have filled folios, had its illustrious author taken 
less time to concoct it ; for never was there a stronger in- 
stance of the truth of the observation, that it requires far 
more time to make a small book than a large one. For 
ourselves, whether we consider it as directly corroborative 
of the scheme of Christianity, by shewing its consistency 
with natural religion, or whether, (which is, perhaps, its 
most important aspect,) as an answer to those objections 
which may be brought against Christianity, arising out of 
the difficulties involved in it, we look upon the Analogy 
of Bishop Butler, as the work, above all others, on which 
the mind can repose with the most entire satisfaction, and 
faith found itself, as on a rock." 
2f2 



334 BUTLER. 

Dr. Butler remarked to a friend, that his plan in writ- 
ing the Analogy had been, " to endeavour to answer, as he 
went along, every possible objection that might occur to 
any one against any position of his, in his book." " This 
way of arguing, from what is acknowledged to what is dis- 
puted," obseiTes Bishop Halifax, " from things known to 
other things that resemble them, from that part of the 
Divine establishment which is exposed to our view to that 
more important one which lies beyond it, is on all hands 
confessed to be just. By this method Sir Isaac Newton 
has unfolded the system of nature ; by the same method, 
Bishop Butler has explained the system of grace ; and 
thus, to use the words of a writer whom I quote with plea- 
sure, ' has formed and concluded a happy alliance between 
faith and philosophy.' " 

" I know no author," says Dr. Reid, "who has made a 
more just and a more happy use of analogical reasoning 
than Bishop Butler, in his Analogy of Religion. In that 
excellent work, the author does not ground any of the 
truths of religion upon analogy as their proper evidence. 
He only makes use of analogy to answer objections against 
them. When objections are made against truths of reli- 
gion, which may be made with equal strength against 
what we know to be true in the course of nature, such 
objections can have no weight." To the same pui-pose, it 
is observed by Dr. Campbell, that " analogical evidence is 
generally more successful in silencing objections than in 
evincing truth. Though it rarely refutes, it frequently 
repels refutation; like those weapons which, though they 
cannot kill the enemy, will ward his blows." 

When Dr. Butler was appointed clerk of the closet, he 
attended Queen Caroline, by her majesty's commands, 
every day between seven and nine in the evening. The 
orthodoxy of Queen Caroline has been doubted ; it is 
therefore satisfactory to learn, from Bishop Butler's private 
memoranda, that his first official act in his new capa- 
city was, to administer to her the Sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper privately, at Kensington. The Queen died in 



BUTLER. 835 

1737 : but out of regard to her wishes, and on the re- 
commendation of Lord Chancellor Talbot, Dr. Butler was 
the next year nommated by the King to the see of Bristol, 
and, as a matter of course, elected by the dean and chap- 
ter. In the spring of 1740, owing to the insufficiency of 
the episcopal revenues of Bristol, he was appointed to 
the deanery of St. Paul's, and was thus enabled to resign 
the rectory of Stanhope. His alterations and repairs in 
the palace at Bristol, were so extensive as to have 
amounted, it is said, to a larger sum than the whole in- 
come of the see, during his incumbency : and when his 
friends observed that he was expending more than his 
episcopal revenues upon these improvements, he used to 
reply, that " the deanery of St. Paul's paid for them." 

The late dean of Bristol, Dr. Beake, in a letter upon 
the subject, to the Archdeacon of Lincoln, observes, 
" Bishop Butler is believed to have expended a very con- 
siderable sum in repairs of the palace ; but the exterior of 
the building was almost all of it about coeval with the 
abbey itself, the walls being about five feet thick, of which 
the partially calcined ruins are now to be seen. Much of 
the interior had been altered at the cost of Bishop Butler, 
and a very prevalent idea exists, especially since estimates 
have been made of the damages by the fire, that he was 
greatly imposed upon by those whom he employed. 
Various traditions exist, of the sum he expended, as 
£4000, or £5000 ; but I have never been able to trace 
any one of them to any authentic source, though from my 
own observations, and those of skilful surveyors, I believe 
they are not far distant from the truth. I have heard 
another tradition, to which I give some, although limited 
credit, that he spent the whole income of the bishopric, 
on an average of about twelve years, during which he held 
it, in repairs and improvements of the palace." 

When Butler was carrying forward the alterations in the 
episcopal residence, the merchants of Bristol made him a 
present of a considerable quantity of cedar, with which he 
adorned the palace. Not having occasion to use the whole 



336 BUTLER. 

of this cedar, he took some of it to Durham, upon his re- 
moval thither in 1750, where it remained in an un wrought 
state, until one of his distinguished successors, the ami- 
able and munificent Bishop Barrington, had it made into 
articles of furniture, which he presented to his friends as 
mementos of Bishop Butler. 

Amongst the various improvements which Butler made 
in the palace at Bristol, was the entire renovation of the 
interior of the private chapel ; where, over the communion 
table, he placed the cross, at which offence was subse- 
quently taken, when the charge of attachment to Romish 
usages was made against him. The ground of this cross 
was a large slab of black marble, into which a cross of 
white marble, of about three feet high, by eighteen inches 
wide, was sunk. The whole was surrounded by some of 
the cedar alluded to, which was beautifully carved. The 
chapel and the cross remained, in the state in which 
Bishop Butler left them, until the destruction of the 
palace by an infuriated mob, upon the 31st of October, 
1831. 

Towards the end of 1747, a lady of rank having solicited 
the advice of Butler upon a point of conscience, in refer- 
ence to Church property, he addressed to her the following 
letter. 

" London, December 22, 1747. 
" Madam, 

"Your letter of the 14th current, which did not 
come to hand till the 18th, cannot, indeed, require any 
sort of apology. I know not how to refuse my judgment, 
such as it is, in a case of conscience, to any person that 
asks it : but I think myself strictly bound to give it to 
good persons of my own diocese. For I mention only this 
demand you have upon me, because, upon such an occa- 
sion as the present, I do not chose to speak of your rank, 
madam, nor of the great civilities I have received from 
you. 



BUTLER 837 

" The corrujDtion and disorder of human affairs is such 
as has perplexed the rule of right, and made it hard in 
some cases to say how one ought to act. But I apprehend 
there is no such difficulty in the case you put. Property 
in general is, and must be, regulated by the laws of the 
community. This, in general, I say, is allowed on all 
hands. If, therefore, there be auy sort of property exempt 
from these regulations, or any exception to the general 
method of regulating it, such exception must appear, 
either from the light of nature, or from revelation. But, 
neither of these do, I think, show any such exception, 
and, therefore, we may with a good conscience retain any 
possessions, church lands, or tithes, which the laws of the 
state we live under give us a property in. And there 
seems less ground for scruple here in England than in 
some other countries; because our ecclesiastical laws agree 
with our civil ones in this matter. Under the Mosaic 
dispensation, indeed, God himself assigned to the priests 
and Levites, tithes, and other possessions : and in those 
possessions they had a divine right ; a property, quite 
superior to all human laws, ecclesiastical as well as civil. 
But every donation to the Christian Church is a human 
donation, and no more ; and therefore cannot give a dinne 
right, but such a right only as must be subject in common 
•with all other property to the regulation of human laws. 
I would not carry you, madam, into abstinise speculations; 
but think it might be cleai'ly shown, that no one can have 
a right of perpetuity in any lands, except it be given by 
God, as the land of Canaan was to Abraham. There is 
DO other means by which such a kind of property or right 
can be acquired : and plain absurdities would follow from 
the supposition of it. The persons then, who gave these 
lands to the Church, had themselves no right of perpetuity 
in them, consequently, could convey no such right to the 
Church. But all scruples concerning the la\vfulness of 
laymen's possessing these lands go upon supposition, that 
the Church has such a right of perpetuity in them : and, 



338 BUTLER. 

therefore, all those scruples must be groundless, as going 
upon a false supposition. 

" As you do not mention, madam, in what particular 
light you consider this matter, I chose to put it in differ- 
ent ones. And having said thus much concerning the 
strict justice of the case, I think myself obliged to add, 
that great disorders having been committed at the 
Reformation, and a multitude of parochial cures left scan- 
dalously poor, and become yet poorer by accidental cir- 
cumstances, I think a man's possession of one of those im- 
poverished cures is, not, indeed, an obligation in justice, 
but a providential admonition, to do somewhat, according 
to his abilities, towards settling some competent mainten- 
ance upon it, in one way or another. In like manner, as 
a person in distress, being my neighbour, dependent, or 
even acquaintance, is a providential admonition to me in 
particular, to assist him, over and above the general obli- 
gation to charity, which would call upon me to assist such 
a person, in common with all others who were informed 
of his case. But I think I ought to say, since I can say 
it with great truth, that I mention this, not, madam, as 
thinking that you want reminding of it, but as the subject 
itself I write upon requires it should be mentioned. 

" You need not, madam, have given yourself the trou- 
ble of desiring secrecy, since the thing itself so plainly 
demands it. 

I am with the truest esteem, madam, 
your most obedient, most faithful, 

and most humble servant, 

Jo. Bristol," 

" I have considered tithes and Church lands as the 
same, because I see no sort of proof, that tithes under the 
Gospel are of Divine right ; and if they are not, they 
must come under the same consideration with lands." 

On the death of Archbishop Potter, in 1747, it was 



BUTLER. 339 

proposed to make Bishop Butler the Primate of all Eng- 
land. But he declined the appointment. Again, when 
in 1750 the see of Durham became vacant, the King 
determined upon the translation of the Bishop of 
Bristol ; but there were difficulties in the proposed 
arrangements, which alarmed the scrupulous mind of 
Butler, and for a time rendered it doubtful whether he 
would accept the distinguished mark of favour which his 
Majesty was anxious to show him. One of these diffi- 
culties is thus stated by the Lord Bishop of Exeter, upon 
the authority of Mr. Emm, who was secretary to Bishop 
Barrington, after having, in early life, acted as under- 
secretary to Butler : " Bishop Butler, as might be pre- 
sumed, had not sought a translation to Durham ; he was 
purely passive in it, and not absolutely passive. For, on 
his privately understanding that it was the intention of 
the minister, the Duke of Newcastle, to cQnfer the lord 
lieutenancy, which had hitherto gone with the palatine 
see, on the Lord Barnard, Butler gave it to be understood 
that he had not the slightest wish to move to Durham, 
and was content to stay where he was ; but he would not 
consent to the see of Durham losing a single honour 
which it had been accustomed to enjoy, on occasion of his 
succeeding to it. The lord lieutenancy therefore, inappro- 
priate as it might be justly deemed, to the mitre even 
of Durham, was not withdrawn from it till the next 
vacancy." 

The traditional^ account of this transaction in the 
family of the Bishop states, that when he received a letter 
from the minister to inform him of his Majesty's pleasure 
he immediately wrote, to express his dutiful acknowledg- 
ments to the King ; but for the reason given he declined 
the proposed translation. He is reported to have said, 
that "it was a matter of indifference to him whether he 
died Bishop of Bristol or of Durham ; but that it was not 
a matter of indifference to him whether or not the honours 
of the see were invaded during his incumbency ; and he 



340 BUTLER. 

therefore begged to be allowed to continue Bishop of 
Bristol." He very shortly aftenvards received another 
letter from the minister, to inform him that " it was his 
Majesty's pleasure that he should become Bishop of Dur- 
ham, without any condition whatever." 

Neither was this the only difficulty in the way of 
Butler's translation to Durham. " Another instance of 
his delicacy of feeling on this occasion, (says the Bishop 
of Exeter, upon the authority of Mr. Emm), will be more 
accordant with general opinion. On his translation, the 
deanery of St. Pauls was to be vacated. The minister 
wished to give it to Butler's oldest and best friend, 
Seeker, who held a stall at Durham, which, in that case, it 
was proposed that the crown should give to Dr. Chapman. 
Unfortunately the arrangemant was mentioned to Butler 
before he was translated; and highly gratifying as it would 
be to him for Seeker's sake, his conscience took alarm, 
lest it should bear even the semblance of a condition of his 
oven promotion. He for some time hesitated in conse- 
quence to accept the splendid station which solicited him ; 
nor did he yield till his scruple respecting all possible no- 
tion of condition was utterly removed." 

By the translation of Bishop Butler to the see of 
Durham more ample means were afforded for the indul- 
gence of that extensive beneficence which was always so 
prominent a trait in his character. Scarcely had he taken 
possession of his new diocese, when he began to make 
great alterations in and about the castle at Durham, as 
well as to commence extensive repairs and improvements 
at Auckland. Among the alterations at the castle, he re- 
placed the old tapestry hangings of the dining rooms with 
stuccoed walls and rich ornaments below the cornices. 
He enlarged the apertures, and put in new gothic win- 
dows on the north side of the edifice ; and took down and 
rebuilt a considerable part of the outer walls at the north 
door, where his arms are placed. He moreover renewed 
the interior of the apartments appropriated for the use of 



BUTLER. 341 

the judges ; setting up new fire-places, stoves, &c., and 
having the whole arrangements conducted in a complete 
and substantial manner. 

In an article, which appeared in the Bath Journal, 
June 2'2, 175'-^, upon the death of Bishop Butler, and 
which is supposed to have been drawn up by Archbishop 
Seeker, is the following allusion to this subject, as well as 
to the munificence with which he contributed to one of 
the local charities of his diocese : " His lordship, upon 
his translation to Durham, immediately set about repair- 
ing his two seats there, which, if he had lived, he would 
have put into as good condition as he did his palace at 
Bristol. It is said that he entered himself an annual 
subscriber of £400 a year to the county hospital of Dur- 
ham, as soon as he came to the bishopric thereof." 

In supporting the- dignity of his high station, he not 
only avoided eveij thing mean, but evinced the greatest 
liberality. He expressed himself desirous of imitating 
the generous spirit of his predecessor and first patron, 
Bishop Talbot ; and in compliance with this spirit, he 
appointed three days in eveiy week for the entertainment 
of the principal gentry of the county and neighbourhood, 
who might feel disposed to accept his hospitality. The 
clergy of his diocese were always welcome guests, both at 
the castle of Durham and at Auckland ; and not only did 
he invite the poorest of his clerical brethren to the palace, 
but he occasionally visited them at their respective 
parishes. 

He was welcomed by the clergy ; and with the parochial 
clergy, he who had long been a parish priest, knew how to 
sympathise. When on a visit to his lordship they found 
themselves treated with the same honour and respect as 
the proudest aristocrats of the county; and when he 
visited them, he did not make his visit a burden by being 
attended by an expensive equipage. He did not act in 
anger or caprice ; and instead of hurrying over the offices 
of religion as if they were unworthy of his attention, he 

VOL. III. 2g 



342 BUTLER 

performed all the duties of his high office with peculiar 
solemnity. 

The following interesting anecdote has been told of 
him : A gentleman once waited upon Bishop Butler, to 
lay before him the details of some projected benevolent 
institution. The Bishop highly approved of the object in 
view, and calling his house-steward, inquired, how much 
money he then had in his jwssession ? The answer was, 
" Five hundred pounds, my lord." " Five hundred 
pounds!" exclaimed his master; "what a shame for a 
Bishop to have so much money ! Give it away ; give it 
all to this gentleman, for his charitable plan." 

Notwithstanding the liberal hospitality and munificence 
of Butler upon suitable occasions, his private habits were 
simple and unostentatious. "A friend of mine, since 
deceased, told me," says the Ptev. John Newton, " that 
when he was a young man, he once dined with the late 
Dr. Butler, at that time Bishop of Duttiam ; and though 
the guest was a man of fortune, and the interview by ap- 
pointment, the provision was no more than a joint of meat 
and a pudding. The Bishop apologized for his plain fare, 
by saying, ' that it was his way of living ; that he had 
been long disgusted with the fashionable expense of time 
and money in entertainments, and was determined that 
it should receive no countenance from his example.'" 

In Hutchinson's History of Durham, Bishop Butler is 
thus described : — " He was of a most reverend aspect ; 
his face thin and pale ; but there was a divine placidness 
in his countenance which inspired venerati(m, and ex- 
pressed the most benevolent mind. His white hair hung 
gracefully on his shoulders, and his whole figure was 
patriarchal." 

In Surtee's history of the same place are the following 
remarks upon him : — " During the short time that Butler 
held the see of Durham he conciliated all hearts. In ad- 
vanced years, and on the episcopal throne, he retained the 
same genuine modesty and native sweetness of disposition 



BUTLER. 343 

which had distinguished him in youth and in retirement. 
During the ministerial performance of the sacred office, a 
divine animation seemed to pen^ade his whole manner, 
and lighted up his pale wan countenance, already marked 
with the progress of disease, like a torch glimmering in 
its socket, yet bright and useful to the last." 

Soon after his appointment to the see of Durham, 
Bishop Butler turned his attention to the importance of 
introducing episcopacy into North America, and drew up 
a plan for that purpose, which, not being adopted at the 
time, was again brought under the consideration of govern- 
ment some years after his decease. This plan appears in 
p. 55 of Mr. Apthorpes Review of Dr. Mayhew's Remarks, 
and also in the Annual Register of 1765, where it is thus 
alluded to, (p. 108) : " The following plan for introducing 
episcopacy into North America, as laid down by Bishop 
Butler in 1750, has been for some time, it is said, under 
the consideration of the goveiTiment. 

1. " That no coercive power is desired over the laity in 
any case, but only a power to regulate the behaviour of 
the clergy who are in episcopal orders ; and to correct and 
punish them according to the laws of the Church of 
England, in case of misbehaviour or neglect of duty, 
with such pov^er as the commissaries abroad have ex- 
ercised. 

2. " That nothing is desired for such Bishops that may 
in the least interfere with the dignity, or authority, or in- 
terest of the governor, or any other office of state. Pro- 
bates of wills, license for marriages, &c., to be left in the 
hands where they are ; and no share in the temporal 
government is desired for Bishops. 

3. " The maintenance of such Bishops not to be at the 
charge of the colonies. 

4. " No Bishops are intended to be settled in places 
where the government is left in the hands of dissenters, 
as in New England, &c. But authority to be given only 
to ordain clergy for such Church of England congrega- 
tions as are among them, and to inspect into the manners 



344 BUTLER. 

and behaviour of the said clergy, and to confirm the m^^m- 
bers thereof." 

It is much to be regretted that the deliberations of the 
government upon this reasonable and important measure 
should have terminated without its adoption. It is said 
to have been the opinion of that distinguished statesman, 
Mr. Pitt, that had the Church of England been efficiently 
established in the United States, it was highly probable 
that those states would not have been separated from Great 
Britain. 

It was not to be supposed that a prelate devout, ascetic, 
generous, learned, and catholic, would long be without 
enemies. And Satan soon found an opportunity to in- 
dulge the wishes of those who do his work by acting as 
accusers of brethren. Bishop Butler, like all the great 
divines of the Church of England, was accused of popery. 
The charge was brought against him first on the pub- 
lication of his primaiT charge. The deep, philosophical 
mind of this great prelate saw the importance of external 
religion, and on this subject he charged his clergy in 
1751. The charge is a plain and practical pastoral ad- 
dress, such as we should expect from one who had not 
only come forward as a metaphysician, but was fully 
acquainted with all the difficulties of the parish priest. 
The state of irreligion and infidelity, so generally prevail- 
ing in this country at that time, Bishop Butler thought 
indicative of those last days in which Faith will scarcely 
be found upon Earth. The principal design of the Bishop 
in this charge, is to exhort his clergy to do their part 
towards re\dving a practical sense of religion among the 
people committed to their charge, and as one way of 
effecting this, " to instruct them in the importance of 
external religion," or the use of outward observances in 
promoting piety. Bishop Halifax, in defending Bishop 
Butler from the charge of popeiy, provides us with a con- 
cise analysis of this portion of the charge. 

" From the compound nature of man, consisting of two 
parts, the body and the mind, together with the influence 



BUTLER. 345 

which these are found to have on one another, it follows, 
that the religious regards of such a creature ought to be 
so framed as to be in some way properly accomodated to 
both. A religion which is purely spiritual, stripped of 
every thing that may affect the senses, and considered 
only as a divine philosophy of the mind, if it do not 
mount up into enthusiasm, as has frequently been the 
case, often sinks after a few short fervours into indiffer- 
ence; an abstracted invisible object, like that which 
natural religion offers, ceases to move or interest the 
heart ; and something further is wanting to bring it nearer 
and render it more present to our view, than merely an 
intellectual contemplation. On the other hand, when in 
order to remedy this inconvenience, i;ecourse is had to in- 
stituted forms and-ritual injunctions, there is always 
danger lest men be tempted to vest entirely on these, and 
persuade themselves that a painful attention to such obser- 
vances will atone for the want of genuine piety and virtue. 
Yet surely there is a way of steering safely between these 
two extremes ; of so consulting both the parts of our con- 
stitution, that the body and the mind may concur in 
rendering our religious services acceptable to God, and at 
the same time useful to ourselves. And what way can 
this be, but precisely that which is recommended in the 
charge ; such a cultivation of outward as well as inward 
religion, that from both may result, what is the point 
chiefly to be laboured, and at all events to be secured, a 
correspondent temper and behaviour ; or in other words, 
such an application of the forms of godliness as may be 
subservient in promoting the power and spirit of it ? No 
man who believes the Scriptures of the old and new Testa- 
ment, and understands what he believes, but must know, 
that external religion is as much enjoined, and constitutes 
as real a part of revelation as that which is internal. The 
many ceremonies in use among the Jews, in consequence 
of a divine command ; the baptism of water, as an 
emblem of moral purity ; the eating and drinking of bread 



346 BUTLER. 

and wine, as symbols and representations of the body and 
blood of Christ required of Christians ; are proofs of this. 
On comparing these two parts of religion together, one it 
is immediately seen is of much greater importance than 
the other; and whenever they happen to interfere, is 
always to be preferred : but does it follow from hence, that 
therefore that other is of little or no importance, and in 
cases where there is no competition, may entirely be 
neglected ? or rather is not the legitimate conclusion 
directly the reverse, that nothing is to be looked upon as of 
little importance, which is of any use at all in preserving 
upon our minds a sense of the divine authority, which re- 
calls to our remembrance the obligations we are under, 
and helps to keep us, as the Scripture expresses it, in the 
fear of the Lord all the day long? If, to adopt the in- 
stance mentioned in the charge, the sight of a Church 
should remind a man of some sentiment of piety ; if, 
from the view of a material building dedicated to the 
service of God, he should be led to regard himself, his 
own body, as a living temple of the Holy Ghost, and 
therefore, no more than the other to be profaned or 
desecrated by any thing that defileth or is impure, could 
it be truly said of such a one that he was superstitious, 
or mistook the means of religion for the end ? If, to use 
another, and what has been thought a more obnoxious 
instance, taken from the Bishop's practice, a Cross, 
erected in a place of public worship, should cause us to 
reflect on Him who died on a cross for our salvation, and 
on the necessity of our own dying to sin, and of cinicify- 
ing the flesh with its affections and lusts ; would any 
worse consequences follow from such sentiments so ex- 
cited, than if the same sentiments had been excited by 
the view of a picture of the crucifixion, suppose such as is 
commonly placed, and with this very design, in foreign 
churches, and indeed in many of our own ? Both the 
instances here adduced, it is very possible, may be far 
from being approved, even by those who are under the 



BUTLER. 347 

most sincere convictions of the importance of true reli- 
gion ; and it is easy to conceive how open to scorn and 
censure they must be from others, who think they have a 
talent for ridicule, and have accustomed themselves to 
regard all pretensions to piety as hypocritical or super- 
stitious. But Wisdom is justified of her children. Re- 
ligion is what it is, whether men will hear or whether 
they will forbear ; and whatever in the smallest degree 
promotes its interests, and assists us in performing its 
commands, whether that assistance be derived from the 
medium of the body or the mind, ought to be esteemed 
of great weight, and deserving of our most serious atten- 
tion.' 

Bishop Butler had not been long at Durham before his 
health began visibly to decline. His resignation duiing 
his illness was what was to be expected from so holy a 
man. Some persons ventured to speak of his resignation 
in his presence, when he expressed a wish that he might 
be spared a little longer, because in his high position he 
had so much opportunity of carrying out his designs for 
the true welfare of his fellow creatures. After consulting 
and pursuing the course recommended by the most emi- 
nent physicians of the north, his indisposition assumed 
a more serious aspect, and he was advised to repair to 
Clifton, and make trial of the waters of that place. These 
having failed to produce the desired effect, his removal to 
Bath was suggested, where he was shortly afterwards con- 
veyed in a broken and exhausted state, and where he 
died on the 16th of June, 1752. He was buried at 
Bristol. 

It so happens that we possess a minute account of his 
long illness and of his death, by his devoted friend and 
chaplain, Dr. Forster, who never left him, aud who injured 
his health by his incessant attention to the dying prelate. 
The original letters published by Bartlett are deposited at 
Lambeth, among Archbishop Seeker's private manuscripts. 
They are enclosed in a paper which has the following 
inscription in the hand-writing of that prelate ; " Letters 



348 BUTLER. 

from Dr. Forster and Bp. Benson, concerning the last 
illness and death of Bp. Butler ; to be kept at Lambeth, 
as negative arguments against the calumny of his dying 
a papist." It is disgraceful to the Romanists to re-assert, 
as they have done of late, what any one who has paid the 
slightest attention to the subject must know to be a false- 
hood. But although the falsehood is repeated by the 
Romanists, the sin of inventing it lies at the door of the 
Ultra-protestants. It is sad to see two extremes uniting 
for so wicked a purpose. Bishop Porteus refers to the 
imputation of this apostacy as a " strange slander, founded 
on the weakest pretences, and most trivial circumstances 
that can be imagined ;" and judiciously adds, " Surely, 
it is a very unwise piece of policy, in those who profess 
themselves enemies to popery, to take so much pains to 
bring the most respectable names within its pale ; and to 
give it the merit of having gained over those who were the 
brightest ornaments, and firmest supporters of the Pro- 
testant cause." 

The author of these volumes has been censured by some 
of his critics for referring to modern controversies : but 
the cause of truth, as well as zeal for the honour of the 
Church of England, require that the history of the whole 
controversy should be laid before the reader in the words 
of Bishop Halifax : 

" The attack was made in the year 1767, in an 
anonymous pamphlet, entitled The Root of Protestant 
Errors examined : in which the author asserted, that ' by 
an anecdote lately given him, that same prelate,' who at 
the bottom of the page is called B— p of D — m, ' is said 
to have died in the communion of a church, that makes 
much use of saints, saints' days, and all the trumpery of 
saint worship.' When this remarkable fact, now first 
divulged, came to be generally known, it occasioned, as 
might be expected, no little alarm : and intelligence of it 
was no sooner conveyed to Archbishop Seeker, than in a 
short letter, signed Misopseudcs, and printed in the 
St. James's Chronicle of May 9, he called upon the writer 



BUTLER. 849 

to produce his authority for publishing 'so gross and 
scandalous a falsehood.' To this challenge an immediate 
answer was returned by the author of the pamphlet, who, 
now assuming the name of Phileleutheros, informed Misop- 
seudes, through the channel of the same paper, that ' such 
anecdote had been given him ; and that he was yet of 
opinion there is not any thing improbable in it, when it 
is considered that the same prelate put up the Popish 
insignia of the cross in his chapel, when at Bristol ; and 
in his last episcopal charge has squinted very much 
towards that superstition.' Here we find the accusation 
not only repeated, but supported by reasons, such as they 
are; on which it seemed necessary that some notice 
should be taken ; nor did the Archbishop conceive it un- 
becoming his own dignity to stand up on this occasion as 
the vindicator of innocence against the calumniator of the 
helpless dead. Accordingly in a second letter in the same 
newspaper of May 23, and subscribed Misopseudes, as 
before; after reciting from Bishop Butlers sermon before 
the Lords the very passage, here printed in the preface, 
and observing that ' there are in the same sermon declara- 
tions as strong as can be made against temporal punish- 
ments, for heresy, schism, or even for irlolatiy ;' his grace 
expresses himself thus : ' Now he (Bishop Butler) was 
universally esteemed, throughout his life, a man of strict 
piety and honesty, as well as uncommon abilities. He 
gave all the proofs, public and private, which his station 
led him to give, and they were decisive and daily, of his 
continuing to the last a sincere member of the Church of 
England. Nor had ever any of his acquaintance, or most 
intimate friends, nor have they to this day, the least doubt 
of it.' As to putting up a cross in this chapel, the Arch- 
bishop frankly owns, that for himself he wishes he had 
not ; and thinks that in so doing the Bishop did amiss. 
But then he asks, ' Can that be opposed as any proof of 
popeiy, to all the evidence on the other side ; or even 
to the single evidence of the above-mentioned sermon ? 
Most of our churches have crosses upon them ; are they 



350 BUTLER. 

therefore Popish churches? The Lutherans have more 
than crosses in theirs : are the Lutherans therefore Pa- 
pists ?' And as to the Charge, no Papist, his grace 
remarks, would have spoken as Bishop Butler there does, 
of the observances pecuUar to Roman Catholics, some of 
which he expressly censures as wrong and superstitious, 
and others, as made subservient to the purposes of super- 
stition, and on these accounts, abolished at the reformation. 
After the publication of this letter, Phileleiitheros replied 
in a short defence of his own conduct, but without pro- 
ducing any thing new in confirmation of what he had 
advanced. And here the controversy, so far as the two 
principals were concerned, seems to have ended. 

" But the dispute was not suffered to die away quite so 
soon. For in the same year, and in the same newspaper 
of July '2 1 , another letter appeared ; in which the author 
not only contended that the cross in the episcopal chapel 
at Bristol, and the charge to the clergy of Durham in 
1751, amount to full proof of a strong attachment to the 
idolatrous communion of the Church of Rome, but, with 
the reader's leave, he would fain account for the Bishop's 
'tendency this way.' And this he attempted to do, 'from 
the natural melancholy and gloominess of Dr. Butler's 
disposition ; from his great fondness for the lives of 
Romish saints, and their books of mystic piety ; from his 
drawing his notions of teaching men religion, not from the 
New Testament, but from philosophical and political 
opinions of his own ; and above all, from his transition 
from a strict dissenter amongst the Presbyterians to a 
rigid Churchman, and his sudden and unexpected eleva- 
tion to great wealth and dignity in the Church.' The 
attack thus renewed excited the Archbishop's attention a 
second time, and drew from him a fresh answer, sub- 
scribed also Misopseudes, in the St. James's Chronicle of 
August 4. In this letter our excellent Metropolitan, first 
of all obliquely hinting at the unfairness of sitting in 
judgment on the character of a man who had been dead 
fifteen years ; and then reminding his correspondent, that 



BUTLER. 351 

• full proof had been already published that Bishop Butler 
abhorred popery as a vile corruption of Christianity, and 
that it might be proved, if needful, that he held the Pope 
to be Antichrist ;' (^to which decisive testimonies of un- 
doubted aversion from the Romish Church, another is also 
added in the postscript, his taking, when promoted to the 
see of Durham, for his domestic chaplain. Dr. Nathaniel 
Forster, who had published, not four years before, a 
sermon, entitled, Popery destructive of the Evidence of 
Christianity ;) proceeds to observe, ' That the natural 
melancholy of the Bishops temper would rather have 
fixed him amongst his first friends, than prompted him to 
the change he made : That he read books of all sorts, as 
well as books of mystic piety, and knew how to pick the 
good that was in them out of the bad : that" his opinions 
were exposed without reserve in his Analogy and his 
sermons, and if the" doctrine of either be Popish or un- 
scriptural, the learned world hath mistaken strangely in 
admiring both : that instead of being a strict dissenter, he 
never was a communicant in any dissenting assembly ; on 
the contrary, that he went occasionally, from his early 
years, to the established worship, and became a constant 
conformist to it, when he was barely of age, and entered 
himself, in 1714, of Oriel College: that his elevation to 
great dignity in the Church, far from being sudden and 
unexpected, was a gradual and natural rise, through a 
variety of preferments, and a period of 3*2 years : that as 
Bishop of Durham he had very little authority beyond his 
brethren, and in ecclesiastical matters had none beyond 
them ; a larger income than most of them he had ; but 
this he employed, not, as was insinuated, in augmenting 
the poir.p of worship in his cathedral, where indeed, it is 
no greater than in others, but for the pui-poses of charity, 
and in the repairing of his houses.' After these remarks, 
the letter closes with these words : ' Upon the whole, few 
accusations, so entirely groundless, have been so pertina- 
ciously, 1 am unwilling to say maliciously, carried on, as 



35S BUTLER. 

the present ; and surely it is high time for the authors 
and abettors of it, in mere common prudence, to shew 
some regard, if not to truth, at least to shame.' 

" It only remains to be mentioned, that the above 
letters of Archbishop Seeker had such an effect on a writer 
who signed himself in the St. James's Chronicle of 
August 25, A dissenting Minister, that he declared it as 
his opinion that ' the author of the pamphlet, called The 
Root of Protestant Errors examined, and his friends, 
were obHged in candour, in justice, and in honour, to re- 
tract their charge, unless they could establish it on much 
better grounds than had hitherto appeared ;' and he ex- 
pressed his ' hopes that it would be understood that the 
dissenters in general had no hand in the accusation, and 
that it had only been the act of two or three mistaken 
m.en.' Another person also, ' a foreigner by birth,' as he 
says of himself, who had been long an admirer of Bishop 
Butler, and had perused with great attention all that had 
been written on both sides in the present controversy, 
confesses he had been ' wonderfully pleased with ob- 
serving, with what candour and temper, as well as clear- 
ness and solidity, he was vindicated from the aspersions 
laid against him.' All the adversaries of our prelate, 
however, had not the virtue or sense to be thus convinced; 
some of them still continued, under the signatures of Old 
Martin, Latimer, An impartial Protestant, Paulinus, 
Misonothos, to repeat their confuted falsehoods in the 
public prints ; as if the curse of calumniators had fallen 
upon them, and their memory, by being long a traitor to 
truth, had taken at last a severe revenge, and compelled 
them to credit their own lie. The first of these gentlemen, 
Old Martin, who dates from N-c-est-e, May 29, from the 
rancour and malignity with which his letter abounds, and 
from the particular virulence he discovers towards the 
characters of Bishop Butler and his defender, I conjecture 
to be no other than the very person who had already 
figured in this dispute, so early as the year 1752." 



BUTLER. 853 

It is impossible to read of this attempt to make over to 
our opponents one of the greatest lights of our Church, 
without being reminded of the following anecdote related 
by Dean Tucker. " The late Bishop of Durham had a 
singular notion respecting large communities and public 
bodies ; a notion which is not perhaps altogether inappli- 
cable to the present case. His custom was when at Bristol, 
to walk for hours in his garden in the darkest night which 
the time of the year could afford, and I had frequently 
the honour to attend him. After walking some time he 
would stop suddenly and ask the question, ' what security 
is there against the insanity of individuals ? The physi- 
cians know of none ; and as to divines, we have no data 
either from Scripture or from reason, to go upon relative 
to this affair.' ' True, my lord, no man has a lease of his 
understanding, any more than of his life ; they are both 
in the hands of the Sovereign Disposer of all things.' He 
would then take another turn, and again stop short ; ' Why 
might not whole communities and public bodies be seized 
with fits of insanity, as well as individuals ?' ' My lord, I 
have never considered the case, and can give no opinion 
concerning it.' ' Nothing but this principle, that they are 
liable to insanity, equally at least with private persons, 
can account for the major part of those transactions of 
which we read in history.' " I thought little," adds the 
dean, "of that odd conceit of the Bishop at that juncture ; 
but I own I could not avoid thinking of it a great deal 
since, and applying it to many cases." — Butlers works. 
Halifax, Bartlett. 

BUTLER, ALBAN. 

Alban Butler was born in Northampton, in 1710. 
After passing a short time at a school in Lancashire, he 
was sent, in his eighth year, to the English Roman 
Catholic College at Douay, where he applied himself with 
dihgence to his studies, and was remarkable for his early 
VOL. in. 2 H 



354 BUTLER. 

piety. After completing his course, he was admitted an 
alumnus, and appointed professor of philosophy, in lec- 
turing on which he followed the Newtonian system, then 
gaiuing ground in the foreign universities, in preference 
to the systems of Wolf and Leibnitz, in which he dis- 
covered some things irreconcilable with the opinions of 
the Church. He was next appointed professor of divinity, 
and while at this College published his first work. Letters 
on the History of the Popes, published by Mr. Archibald 
Bower. Id this work he thus expresses himself on the 
celebrated questions, of the Infallibility of the Pope and 
his right to the deposing power : "Mr. Bower having been 
educated in the (Roman) Catholic schools, could not but 
know, that, though some private divines think that the 
Pope, by the assistance of some special providence, cannot 
err in the decisions of faith solemnly published by him, 
with the mature advice of his council, or of the clergy or 
divines of his Church, yet, that this is denied by others ; 
and that the learned Bossuet and many others, especially 
of the school of Sorbon, have written warmly against that 
opinion ; and that no (Roman) Catholic looks upon it as 
an article or term of communion. It is the infallibility of 
the whole Church, whether assembled in a general council, 
or dispersed over the world, of which they speak in their 
controversial disputations. Yet this writer, at every turn, 
confounds these two things together, only to calumniate 
and impose on the public. If he had proved that some 
Popes had erred in faith, he would have no more defeated 
the article of supremacy, than he would disinherit a king 
by arraigning him of bad policy. The (Roman) Catholic 
faith teaches the Pope to be the supreme pastor of the 
Church established by Christ, and that this Church, 
founded by Christ on a rock, shall never be overcome by 
hell, or cease to be His true spouse. For He has promised, 
that His true spirit shall direct it in all truth to the end of 
the world. But Mr. Bower never found the infallibility 
of the Pope in our creed ; and knows very well that no 



BUTLER. 355 

such article is proposed by the Church, or required of any 
one. Therefore the whole chain of his boastings, which is 
conducted through the work, falls to the ground. 

" What he writes against the deposing power in Popes, 
certainly cannot be made a reproach against the (Roman) 
Catholics of England, France, Spain, &c. It is a doctrine 
neither taught nor tolerated in any (Roman) Catholic 
kingdom that I know of,' and which many (Roman) Ca- 
tholics write as warmly against as Mr. Bower could 
wish." 

In 1745 he accompanied the late Earl of Shrewsbuiy, 
and the Hon. John and Thomas Talbot in their travels 
through France and Italy, of which he wrote a full account, 
said to be entertaining aod interesting. On his return 
from these travels he was sent on the English mission. 
He had long been engaged on his laborious work, the 
Lives of the Saints, and was then bringing it to a con- 
clusion ; he naturally wished, therefore, to be settled in 
London, where he might have access to literary society 
and the public libraries, with a view to complete the 
Lives of the Saints, on which he had long been engaged ; 
but the vicar apostolic of the middle district claimed 
him, as belonging to that district, and appointed him to a 
mission in Staffordshire. This was a severe mortification 
to him, and he remonstrated, but in vain ; the vicar 
apostolic was inexorable, and required his immediate 
obedience. Here, however, he did not remain long, being 
appointed chaplain to Edward, Duke of Norfolk, and to 
superintend the education of Mr. Edward Howard, his 
nephew and presumptive heir, whom he accompanied 
abroad. During his residence at Paris, he completed and 
sent to press his Lives of the Saints, which is said to have 
cost him the labour of thirty years. In the first edition, 
at the suggestion of Mr. Challoner, the vicar apostolic of 
the London district, the notes were omitted. The notion 
of the vicar apostolic was, that by being less bulky, the 
work might be less expensive, and consequently more 
generally useful. It is easy to conjecture what it must 



856 BUTLER. 

have cost the obedient author to consign to oblivion 
the fmit of so much labour. He obeyed, and the first 
edition was published without the notes. From Butler s 
want of critical discernment, his credulity, and the very 
strong bias of his mind, which perverts the meaning of 
early writers, when their sentiments stand directly opposed 
to the dogmas of the modern Church of Rome, this work 
cannot be regarded as in any respect a work of authority. 
It is much to be regretted that it is so much read by the 
less learned of English churchmen, who may be led astray 
by the many false statements which the author, through 
prejudice, and sometimes through want of scholai-ship, 
has unintentionally made ; — unintentionally, for he was 
too good a man intentionally to deceive, — but he could not 
believe that any ancient saint could utter sentiments not 
accordant with modern Romanism, and he doubtless mis- 
represented their opinions to himself, before he misrepre- 
sented them to others. Some years after, he published 
the life of Mary of the Cross, a nun in the English 
convent of the poor Clares at Rouen. 

Some time after his return to England from his travels 
w4th Mr. Edward Howard, he was chosen president of the 
English College at St. Omer, in which station he continued 
till his death. Some interesting anecdotes are given of 
him while in this station, in a letter from L'Abbe de la 
Sepouze to Charles Butler, his nephew and biographer. 
Speaking of himself he says, " Monsieur de Conzie, now 
Bishop of Arras, having been raised to the see of St. Omer 
in 1766, caused me to be elected a canon in his cathedral 
church ; he nominated me one of his vicars-general, and I 
repaired thither on the 5th of October, 1767. 

"That prelate, whose high reputation dispenses with 
my encomiums, mentioned your uncle to me, on the very 
day of my arrival. ' I am here possessed,' said he, ' of a 
hidden treasure, and that is Mr. Butler; the president of 
the English College. I for the first time saw him,' added 
he, 'during the ceremony of my installation. He was 
kneeling on the pavement in the midst of the crowd ; his 



BUTLER. 35-7 

countenance and deportment had something heavenly in 
them : I enquired who he was ; and upon his being named 
to me, I caused him, though reluctant, to be conducted to 
one of the first stalls in the choir. I will entreat him,' 
said moreover the prelate, ' to favour you with his friend- 
ship ; he shall be your counsel, you cannot have a better.' 
I made answer, that IMonsieur de Beaumont, the illustri- 
ous Archbishop of Paris, in whose palace I had enjoyed 
the invaluable benefit of passing two years, had often 
spoken of him to me in the most honourable terms ; 
that he had commissioned me, at my departure, to renew 
to him the assurance of his particular esteem ; and 
that I would neglect nothing to be thought worthy of his 
benevolence. 

"I was so happy as to succeed in it within a short time. 
His lordship the Bishop condescended to wish me joy of 
it, and entrusted me with the design he had formed, of 
honouring the assembly of his vicars-general by making 
him our colleague. I was present when he delivered to 
him his credentials ; which moment will never forsake my 
remembrance. I beheld your dear uncle suddenly casting 
himself at the prelate's knees, and beseeching him, with 
tears in his eyes, not to lay that burden upon him. 'Ah ! 
my lord,' said he to him, ' I am unable to fill so important 
a place ;' nor did he yield but upon an express command : 
' Since you require it shall be so,' said he, ' I vdW obey ; that 
is the first of ray duties.' What an abundant source of 
reflections was this for me, who was then but twenty-six 
years of age. It was then especially that I resolved to 
make up for my inexperience, by taking him for my guide 
who had been giving me that great example of Christian 
humility. 

" The Bishop had already shewed him his confidence, 
by placing his own nephew in the English College, as also 
that of the Bishop of Senlis, his friend and the son of one 
of his countrymen. I had the charge of visiting them fre- 
quently. I used to send for them, to dine with me on 
2h -2 



358 BUTLER. 

every school holiday. If one of them had been guilty of a 
fault, the punishment I inflicted was, that he should desire 
Mr. Butler to keep him at home. But it almost always 
proved useless ; he would himself bring me the delinquent, 
and earnestly solicit his pardon; 'Depend upon it,' said he 
to me one day, ' he will behave better for the future.' I 
asked him what proof he had of it. ' Sir,' answered he, in 
the presence of the lad, 'he has told me so.' I could not 
forbear smiling at such confidence in the promises of a 
school-boy of ten years old ; but was not long before I 
repented. In a private conversation he observed to me, 
that one of the most important rules in education is to 
impress children with a persuasion that the vices we would 
keep them from, such as lying, and breaking one s word, 
are too shocking to be thought possible. A maxim this, 
worthy of the great Fenelon, his beloved model, and which 
common tutors do not so much as surmise." 

He had projected many works besides those already 
mentioned, and among them, his treatise on the Moveable 
Feasts, which was published after his death. He proposed 
■writing the lives of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More, 
and had made copious collections for both. He had begun 
a treatise on Natural and Revealed Religion, being dissatis- 
fied with what Bergier had published on those subjects. 
Three volumes of his discourses have been published since 
his decease. His literary correspondence was very exten- 
sive, and among other correspondents of distinction, may 
be mentioned the learned Lambertini, afterwards Pope 
Benedict XIV., and the late Dr. Lowth, Bishop of London; 
and the assistance he afforded to Englishmen of literature 
has been liberally acknowledged by Dr. Kennicott, and 
others. He died in 1773. His Lives of the Saints was 
first published in 1745, 5 vols, 4to; and in 1779, or 1780, 
an edition was published at Dublin, in 12 vols, 8vo ; and 
in 1799, 1800, at Edinburgh, in the same form, to which 
his nephew, Charles Butler, Esq., barrister-at-law, prefixed 
an account of his life. Many editions have been subse- 



BUTLER. 359 

quentlj published, and some of them remarkable for their 
cheapness. — Lives of the Saints with Life of Charles Butler 
prefixed. 

BUTLER, CHARLES. 

Charles Butler was born in 1559, at High Wycomb, 
in Buckinghamshire, and entered a commoner at 
Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in 1579, where he took a degree 
in arts, and was afterwards elected one of the Bible Clerks 
of Magdalen College. Soon after he became master of the 
free school at Basingstoke, in Hampshire, and was curate 
of a small parish in the neighbourhood. Here lie remain- 
ed for about seven years. About 1600 he was promoted 
to the vicarage of Lawrence Wotton, in Hampshire, where 
he remained until his death, in 1647. He wrote — 1. The 
Feminine Monarchy" or a Treatise on Bees, Oxon. 1609, 
8vo, and Lond. 1623, Oxon. 1634, 4to ; a work not more 
curious for its matter than for the manner of printing, 
abounding in new characters, and a very singular mode of 
orthography. It was afterwards translated into Latin by 
Richard Richardson, of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 
Lond. 1673, 8vo, and is quoted by Dr. Johnson in the 
preface to his dictionary. "2. Rhetoricae Libri duo, Oxon. 
1618; often reprinted. 3. De Propinquitate Matrimo- 
nium impediente Regula Generalis, (on the marriage of 
cousin-germans,) a work much approved by Dr. Prideaux, 
Oxon. 1625, 4to. 4. Oratorias Libri duo, Oxon. 1633, 
4to, Lond. 1635, 8vo. 5. English Grammar, Oxon. 1634, 
4to. 6. The Principles of Music, Lond. 1636, 4to. This 
last is highly praised by Dr. Bumey in his History of 
Music. — Ath. Ox. Fuller. 



butler, JOHN. 

John Butler was born at Hamburgh in 1717. He 
was a popular London preacher, but was chiefly known as 



360 BUXTORF. 

a political writer, and though he never graduated at either 
university, rose from being chaplain to the King and pre- 
bendary of Winchester to be Bishop of Oxford, in 177T, 
from whence he removed to Hereford where he died in 
1802. What his character was may be gathered from the 
fact that the Letters of Junius were, though without foun- 
dation, at one time ascribed to him. He published some 
occasional sermons and charges. — Gen. Bloc/ : Diet. 



BUXTOEF, JOHN. 

John Buxtorf was born in 1564 at Camen in Westpha- 
lia. He was a Calvinist, and became a minister at Basle, 
where he was also a professor of the Hebrew and Chaldean 
languages. He availed himself during his studies of the 
assistance of the ablest Jews, and from them he acquired 
a fondness for rabbinical learning. His first publication 
was, Synagoge Judaica, printed at Basle, in German, 
1603 ; and at Hanau, in Latin, 1604. His next work was 
an Epitome Radicum Hebraicarum, &c., Bas. 1607 ; and 
in the same year his Lexicon Hebraicum, &c. ; in 1609, 
his Thesaurus Grammaticus Linguae Hebr. ; followed, in 
1610, by his Institutio Epistolar. Hebraic, published for 
the benefit of those who might wish to correspond in 
Hebrew. To this succeeded his treatise De Abbreviaturis 
Hebraeorum, &c., Bas. 1613; and in 1618 appeared his 
Hebrew Bible, in 4 folio vols ; accompanied with the re- 
marks of Ptabbio interpreters, Chaldaic paraphrases, and 
the Massorah. To this is generally added the Tiberias, 
published by his grandson, at Basle, in 1665, which is a 
commentary on the Massorah, and contains an explanation 
of the terms used in it, according to the interpretation of 
Elias the Levite. After his death was published, likewise, 
his Lexicon Chaldaicum, in 1639 ; and in the very year of 
his decease, his Concordantise Hebraicae. He died Sept. 
13, 1629. — Moreri. Saxii Onomast. Baillet Jugemens. 



BYAM. 361 

BUXTOEF, JOHN. 

John Buxtorf, son of the above, was bom at Basil in 
1599. He succeeded his father in the professorship ; and 
defended the antiquity of the Hebrew vowel points with 
great zeal against Capellus, in a book entitled, Tractatus 
de punctorum vocaUum et accentuum in libris Veteris 
Testamenti HebraicisB origine, antiquitate, and auctoritate, 
1648. He pubUshed, likewise, a Hebrew, Chaldaic, and 
Syriac Lexicon and Grammar, in 1622 ; and after writing 
various dissertations on diflferent points of Jewish litera- 
ture, died August 16, 1664. It is to him we owe a trans- 
lation of the Moreh Nevochim of Maimonides, printed at 
Basle, 1629, and of some other rabbinical works ; amongst 
which is the Liber Cosri, in Hebrew and Latin, Basle, 
1622, where the Hebrew is said to be the translation of a 
lost Arabic work. He had partly prepared for the press a 
collection of the passages wherein the Greek Septuagint 
differs from the Hebrew. But his death, which occurred 
in 1664, prevented his completing his design. The two 
Buxtorfs are severely censured by Father Simon, but are 
as highly praised by other Hebrew scholars. — Moreri. 
Fraheri Theatrum. Saxii Onomast. 



BYAM, HENRY. 

Henry Byam was bom at East Luckham, of which 
place his father was rector, in the year 1580. The follow- 
ing account of him is given by Walker, in his Sufferings 
of the Clergy : 

" He was sent first to Exeter College in Oxford, and 
thence elected student of Christ Church. Upon the death 
of his father, about the year 1612, he succeeded in 
Luckham; and March 17th, 1631, (on the death of 
Sampson Strode) was collated to a prebend in this church. 
About that time also he served the clergy of Somersetshire 
in convocation. Upon the breaking out of the Rebellion 



362 BYAM. 

he was seized by Blake (then a captain of dragoons, after- 
wards Oliver's general at sea^l and was the first person so 
used, for his majesty's service. After some time of im- 
prisonment, he made his escape, and fled to his majesty 
at Oxford ; and was made D.D. there. He had at that 
time raised both men and horses for the King's service, 
and engaged his five sons in the same most righteous 
cause. His whole income, as well spiritual as temporal, 
was by that means exposed to rapine, plunder, and seques- 
tration, his children to distress and danger, and himself 
to many grievous shifts and exigencies. His wife and 
daughter were left at home, and being perpetually har- 
rassed by the rebels, were at last constrained to fly for 
Wales ; which attempting by sea, they were both lost, 
together with all the remainder of what treasure the 
barbarous ravagers had spared, or rather had been con- 
cealed from them. Of his sons, four were captains in the 
service ; and some of them honourably lost their lives in 
it. When Prince Charles fled out of England, first to 
Scilly, and afterwards to Jersey, this excellent doctor 
attended him, and was left as his chaplain at the castle of 
Elizabeth, in the last-mentioned island ; where he re- 
mained till it was taken by the parliament ; and from 
that time till the Restoration, he lived in a poor obscure 
condition. However, he survived all those miseries, and 
upon the Restoration was made canon of this church (in 
the room of Edward Cotton deceased, to which dignity 
he was admitted September 15th, 1660) and prebendary 
of Wells. He died at Luckham, June 16th, 1669, in the 
89th year of his age. He was, saith Wood, whilst young, 
one of the greatest ornaments of the university, and the 
most noted person there for his excellent and polite 
learning ; and was afterwards looked upon as the most 
acute and eminent preacher of his age. He bore his 
sufferings with great patience; and was a person of so 
much modesty, that it is well known, would he have sought 
after it, he might have died a Bishop, which honourable 
function he really deserved, not only for sanctity of life, 



BZOVIUS. 363 

but for learning, charity, and loyalty, scarce to be equalled 
by any in the age he lived. He was succeeded in his 
prebend by Francis Moor, A.M., who was collated to it 
June 19th, 1669, and in his canonry by Oliver Naylor, 
elecv.d to it the '^6th of the same month and year." 

BZOVIUS, ABEAHAM. 

Abeaham Bzovius was born at Prosovity, in Poland, in 
1567. Thomas Ostola, his father, and Magdalene Vesicia, 
his mother, died before he was a year old, and he was 
educated by his grandmother on the mother's side. He 
made such progress under the instruction of one of his 
uncles, that at ten years old he could write Latin, compose 
in music, and make verses. After this, he went to con- 
tinue his studies at Cracow, and there took the habit of a 
Dominican. Being sent into Italy, he read some lectures 
of philosophy at Milan, and of divinity at Bologna. After 
he returned into his own country, he preached in Posnania 
and in Cracow, with the applause of all his hearers ; and 
taught philosophy and divinity. He was principal of a 
college of his own order. He founded a fraternity of the 
Piosaria; he consecrated a chapel to the image of St. Mary 
the great, which he brought from Piome to Cracow; be 
furnished the libraiy of the Dominicans with a great 
number of books ; he pacified Poland ; he caused the 
church of St. Hyacenthus to be built in Warsaw, and 
rendered other services to his country, but especially to 
the Dominican order, to the interests of which he was 
attached with bigotry. At the same time he astonished 
the world by the fecundity of his pen. Some persons 
maintain that it is no hyperbole to say that he composed 
more books than others have read. Two pages folio could 
hardly contain the titles only of his works. His chief 
work is the continuation of Baronius, — a work extendiug 
to twelve folio volumes, of which the first eight appeared 
at Cologne, between 1616 and 1635. These brought down 
the history of the Church from the end of the pontificate 



364 BZOVIUS. 

of Celestine III, when Baronius concluded, to the year 
1564. Another volume appeared after the author's death, 
in 1672, which continued the history to 1572. But no 
more was published. Though written on the same prin- 
ciples as those adopted by Baronius, it has been almost 
universally regarded as inferior to the work it was designed 
to continue. It never enjoyed any high degree of reputa- 
tion. In one thing he especially resembled Baronius, 
namely, in his ser\dle attachment to the interests of the 
court of Rome, and therefore when he went to Rome he 
was received with distinction by the Pope, and lodged in 
the Vatican. Nevertheless, his inconsiderate and violent 
zeal occasioned him to take steps of which he had reason 
to repent. He had treated with severity the memory of the 
Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, and erased him ignominiously 
out of the catalogue of emperors. The duke of Bavaria 
was so incensed at this audaciousness, that, not satisfied 
with causing an apology to be written for that emperor, 
he brought an action in form against the annalist, and had 
him condemned to make a public recantation. Bzovius 
did not escape for this disgrace : he was severely treated 
in the apology of Lewis of Bavaria, published by George 
Herwart ; who affirms, that Bzovius had not acted in his 
annals like a man of honesty, or wit, or judgment, or 
memory, or any other good quality of a writer. Indeed 
he has been treated quite as severely by Roman Catholic 
as by Protestant writers. The Franciscans and the 
Jesuits were especially provoked with him, and their 
hostility was more formidable than that of the duke. His 
partiality to his own order was such, that some persons 
have regarded his, as the history rather of the Dominicans 
than of the Church. 

Bzovius quitted his residence at the Vatican a short 
time before his deatli, and retired to the convent of 
Minerva at Rome, terrified by the murder of one of his 
servants, and mortified by the loss of a large sum of 
money, which the murderer carried off. He died in the 
year 1637. Moreri. BayU. Bowling. 



CABASILAS. 365 



CABASILAS, MLUS. 



KiLUS Cabastlas was x\rchbishop of Thessalonica in the 
fourteenth century, under the empire of the Andronicus 
dynasty. He \Yr()te two treatises against the Latins ; the 
first to make it appear, that the cause of the division of the 
Greeks and Latins, arises from this, that the Pope is not 
willing that any controverted question should be decided 
by the judgment of an (Ecumenical Council ; but will be 
the sole judge, and othei*s must hearken to him, as their 
master. He demonstrates by the examples of ancient 
Popes, by the usage of the Church, and by divers reasons, 
that it is seasonable to call a council ; and that it is the 
only expedient to settle union, and to decide the question 
about the procession of the Holy Ghost. The second trea- 
tise is of the Pope's primacy, in which he proves that the 
Pope holds his primacy by laws, councils, and princes. He 
there asserts that the Pope is not infallible, and proves it 
by the example of Honorius. He grants him the primacy 
of honour ; but he proves that he has no jurisdiction over 
other patriarchs, seeing he does not ordain them. He 
observes, that the right of appeal gives him no authority 
over other patriarchs, seeing the patriarch of Constan- 
tinople hath the same right over the patriarchates, wherein 
he hath no jurisdiction, according to the ninth canon of 
the fourth general council. He shews, that it is not true, 
that the Pope cannot be judged by any person, or that he 
is of an order more sublime than the Bishops ; that he is 
subject to councils and canons ; that he is not properly 
speaking Bishop of the whole world ; that the see of Kome 
is not the only one that may be called apostolic ; that it 
belongs not to him alone to call a general council ; and 
that if canons cannot be made without him, neither can 
he make any without others. These treatises of Nilus 
are written, says Dupin, in a good method, clearness, and 
full of learning. They were at first printed in Greek at 
London without a date, in Greek and Latin at Basil in 

VOL. 111. 2 I 



366 CABASILAS. 

1544, at Frankfort in 1555, and with the notes of Salma- 
sius at Haynault in 1608, and in his treatise of the pri- 
macy of the Pope, printed at Amsterdam in 1645. Nilus 
also puhlished a work on the procession of the Holy Ghost 
against the Latins, divided into nine and forty books, of 
which Allatius makes mention in his dissertation of the 
Nilus. 

His second treatise was translated into English by 
Thomas Gressop, student in Oxford, under the title of 
A Treatise containing a Declaration of the Pope's usui-ped 
Primacy, &c. 8vo. 1560. This distiDguished opponent of 
Popery and firm advocate of the Catholic Church in the 
east died in 1350. — Dupin. Leo Allatius in diatribe de 
Nilis et eonmi scriptis. 



CABASILAS, NICHOLAS. 

Nicholas Cabasilas was the nephew of Nilus, whom 
he immediately succeeded as Archbishop of Thessalonica 
in 1350, under John Cantacuzenus. He was, like his 
uncle, a strong opponent of Popery, and wrote several 
treatises, in which he shewed how entirely without founda- 
tion are the extravagant pretensions of that arrogant 
Church to supremacy and infallibility. He also made an 
exposition of the liturgy, in which he treats of the Holy 
Communion, its parts and its ceremonies : although he 
did not hold the Piomish dogma of tran substantiation, he 
observes that the effect of the celebration of the holy mys- 
teries, is the changing, (sacramentally) of the elements 
into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ ; that the end is 
the sanctification of the faithful, the remission of sins, 
and the kingdom of heaven ; that the preparation and the 
means are prayer, singing of psalms, and reading the 
Holy Scriptures, and all that is done before or after the 
consecration of the elements. He shews the necessity of 
those prayers, and explains the ceremonies of the oblation, 



CABASILAS. 367 

which precedes the receiving ; why, but one part of the 
host is given ; why, the sign of the cross is made upon the 
host at the mention of the death of Jesus Christ ; of the 
thanksgiving after the oblation ; of the prayers of the 
mass ; of presenting the sacred elements on the altar : of 
the sanctification of these elements : he attacks the Latins 
upon this subject, and asserts that it is not by the sole 
virtue of the words of Jesus Christ that the consecration 
is made, but by prayer. He says, that the sacrifice con- 
sists in this, that the bread, which was not sacrificed, 
becomes the Body of Jesus Christ sacrificed. He explains 
in what sense the saints are prayed for in the liturgy, by 
observing that those prayers are thanksgivings, and that 
we rather pray them to help us by their prayers ; but that 
the priest prays for himself, and for the living, and for 
the protection of a good guardian angel. He adds, that at 
the elevation of the host, he says, Sancta Sanctis, to sig- 
nify that saints only ought to partake of those mysteries. 
He renders a reason of the usage of the Greeks, who 
mingle warm water in the chalice before the communion. 
He affirms, that this ceremony implies the descent of the 
Holy Ghost. He speaks of the communion and the . 
prayer said after it. In fine, he affirms that the sacrifice 
is oSered for the dead, as well as for the living, as to the 
effect of the intercession, but not as to the participation. 
He treats of the effects of the communion, and chiefly of 
the internal sanctification of the soul, or of the spiritual 
communion, by which Jesus Christ imparts himself spirit- 
ually to such, as are worthy to receive him, a communion, 
which is more complete in the saints after their death, 
than in the living. He enlarges upon the commemoration 
of the saints. 

His works are — 1. This treatise, entitled Compendiosa 
Interpretatio in Divinum Officium, which was published 
at Paris, 1524, by Fronton du Due. A Latin version of 
it, by Gentian Hervet, was published at Venice in 1548. 
2. A Treatise on the Procession of the Holy Ghost, against 
the Latins : this was printed in Latin, Venice, 1545 ; 



368 CABASSOLE. 

Antwerp, 1560 ; and in Greek and Latin in the Biblio- 
theca Patrum. 3. A Life of Jesus Christ ; a Latin version 
of this was pubhshed by Pontanus, Ingolstadt, 1604, 4to. 
He also wrote a commentary on the third book of the 
Almagest of Ptolemy, and is said to have surpassed all 
his contemporaries in geometrical and astronomical skill. 
— Diqnn. Leo Allatim. 

CABASSOLJE, PHILIP DE. 

Phiupde CABASSOLE,born at Cavaillon, in Provence, was 
descended from an illustrious family connected with the 
house of Anjou, where he became, at twelve years of age, 
a canon of the cathedral, archdeacon in 1330, and Bishop 
in 1334. He w^as also honoured with the rank of chan- 
cellor to Sancha, Queen of Sicily, by her husband Robert, 
in 1341, and jointly with that princess was regent during 
the minority of Joan her grand- daughter. In 1345, after 
the murder of Andrew, King of Hungary, an event which 
deeply affected him, he returned to Avignon. In 1358 
he was sent as nuncio by the Pope to demand from the 
clergy of Germany a tithe of the ecclesiastical revenues of 
that country, but failed in the object of his mission. In 
1361 he was appointed titular patriarch of Jerusalem, 
and in 1366 he had the charge of the bishopric of Mar- 
seilles; and at last, in 1368, Pope Urban V. raised 
him to the rank of cardinal, and vicar-general spiritual 
and temporal in the diocese of Avignon ; and while the 
Popes resided at Avignon, Gregory XI. made him super- 
intendent of the papal territory in Italy. He wrote 
a treatise, De Nugis Curialium, and some sermons. 
Dupin says, that in the library of St. Victor, there are two 
books of the life and miracles of St. Mary Magdalene 
which bear the name of this Cardinal. He is known in 
the history of literature as the friend of Petrarch, to whom 
the poet dedicated his treatise on a Solitary Life, and 
addressed many of his letters. He died at Pesugia in 
1371, 



CAIET. 369 

CABASSUT, JOHN. 

John Cabassut was born in 1604 at Aix in Provence. 
At an early age he entered the congregation, and after his 
ordination became celebrated as a priest of the oratory. 
He was a professor of the Canon Law at Avignon, and 
died on the ^Sth of September, 1685, at Aix. He was 
regarded by the Galilean Church as a bright example of 
humility, of self-mortification, and of disinterestedness. 
He desired to publish several works, but his time was too 
much occupied as a confessor and a spiritual adviser to 
enable him to fulfil his intentions. His chief works are, 
Juris Canonici Theoria et Praxis, published at Lyons, 
1675, of which there have been many editions; and An 
Account of the Ecclesiastical History of the Councils and 
Canons in Latin also, published in 1685. — Moreri. 



CAIET, PETEE V[CT0K PALMA. 

Peter VicTOPt Palma Caiet was born in 1525, at 
Montrichard, in Tourraine, and was educated under the 
celebrated Piamus at Paris. He was supported there by 
the generosity of a friend of the family, who embraced the 
reformed religion, and in doing so was imitated by Caiet. 
Cai@t visited Geneva, and afterwards studied divinity 
under the Protestant professors of Germany. He after- 
wards was brought under the notice of Catherine of 
Bourbon, sister of Henry IV., to whom he was appointed 
preacher. He attended her to Paris, and there he had 
a controversy with Du Perron, during which was mani- 
fested his inclination to return to the Church of Ptome. 
The Calvinists immediately acted as Calvinists and Ultra- 
protestants too often do, and made the discovery that he, 
who up to this time had been the subject of their eulogy, 
was now a compound of every thing bad in human nature. 
They accused him of having practised magical arts. The 
Calvinists must indeed have been hard pressed when they 
2i2 



370 CAJETAN. 

resorted to such an accusation, which is indeed fully 
disproved by the dedication prefixed to his Histoire 
prodigieuse et lamentabile du Docteur Fauste, grand 
Magicien. They also accused him of having written a 
book in favour of public brothels : but it is remarkable 
that of this book they never could produce a copy, and we 
may conclude therefore, that, as a copy was never seen by 
friend or foe, the book had never any existence. He 
abjured the principles of Calvinism publicly before the 
university of Paris, on the 9th of November, 1595. A 
residence was assigned him in the monastery of St. Martin 
des Champs, from which he removed in 1601, to the 
college of Navarre, at Paris. In this college he was 
appointed professor of Hebrew and the Oriental languages. 
He was also a doctor of the Sorbonne. He died in 1610. 
Henry IV. greatly befriended him, and gave him a small 
estate in the country, suited to the habits and inclinations 
of one devoted to literary occupations. After his recanta- 
tion, he had a controversy with Du Moulin, against whose 
book, the Waters of Siloam, Caiet published an answer, 
entitled the Fiery Furnace, and the Reverberatory Furnace, 
for evaporating the pretended Waters of Siloam, and for 
strengthening the Fire of Purgatory, against the Heresies, 
Calumnies, Falsehoods, and vain Cavils of the pretended 
minister Du Moulin, Paris, 1603, 8vo. He left several 
controversial pieces ; but his most popular work is his 
Chronologic septenaire, 1606, 8vo, from the peace of 
Vervins in 1598 to 1604, Paris, 1605, 8vo. The reception 
which this work met with induced him to add to the 
history of the peace that of the war that went before it. 
We have this additional history in the three vols, of his 
Chronologic novenaire, 1608, 8vo, from 1589 to 1598. — 
Moreri. Dwpin. 

CAJETAN. 

Cajetan, whose proper name was Thomas de Vio, 
named Cajetan from the place of his nativity, was born 



CAJETAN. 871 

at Cajeta, in the kingdom of Naples, in the year 1460. 
At the age of fifteen he entered the order of St. Dominic, 
in which his learning and genius obtained for him a 
distinguished reputation ; and having taken a doctor's 
degree when he was about twenty-two years of age, he 
taught philosophy and divinity at Brescia, Paris, Pavia, 
and Rome. He went regularly through all the honours of 
his order till, in 1508, he was made general of it; which 
office he exercised for ten years. In 1517 he was made a 
cardinal by Leo X. in consequence of the zeal with which 
he defended the papal pretensions in his work entitled, 
Of the Power of the Pope. In 1518 he was sent as a 
legate into Germany, to move the emperor to make war 
against the Turks, and to quell the commotions which 
Luther had raised by his opposition to Leo's indulgences. 
It is indeed from the fact of his sitting in judgment upon 
Martin Luther that Cajetan obtains a place in ecclesiastical 
histoiy. Luther having been summoned before an 
ecclesiastical court in Home, had exerted all his influence 
to have his cause tried in Germany. He succeeded, and 
was summoned to Augsburg, where he appeared before 
Cardinal Cajetan. The conduct of Cajetan on the occasion 
was kind and courteous, though it does not impress one 
with the idea of his being a man of any great powers of 
mind. He sat as a judge, and should not have permitted 
Luther to draw him into a discussion. That he failed in 
discussion is not to be wondered at, for his cause, that of 
papal indulgences, was incapable of defence, and he en- 
countered in Luther the mightiest intellect of the age. 
Luther approached him as his superior and judge. Ac- 
cording to Roman etiquette, he prostrated himself before 
the cardinal ; when the latter told him to rise, he knelt ; 
and when the command was repeated, he stood erect. 
After a pause, Luther addressed him, saying, " Most 
worthy father, upon the summons of his holiness the Pope, 
and at the desire of my gracious Lord, the Elector of 
Saxony, I appear before you as a humble and obedient 
son of the Holy Catholic Church ; and I acknowledge it 



3Ta CAJETAN. 

was I who published the propositions and thesis that 
are the subject of enquiry. I am ready to Hsten with all 
submission to the charges brought against me; and if I 
am in error, to be instructed in the truth." The cardinal 
in a paternal spirit replied, " My dear son, you have filled 
all Germany with commotion with your indulgences. I 
hear that you are a doctor well skilled in the Scriptures, 
and that you have many followers. If, therefore, you 
wish to be a member of the Church, and to have in the 
Pope a gracious lord, listen to me." He then required 
him, 1. To acknowledge his faults, retract his errors, 
propositions, and serm.ons ; 2. To abstain from propagating 
his opinions ; and, 3. To avoid every thing that would 
disturb the peace of the Church. 

Luther seems to have questioned the legate's authority, 
and surprised the assembly by demanding a sight of the 
Pope's brief under which he acted, and when this was 
refused, he quietly said, " Deign to inform me wherein I 
have^erred." This led to a conversation, not only on the 
doctrine of indulgences, but on that of the Sacraments ; 
in which Luther had so clearly the best of the argument, 
that the legate appears to have lost his temper, and to 
have resumed the position from which he had permitted 
himself to be led, of the magistrate dealing with one who 
acknowledged that he had committed w^hat the court 
regarded as a crime, though he was prepared to contend 
that in so regarding it the court was in error. The 
cardinal said : " I am not come here to argue with you ; 
retract, or prepare to endure the punishment you have 
deserved." Luther, perceiving that he could not argue 
upon an equality, thought it the most prudent plan to 
answer the cardinal in w^riting ; by which means, if the 
court decided against him, the public would be able to 
form a judgment whether the decision were a just one. 
The cardinal, having offered him a safe conduct to Rome, if 
he was unwilling to abide by his judgment, an offer which 
Luther refused; he dismissed Luther with politeness and 
a smile of compassion. 



CAJETAN. 373 

On the morrow, when Luther appeared, he read with a 
firm voice the following declaration : " I declare that I 
honour the holj Koman Church, and moreover, that I will 
continue to do so. I have sought after truth in mj public 
disputations, and what I have I regard to this hour as 
right, true, and Christian. Nevertheless, I am but a man, 
and may be mistaken. I am therefore willing to be 
instructed where I have erred. I declare myself ready to 
answer by word of mouth, or in writing, all the objections, 
and all the charges that the illustrious legate may bring 
against me. I declare myself willing to submit my thesis 
to the decision of the four universities of Bale, Fribourg, 
Louvain, and Paris, and to retract what they declare to be 
erroneous ;" and he protested against the course adopted 
by the legate who called upon him to retract, without first 
convicting him of erroi\ 

This appeal to the universities was not agreeable to the 
cardinal, who wished to have the honour of settling the 
matter himself — he told Luther that he was ready to hear 
him and exhort him as a father, while he evidently felt 
that he had lowered himself by having entered into a 
discussion. The cardinal insisted on a recantation, while 
Luther contended that he had nothing to retract. The 
discussion ended less amicably than on the preceding 
day, Luther having carried his point, and persuaded the 
cardinal to permit him to write his answer. His written 
answer he read the next day, when he was betrayed into 
considerable violence of language and manner, while, on 
that occasion, and afterwards, the cardinal did all that in 
him lay by conciliation and gentleness to make him re- 
tract. The conference, as is well known, led to no results, 
further than that of exposing the awful sin of the Roman 
Church on the subject of indulgences. The cardinal was 
taken by surprise at the sudden departure of Luther from 
Augsburg, when he found that his presence was useless, 
and Cajetan evidently suffered the pangs of disappointed 
vanity. He had expected to cajole the reformer into sub- 



374 CAJETAN. 

mission, and to be hailed as the pacificator of Germany. 
He failed. 

Luther and Cajetan never met again, but D'Aubignyin 
his interesting Romance on the History of the Reformation 
of the 1 6th century, informs us that the reformer made a 
jDowerful impression on the mind of the legate which was 
never entirely effaced. How Monsieur DAubigny became 
so well acquainted with the mind of Cardinal Cajetan, is 
not known. 

In 1519 Cajetan was made Bishop of Cajeta. He was 
also employed in several important negotiations, for which 
he was eminently fitted by his capacity for business, and 
by his command of temper. In 1527 he was taken pri- 
soner at the sacking of the city of Rome, but returned 
thither in 1530. Sixtus Senensis tells us, that he was a 
most subtle logician and admirable philosopher, and an 
incomparable divine ; and Bossuet says that he was a man 
of a fiery and impetuous spirit, better skilled in dialectics 
than in ecclesiastical antiquities. He wrote commentaries 
upon Aristotle's philosophy, and upon Thomas Aquinas s 
theology. He gave a literal translation of all the books of 
the Old and New Testaments from the originals, excepting 
Solomon's Song and the Prophets, which he left unfinished, 
and the Revelation of St. John, which he designedly omit- 
ted, saying, that to explain that part of the New Testament 
required an expositor, endued not only with learning, but 
with the spirit of prophecy. Father Simon says of him, 
that he " was very fond of translations of the Bible purely 
literal ; being persuaded that the Scripture could not be 
translated too literally, seeing that it is the pure word of 
God. This cardinal, in his preface to the Psalms, largely 
explains the method he observed in his translation of 
that book ; and he affirms, that although he knew nothing 
of the Hebrew, yet he had translated part of the Bible 
word for word from it. For this purpose he made use of 
two persons who understood the language well — the one a 
Jew, the other a Christian, whom he desired to translate 



CAJETAN. 375 

the Hebrew words exactly according to the letter and 
grammar, although their translation might appear to make 
no sense at all." Cardinal Pallavacini, who looked upon 
this as too bold, says, that Cajetan, " who has succeeded 
to the admiration of the whole world in his other works, 
got no reputation by what he did upon the Bible, because 
he followed the prejudices of those who stuck close to the 
Hebrew Grammar." But Simon is of opinion that he 
" may in some measure be justified : for he did not," says 
he, "pretend to condemn the ancient Latin translator, or 
the other translators of the Bible ; but would only have 
translations of the Bible to be made from the original as 
literally as can be. because there are only these originals, 
which can be called the pure word of God ; and because in 
translations, which are not literal, there are always some 
things which do not -thoroughly express the original." 
These commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, which were 
severely censured by the faculty of theology of Paris, were 
published at Lyons in 5 vols, folio, 1639, with the author's 
life, by Fonseca, prefixed. Cajetan died at Rome, in 1534. 
— Sleldan. Mosheim. UAuhigny. 



CAJETAX, CONSTANTINE. 

CoxsTAXTiN'E Cajetan was bom at Syracuse, in 1560. 
He is chiefly celebrated for the almost insane devotion 
which he evinced towards the Benedictine order, of which 
he was a member, claiming, as Benedictines, many who 
were entirely unconnected with the order. He went so far 
as to assert that John Gerson, and not Thomas a Kempis, 
was the author of The Imitation of Christ. This involved 
him in a long controversy with Piosweyde. Baronius 
made gi'eat use in his annals of materials supplied by 
Cajetan. He was secretary to Paul Y., and was appointed 
librarian at the Vatican by Clement VIII. He died in 
1650. — Bujnn. Moreri. 



376 CALAMY. 

CALAMY, EDMUND. 

Edmund Calamy was bora in 1600, and was educated 
at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge. He was afterwards chap- 
lain to the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Feltham, who presented 
him to the vicarage of St. Mary's in Swaffham-Prior. 
At the death of the Bishop he became one of the lecturers 
of St. Edmund s Bury, in Suffolk. It is stated by some 
writers that during the ten years of his being lecturer at 
this place he was mindful of his ecclesiastical vows, and 
dutifully conformed to the Church. But that he did thus 
observe his vows, and conform, is denied by others, and 
indeed, without apparent compunction of conscience by 
himself. His diocesan. Bishop Wren, like the present 
learned Bishop of London, directed his clergy to observe 
the orders and ceremonies of the Church ; and the writer 
of a Tract called " Sober Sadness," ssljs, "that Mr. Calamy 
complied with Bishop Wren, his diocesan, preached in his 
surplice and hood, read prayers at the rails, bowed at the 
name of Jesus, and undertook to satisfy and reduce such 
as scrupled those ceremonies." The same assertion was 
made by Mr. Henry Beeston in 1646, to whose work 
Mr. Calamy replied : and in his reply he affirms, '* that 
during the time he was at St. Edmund's Bury, he never 
bowed to, or towards the altar, to, or towards the east, 
never read that wicked book of sports upon the Lord's day, 
never read prayers at the high altar, at the upper end of 
the Church, where people could not hear." It seems hard 
not to believe a man when he publishes his own disgrace, 
and glories in it. When Non-conformity became popular 
there is no doubt that he was a Non-conformist, and be- 
came a violent assailant of the Church ; he was one of the 
writers of a " Humble Remonstrance, &c., published by 
Smectymnuus," which, with the vanity of an author, he 
described as giving the first deadly blow at episcopacy. 
But deadly as the blow was, episcopacy still survives, and 
among the modern Puritans is even popular. The word 
Smectymnuus is composed of the initial letters of its 



CALAMY. S7T 

authors names, Stephen Marshall, Edmund Calamy, 
Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomen, and William Spur- 
stow. It may be doubted whether any thing which has of 
late years issued from the press of the religious world, 
has surpassed, or even equalled this work in fierceness of 
spirit, or severity of language. It concludes with an 
appendix, in which is contained an historical narration of 
those bitter fruits, pride, rebellion, treason, unthankful- 
ness, &c., which have issued from episcopacy, while it hath 
stood under the continual influences of sovereign good- 
ness.' The whole ends thus, ' The inhuman butcheiies, 
blood-sheddings, and cmelties of Gardiner, Bonner, and 
the rest of the Bishops in Queen Mary s days, are so fresh 
in every man's memory, as that we conceive it a thing 
altogether unnecessary to make mention of them. Only 
we fear lest the guilt of the blood then shed, should yet 
remain to be required'at the hands of this nation, because 
it hath not publicly endeavoured to appease the wrath of 
God, by a solemn and general humiliation for it. What 
the practices of the prelates have been ever since, from 
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth to this very day, would 
fill a volume like Ezekiels roll, with lamentation, mourn- 
ing, and woe to record. For it hath been their great 
design to hinder all further reformation : to bring in doc- 
trines of Popery, Arminianism, and Libertinism, to main- 
tain, propagate, and much increase the burden of human 
ceremonies, to keep out and beat down the preaching of 
the word, to silence the faithful preachers of it, to oppose 
and persecute the most zealous professoi-s, and to turn all 
religion into a pompous outside : and to tread down the 
power of godliness. Insomuch, as it is come to an ordi- 
nary proverb, that when any thing is spoiled, we used to 
say. The Bishop's foot is in it. x\nd in all this, and 
much more which might be said, fulfilling Bishop Bonner's 
prophecy, who, when he saw, that in King Edward's 
Reformation, there was a reservation of ceremonies and 
hierarchy, is credibly reported to have used these words : 

YOL. III. 2 K 



378 CALAMY. 

* Since they have begun to taste our broth, it will not he 
long ere thej taste our beef.'" 

Archdeacon Echard says, that he afterwards became 
" an incendiary, a promoter of rebellion, and of the bring- 
ing in of the Scots ;" and by the sermons of Calamy, the 
assertions of the archdeacon are fully proved. 

His views became more moderate when the Indepen- 
dents supplanted the Presbyterians ; and he has the 
honour of being one of the Presbyterians who remonstrat- 
ed against the murder of King Charles the Martyr. He 
seems to have come to the opinion, that a Churchman 
would make a better King than an Independent. The 
following story, which Harry Neville, who was one of the 
council of state, asserted of his own knowledge, is a full 
proof of this, and at the same time a very curious passage 
in itself. " Cromwell having a design to set up himself, 
and bring the crown upon his own head, sent for some of 
the chief city divines, as if he made it a matter of con- 
science to be determined by their advice. Among these 
was the leading Mr. Calamy, who very boldly opposed the 
project of Cromwell's single government, and offered to 
prove it both unlawful and impracticable. Cromwell an- 
swered readily upon the first head of unlawful, and 
appealed to the safety of the nation being the supreme 
law : but, says he, pray Mr. Calamy, why impracticable ? 
He replied ; oh it is against the voice of the nation, there 
will be nine in ten against you. Very well, says Crom- 
well ; but what if I should disarm the nine, and put the 
sword in the tenth man's hand, would not that do the 
business." 

On the Restoration he was offered a bishopric, — an un- 
principled proceeding — by which Charles, in the true spirit 
of simony, sought to bring over the Presbyterians. Much 
to his credit. Dr. Calamy refused the bribe, and continued 
a Non-conformist, though attending his parish church as 
a layman. His character in his old age seems to have 
softened. He died in October, 1666, a short time after 
the fire of London. 



CALAMY. 379 

Besides the pieces already mentioned, Calamy published 
several single sermons, preached on different occasions, 
and five sermons, entitled, The Godly Man's Ark, or a 
City of Refuge in the Day of his Distress, the eighth 
edition of which was printed at London, 1(583, in 12mo. 
He had a share in drawing up the Vindication of the 
Presbyterian Goveinment and Ministry, London, 1 650 ; 
and the Jus Divinum Ministerii Evangelici Anglicani, 
printed in 1654. — Edmund Calamy s Autobiography and 
Lives. Wood. 



CALAMY, BENJAiriN. 

BENJAMfN Calamy, second son of the preceding, was 
educated at St. Pauls School, from whence he removed to 
Catherine Hall, Cambridge, where he took his degrees in 
arts, and obtained a fellowship. In 1677 he was chosen 
minister of St. Mary, Aldermanbury, and soon after was 
appointed chaplain to the King. In 1680 he took his 
degree of D.D. In 1683 he preached a sermon, which he 
afterwards published under the title of a Discourse about 
a Scrupulous Conscience. This sermon he preached a 
second time at Bow Church, and this excited a Non- 
conformist, Thomas de Laune, who had been formerly a 
schoolmaster, to write against it ; for which he was tyran- 
nically imprisoned, a circumstance which greatly affected 
Dr. Calamy, who exerted himself in behalf of De Laune. 
In 1683 Calamy was admitted to the vicarage of St. Law- 
rence Jewry, with St. Mary Magdalen, Milk-street, an- 
nexed, to which he was collated by the dean and chapter 
of St. Paul's, and in 1685 he was made a prebendary of 
that cathedral. He died in 1686. — Ed. Calamy's Auto- 
biography. SJierlock's Funeral Sermon. 

CALAMY, EDMUND. 

Edmund Calamy, grandson of Edmund before men- 
tioned, was born in 1671. Having completed his education 



380 CALVIN. 

at different schools in England, he was sent to Utrecht ; 
and in 1694 was ordained at London, in the Presbyterian 
way. After officiating to different congregations, he suc- 
ceeded Mr. x\lsop in Westminster. In 1702 he published 
an abridgment of Baxter's Life and Times, with an ac- 
count of the ejected ministers ; a subsequent edition of 
which was enlarged to four volumes. This work occa- 
sioned a controversy between the author and Mr. after- 
wards Bishop Hoadley. In 1709 Mr. Calamy made a 
tour in Scotland, where the degree of D.D. was conferred 
on him by three Presbyterian universities. He died in 
1732. Besides the above, he published two volumes of 
sermons and some tracts. He also left a large manuscript 
by him, entitled " An historical Account of my own Life 
and Times," which was published in 1829 by Mr. Butt, 
but is of little value. — Autobiography. 



CALVIN, JOHN. 

This celebrated founder of the religion which goes by 
his name was bom on the 1 0th of July, 1509, at Noyon, 
in Picardy. His proper name was Chauvin, which he 
latinized into Calvinus, and hence the name of Calvin. 
His father, Gerard Chauvin, was a cooper by trade, a wise 
and prudent man, who secured for his son the advantages 
of a good education ; which he was able to obtain for him 
in his native town, under Claude D'Haugest. The youth 
attracted the notice of a wealthy family of the first dis- 
tinction in Picardy, the members of which very charitably 
undertook the completion of his education, and sent him 
to the College de la Marche, in Paris, where Calvin became 
the pupil of Maturinus Corderius. He was afterwards 
removed to the college of Montaigne, where he was under 
the tuition of a Spanish professor. The powers of his 
mind were soon displayed by the ease with which he 
acquired languages, and by his skill in dialectics and 
philosophy. He had proof in early life of the need there 



CALVIN. 381 

was of a reformation of the Church, in what occurred to 
himself, for in his twelfth year he was presented to the 
chapel of Xotre Dame de la Gesine in the cathedral of 
Noyon, and six years afterwards to the cure of Marteville, 
which he exchanged in 1529 for the cure of Pont I'Eveque. 
But these preferments he resigned in his twenty-fifth year, 
having imbibed the principles, if not of the Reformation, 
at least of hostility to the Church, under Peter Robert 
Olivetan, a fellow student and townsman, whom he met 
at Paris. It does not appear that he was prepared at first 
to seek ofiice among the reformers, but he was too high 
minded to receive the emoluments of the Church, when 
he was already actuated by feelings of hostility to it ; he 
seems, therefore, to have turned his mind to the legal 
profession, and he studied jurisprudence under Peter de 
I'Etoile at Orleans, and afterwards under Andrew Alciat 
at Bourges ; and hei'e he also placed himself under 
Melchior Wolmar, the reformer, in order that he might 
study the Greek language. He now returned to his 
study of theology. And such was the energy of his mind, 
that to pursue his studies, he robbed himself of food and 
rest, going to bed late and hastening to rise up early ; so 
that he laid the foundation, not only of that learning by 
which he was distinguished, but of the dyspepsia, which 
afflicted him throughout his life. He was not aware that 
excess of study, like every other excess, is wrong. It is 
certain that his opposition to the Church very soon became 
notorious, though the line he was prepared to adopt was 
not evident. On one occasion Erasmus said of him, "I see 
in that young man the seeds of a dangerous pest, which 
will one day throw great disorder into the Church." 

His father dying while he was at Bourges, he was 
obliged to abandon the study of the law, and to return 
to Noyon. He soon after, however, returned to Paris, 
where he published his commentary on the two books 
of Seneca de dementia, and the publication is mem- 
orable, as herein he first wrote his name Calvinus. 
2k 2 



382 CALVIN. 

Although only twenty-four years of age, he became 
known and esteemed by all who in that city had 
secretly embraced the principles of the Reformation ; and 
he soon had an opportunity of displaying his zeal. 
Michael Cope, rector of the university of Paris, was 
persuaded by Calvin to denounce in strong language, on 
a public occasion, some of the chief errors of the Gallican 
Church. In the composition of the discourse Calvin had a 
considerable share, and both Cope and Calvin thought it 
expedient to fly ; the latter, after wandering about from 
place to place, at last found an asylum at Saintonge, 
where, at the request of Louis du Tillet, he composed 
some sermons and exhortations, intended to awaken a 
spirit of enquiry, and to induce the people to search the 
Scriptures for themselves. Here also he applied himself 
assiduously to his studies, and collected the materials for 
his great work. The Institutes of the Christian Religion. 
Calvin was introduced to the court of Margaret, Queen of 
Navarre, sister to Francis I. by LeFevre d'Estaple, a zealous 
reformer ; and at Nerac he had further opportunities for 
study, and for the cultivation of the society of men, after- 
wards useful to him in propagating the principles of his 
religion. He did not, however, remain long at Nerac, as 
he returned to Paris in 1534, where he published a work 
entitled Psychopannychia, to refute the error of those 
who hold that the soul remains in a state of sleep in the 
interval between death and the resurrection. The indis- 
cretions of the reforming party at Paris having excited the 
indignation of Francis I. Calvin again thought it prudent 
to leave France, and withdrawing to Basle, he there 
completed his Institutes, which he published at the close 
of the year 1535. This celebrated work received from 
time to time numerous important additions, and did not 
cease to engage the author's attention to the end of his 
life. The most complete of the numerous editions pub- 
lished in the author's life-time, is that of Robert Stephens, 
Geneva, 1559. In this work are displayed those wonderful 



CALVIN. 383 

powers of mind which enabled Calvin to rule as the 
Protestant pope in his life-time, and to be to his disciples, 
since his death, as an inspired apostle. Trusting, how- 
ever, to his private judgment, and acting with the 
presumption which was natural to him, he has fallen into 
some fearful heresies. In the daring of his presumption 
he stated a heresy with reference to the nature of our 
Lord and Saviour Himself ; the heresy of .which he was 
thus the author is called by Possevin the heresy of the 
Autotheans, aud he speaks of Calvin as a Tritheist. 
Calvin was severely rebuked by Bellarmin and Petavius 
among the Piomanists, and by Episcopius and CurcellcBus 
among the Protestants. Our own Bishop Bull, ha\dng 
shewn that the heresy is repugnant to the Nicene faith, 
exclaims : " But why do I endeavour to bind by the 
authority of the council of Nice those who regard the 
authority of the council as a thing of nought? For their 
ring-leader has not feared to call the fathers of the council 
of Nice fanatics, and the Nicene formula, ' God of God, 
Light of Light, very God of very God,' a harsh expression, 
mere battology, fitted rather for a song than a confession 
of faith. Horresco hsec referens," continues Bishop Bull, 
" I am horrified at saying these things ; and therefore I 
most seriously exhort the pious and studious youth, that 
they take heed of that spirit from which such effects as 
these have proceeded. We owe much indeed to that man 
(Calvin) for his good work in purging the Church of 
Christ from popish superstitions; but far be it from us 
that we should receive him for our master, or that we 
should swear by his words ; or lastly, that we should be 
afraid freely to remark, as there shall be cause for so 
doing, his manifest errors, and his new and singular 
determinations against the Catholic consent of antiquity. 
Whosoever he is, or howsoever great in other respects, who 
shall despise the authority of the ancient Catholic Church, 
so far he can have no credit or authority with us. Un- 
doubtedly the song which the great man ridiculed was 
sung by a sacred chorus of about three hundred bishops, 



384 CALVIN. 

with presbyters and deacons innumerable, assembled in 
the first and most august of (Ecumenical Councils. The 
same was sung with w'onderful harmony by the ante-Nicene 
Catholic doctors, as we have elsewhere proved. In a 
word, that the Son of God is God of God, is the voice 
and song of the whole Catholic Church of Christ, conso- 
nant to the word of God in His holy oracles, and never 
opposed by any but at his peril." — Defensio Fidei NicmKB 
iv. 1—8. 

It is worthy of observation, how strong was the hold 
which an heretical puritanism had upon our Church at 
that period, when Bishop Bull, on censuring a heretic, 
was obliged to guard his language with so much caution 
as is exhibited in the paragraph from his immortal w^ork 
just quoted. 

Although Calvin s views of the sacraments would be 
repudiated as too high by modern Puritans, he was very 
heretical in many of his statements with respect to them. 
Some of his errors with reference to the Eucharist are 
pointed out by Waterland. — Works, vii. p. 183. To this 
subject we shall have presently to revert. 

Upon Luther's notion of justification Calvin refined, 
grafting upon it three important articles. In the first 
place, what Luther predicated of justification, Calvin 
extended to eternal salvation ; that is to say, whereas 
Luther required the faithful to believe with infallible 
certainty that they are justified, Calvin, besides the 
certainty of justification, required the like of their eternal 
predestination ; in so much, that a perfect Calvinist can 
no more doubt of his being saved, than a perfect Lutheran 
of his being justified. If a Calvinist were to make his par- 
ticular confession of faith, he would put in this article, " I 
am assured of my salvation." Thence follows, as Bossuet 
observes, a second dogma, that, whereas Luther held 
that a justified believer might fall from grace, Calvin, 
on the contrary, maintains that grace once received 
can never be lost. So that whoever is justified and 
receives the Holy Ghost, is justified and receives the Holy 



CALVIN. 885 

Ghost for ever. This dogma is called the inamissibility 
of righteousness. There was also a third dogma, which 
Calvin established as a corollary from imputed righteous- 
ness, namely, that baptism could not be necessary to 
salvation, as the Lutherans maintained. It is clear that 
they who hold such doctrines ought also to say that 
infants enjoy grace independently of baptism, and from 
admitting this inference Cahin did not shrink : one of the 
novelties which he broached was this, that the children of 
the faithful were born in the covenant, that is, in that 
sanctity, which baptism did no more than seal in them ; 
an unheard of doctrine in the Church, but necessary for 
Calvin, in order to support his principles. The incon- 
sistency of Calvin and his followers with respect to these 
dogmata, is skilfully shewn by Bossuet. Although they 
say on the one hand that the children of the faithful are 
born in the covenant," and the seal of grace, which is 
baptism, is only due to them because the thing itself, 
namely, grace and regeneration, is acquired to them by 
their being happily born of faithful parents . it appears, 
on the other hand, that they will not allow that the 
children of the faithful are always regenerated, when they 
receive baptism, and this for two reasons ; the first, be- 
cause, according to their maxims, the seal of baptism has 
not its effect except with regard to the predestinated; the 
second, because the seal of baptism works not always a 
present effect, even with regard to the predestinated, since 
such a person may have been baptized in his infancy who 
was not regenerated till old age. 

In treating of predestination, he confesses, that this is 
a matter which appears to be very obscure and embar- 
rassed ; notwithstanding, he determines expressly, that 
those whom God has predestinated by his mere mercy, 
are infallibly saved ; and that those whom he has destined 
to damnation, are infallibly excluded from life eternal ; 
that this depends on the decree of God, by which he has 
resolved to save the one, and damn the other : that God 
did not only foresee, but ordain the sin of Adam, and the 



386 CALVIN. 

sins of all other men ; and that the will of God imposes a 
necessity of event, because nothing can be done but that 
which God would have effected. He denies that men 
co-operate with God in their salvation. 

Soon after the publication of his Institutes, Calvin went 
to Italy, where he was received by the Duchess of Ferrara, 
daughter of Louis XII. and wife of Hercules D'Este, 
towards whom, as an encourager of learned men, the 
Reformers turned their attention, because her sentiments 
were not very remote from theirs. He did not, however, 
remain long at Ferrara, but proceeded to visit in succes- 
sion several other towns in Italy, in which he took steps 
to propagate his doctrines. 

In 1536 Calvin returned to Paris with Anthony, his 
only surviving brother, and ha\dng settled his private 
affairs, he intended to proceed either to Strasburg or to 
Basle. But the direct road being closed up on account 
of the war, he was compelled to go through Geneva. 
He arrived at Geneva, in August, 1536. He found this 
city in a state of great confusion ; the civil government 
was democratic, and in those days tumultuous; the Church 
had been entirely overthrown, the Bishop and clergy 
having been driven away : only such laws existed as the 
individual influence of the pastors was able to impose 
upon their several flocks. It was a tempting field for a 
man so ambitious as Calvin. The reformed doctrines 
had been introduced into Geneva in some shape, through 
the instrumentality of Farel and Viret, and by Farel the 
not unwilling Calvin was persuaded to take up his resi- 
dence with them. The consequences of the Reformation 
in Geneva had hitherto been disastrous. The most atro- 
cious crimes were committed by the upholders of the 
reformed doctrines, and deadly feuds existed between the 
principal families. Being chosen by the consistory and 
magistrates to be one of their ministers and professor of 
Divinity, Calvin's acute mind perceived that although he 
denied the Church to be a divine institution, and taught 
people to seek direct communion with God without the 



CALVIN. 387 

intervention of the Church, still it was necessary to bind 
men in a community, and to have laws for its preservation 
as such. And therefore, in 1637, he composed a formula 
of Christian doctrine, to which he added a short catechism, 
and made the people to abjure Popery, and to swear to 
the summary of doctrine which he had drawn up. He 
established in short the Presbyterian religion, of which 
he is the author. So bold a step could only have been 
undertaken by a powerful mind, confident in its own 
resources, a confidence which in Calvin's case led him 
into the deepest errors. But when he went still further, 
and assuming the power of the Popes in the middle ages, 
determined to place Geneva under an interdict, by refus- 
ing to administer the Lord's Supper, unless the people 
renounced the factious spirit and the gross immoralities 
which prevailed among these reformers, he found that he 
had presumed too much on the patience of those who, 
having appointed him to his office, could not understand 
how he should possess any authority over them, except 
what they themselves conferred. He was therefore ban- 
ished from Geneva in 1538, and retired to Strasburg, 
where, through the influence of Bucer and others, he was 
appointed professor of theology, and established a French 
congregation composed of numerous refugees. But he 
felt that his absence from Geneva was only to be tempo- 
rary ; he perceived that the field provided for his genius 
was there ; and in order to keep his name and remembrance 
before the people, he addressed to them several letters 
from Strasburg, wherein he exhorted them to repentance, 
to peace, to charity, and the love of God. He was especially 
aroused when an attempt was made to rob him perma- 
nently of what he intended to make his own dominion. 
James Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, near Avignon, see- 
ing the miserable state of irreligion and anarchy in which 
Geneva was involved, and attributing these evils to the 
rejection on the part of the Genevese, of the Church, 
(which Sadolet so much wished to see reformed, but not 
destroyed, that he was regarded in his latter years with 



388 CALVIN. 

suspicion at Rome,) addressed a Latin letter in 1539 to 
the senate and people of Geneva, in which he affectionately 
urged upon them the duty of returning to the Church. 
To the piety and excellence of Sadolet all parties bear 
witness., and he had certainly as much right to address 
the Genevese as Calvin. It is to be regretted that Protes- 
tant historians should be so blinded by their prejudices, 
as to attribute motives, calling the attempt of Sadolet to 
benefit the Genevese " insidious," while in Calvin's pro- 
ceedings they can perceive nothing but pure intentions 
and an honest purpose. It is admitted that if Sadolet had 
written in French, instead of Latin, he would probably 
have caused a strong sensation among the people, so dis- 
contented were they with the existing state of things. But 
Calvin came to the rescue, he wrote two letters in confuta- 
tion of the address of Sadolet, who, though a pious and 
learned man, did not possess powers sufficient to compete 
with such a character as Calvin, and the Genevese re- 
mained determined in their hostility to the Church. 

About two years afterwards he accompanied Bucer to 
the Diet at Worms and Ratisbon, where he had a confer- 
ence with Philip Melancthon. While he was at Strasburg 
p^e f wrote, in 1540, his De Caera Domini Libellus. The 
Lutherans and Zuinglians had disputed for fifteen years 
on the article of the Real Presence, and Calvin, with the 
presumption peculiar to youth, constituted himself umpire, 
and decided that the two parties did not understand each 
other, and that the leaders on both sides were in the wrong. 
The doctrine of Calvin, says Dupin, concerning the Sacra- 
ment, is not at the bottom different from that of the 
Zuinglians, although he useth very positive words to ex* 
press the presence of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ ; 
for he affirms, that in the Eucharist we are not only par- 
takers of the spirit of Jesus Christ, but also of His flesh 
which is distributed to us ; that He nourisheth us there 
with the proper substance of His body and blood ; that it 
is not to be doubted, but that we receive His very body, and 
that this communion of the body and blood of Christ our 



CALVIN. 389 

Lord is given under the symbols of bread and wine to all 
that celebrate His Supper, according to its lawful institu- 
tion, so that we truly receive what is signified by the 
symbols ; that the body which is received is not sym- 
bolical body, as it was not a symbolical spirit which ap- 
peared in the baptism of our Lord, but the Holy Spirit 
itself was really and substantially under the symbol or 
outward form of a dove ; that Jesus Christ is united to us 
in this Sacrament, not by fancy and imagination, nor by 
thought, or a bare apprehension of the mind, but really 
and indeed by a true and substantial union; that the 
manner of our receiving Christ's Body, is very different 
from the other manner of receiving Him by faith ; that 
this mystery is incomprehensible, and contains in it a 
miracle, which exceeds the bounds and the capacity of the 
mind of man, and which is the work of Almighty God, 
much above the course, of nature ; that there is a divine 
and supernatural change in it, which surpasses our sensi- 
ble knowledge : that the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ 
are truly given to the unworthy, as well as to the faithful 
and elect, though they are not received with benefit, unless 
it be by the faithful only. 

During his residence at Strasburg, Calvin made the 
acquaintance of Castalio, and procured for him the situa- 
tion of a regent at Geneva ; and it was during his stay in 
this city that, at the recommendation of Bucer, he married 
Idoletta, the widow of John Storder, an Anabaptist minis- 
ter, whom he had converted, and who had been lately cut 
off by the plague. She had some children by her former 
husband, and bore Calvin one son, who died in infancy. 
She died herself in 1549. Calvin appears, from his let- 
ters, to have been deeply affected at her loss, and never 
married again. Here also he published his Commentary 
on the Epistle to the Romans, 

Persons accustomed to the influence of a powerful 
mind, though they may rebel for* a time, soon return to 
their allegiance, and it does not surprise us therefore to 

VOL. HI. g L 



390 CALVIN. 

find Calvin in 1541 reinstated in his authority at Genevs. 
With the genius and temper of Hildebrand, though with- 
out his resources, he seems to have entertained the 
magnificent idea of establishing a spiritual empire in 
opposition, to that of Rome, of which Geneva was to be 
the capital, and himself the Pope. That he failed is to 
be attributed to the circumstances of the time rather than 
to his own want of genius ; he became, as Maimbourg 
observes, not the pontiff only, but the caliph of Geneva, 
and by his writings and emissaries gave laws to the scat- 
tered congregations of his disciples in other countries, 
but he failed in establishing an empire ; his influence 
was that of the mighty mind of an individual, and when 
he died he left no successor. 

Calvin was not a man to retire from his principles, 
and therefore immediately upon his return to Geneva 
he resumed the work, for commencing which he had been 
banished. He availed himself of his popularity to estab- 
lish a consistory, consisting of all the ministers of religion, 
who were to be perpetual members, and also of twice the 
same number of laymen chosen annually. To these he 
committed the charge of public morality, with power to 
determine all manner of public causes ; with authority to 
convene, controul, and punish, even with excommunication, 
whomsoever they might think deserving. It was in vain 
that many advanced objections to this scheme : that they 
urged the despotic character of this court ; the certainty 
too, that perpetual judges, though fewer in number, would 
in fact triumph over a majority annually elected; and 
that Calvin, through his power over the ministry, would 
be master of the decisions of the whole tribunal. He 
knew his popularity, and the people knew that Strasburg 
was ready to receive him back, and he persisted therefore 
inflexibly in his determination ; and since there now 
remained with the people of Geneva only the choice of 
receiving his laws or sending him once more into exile, 
they reluctantly acquiesced, and on the 20th of November, 
1541, the Presbyterian religion was established in Geneva. 



CALVIN. 391 

Calvin was thus a sovereign prince in fact, though with- 
out the title, and he must have the blame which attaches 
to a sovereign for the evil deeds done in the name of 
the state, as well as accept the praise which is due for 
meritorious conduct. He was indefatigable. Notwith- 
standing the assistance he continually received from Farel 
and from Viret, it is not easy to conceive how he sus- 
tained his various labours ; especially if we consider that 
he was the subject of several violent and continual disor- 
ders. During a fortnight in each month, he preached 
every day ; gave three lectures in theology every week ; 
assisted at all the deliberations of the consistory, and at 
the meetings of the pastors ; met the congregation every 
Friday ; instructed the French Churches by tbe frequent 
advices which they solicited from him ; and defended the 
reformation against the attacks of its enemies, and parti- 
cularly those of the French priests. 

Geneva thus became the common centre to which all 
persons opposed to the Church of Rome resorted. Calvin 
established an academy there, which long maintained its 
reputation for learning. He made the city a literary 
mart, and encouraged all the French refugees, and others 
who sought his advice, to apply themselves to the occupa- 
tion of a printer or librarian ; and having framed the 
ecclesiastical regimen, he directed his attention to the 
improvement of the municipal government of the place ; 
for the council of Geneva, knowing his attainments in 
the science of jurisprudence, consulted him upon all mat- 
ters of importance, and employed him in framing their 
edicts and laws, which were completed and appeared in 
1543. He encouraged, both by his speech and writings, 
those who suffered persecution from the Popish party, and 
was indefatigable in his public labours and private studies. 
In 154-2 he confuted a number of articles of belief, put 
forward by the faculty of theology of the Sorbonne ; and 
wrote against Pighius four books on the subject of the 
Freedom of the Will, which he dedicated to Melancthon. 
In the following year he had a quarrel with Castalio. 



392 CALVIK 

Calvin became acquainted with Castalio in the year 
ifeSQ, at Strasburg. In a translation of the Bible into 
Latin, he had attempted to make the ancient Hebrew 
writers speak in the language of Cicero, and even endea- 
voured to make them sometimes breathe the tender verses 
of Ovid ; this version Calvin highly blamed, as well as 
several sentiments which it contained. Castalio, whose 
pride was wounded, asked permission of the council ta 
dispute publicly with Calvin on the descent of Jesus 
Christ into hell, which, through the influence of Calvin, 
they refused ; but he was allowed to commence that dis- 
pute before the assembly of ministers ; it lasted a long 
while without any success. Castalio at length became so 
highly irritated, that he attacked Calvin in a sermon; 
and the council, or rather Calvin acting through the coun- 
cil, deposed him from the ministry. Castalio retired to 
Basil, where he persisted in his singularities, and in his 
hatred of Calvin, until the time of his death. 

On the assembling of the synod at Spires, Calvin took 
occasion to publish a paper on the Necessity of Ecclesias- 
tical Reform : this was followed by two tracts against the 
Anabaptists, and another against the Nicomedians, who 
maintained, that while they repudiated the errors of the 
Church of Rome, they might conform to it externally, in 
countries where Romanism was established. 

In the year 1547, James Gruet was apprehended for 
affixing to the pulpit of the ancient cathedral, what was 
considered to be a libel against the reformed of Geneva, 
and particularly the reformers and ministers. Being 
apprehended, and his papers and letters examined, they 
were found to contain several passages against Calvin and 
the Presbyterian discipline which he had established. He 
was accused of having spoken with contempt of religion 
and the laws, of having written licentious songs, of having 
endeavoured to overthrow the authority of the consistory, 
and of having spoken disrespectfully of the Genevese 
preachers, and particularly of Calvin. Gruet was be- 
headed on the 26th of July. 



CALVIN. 393 

In the same year that this legal murder was perpetrated, 
Calvin wrote his antidote against the acts of the council 
of Trent, and a letter to the reformed congregations at 
Rouen, against the practices of a Franciscan, who was 
employed in disseminating the principles of Carpocrates, 
which the reformers of the Anabaptist persuasion had 
lately revived. His commentary on six of the Epistles of 
St. Paul was published in 1548 or 1549 ; he wrote also a 
tract against the Interim. 

In the mean time he was consolidating his power in 
Geneva , he received with open arms the persecuted or 
the discontented from aU other countries, and Geneva 
became the refuge for the destitute, whose gratitude to 
their protector knew no bounds ; over the reformers of 
Germany he endeavoured, though not with success, to 
establish his influence, and seeing that it was a hopeless 
task to attempt to reconcile the Lutherans and the 
Zuinglians, on the doctrine of the Lords Supper, he 
threw himself more completely into the Zuinglian party, 
and at a conference with the reformed ministers of Zurich, 
in 1549, he altered or modified the opinions he had for- 
merly expressed concerning the Eucharist ; and united, 
by an agreement, the congregations of Zurich and Geneva 
in the closest bonds. 

While consolidating his power in foreign parts, he 
preserved Geneva in a state of tranquillity, until he began 
to extend the powers of the consistory, now entirely un- 
der his control. The first symptoms of opposition were 
shewn, when, acting through the consistoiy, he gave direc- 
tions for the non-observance of Christmas-day, and ordain- 
ed that no days should be observed except Sunday. His 
opponents asserted that the right of citizenship ought not 
to be conferred upon strangers taking refuge in Geneva, 
and so strong was the feeling at one time excited against 
him, that meeting him on his return from preaching, a 
mob forced him into the middle of the road, an insult 
which he resented, and they attempted to throw Raymond, 
'2 L '2 



394 CALVIN. 

his colleague, over the bridge of the Rhone. They 
afterwards excited a tumuU in the church of St. Gervais, 
because the minister, following a iiile laid down by 
Calvin, refused to give the name of Baltazar, to a child 
whom they brought to be baptized. 

But by the steady perseverance of Calvin, and the power 
of his party, these disturbances were subdued, and the 
sternness of his rule kept people in check. Of his 
severity we have an instance in his treatment of Bolsec. 
Jerome Bolsec, a Carmelite friar of Paris, having embraced 
the tenets of the Genevan reformation, was permitted to 
preach. But, unfortunately for himself, he ventured to 
take a different view of the dogma of predestination from 
that taken by Calvin, who endeavoured to convince Bolsec 
in private conversation of what Calvin deemed to be his 
errors. Bolsec naturally thought that his view of pre- 
destination was as likely to be right as that of Calvin, 
and was not convinced by his arguments. On the contrary, 
he publicly asserted his sentiments, in reply to a sermon 
which had been preached on the subject of predestination; 
Calvin was not in his usual place, and the incautious 
Bolsec, in the absence of the Genevan pontiff, felt his 
confidence increase. But Calvin was present amongst the 
crowd, and no sooner had Bolsec concluded than Calvin 
arose and answered him, or attempted to do so. Bolsec 
had surely as much right to exercise his private judgment 
on this subject as Calvin upon any otfier, but such 
was not the law of Geneva ; Bolsec was sent to prison, 
and afterwards brought to trial. He was banished from 
Geneva on the 18th of December, 1551, with a threat, 
that if ever he were found within the city or its territory, 
he would be treated with signal severity. The ministers 
of Geneva approved of what Calvin had written on pre- 
destination ; though there were not wanting some in the 
canton of Berne who asserted that he made God the 
author of sin. 

To Michael Servetus the conduct of Cal^^n was still 



CALVIN. 395 

more severe. Servetus, a physician, and an anti-trini- 
tarian protestant, was bom at Villa Nuova in AiTagon, 
in the same year with Calvin, with whom he had long 
been engaged in a correspondence, which finally degener- 
ated into angry and abusive controversy. He agreed v.ith 
Calvin in holding the doctrine of the Bible, and the Bible 
only; and with him, rejecting the authority of tradition, of 
the fathers and the councils, he asserted the right of 
private judgment. But unfortunately for Servetus he did 
not understand that no private judgment could be right, 
unless it coincided with the private judgment of Calvin. 
Holding the Bible, and the Bible only, as interpreted by 
his private judgment, he rejected the doctrine of the 
Holy Trinity, and blasphemed the God of Christians. He 
published very early in life, " Seven Books concerning 
the Errors of the Trinity," and he continued in the same 
principles until the ^ear 1553, when he put forth at 
Vienne in Dauphine, a work entitled Christianismi 
Restitutio. The Zuinglian and Calvinistic reformers were 
justly alarmed at seeing their principles, of the Bible, 
and the Bible only, and private judgment, thus pushed 
to their extreme conclusions ; and QEcolampadius, in 
writing to Bucer, remarked, " Our Church will be very 
ill spoken of, unles:; our divines make it their business to 
cry him down." "And had they been contented to pro- 
claim their dissent from his doctrine," (observ^es the 
intelligent writer of Calvin's Life in Knight's Gallery of 
Portraits, from whom we shall transcribe this account of 
Servetus,) " or to assail it by reasonable argument, they 
would have done no more than their duty to their own 
communion absolutely demanded of them. 

" But Calvin was not a man who would argue where he 
could command, or persuade where he could overthrow. 
Full of vehemence and bitterness, inflexible and relentless, 
he was prepared to adopt and to justify extreme measures, 
wheresoever they answered his purpose best. He was 
animated by the pride, intolerance, and cruelty of the 



396 CALVIN. 

Church of Rome, and he planted and nourished those evil 
passions in his little consistory of Geneva. 

" Survetus, having escaped from confinement at Vienne, 
and flying for refuge to Naples, was driven by evil destiny, 
or his own infatuation, to Geneva. Here he strove to 
conceal himself, till he should be enabled to proceed on 
his journey ; but he was quickly discovered by Calvin, 
and immediately cast into prison. This was in the sum- 
mer of 1553. Presently followed the formality of his 
trial ; and when we read the numerous articles of impeach- 
ment, and observe the language in which they are couched ; 
— w^hen we peruse the humble petitions which he ad- 
dressed to the ' Syndics and Council,' praying only that an 
advocate might be granted him, w^hich prayer was haugh- 
tily refused ; — when we perceive the misrepresentations 
of his doctrine, and the offensive terms of his condemna- 
tion, we appear to be carried back again to the Halls of 
Constance, and to be witnessing the fall of Huss and 
Jerome beneath their Roman Catholic oppressors. So 
true it is (as Grotius had sufficient reason to say), ' that 
the Spirit of Antichrist did appear at Geneva as well as 
at Rome.' 

" But the magistrates of this republic did not venture 
completely to execute the will of Calvin, without first con- 
sulting the other Protestant cities of Switzerland; namely, 
Zurich, Berne, Basle, and Schaffhausen. The answers 
returned by these all indicated very great anxiety for the 
extinction of the heresy, without however expressly de- 
manding the blood of the heretic. The people of Zurich 
were the most violent : and the answer of their ' Pastors, 
Readers, and Ministers,' which is praised and preserved 
by Calvin, is worthy of the communion from which they 
had so lately seceded. As soon as these communications 
reached Geneva, Servetus was immediately condemned to 
death (on the 26th of October, 1553), and was executed on 
the day following. 

" There is extant a letter written by Calvin to his friend 
and brother-minister, William Farel, (dated the '20th), 



CALVIN. 397 

which announces that the fatal sentence had been passed, 
and would be executed on the morrow. It is only remark- 
able for the cold conciseness and heartless indifference of 
its expressions. Not a single word indicates any feeling 
of compassion or repugnance. And as the work of perse- 
cution was carried on without mercy, and completed with- 
out pity, so likewise was it recollected without remorse ; 
and the Protestant republican minister of Christ continued 
for some years afterwards to insult with abusive epithets 
the memory of his victim. 

" Soon after the death of Sei-vetus. Calvin published a 
vindication of his proceedings, in which he defended, 
without any compromise, the principle on which he had 
acted. It is entitled, ' A Faithful Exposition and short 
Refutation of the Errors of Servetus, wherein it is shown 
that heretics should be restrained by the power of the 
sword.' His friend and biographer Beza, also put forth a'; 
work, ' On the propriety of punishing Heretics by the 
Civil authority.' Thus Calvin not only indulged his own 
malevolent humour, but also sought to establish among 
the avowed principles of his own Church the duty of exter- 
minating all who might happen to diffffer from it." 

Another writer observes, that *' the more closely this 
treatment of Sei-vetus is examined, the more deeply it will 
be found to stamp on Calvin the brand of intolerance and 
barbarity. No sooner did his unsuspecting victim come 
within his reach, than he sprang upon him with the 
ferocity of a tiger. He precipitated the accomplishment 
of the dreadful deed. He looked forward to it with 
indifference, if not with satisfaction ; he looked back upon 
it without remorse." It is certain that letters have been 
produced, written by Calvin to Bolsec and Farel, in which 
he expressly declares, alluding to the expected visit of 
Servetus to Geneva, " Jam constitutum habeo, si veniet, 
nunquam pati ut salvus, (^some letters have vivus) exeat." 
Of the many circumstances of aggravation attending this 
legal murder, the most striking is, that Servetus had not 
pubhshed his book at Geneva, but at Vienne ; and that 



398 CALVIN. 

he was not the subject of that republic, nor domiciled in 
that city. 

The conduct of Calvin towards Gentilis was in perfect 
keeping with his conduct towards Servetus, and he was 
only prevented from shedding blood again, by the fortunate 
circumstance that Gentilis retracted his errors. Gentilis 
was not a follower of Servetus, but seems rather to have 
been a tritheist. At first he proposed his opinion pri- 
vately, and amongst other persons, to Jean Paul Alciat 
Milanois, and to Georges Blandrata, a physician, pro- 
fessing only to examine the reasons which might support, 
and those which might overthrow it. But the consistory 
of the Italian Church, having been informed that this 
sentiment was spreading throughout the town, convoked 
an extraordinary assembly, at which, in the presence of a 
certain number of seigneurs, chosen for the occasion, and 
of all the ministers and elders, the reasons alleged in 
support of that doctrine were refuted by Calvin ; this 
conference induced all the Italians to sign the orthodox 
doctrine, with the exception of six, who shortly afterwards, 
at the solicitation of their friends, signed it also, although 
they did not approve of it, as soon became evident. 
Valentine Gentilis at first refused to subscribe the pro- 
posed formulary ; he, however, complied afterwards, but 
continued to dogmatize against the received doctrine, on 
which account he was committed to prison, where he held 
a dispute with Calvin, on the 15th of July, who answered 
him in writing. Being convicted of perjury and of 
voluntary heresy, he was condemned to be beheaded. 
Having, however, abjured his heresies, his sentence was 
commuted for an ignominious punishment, to which he 
submitted on the 2nd of September. 

What was meant by the right of private judgment, 
when asserted by Calvin, it is difficult to conjecture. But 
his conduct is less surprising when we think of the 
Puritans of the present day. Nothing shews more de- 
pravity of heart, than for a Puritan or dissenter to speak 
of heresy. To hold the right of private judgment, and to 



CALVIN. 399 

call another a heretic, is a proof that a person in such a 
predicament is, if not weak in intellect, a man utterly void 
of Christian feeling. 

The inflexibility of Calvin's character, which preserved 
him through life on his Genevan throne, is strikingly 
exemplified in his conduct with respect to Bertelier. 
Bertelier, a man of lax morals, having been suspended 
from the communion of the Church, urged on by Perrin, 
sought from the council a reversal of the sentence. This 
was granted, and the enemies of Calvin pleased themselves 
with the belief that they had him upon the horns of a 
dilemma, from which all his dexterity would not be able 
to extricate him ; for he must now either resist the autho- 
rity of the consistory, or submit to the subversion of his 
cherished discipline. But they little knew the character 
of the reformer. Calvin, having received notice of the 
resolution of the counciHwo days before the administration 
of the Lord's Supper, instantly resolved upon the course 
he would pursue, and on the Sunday, having preached 
with energy against those who profaned the sacred myste- 
ries, closed with these words, — " For my own part, after 
the example of Chrysostom, I will sooner expose myself 
to death than allow this hand to stretch forth the sacred 
things of the Lord to those who despise his ordinances." 
These expressions produced such effect upon the oppo- 
nents of Calvin, that Perrin secretly despatched a mes- 
senger to Bertelier to desire him not to present himself 
at the communion. But Calvin did not stop here ; he 
was determined to provide effectually against the recur- 
rence of such a proceeding Accordingly, on the evening 
of the same day, after discoursing upon the Apostle's 
farewell to the Church of Ephesus, (Acts xx. 32) declar- 
ing that he would never countenance, either by advice 
or example, disobedience to the civil power, and exhort- 
ing the people to persevere in the doctrine they had 
heard, he concluded his sermon as if it were the last he was 
ever to preach at Geneva, in these words, — " Seeing that 
such is the present condition of affairs here, permit me 



400 CALVIN. 

also, my brethren, to apply to you the words of the x^postle, 
' I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace.'" 
The effect of this address was overpowering. The decree 
of the council was suspended, and things quietly returned 
to their former course. In the same year Calvin pub- 
lished his commentaries on St. John ; and not long after 
he repaired to Berne to defend himself against the at- 
tacks of Castalio and Bolsec, both of whom he caused to 
be banished from that territory. In 1559 he was pre- 
sented with the freedom of the city of Geneva, and in the 
same year he was seized with a quartan ague, which 
greatly shattered his fragile frame ; he did not, however, 
intermit his labours, but revised and republished his 
Institutes, in Latin and French, and enlarged and im- 
proved his commentary on Isaiah. In 1561 the state of 
his health prevented him from attending at the famous 
conference at Poissy. It appears, however, from his 
correspondence with Beza, and with several of the depu- 
ties from the reformed in France, that no step was taken 
on their part on that occasion without Calvin's advice and 
consent. Hitherto his party had been identified with the 
Lutherans, or at least was regarded by the Roman 
Catholics as holding the tenets set forth in the Augsburg 
Confession. But at Poissy the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
having distinctly asked the deputies from France and 
Geneva whether they adopted that confession, received for 
answer, that they rejected the tenth article, which relates 
to the holy communion ; and accordingly, the followers of 
Calvin thenceforth formed a distinct sect, and were called 
Calvmists. 

The disputes in which Calvin was interested were not 
yet finished : in 1561, a fresh discussion arose between 
him and Baldwin, who had published during the confer- 
ence of Poissy, a book of Cassander's, under the title, 
De Officio pii ac publicae tranquilitatis vere amantis in 
hoc religionis studio. To this work Calvin replied ; a 
controversy ensued, in the course of which, a warmth 
of temper was betrayed on both sides, which reflected 



CALVIN. 401 

no honour on the disputants ; but which is far from being 
singular in theological controversies. 

For the two following years his infirmities increased, 
and in 1563 they became so severe and complicated, that 
it was a matter of astonishment to his friends how a body 
so vrasted by disease could continue to exist. Yet he still 
persevered in his studies and public duties, and, untired 
himself, exhausted his amanuensis by dictating to him. 
His last undertaking was his Commentary on the Book of 
Joshua, which he commenced this year, and finished on 
his death-bed. On the 6th of February, 1564, he preached 
his last sermon, and on the same day delivered his last 
lecture in theolog}^ He was, indeed, often carried to the 
congregation, but he seldom spoke. In a letter which he 
wrote to the physicians of Montpellier, he gives an account 
of the numerous ailments under which he had long 
laboured. He had but little sleep. For the last ten years 
of his life he was never able to take nourishment till 
supper-time. He was subject to headache, the only 
remedy for which was abstinence, on which account he 
sometimes remained for six-and-thirty hoars without food. 
Five years before his death he was seized with a spitting 
of blood. He was no sooner freed from the quartan ague 
than he was attacked with the gout; he was afterwards 
afflicted with the cholic, and, a few months before he died, 
with the stone. The physicians exhausted their art upon 
him, and no man ever observed their instructions with 
more regularity. But so far as mental labour w^as con- 
cerned, no man was ever less careful of himself; the 
most violent headaches never prevented him from occupy- 
ing the pulpit in his turn. On the 2nd of April, though 
much reduced, he attended public worship, and received 
the sacrament from the hands of Beza ; listening also to 
the sermon, and joining, as well as he was able, in the 
psalmody. On the 28th, all the ministers of the town 
and neighbourhood being assembled in his room, according 
to his desire, he delivered to them a parting address. His 

VOL. III. 2 M 



402 CALVIN. 

friend Farel, venerable for his piety and his years, came 
from Neufchatel to take a last adieu ; and the scene was 
tender and affecting. On the 24th of May, 1564, at eight 
o'clock in the evening, he expired, having retained his 
senses, and even his speech, to the last. 

We will give Calvin's character as it appeared to himself. 
In writing to Melancthon, he says, " I own myself much 
your inferior ; yet am I in no way ignorant to what a degree 
God has exalted me in this theatre, nor can our friendship 
be violated without injuring the Church." In his answer 
to Balduinus, he says, " He tells me, with reproach, that 
I have no children, and that God had snatched away the 
son He had bestowed upon me. Ought I to be thus 
reproached? I who have so many thousand children 
throughout all Christendom." To which he adds, " To all 
France is known my irreproachable faith, my integrity, 
my patience, my watchfulness, my moderation, my assidu- 
ous labours, for the service of the Church : things that 
from my early youth stand proved by so many illustrious 
tokens. With the support of such a conscience, to be 
able to hold my station to the very end of life is enough 
for me." In another place he commends his frugality, 
his incessant labours, his constancy in dangers, his watch- 
fulness to comply with his charge, his indefatigable appli- 
cation to extend the kingdom of Christ, his integrity in 
defending the doctrine of piety, and the serious occupa- 
tion of his whole life in the meditation of heavenly 
things." Westphalus, a Lutheran, having called him a 
declaimer, Calvin says, " Do what he will, no body will 
ever give him credit ; and the whole world is fully satis- 
fied how well I know how to judge an argument, how dis- 
tinct is that conciseness with which I write." 

Bucer ouce complained of his impetuosity of temper ; 
Calvin was conscious of it, and wrote to him expressly to 
acknowledge the fault. " I have not had sharper con- 
flicts," said he, " with any of my great and numerous 
vices, than with my impatience ; and my efforts are not 



CAMERON. 408 

wholly in vain. I have not, however, yet been able to 
tame that ferocious monster." From avarice, that beset- 
ting vice of ignoble minds, he was wholly free. The total 
value of his property at his death, according to the largest 
computation, did not amount to three hundred crowns. 

The Romanists are very severe on the persecuting spirit 
of Calvin, and no one can find less excuse than he, for he 
persecuted persons who accepted his principles, the right 
of private judgment especially, and only differed from him 
in their application. But after all Calvin was not worse 
than Bonner and Gardiner, nor the Consistory of Geneva 
than the Spanish Inquisition. 

The best edition of Calvin's works is that of Amsterdam, 
1667, in nine vols. In 1576 Beza published a collection 
of his letters, with an account of his life. — Beza. Bayle, 
Bossuet. Calvin's Works, Scotfs Continuation of Milner. 



CAMERON, JOHN. 

John Cameron, of the family of Lochiel, was official of 
Lothian, in the year 14'2^. He afterwards became con- 
fessor and secretary to the Earl of Douglas, who presented 
him to the rectory of Cambuslang. In 1424 he was made 
provost of the priory of Lincluden, near Dumfries. He 
was successively promoted to the offices of Keeper of the 
great seal and privy seal, and Secretary to James I. In 
14Q6 he was elected Bishop of Glasgow, and continued 
keeper of the privy seal. In the 24th year of James I., 
1428, he was appointed Lord High Chancellor. In the 
year 1429 we find him converting six churches within 
his diocese, by the consent of their respective patrons, into 
prebends. He also fixed particular offices to particular 
churches, such as the rector of Cambuslang to be per- 
petual chancellor of the Church of Glasgow, the rector of 
Canwath to be treasurer, the rector of Kilbride to be 
chanter, &c. In the year 1433, Bishop Cameron was 
chosen one of the delegates from the Church of Scotland to 



404 CAMERON. 

the council of Basil ; and accordingly he set out, ^^'ith a 
safe-conduct from the King of England, ^Yith a retinue of 
no less than thirty persons And as the truce with Eng- 
land was near to a close on the 30th of November, 1437, 
Mr. Rymer has published another safe-conduct for ambas- 
sadors from Scotland to come into England about pro- 
rogation of the peace; and the first of these named is 
John Bishop of Glasgow, Chancellor of Scotland. He was 
Bishop here in 1439, in 1440, in 1444, and Bishop and 
Chancellor anno 3rd regis Jacobi II. So it is evident, 
from the clearest vouchei-s, that this person remained 
chancellor for the first three years of the reign of King 
James II., contrary to what all our historians have 
written, which affords a strong presumption that the story 
concerning his tragical end is a mere fiction. After the 
Bishop s removal from the chancellor's office, and so being 
freed from public business, he began to build the great 
tower at his episcopal palace in the city of Glasgow, where 
his coat-armorial is to be seen to this day, with mitre, 
crosier, and all the badges of the episcopal dignity. And 
the fore-mentioned writer of the Lives of the Officers of 
State takes notice, that he also laid out a great deal of 
money in carrying on the building of the vestry, which 
was begun by his predecessor Bishop Lauder, where his 
arms are likewise to be seen by the curious. But for all 
the good things Bishop Cameron did, and which is 
strange, adds this author, he is as little beholden to the 
charity of our historians as any man in his time. George 
Buchanan, and Archbishop Spottiswood, from Mr. George» 
characterize the Bishop to be a very worldly kind of man, 
and a great oppressor, especially of his vassals within the 
bishopric. They tell us, moreover, that he made a very 
fearful exit at his country-seat of Lochwood, five or six 
miles north-east of the city of Glasgow, on Christmas eve 
of the year 1436 ; and then this gentleman says, "Indeed, 
it is very hard for me, though I have no particular attach- 
ment to Bishop Cameron, to form such a bad opinion of 
the man, from what good things I have seen done by him ; 



CAMERON. 405 

and withal, considering how much he was favoured and 
employed by the best of princes, I mean King James II., 
and for so long a time too, in the first office of the 
state, and in the second place in the Church, especially 
since the good Mr. Buchanan brings no voucher to prove 
his assertion, — only he says, it had been delivered by 
others, and constantly affirmed to be true, which amounts 
to be no more, in my humble opinion, than that he sets 
down the story upon no better authority than a mere 
hearsay." 

Bishop Cameron wrote his enacted Canons, v»^hich are 
still extant in manuscript in Bibhotheca, Harl. No. 4631, 
vol. 1. p. 47. — Keith's Scottish Bishops. 

CAMEBON, JOHN. 

JoHX Cameron was bom at Glasgow about the year 
1580. He studied af the university of his native place, 
and after reading lectures on Greek, went to France, 
where the Protestant ministers appointed him master of 
their new College at Bergerac ; from whence he removed 
to the philosophical professorship at Sedan, and remained 
there two years. He then went to Paris, and next to 
Bourdeaux, where he was appointed one of the ministers, 
and officiated with such reputation, as to be called to the 
theological chair in the university of Saumur. Here he 
remained till 16-20, when the civil war obliged him to 
visit England. 

They say that Cameron was well received at Court, 
because in expounding the famous passages, Thou art 
Peter, and Tell it to the Church, he approved of the 
hierarchy. For this reason they recommended him to 
King James, who, by the advice of the Bishop of Ely, 
sent him into Scotland, and conferred on him the office of 
professor of divinity, in the room of Robert Boyd, of 
Trochrig. They were glad therefore to get him from 
Glasgow, and put Cameron in his room, who was likewise 
2m 2 



406 CAMERON. 

made head of the college. By this means Cameron 
became distasteful to the Puritans, so that seeing himself 
a stranger in his own country, he thought of returning 
into France. Arriving at Saumur, he read lectures in 
private, the court having interdicted his public teaching. 
He passed a year in this precarious state, and then went 
to Montaubon, where he was chosen theological professor. 
Here, having declared himself too openly against the 
party which preached up the civil war, he raised many 
enemies, amongst whom was one so brutal as to beat him 
to that degree that he left him for dead. Cameron retired 
to Moissac, but finding the change of air had neither 
restored his health nor dispelled his melancholy, he 
returned to Montaubon, where he died through weakness 
and chagrin, when he was about forty-six years of age. 
His manner of preaching was not very pleasing. His 
sermons were usually two hours long, and he w^ould on a 
sudden start from the matter in hand, and perplex his 
auditors with enthusiastical digressions, which no one 
understood. In the midst of his sermons he would 
unbutton himself, and spread his handkerchief like a 
towel before him, every now and then plucking off his hat. 
He was not sensible how he fatigued his auditory ; on the 
contrary, he fancied that they were charmed with his 
eloquence ; but having engaged a tradesman truly and 
ingenuously to tell him what the world said of his 
sermons, the man told him a piece of news that wonder- 
fully mortified him ; would you, sir, said the honest fellow, 
that I should tell you what opinion your flock has of you ? 
To be plain with you, sir, the world cannot relish your 
sermons, they hear you with the greatest dissatisfaction. 
Cameron, who expected a quite different account, retired 
very much dejected. It touched him to the quick. It 
lay upon his spirits several days together : it made him 
look pale and melancholy, nor was he able to conceal his 
grief from his colleague. But he who was his intimate 
friend, alhived it with these seasonable consolations. Are 



CAMERON. 407 

you a man, said he, and yet depend upon the judgment 
of an idiot ? Can so insignificant a matter discompose 
you ? Are you not sensible all the genteel part of your 
church, the learned and understanding, hear you with a 
great deal of pleasure and profit ? This plaister mitigated 
the pain, but did not altogether heal the wound. Cameron 
relapsed into his inquietude, and had recourse to a second 
trial : he demanded of an advocate the same thing he had 
done before of the artizan, and had from him the same 
answer: whereupon he resolved to quit Bourdeaux, and to 
do his best to mend his condition in another place. 

By the rebellion which was preached around him, and 
by the violence he himself endured, he was led to suspect 
that Protestantism was not, of itself, more productive of 
Gospel fruits than Romanism, and he gave offence by 
frankly owning that he thought that much reform was 
necessary in the reformed churches. He believed St. Peter 
to be the foundation' of the Church, and was much 
provoked with those Protestants who, in the spirit of 
inquisitors, affirmed that salvation was not to be had in 
the Roman Communion. He boldly attacked one of the 
ultra- Protestant Popes, Beza, and offended his friends by 
speaking lightly of many reformers who had not, as he 
declared, penetrated into the marrow of the theological 
science. He propounded that doctrine of universal grace, 
for maintaining and developing which, his disciple 
Amyraut afterwards became so famous. This form of 
doctrine may be briefly summed up in the following 
propositions : 

'* That God desires the happiness of all men, and that 
no mortal is excluded by a)iij divine decree, from the 
benefits that are procured by the death, sufferings, and 
Gospel of Christ : 

" That, however, none can be made a partaker of the 
blessings of the Gospel, and of eternal salvation, unless 
he believe in Jesus Christ : 

" That, such, indeed, is the immense and universal 
goodness of the Supreuie Being, that He refuses to none 



408 CAMERON. 

the power of believing ; though He does not grant unto all 
His assistance and succour, that they may wisely improve 
this power to the attainment of everlasting salvation : 

" And that, in consequence of this, multitudes perish 
through their own fault, and not from any want of good- 
ness in God." 

Those who embraced this doctrine were called Univer- 
salists, because they represented God as willing to shew 
mercy to all mankind ; and Hypothetical Univer salists, 
because the condition of faith in Christ was necessary to 
render them the objects of this mercy. 

His works are — 1. Theological Lectures, 3 vols, 4to ; 
and also in folio. 2. Myrothecium Evangelicum, 4to. — 
Bayle. Mosheim. Cajjellus. 

CAMERON, RICHARD. 

RrcHARD Cameron was born at Falkland, in the 
shire of Fife. His father was a shopkeeper, and he 
himself became a schoolmaster, and precentor to the 
curate of Falkland. Although he was educated in right 
principles, he " got a lively discovery of the sin and 
hazard of prelacy," and was seduced into Presbyterianism 
and carried out Presbyterian principles to their extreme. 
His perversion procured him preferment, and the quondam 
parish schoolmaster was admitted into the family of Sir 
Walter Scott, of Hai'den, as chaplain and tutor. But here 
he " discovered the sinfulness of the indulgence," and 
quitting his situation, because he would not attend the 
legalized Presbyterian meeting-house, he went south, and 
connected himself with a field preacher, John Welsh by 
name. He was unwilling to act on the suggestion of 
Welsh, and take out from him a license to preach, because, 
" on account of his having such clear discoveries of the 
sinfulness of the indulgence, he could not but testify 
against it explicitly, so soon as he should have an oppor- 
tunity to preach in public." The indulgence was a 
toleration which was intended by government to conciliate 



CAMERON. 409 

the Presbyterians, by legalizing their ministrations under 
certain conditions. Of the Presbyterian preachers who 
accepted the conditions, and were indulged, Cameron was 
most vehement in his denunciations. With Welsh and 
Kidd he perambulated the Western Counties, accom- 
panied by bands of armed men, who acted in the capacity 
of guards, and kept the peaceably disposed inhabitants in 
constant fear, committing many crimes. For railing 
against the indulged ministers, he was summoned before 
presbyteries at Dinugh in Galloway, and Dunscove in 
Xithsdale ; and at last he was persuaded to give his 
promise, that "for some short time he should forbear such 
an explicit way of preaching against the indulgence and 
separation from them that were indulged." " After the 
giving of the promise," continues the author of the Scots 
Worthies, " finding himself by virtue thereof bound up 
from declaring the whole counsel of God, he turned a 
little melancholy ; and to get a definite time for that 
unhappy promise exhausted, in the year 1678 he went 
over to Holland." Others say he went in consequence of 
a proclamation against his armed assemblages. His 
reception in Holland was not very flattering at first, the 
Presbyterians there being " sadly misinformed by the 
indulged, and those of their persuasion, that he would 
preach nothing but babble against the indulgence, cess- 
paying, &c. But here he touched upon none of these 
things, excejjt in jwayer, when lamenting over the deplor- 
able case of Scotland by means of defection and tyranny !" 
" In the beginning of the year 1680," to use the lan- 
guage of his biographer, " he retui-ned home to Scotland, 
where he spent some time in going from minister to minis^ 
ter, of those who formerly kept up the public standard 
of the Gospel in the fields ; but all in vain : for the perse- 
cution being then so hot after Bothwell, against all such 
who had not accepted the indulgence and indemnity, 
none of them would adventure upon that hazard, except 
Mr. Donald Cargill and Mr. Thomas Douglas, who came 
together, and kept a public fast-day in Darmeid-muir, 



410 CAMERON. 

betwixt Clydesdale and Lothian ; one of the chief causes of 
which was the rece2;)tion of the Duke of York (that sworn 
vassal of Antichrist) unto Scotland, after he had been 
excluded from England and several other places. After 
several meetings among themselves, for forming a declara- 
tion and testimony, which they were about to publish to 
the world, at last they agreed upon one, which they pub- 
lished at the market-cross of Sanquhar, June 22, 1680, 
from which place it is commonly called the Sanquhar 
declaration. After this they were obliged, for some time, 
to separate one from another, and go to different corners 
of the land ; and that not only upon the account of the 
urgent call and necessity of the people, who were then in 
a most starving condition, with respect to the free and 
faithful preached Gospel, but also on account of the inde- 
fatigable scrutiny of the enemy, who, for their better en- 
couragement, had, by proclamation, 5000 merks offered for 
apprehending Mr. Cameron, 3000 for Mr. Cargill and 
Mr. Douglas, and 100 for each of the rest, who were con- 
cerned in the publication of the foresaid declaration." 

According to the Presbyterian writers this miserable 
man was gifted with the power of prophecies, and his 
shrewd guesses at probable events are recorded as predic- 
tions : they also, with terrible blasphemy, narrate miracles 
which were wrought in vengeance upon his opponents. 
His life is given as that of a saint in "The Biographia 
Scotiana," or " Scots Worthies ;" the reader shall have the 
account of Cameron's last scene in the words of the writer 
of that work. 

" The last night of his life, he was in the house of 
William Mitchell, of Meadowhead, at the water of Ayr, 
where about twenty-three horse and forty foot had continued 
with him that week. That morning a woman gave him 
water to wash his face and hands ; and having washed 
and dried them with a towel, he looked to his hands, and 
laid them on his face, saying, ' This is their last washing, 
I have need to make them clean, for there are many to 
see them.' At this the womap's mother wept. H^ said, 



CAMERON. 411 

* Weep not for me, but for yourself and yours, and for the 
sins of a sinful land, for ye have many melancholy, sor- 
rowful, and weary days before you.' 

" The people who remained with him were in some 
hesitation whether they should abide together for their 
own defence, or disperse and shift for themselves. But 
that day, being the 22nd of July, they were surprised by 
Bruce of Earlshall ; who, having got command of Airley's 
troop and Strachan's dragoons, upon notice given him by 
Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree, came furiously upon them, 
about four o'clock in the afternoon, when lying (m the east 
end of the Airs-moss. When they saw the enemy ap- 
proaching and no possibility of escaping, they all gathered 
round him, while he prayed a short word ; wherein he re- 
peated this expression thrice over, ' Lord, spare the green, 
and take the ripe.' When ended, he said to his brother, 
with great intrepidity, ' Come let us fight it out to the 
last ; for this is the day that I have longed for, and the 
day that I have prayed for, to die fighting against our 
Lord's avowed enemies, this is the day that we wdll get 
the crown. ' And to the rest he said, ' Be encouraged all 
of you to fight it out valiantly, for all of you that shall fall 
this day, I see heaven's gates open to receive you.' " 

" But the enemy approaching, they immediately drew up 
eight horse, with him on the right, the rest, with valiant 
Hackston on the left, and the foot in the middle, where 
they all behaved with much bravery, until overpowered 
by a superior number. At last Hackston was taken pri- 
soner, and Mr Cameron was killed on the spot, and his 
head and hands cut off by one Murray, and taken to 
Edinburgh." 

Some few letters of his are published with Mr. Benwick's 
collection of letters. Some of his sermons have also been 
published. The spirit of this Covenanter may be under- 
stood from the following anecdote. The narrator is Smith, 
who says, " I went with Bichard Cameron, and about 
twenty men, to the widow lady Gilkerscleugh's, in Clydes- 
dale, staid a week, and kept several conventicles with her. 



412 CAMPBELL. 

About this time the Duke [of York] was come to Scotland, 
and whilst we were in this house, it was one night at 
supper proposed by Hackston [one of the primate's mur- 
derers], to kill his Roval Highness, the said ladj being 
present, together with the two Camerons. Hackston said 
he would do it himself, if he could come at him ; and 
thought it might be best done when the Duke was at 
dinner : whereupon he asked if there were any there who 
■would go and observe all the manner of his Royal High- 
nesses dining ? — whether people might get into the room 
to see him at dinner, &c? So Michael Cameron under- 
took it ; and took me along with him. We were particu- 
larly instructed to observe whether people could go in 
with large coats or cloaks on them, and women with 
plaids ; and whether they could pass the sentinels with 
their swords." These men went and gained admission 
into the apartment, and saw the Duke at dinner ; but as 
they were returning to their lodgings they met a person 
who recognized Cameron, whereupon they betook them- 
selves to their horses, and were pursued for several miles." 
— Scots Worthies. Lawson's Eccles. Hist. Stephens Eccles. 
Hist. 

CAMPBELL, ARCHIBALD. 

Archibald Campbell. Of the early life of this prelate 
nothing more is known than that he was of the family of 
Argyle, and before his consecration resided almost con- 
stantly in London. He was selected by the Scottish 
Church to carry down the episcopal succession, and was 
consecrated at Dundee, August '2ith, 1711, by Bishops 
Rose, Douglas, and Falconer. On the 21st May, 1721, 
the clergy of Aberdeen elected him to be their ordinary ; 
but he did not long continue to discharge his episcopal 
functions in that see, owing to some dififerences of opinion 
respecting the " usages," which then agitated the Church 
in Scotland and the Non-jurors in England. He therefore 
resigned his office as ordinary of Aberdeen, and returned 
to London in 1724. Mr. Skinner informs us, that "he 



CAMPBELL. 413 

was highly commendable for his learning and other valua- 
ble accomplishments, which his curious writings, though 
out of the common line in some things, abundantly testify. 
His affairs led him to reside mostly at London, where he 
long acted as a Scottish Bishop, and in that character was 
of great service to our Church ; having been among the 
first projectors, and, by his activity and connexions, a 
constant promoter of that charitable fund which was a 
great support to the poorer clergy in their straitened 
circumstances. He had got into his hands the original 
registers of the General Assemblies, produced by Warriston 
in the rebellious assembly of Glasgow in the year 1638 ; 
which he generously communicated to such of his brethren 
as had any use to make of them; and at last, in 1737, 
made a gift of them to Sion College for presers'ation. In 
his latter days, he carried his singularities to such a 
length as to form a separate Nonjuring communion in 
England, distinct from the Sancroftian line ; and even 
ventured, in contradiction to the advice and opinion of 
his brethren in Scotland, upon the extraordinary step of 
a single consecration by himself, without any assistant, 
for keeping up the separation which, through Mr. Law- 
rence, Mr. Deacon, and some others, subsists in some of 
the western parts of England to this day." Bishop 
Campbell published a work on the Doctrine of the Middle 
or Intermediate State of Departed Souls. This work was 
published in 1713 anonymously, although the author was 
well known. After the subject had been well discussed, 
Bishop Campbell published another edition, greatly en- 
larged, from an octavo to a folio, with his name in the 
title page. This was published in 1721 ; and certain 
other treatises were appended, on the same and kindred 
subjects. The title itself is exceedingly cuiious. " The 
Doctrine of a Middle State between Death and the Eesur- 
rection : of Prayers for the Dead : and the Necessity of 
Purification : plainly proved from the Holy Scriptures : 
and the Writings of the Fathers of the Primitive 
Church : and acknowledged by several learned Fathers 

VOL. III. 2 N 



414 CAMPBELL. 

and great Divines of the Church of England, and 
others, since the Reformation. To which is added, an 
Appendix concerning the Descent of the Soul of Christ 
into Hell, while his Body lay in the Grave. Together 
with the judgment of the Reverend Dr. Hickes concerning 
this Book, so far as relates to a Middle State, Particular 
Judgment, and Prayers for the Dead, as it appeared in the 
First Edition. And a Manuscript of the Right Reverend 
Bishop Overal, upon the subject of a Middle State, &c., 
never before printed. Also a Preservative against several 
of the Errors of the Roman Church, in six small 
Treatises. By the Honourable Archibald Campbell, Lon- 
don, folio, 17^1." 

The author argues in defence of the following propo- 
sitions, which were generally received by this section of 
the Nonjurors. 

" That there is an intermediate or middle state for 
departed souls to abide in, between death and the resur- 
rection, far different from what they are afterward to be in, 
when our blessed Lord Jesus Christ shall appear at His 
second coming. 

*' That there is no immediate judgment after death. 

" That to pray and offer for, and to commemorate, our 
deceased brethren, is not only lawful and useful, but also 
our bounden duty. 

" That the intermediate state between death and the 
resurrection is a state of puriQcation in its lower, as well 
as of fixed joy and enjoyment, in its higher mansions. 

" And that the full perfection of purity and holiness is 
not so to be attained in any mansion of Hades, higher or 
lower, as that any soul of mere man can be admitted to 
enter into the beatific vision, in the highest heavens, be- 
fore the resurrection, and the trial by fire, which it must 
then go through." 

After quoting largely from the Fathers, Campbell cites 
many passages from English divines since the Reforma- 
tion. He remarks of Smallridge : " These are the senti- 
ments of a Bishop of England, who w^as a thorough 



CAMPBELL. 415 

Revolutioner, a juror, and who did swear to all who have 
possessed the throne of England, ever since the Revolu- 
tion in 1688. And therefore it appears that Non-jurors 
are not singular in maintaining these notions." 

It is a most singular circumstance, that in a Form of 
Prayer for the 30th of January, published by royal autho- 
rity in 1661, there is a prayer for the dead. The Form 
had only the authority of the Crown, and the particular 
prayer was omitted in the authorized Service in 166*2; but 
still it is remarkable that it should have been introduced. 
The prayer is as follows, as quoted by Campbell : 

** And we beseech Thee to give us all grace to remember 
and provide for our latter end, by a careful, studious 
imitation of this Thy blessed saint and martyr, and all 
other Thy saints and martyrs that have gone before us, 
that we may be made worthy to receive benefit by their 
prayers, which they in communion with Thy Church Ca- 
tholic offer up unto Thee for that part of it here militant, 
and yet in fight with and danger from the flesh : that fol- 
lowing the blessed steps of their holy lives and deaths, we 
may also shew forth the light of a good example : for the 
glory of Thy name, the conversion of our enemies, and the 
improvement of those generations we shall shortly leave 
behind us, and with all those that have borne the heat 
and burden of the day, (Thy servant particularly whose 
sufferings and labours we this day commemorate) receive 
the reward of our labours, the harvest of our hopes, even 
the salvation of our souls ; and that for the merits, and 
through the mediation of Thy Son, our blessed Saviour 
Jesus Christ." 

Campbell quotes a letter from Grabe to Wagstaffe, in 
which is the following request : "I pray you likewise to 
pray, whenever you please, and offer the most holy sacri- 
fice to God, for the soul of one young man of my relation, 
in Prussia, lately departed this life : whose name was 
Frederick : and was pious and solicitous to save himself 
in this confused state of the Church. He was once much 
inclined to go to the Roman Church, but could not satisfy 



416 CAMPBELL. 

his conscience about some of their abuses and errors, and 
therefore stayed back. God have mercy on him, and 
bless his soul in peace." 

He also mentions, that Hickes gave him a prayer, not 
long before his death, which he wished to be offered for him 
after his departure. It contains the following petitions : — 

" Do Thou, Lord, now look upon this Thy servant, 
whom Thou hast chosen, and taken from this into the 
other state. 

'* Thou lover of men, forgive him all his offences, 
which he hath committed willingly or unwillingly against 
Thee, and send Thy benevolent holy Angels to him, to 
conduct him into the bosom of the Patriarchs, Prophets, 
and Apostles, &c." 

Bishop Campbell assisted Bishop Hickes, the well- 
known deprived Dean of Worcester, and Bishop Falconer, 
in the consecration of Mr. James Gadderar, in the year 
1724, at London, by the desire of Bishop Rose, then 
acting as primus Scotiae episcopus. About this period the 
attention of the Non-juring Bishops in England and Scot- 
land was drawn to an attempt to form an union between 
the Greek Church in Turkey and Ptussia, and the un- 
established Non-juring Episcopalians in England and 
Scotland. Bishops Campbell and Gadderar acted for 
their brethren in Scotland, and in conjunction with 
Bishops Collier, Brett, and Griffin, English Non-jurors, 
entered seriously into a negociation with Arsenius, Metro- 
politan of Thebais in Egypt, who happened then to be 
in England, and, with the Patriarchs of Constantinople, 
in Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, Heraclea, Nicomedia, 
Chalcedon, and Thessalonica. The death of the Czar 
Peter, who favoured the measure, put an end to the corres- 
pondence and stipulations with which the minds of the 
prelates on both sides had been most sedulously em- 
ployed. For a detailed account of this transaction, the 
reader is referred to the Life of Brett. Bishop Campbell 
died in London, but in what year is not known. — Bisliop 
Keith. Bishop Russell. Lathhury. 



CAMPBELL. 417 



CAMPBELL, GEOHGE. 



George Campbell was born at Aberdeen, in 1719, 
being the son of the Rev. Colin Campbell, one of the 
ministers of that place. From the grammar school of 
Aberdeen he went to Marischal College, but afterwards 
was articled to a writer to the Signet at Edinburgh. In 
1741 he relinquished the law and began the study of 
divinity, after which he was licensed to preach, and in 
1748 was presented to the church of Banchory Ternan, 
near Aberdeen. After remaining nine years in this parish 
he was chosen one of the ministers of Aberdeen, where, 
in 1759, he w^as appointed principal of Marischal College. 
In 1763 he published his Dissertation on Miracles in an- 
swer to Hume, for which he received the degree of D. D. 
from King s College. In 17^1 he was elected professor of 
divinity. His Philosophy of Rhetoric appeared in 1776 ; 
and the same year he published a sermon on the Ameri- 
can War, of which six thousand copies were quickly sold. 
In 1779 he printed an address to quiet the apprehensions 
of the people, in regard to the toleration of the Roman 
Catholics. The last work which Dr. Campbell published 
was his Translation of the Gospels, with preliminary Dis- 
sertations and Notes, 2 vols, 4to, Some years before his 
death he resigned his professorship, on which occasion a 
pension of three hundred pounds a year was settled upon 
him by the King. He died in 1796. His Lectures on 
Ecclesiastical History were published in 1800, 2 vols. 8vo. 
with his Life prefixed. These lectures contain a decided 
attack upon the Church Catholic, but especially upon that 
branch of it which was superseded by the present Pres- 
byterian establishment, and is now usually denominated 
the episcopal Church in Scotland. The lectures were se- 
verely reviewed in the Anti-Jacobin Review for May 1801 ; 
but they were especially answered by the Right Reverend 
John Skinner, late Bishop of Aberdeen, and primus 
Scotiae episcopus, (in which offices he has been worthily 



418 CAMPEGIO. 

succeeded by his son, the present Bishop,) in a most valu- 
able work, entitled, " Primitive Truth and Order vindi- 
cated," and by Archdeacon Daubeny in his " Eight dis- 
courses," &c. Scottish churchmen were the more surprised 
at this posthumous publication, as Campbell had in his 
life-time assumed an air of liberality towards them. — Gen. 
Dictionary. Shinner. 



CAMPEGIO, OB CAMPEJUS. 

Campegio was born at Milan, in 1474. He was brought 
up to the profession of the civil law, which he taught at 
Padua and Bologna. After the death of his wife he went 
into holy orders, and in 1510 was appointed auditor of 
the Rota, by Julius II., and in 1512 Bishop of Feltre. 
Being afterwards, in 1517, created Cardinal by Leo X., he 
was sent as Pope's legate into England in the following 
year. His chief mission to the English court was to per- 
suade Henry VIII. to join the confederation of Christian 
princes against the Turks, and to collect the tenths for 
the purpose of prosecuting the war. He was vested also 
with a legatine power of visiting monasteries. He was 
detained three months at Calais, having been desired by 
Cardinal Wolsey to wait there until a bull was procured from 
Rome, that he might be included in the commission. Upon 
his arrival in England he was received with great pomp, 
being met at Blackheath by the Duke of Norfolk and a 
great number of prelates, knights, and gentlemen, and 
conducted by them to a rich tent of cloth of gold, where 
he changed his dress and put on his Cardinal's robes 
edged with ermine, and thus rode in much state to Lon- 
don. Cardinal Wolsey, understanding that his retinue at 
Calais was meanly clothed, and knowing the importance 
of Campegio making an appearance in England suitable 
to the dignity of his station and character, had sent thither 
a considerable quantity of fccarlet cloth for their robes. 
And as the legate had but eight mules of his own, the 



CAMPEGIO. 419 

night before his entrance into London he received a pre- 
sent of twelve more from Wolsey. These were equipped 
with " empty coifers" under a red covering ; but one of 
the mules in Cheapside during the procession, becoming 
unruly, put the others into such confusion that several 
carriages were overturned, which breaking in the fall, 
instead of the rich furniture they were supposed to contain 
exposed to the view and derision of the people a collection 
of the most vile and homely materials. 

He found the people of England very backward in 
meeting his demand of a tenth, and therefore, having 
informed the Pope of the fact, he proceeded to the other 
branch of his commission, that of visiting the monasteries. 
But Wolsey thinking himself capable of discharging this 
office without an associate, sent Dr. Clarke to Rome with 
a request, that the whole power in this article might 
be transferred to himself. -His request being granted, 
Campegio was recalled. Campegio so ingratiated himself 
with the higher powers that he obtained the bishopric of 
Salisbury. The fact that this important bishopric was 
conferred on a non-resident, foreign pluralist, shews how 
much our establishment needed reformation. 

In 15 -24 he was made Bishop of Bologna by Clement 
VII., and was sent to the Diet of Nuremberg to oppose 
the progress of Lutheranism. When the controversy 
respecting Henry's divorce began, in 1527, Cardinal Cam- 
pegio was sent a second time into England, to call a lega- 
tine court, in which he and his colleague, Cardinal Wolsey, 
were to sit as judges. He arrived in England at the end 
of the year 1528, but being troubled with the gout he did 
not make a public entry into London, although the King 
was desirous of giving him a splendid reception. After 
a repose of a few days, he had an audience of the King, 
and was favourably received. Godwyn represents him as 
a plain-spoken man, who told the King precisely what he 
thought. The Iving and Queen did actually appear be- 
fore him and Wolsey, sitting as judges in their cause at 
Bridewell in Blackfriars. The commission being opened. 



420 CAMPEGIO. 

the cryer summoned King Henry of England, whereunto 
the King answered and said, Here. Then he called the 
Queen by name of Catherine, Queen of England, come into 
the court, when without answer she rose, and going round 
about the court knelt at the feet of the lung, and addressed 
to him her well known and pathetic appeal, in broken 
English. 

The first session took place May 31st, 1529, and 
the trial lasted until July 23rd, when, upon Queen 
Catherine appealing to the Pope, the court adjourned 
until September 28th, and was then dissolved. Hume 
represents Campegio's conduct, in the matter of the 
divorce, as prudent and temperate, although somewhat 
ambiguous. It is said that Henry vainly endeavoured 
to draw him over to his views by the offer of the 
bishopric of Durham. Afterwards Campegio was re- 
called to Eome, the King making him considerable pre- 
sents upon his departure ; but a rumour being spread 
that he carried along with him a treasure belonging to 
Cardinal Wolsey, whose downfall was at this time con- 
trived, and who, it was suspected, intended to follow him 
to Piome, he was pursued by the King's orders, and over- 
taken at Calais. His baggage was searched, but nothing 
being found of the kind suspected, he complained loudly 
of this violation of his sacred character. But he was re- 
minded by the King that by the laws of England he had 
no right to assume the legatine character after having 
been made Bishop of Salisbury, and that as a prelate of 
the Church of England he was bound by oath to defend 
the royal prerogative. The King eventually deprived him 
of the see of Salisbury. He died at Rome, in August, 
1539, bearing the character of a man of learning, and a 
patron of learned men, and was much esteemed by 
Erasmus, Sadolet, and other eminent men of that time. 
His letters only remain, which contain many historical 
particulars, and were published in Epistolarum Miscella- 
nearum, libri decem, Basil, 1550, folio. — Fidde's Life of 
Wolsey. Dod. Collier. Godwyn. 



CAMPIAN. 421 

CAMPIAN, OR CAMPION. 

CamPIan was born in London, January 25, 1540, and 
was educated at Christ's Hospital. He probably distin- 
guished himself at school, as he was selected to make an 
oration before Queen Mary on her accession to the crown. 
He was appointed scholar of St. John's College, Oxford, 
by its founder Sir Thomas White, and took his master's 
degree in 1564. In 1566, when Queen Elizabeth was 
entertained at Oxford, he made an oration before her, and 
also kept an act in St. Mary's Church. He was not only 
a member of the Church of England, but so zealous in 
the defence of the principles upon which that Church was 
reformed, that he received liberal presents from church- 
men to assist him in his studies, and was ordained deacon 
by Cheney, Bishop of Gloucester. From this prelate he 
experienced many favours -and much kindness, which he 
repaid by reviling him, and by a degree of insolence which 
ill became his years and relative position, when, on his 
perversion to the Church of Kome, he spoke of his ordina- 
tion, as receiving the mark of the beast. Campian was, 
nevertheless, though a conceited and self-sufficient, yet a 
mild and good natured man, with shewy talents. 

In 1568 he went to Ireland, where he was engaged in 
writing a history of that country, in two books. Having 
embraced the Romish additions to the Catholic faith in 
1569, he did not formally announce the fact till the fol- 
lowing year. He then found it expedient to return to 
England ; but in 1571 he removed into the Low Countries, 
and afterwards settled at the English College of Jesuits at 
Douay, where he openly renounced the Protestant religion, 
and had the degree of B.D. conferred upon him. From 
thence he went to Rome, where he was admitted into the 
society of Jesuits in 1573; and was afterwards sent by the 
general of his order into Germany. He lived for some 
time in Brune, and then at Vienna, where he com- 
posed a tragedy, called Nectar and Ambrosia, which was 

VOL. III. 2 o 



4-2 -2 CAMPIAX. 

acted before the Emperor with great applause. Soon after 
he settled at Prague, and taught rhetoric and philosophy 
for about six years in a College of Jesuits, which had been 
newly erected there. At length, being summoned to Rome, 
he was sent with the notorious Parsons, at the instance of 
Dr. Allen, by Pope Gregory XIII,, to England. 

On the Sunday after Easter, Gregory gave his blessing 
to the missionaries, and they left Rome, with instructions 
from their general, Mercuriano, to keep entirely clear of 
politics. They were to pass through Rheims, Paris, and 
Douay. On the French coast, Parsons and Campian 
separated. The latter landed at Dover early on the 
morning of June 25, 1580. Parsons trode again his 
native soil, at some other point. Campian was no sooner 
on shore, than he had to attend the local magistrate, who 
charged him with being a fugitive English Romanist, 
returning under a feigned name to propagate his religion. 
Had he gone no farther, the missionary would, probably, 
have been unable to lull suspicion, but he insisted that 
no other than iVllen stood before him. Not even the 
slightest appearance of art was required in rebutting this 
charge, and Campian offered, at once, to deny it upon 
oath. Still the magistrate kept saying, to his very great 
alarm, that he must be sent in custody to the council, 
and, seemingly, with such a view he left the room. During 
his absence, the Jesuit became absorbed in mental prayer, 
not forgetting to intermingle with rational, natural, and 
becoming addresses to Omniscience, others to the Baptist. 
He was delighted, no less than surprised, on the old man's 
return, to hear him say, " You may go. Farewell." Of 
this unexpected permission, instant and effective advan- 
tage was taken, and Campian was not long in reaching 
London. He necessarily moved about in disguise, but 
his party soon became extensively aware of his return to 
England. Some young men of fortune instantly supplied 
him with clothes, and every thing that he could want. 
He now found himself almost overwhelmed with pro- 



CAMPIAN. 4-23 

fessional avocations, obliged even to think of his sermons 
as he rode on horseback from house to house, in the 
neighbouring countiy. 

Soon after the arrival of Campian in England, a royal 
proclamation was issued ; according to the terms of which, 
all people having children, wards, or others under their 
controul, or receiving pecuniary assistance from them, in 
any foreign country, were to return the names of such 
individuals to the ordinary, within ten days, and to take 
measures for recalling them within four months. All 
persons receiving, sustaining, cherishing, or relieving 
Jesuits, Seminarists, Massifying-priests, or any such, that 
have come, or may hereafter come from abroad ; or not dis- 
covering such, if known, or probably suspected, were to be 
treated as sustainers, favourers, and patrons of rebellious 
and seditious men. New measures of coercion were pro- 
posed to parliament ; reconcilements to Eome were made 
high treason in the dispenser, misprision of treason in 
the receiver. The saying of mass was made punishable, 
by a fine of 200 marks, and one year's imprisonment ; 
the hearing of it by half the fine, but the same term of 
imprisonment. Absence from church was to be finable 
£20 a month, and if continued through a year, two securi- 
ties in £200 each, might be demanded for the party's 
good behaviour. To prevent the harbouring of papal 
agents under colour of tuition, schoolmasters, unlicensed 
by the ordinary, were made liable to a year's imprison- 
ment, and persons employing them to a fine of £10 a 
month. 

Parsons and Campian were nothing daunted ; they 
prepared formal answers to the Queen's proclamation. 
That of Parsons is lost, but Campian's has been pre- 
served. It positively disclaims every political object, but 
announces that the Jesuits had made a holy league to root 
Ptomanism-, in England, at all hazards. Prisons, racks, 
and gibbets are treated with scorn, sufficient victims 
being prepared to answer all their demands, and a new 



424 CAMPIAN. 

succession being certain to repair every devastation that 
such barbarities might cause. A copy of this document 
v^as entrusted to Thomas Pound, a zealous Romanist of 
good family, ^Yho was himself a Jesuit. He had injunc- 
tions to suppress it so loug as the writer should remain 
at large, but in case of his apprehension, to print and 
circulate it. The original Campian retained. Pound, 
■who is represented as panting for Tyburn, seems to have 
been fired by such a display of rhetoric, zeal, and hero- 
ism, that he printed it immediately, and it was neither 
long in getting wind, nor eliciting replies : Hammer and 
Charke having instantly attacked it. Among its contents 
was a desire to argue the Romish cause before the council, 
a select body of divines, and another of civilians. 

That he might secure some such notice for his opinions, 
under any circumstances, Campian produced, in the next 
year, his Ten Reasons, addressed to the most learned 
academicians of Oxford and Cambridge. This tract, which 
is elegantly written, but floridly, arrogantly, and super- 
ficially, was extensively circulated by means of William 
Hartley, once, like the writer, fellow of St. John's College, 
Oxford, now like him also, a Romish missionary. Among 
his own party, and among all such as are easily smitten 
by the charms of composition, Campian's flowers passed 
at once for fruit. William Whitaker, however, the 
learned regius professor of divinity at Cambridge, was not 
slow in taking up the gauntlet, so confidently thrown 
down, and many sufficient judges, with great reason, 
pronounced his answer complete. In some points, indeed, 
he had a task needlessly easy, the Jesuitic challenger 
having found Scripture for his purposes, in the Apocrypha, 
and Fathers, in pieces even then known to be suppositious. 
But Whitaker was not allowed an undisputed victory. 
Before the year closed, John Durey, a scholarly Scottish 
Jesuit, published at Ingoldstadt, a Confutation of his 
Answer. The Romish party laid, indeed, very great stress 
upon Campian's challenges. That unfortunate scholar 
himself fancied that his boldness had rendered the Pro- 



CAMPIAN. 425 

testants furious ; and he still is thought not greatly mis- 
taken. 

The desire on the part of Government to apprehend 
Campian and his brother Jesuit, was augmented by the 
popular clamour against Queen Elizabeth's encourage- 
ment of the Duke of Anjou's matrimonial aims. Peo- 
ple thought their Queen fascinated by this gay young 
Frenchman, and that through his influence, in the words 
of Cambden, " religion would be altered, and popery 
tolerated." Every report of Campian 's challenges was 
taken as a confirmation of these gloomy forebodings. It 
is terrible to think that, for the mere purpose of \^ndi- 
cating the Queen from such a suspicion, it was determined 
to institute an active search for Campian, and to destroy 
him. Whatever were the faults, and they were many, of 
the young Jesuit, he was labouring in what he considered 
to be the path of duty. But he was to die in order to 
allay the fears of the people, which would have been more 
effectually allayed by the mere cessation of a flirtation on 
the part of the Queen. 

On the 15th of July, 1581, he was apprehended in the 
secret room of a Roman Catholic gentleman at Lyfford, 
in Berkshire, eight miles from Oxford. After remaining 
during two days in the custody of the sheriff of Berkshire, 
he was conveyed by slow journeys to London, on horse- 
back ; his legs fastened under the horse, his arms tied 
behind him, and a paper placed on his hat, on which, in 
large capital letters, were written the words, " Campian, 
the seditious Jesuit." On the ^5th he was delivered to 
the lieutenant of the Tower. He was frequently examined 
before the Lord Chancellor, or other members of the 
council, and by commissioners appointed by them. He 
was required to divulge what houses he had frequented ; 
by whom he had been relieved ; whom he had reconciled ; 
when, which way, for what purpose, and by what com- 
mission he had come into the realm ; how, where, and 

by whom he printed his books. All these questions he 

2o '2 



426 CAMPIAN. 

declined to answer. In order, therefore, to extort answers 
from him, he was first laid on the rack, and his limbs 
stretched a little, to show him, as the executioners termed 
it, what the rack was. He persisted in his refusal ; — 
then, for several days successively, the torture was in- 
creased ; and, on the two last occasions, he was so cruelly 
torn and rent that he expected to have expired under the 
torment. Whilst upon the rack he called continually 
upon God ; and prayed fervently for his tormentors, and 
for those by whose orders they acted. 

Before he was finally released from the torture, his 
persecutors succeeded in wresting from him various par- 
ticulars, though Campian on the scaffold declared that the 
information extracted in this infamous way was given 
under an engagement upon oath, that his " harbourers" 
should not be molested. It is, however, certain that 
many of them were molested. Some were fined and 
imprisoned. The unhappy victim bitterly regretted his 
weakness in these disclosures. 

It is very distressing to observe the cruel spirit of 
Puritanism or ultra-Protestantism, when even declaiming 
against the persecuting spirit of Popery; the following 
are the remarks of a contemporary Puritan, one who was 
esteemed " the first among the godly, and one of the 
decidedly pious," William Charke : 

" In very truth, there was no one of them so racked, 
but that, howsoever their minds seemed to yield to the 
fear of pain, they were yet worse afraid than hurt. For 
the very next Sabbath day, though to the churchward they 
must be drawn, or driven, or carried, between two men, 
like obstinate bears to a stake ; yet could they after the 
sermon, walk home upon their own legs stoutly enough 
and strongly, as other folks. This is indeed to strain at 
a gnat, and to swallow up a camel, to complain of justice 
mercifully and necessarily used to two or three, and your- 
selves with all horrible torments to destroy great cities, 
and attempt the desolation of whole kingdoms." 



CAjMPIAN. 427 

It was thought fit that Campian should be racked in 
mind as well as body, and on the last day of August he 
was brought into the chapel of the Tower, with his fellow- 
prisoners, to meet Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, 
and William Day, Dean of Windsor, who indiscreetly 
began, as if to recriminate under consciousness of cruelty, 
by adverting to the persecutions of the late reign of Queen 
Mary, and asserting, that none since had been executed 
for religion. Campian immediately pronounced himself 
an example of very severe suffering for religion, having 
been twice on the rack. The Ten Eeasons then came 
under discussion. The prisoner was first charged with 
misrepresenting Protestants as to the rejection of St. 
James's Epistle, on Luther's authority ; there being really 
neither such rejection, nor such authority. To prove the 
latter case, he was shewn a printed book, and could only 
answer that it was not tHe right edition. He was told, 
and no doubt honestly, though incorrectly, that all 
editions here were alike. Other points were subsequently 
debated, and, as his opponents thought, very little to 
Campian's advantage. The two deans were chiefly bent 
upon discrediting him, or, as they said, "reclaiming him," 
by a merciless exposure of his numerous inaccuracies. 
These they treated as imputations upon veracity, though 
really, perhaps, mere slips of hasty writing, sanguine 
temperament, and superficial information. But be their 
cause what it may, such errors cannot be detected without 
humiliating any man, and in the afternoon Campian con- 
fronted his opponents with an air of much greater modesty 
than he had worn in the morning. The topics, too, were 
more manageable, chiefly turning upon justification; and, 
as usual upon such questions, the disputants were found, 
at length, very much of the same opinion. Thus a colour 
was given for representing Campian as departing com- 
pletely master of the field ; and the two deans were called 
upon to lower the strains of Piomish triumph, by pub- 
lishing their own account of the conference. Three other 
disputations followed, in which the celebrated Jesuit 



426 ?• CAM PI AN. 



argued with new opponents. Upon the whole, he dis- 
appointed expectation, Protestants expressly say so, 
Piomanists tacitly admit it, by dwelling upon the barbarian 
tortures that he had undergone, and his want of books. 
No common man could have stood his ground, as he did, 
under such disadvantages. 

To such acceptance of his own challenges there could 
be no objection. But it was disgracefully deemed advisable 
to stretch him again upon the rack. When overcome 
before, under its atrocious machinery, he seems to have 
let something fall that gave hope of important disclosures. 
Such a report, at least, alarmed his friends out of doors, 
and in a letter to make them easy, he declared himself to 
have had no more extorted from him than names of 
persons and places. As to secrets, in his intercourse with 
individuals, he had revealed none, nor ever would, "come 
rack, come rope." In fact, he denied himself to have 
been entrusted with any, save the sins of his penitents, 
of which he was depositary under the seal of confession, 
which he certainly would not break. 

On the 12th of November Campian and his companions 
were indicted for high treason. Of this trial Mr. Hallam 
observes : " Nothing that I have read affords the slightest 
proof of Campians concern in treasonable practices, 
though his connections, and profession as a Jesuit, render 
it by no means unlikely. If we may confide in the 
published trial, the prosecution was as unfairly conducted, 
and supported by as slender evidence, as any, perhaps, 
which can be found in our books. But as this account, 
wherein Campians language is full of a dignified elo- 
quence, rather seems to have been compiled by a partial 
hand, its faithfulness may not be above suspicion." 

The prisoners were, nevertheless, found guilty by the 
jury, after deliberating for an hour, and on the first 
of December following, Campian was led to execution. He 
was dragged there on a hurdle, his face was often covered 
with mud, and the people good-naturedly wdped it off. 
He ascended the scaffold,— there, he again denied all the 



CAMUS. 429 

treasons of whicli he had been accused. He was required 
" to ask forgiveness of the Queen;" he meekly answered, 
" wherein have I offended her ? In this I am innocent ; 
this is my last breath, in this give me credit. I have, and 
I do pray for her." Lord Charles Howard asked him 
"for which Queen he prayed ? — whether for Elizabeth the 
Queen?"' — Campian replied, "Yes, for Elizabeth your 
Queen, and my Queen." He then took his last leave of 
the spectators, and turning his eyes towards heaven, the 
cart was drawn away. 

Besides the works already mentioned, he wrote : — 1. 
Nine Articles directed to the Lords of the Privy Council, 
1581. 2. The History of Ireland, noticed above, published 
by Sir James Ware, Dublin, 1638, folio. The original 
MS. is in the British Museum. 3. Chronologia Universalis. 
4. Conferences in the Tower, published by the English 
divines, 1583, 4to. 5. 'Narratio de Divortio, Antwerp, 
1631. 6. Orationes, ib. 1631. 7. Epistolae varise, ib. 
1631. 8. De Imitatione Rhetorica, ib. 1631. His Life, 
written by Paul Bombino, a Jesuit, is very scarce; the best 
edition is that of Mantua, 1620, 8vo. — Soanies. Butler. 
Strijpe. Lingard. Challoner. Dod. Cambden. Hallam. 



CAMUS, JOHN PETEE. 

John Peter Camus was bom at Paris, in 1582. Henry 
IV. made him Bishop of Bellay. In his time, romances 
being much in vogue, he set the fashion of writing religious 
novels, which have obtained so much of late. He was 
very severe on the monks, who complained of him to 
Cardinal Pdchelieu; on which the minister said to Camus, 
'* I find no other fault with you, but this horrible bitter- 
ness against the monks ; were it not for that, I would 
canonize you." — " I wish that may come to pass," said 
the Bishop, " for then we should both have our wish ; 
you would be a pope, and I should be a saint." In 1629 



430 CANT. 

he resigned his bishopric, aod retired to the abbey of 
Clunj, from whence he removed to Paris, and died in the 
hosj)ital of Incurables in 1652. — Moreri 



CANNE, JOHN. 

Of this person we only know that, being the compiler 
of the Weekly News, he became, at the Restoration, a 
leader of the English Independents, or Brownists, at Am- 
sterdam. He published a Bible with marginal references 
or notes, of which the first edition was printed at Amster- 
dam, in 1664, and another at Edinburgh, 1727. — Gen. 
Diet. 

CANT, ANDREW. 

This unfortunate person has been condemned to fame, 
by giving a word to our language by which we express the 
whining eloquence of a hypocrite. He was originally a 
clergyman, having received episcopal orders. When the 
Presbyterians of Scotland rose in rebellion he took his 
part with the rebels, and was employed by those rebel 
committees who were distinguished by the eccentric sou- 
briquet of the Tables, from the circumstance of their con- 
ducting their deliberations at four separate tables in four 
rooms in the new Parliament House. By them he was 
employed to preach the solemn League and Covenant, 
which was a bond of rebellion entered into by the Presby- 
terian party, at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu, who 
furnished them \\-ith a copy of the French Holy League, 
of which, with some necessary alterations, it is a pretty 
faithful copy. The hypocritical Presbyterians at the very 
moment that they were exciting the ignorant mob to 
rebellion by a pretended fear of the introduction of popery 
on the part of the King, were themselves imitating that 
popery, for a resemblance to which they raised an outcry 
against the Book of Common Prayer. Never was nation 



CANT. 431 

eo possessed by the evil spirit as was Scotland at the time 
of the anti-christian covenanters. But there was still a 
remnant left, and Cant, with other agitators, being sent to 
Aberdeen, found that the doctors of that city and univer- 
sity were not to be moved by their groaning, whining 
eloquence. The historian Heron admits, that " the train 
of their measures was," (by these true-hearted men) 
"shewn to be insurrection and conspiracy against the 
King's authority. Their covenant was proved to be with- 
out obligation, because it was illegal, and aimed at ends 
incompatible with orderly government. Episcopacy was 
shewn to be founded upon the maxims of Revelation, the 
practice of the primitive Church, and the expediency of 
civil society. But the doctors of Aberdeen found it more 
easy to confute than to convince or silence the high-priests 
of the covenant." 

Being refused the pulpits of Aberdeen, Cant and his 
associates preached in the open air. He was sent to the 
general assembly which met at Glasgow in 1638, and gaye 
in his adhesion to the rebels, who continued its sittings 
after the King's commissioner had legally dissolved it. As 
Prynne in England had blasphemously declared that our 
Blessed Lord was a Puritan, so, \horrible it is to write it I) 
the people in Scotland were taught to regard Him as a 
covenanter. Mr. Cant, in his sermon at Glasgow, told his 
audience, that he was " sent to them with a commission 
from Christ to bid them subscribe the covenant, it being 
Christ's contract, — that he came as a wooer from the 
Bridegroom to call upon them to be hand-fasted by sub- 
scribing the contract, and that he would not depart till he 
had got the names of all refusers, of whom he would com- 
plain to his Master." 

Cant acted as chaplain to the rebel army under General 
Leslie ; and with the usual hypocrisy of Puritans, who 
complained of the secular employment of the Bishops, 
took his share in the military councils. He was one of 
the Scotch preachers who were appointed by General 
Leslie to preach at Newcastle, when the rebels took 



432 CANUS. 

military possession of that town, in 1640. Soon after the 
dominant Presbyterians intruded him upon the reluctant 
inhabitants of Aberdeen as one of their ministers, in order 
to seduce the inhabitants from their loyalty to the King, 
and steady attachment to the Church. On the 21st of 
August, 1641, he preached before Charles I. ; and he 
attended annually the general assembly, and frequently 
preached before the conventions of estates. He joined 
the Presbyterian party, who were called Protestors, or 
Remonstrators, and was vehement in his opposition to 
that temporary recall of Charles II. which took place ou 
the murder of his father, except he was brought back 
" upon covenant terms ;" which meant that he should 
sign the covenant, which bound him to extirpate the epis- 
copal church throughout the three kingdoms. He carried 
this system to such an extent in Aberdeen, and was so 
much in the habit of denouncing people by name from 
the pulpit, and uttering such anathemas and imprecations 
upon them, that his tyranny could be no longer borne, 
and he was obliged to resign the living, into which he 
had been intruded, and leave the city. He died in 1664. 
— Skinner. Lawsoii. Stephens. 

CANUS, MELCHIOR. 

Melchior Canus was born at Taran^on, in the diocese 
of Toledo, in 1523. In early life he became a Dominican, 
and studied at Salamanca, where, in 1546, he succeeded 
his tutor, Francis Victoria, as professor of theology, and 
formed a party which opposed that of Carranza, his col- 
league, who was the very reverse of himself in character. 
It is said that he contributed much to the disgrace of 
Carranza. (See Ms Life. J He was summoned to the 
Council of Trent by Paul III. ; and, in 1552, made Bishop 
of the Canary Islands. His enemies, especially the 
Jesuits, thought thus to get rid of him. But Canus, by 
his politic flattery of Philip II., and especially by his en- 
couragement of the ambitious projects of that prince, soon 



CAPELLUS. 433 

procured his recall to Spain, and became provincial of his 
order in Castile. He died at Toledo, in 1560. His trea- 
tise, De Locis Theologicis, pubUshed after his death, Sala- 
manca, 156*2, folio, is said to be the ablest of his works ; 
the latest edition is that by Serrv, Vienna, 1754, in two 
vols, 4to. A complete edition of his works was published 
at Cologne, in 1605, and in 1678, in 8vo ; and at Venice, 
in 1759, in 4to. — Moreti. DiqAn. 

CAPELLUS, LEWIS. 

Lewis Gapellus was born at Sedan, in Champagne, 
about 1579. In 1610 he came to Oxford where he resided 
for some time at Exeter College. He was afterwards 
professor of Divinity and of the Oriental Languages at 
Saumur, where he died in 1651. His most celebrated works 
are his Arcanum Punctiouis revelatum, and his Critica 
Sacra, by both of which he was involved in controversy. 
The first gave rise to his controversy with the younger 
Buxtorf, concerning the antiquity of Hebrew vowel points. 
By Buxtorf it was contended that the points were coeval 
with the Hebrew language, and were always in use among 
the Jews : Capellus, with whom the learned now generally 
agi'ee, contended that the points were not known to the 
Jews before their dispersion from Jerusalem, but were 
invented afterwards by modern rabbins to prevent the 
language, which was every day declining, from being 
utterly lost; in short, that they were invented by the 
Masoreth Jews of Tiberias, about 600 years after Christ. 

Capellus was persecuted by the German protestants, who, 
instead of entering into the merits of his case, from mere 
party feeling and bigotry opposed him, because they re- 
garded his theory as making too great a concession n 
favour of the Vulgate ; which, having been written before 
the Masoretic punctuation, on Capelluss hypothesis, had 
been applied to the text, might now claim to stand on 
higher ground, and was not to be judged by these inno- 
vations. 

yoL. III. 2 s 



434 CAPELLUS. 

The same ultra-protestant bigotry prevented the publi- 
cation of his Critica Sacra for a considerable period. This 
work is a collection of various readings and errors, which 
Capellus thought had crept into the copies of the Bible, 
through the carelessness of transcribers ; and it must have 
been a work of prodigious labour, since the author acknow- 
ledges that he had spent thirty- six years upon it. His 
son went over to the Church of Rome, and obtained leave 
to print the work at Paris, in 1650. It was said by 
Morinus, that it would be a mercy to Capellus if his book 
were condemned at Rome, because it had procured him 
the hatred of the ultra-Protestant party, and at the same 
time was prejudicial to the cause of the Roman Catholics, 
which it was thought to support. His other works are, 
1. Historia Apostolica illustrata. Gen. 1634, 4to, insert- 
ed afterwards in vol. i. of the Critici Sacri, London, 1660, 
fol. 2. Spicilegium post Messem, a collection of criticisms 
on the New Testament, Gen. 1632, 4to, and added after- 
wards to Cameron's Myrothecium Evangelicum, of which 
Capellus was the editor. 3. Diatribae duae, also in the 
Spicilegium. 4. Templi Hierosolymitani Delineatio tri- 
plex, in vol. i. of the Critici Sacri. 5. Ad novam Davidis 
Lyram Animadversiones, &c. Salmur. 1643, 8vo. 6. Dia- 
triba de Veris et Antiquis Ebreeorum Literis, Amst. 1645, 
12mo, in answer to Buxtorf. 7. De Critica nuper a se 
Edita, ad rev. Virum D. Jacob. Usserium Armacanum in 
Hibernia Episcopum, Epistola Apologetica, in qua Amoldi 
Bootii temeraria Criticae Censura refellitur, Salmur. 1651, 
4to. His correspondence with the learned Usher may be 
seen in Parr's collection of letters to and from the Arch- 
bishop, pp. 559, 562, 568, 569, and 587. 8. Chronologia 
Sacra, Paris, 1655, 4to, reprinted afterwards among the 
prolegomena to Walton's Polyglot. In 1775 and 1778, 
a new edition of the Critica Sacra of Capellus was pub- 
lished at Halle, in 2 vols, 8vo, by Vogel and Scharfenberg, 
with corrections and improvements. — Capellus da Gente 
Capellorum. Moreri. Mosheim. 



CARGILL. 435 



CAEDONA, JOHN BAPTIST. 



John Baptist Caedona was a native of Valencia, and 
canon of the cathedral in that city. On going to Rome 
he was promoted to the bishopric of Elne in Roussillon, 
which see was afterwards removed to Perpignan. He was 
next translated to Vich, and lastly to Tortosa, where he 
died in 1590. He published — 1. De Regia Sancti Lau- 
rentii Bibliotheca. 2. De Bibliothecis et De Bibliotheca 
Vaticana. 3. De expurgandis hsereticorum propriis no- 
minibus. 4. De Dyptychis. In the two first of these 
works he gives directions for collecting books, and the 
last contains some curious information on the dyptychs or 
ancient public registers. Among his other literaiy labours 
he sought to establish, by a careful collation of manu- 
scripts, the true readings of the works of the Fathers. At 
the period of his death he had already restored upwards 
of eight hundred readings in the works of Gregory the 
Great and St. Hilary. — Moreri. Fraheri Tlieatrum. 



CARGILL, DONALD 

This unfortunate man, regarded as a saint by ultra- 
pro testants, was born in the year 1610, in the parish of 
Rattray, in the county of Perth. He became minister of 
the Barony parish of Glasgow in 1650, but refusing to 
axjcept collation from Archbishop Fairfoull after the Res- 
toration, and to celebrate the 29th of May, he was 
banished by the privy council beyond the Tay ; but he 
was not farther noticed till 1 668, when he was peremptorily 
enjoined to observe the order for his exile, though he was 
permitted to resort to Edinburgh in 1669 on some legal 
business, though he was not allowed to reside in the city 
or to approach Glasgow. For some years afterwards he 
wandered about as a field preacher, and became conspicu- 
ous by denouncing all who accepted the Indulgence He 
was among the insurgents at the battle of Bothwell Bridge, 



436 CARGILL. 

at which he was wounded, but he escaped to Holland. 
He soon, however, returned, and again lurked in Scotland 
in connection with some who wrote severe papers against 
the government. Cargill and a zealous follower of his 
religious principles were known to be in hiding on the 
shores of the Frith of Forth above Queensferry, and the 
incumbent of Carriden, who naturally felt uneasy at the 
presence of two such persons in that parish, informed the 
governor of Blackness Castle, who set out in search of 
them. They were traced to a public house in Queensferry, 
and the governor, who had sent for a party of soldiers to 
take them, cajoled them by drinking wine until his men 
arrived. As they had no suspicion of this officer's purpose 
they sat with him for some time, till impatient at the 
delay of his men he attempted to take them prisoners. 
A struggle ensued, in which Cargill's associate was mor- 
tally wounded, but the field- preacher was concealed by a 
nei^yhbouring farmer, and fled into Lanarkshire. In the 
pocket of his friend was found a very violent document, 
which was understood to have been writte^i by Cargill, 
and is known by the soubriquet of the Queensferry Cove- 
nant, from the place where it was found. He was con- 
cerned with Richard Cameron in the Sanquhar exploit, 
when, on the 2-2nd of June, 1680, they collected twenty 
of their infatuated followers at the Royal Burgh of San- 
quhar, and there, with such formalities as gave their pro- 
ceedincfs the sanction of a divine law, read a declaration, 
in which they renounced their allegiance, and made war 
against the King, as a tyrant and usurper. He collected 
a large assemblage at the Torwood, and, after preaching 
two sermons he "excommunicated and delivered to Satan," 
as he phrased it, Charles XL, the Dukes of York, Mon- 
mouth, Rothes, and Lauderdale, Sir George Mackenzie, 
and General Dalyell of Binns, renounced his allegiance, 
absolved all the King's subjects from the same, and de- 
clared that no human power could reverse this sentence 
unless those personages repented. This fulmination, 
sufficieutly harraless and even ludicrous so far as Cargill's 



CARGILL. 437 

ecclesiastical authority was concerned, was a serious affair 
to himself and his followers. The privy council failed 
not to perceive that it was calculated not only to bring 
them into contempt, while it was a direct act of treason, 
but that it tended to mark them as proper objects for the 
vengeance of the ignorant and enthusiastic peasantry, 
who were taught that assassination was meritorious. 
Cargill was intercommuned, and a reward was offered for 
him of 5000 merks. Numerous stories and traditions 
are told of his narrow escapes from the soldiers and others 
in search of him, but he was at last seized at Covington, 
in Lanarkshire, conveyed to Lanark on horseback with 
his feet tied under the animal's belly, and thence to 
Glasgow, from which he was removed to Edinburgh, 
where he was tried on the •26th of July, 1681, condemned 
for high treason, and executed on the following day. The 
spot on the Torwood at which Cargill ' excommunicated' 
Charles II. and the others was long pointed out as a 
square field near Sir William Wallace's oak, which has 
now disappeared. 

By ultra-protestant writers, who contend that he merely 
carried out protestant principles in having recourse to 
rebellion, he is said to have had the gift of prophecy, and 
miracles were wrought in his favour. (See Scots' Worthies, j 
As a specimen of his artifice as a minister we give the 
following anecdote, which would have been denounced as 
priestcraft by those who narrate it, had the actor been a 
Jesuit instead of a Presbyterian. 

There was a certain woman in Eutherglen, about two 
miles from Glasgow, who, by the instigation of some, both 
ministers and professors, was persuaded to advise her 
husband to go but once to hear the curate, to prevent the 
family being reduced, which she prevailed with him to do. 
But going the next day after to milk her cows, two or 
three of them dropt down dead at her feet, and Satan, 
as she conceived, appeared unto her, which cast her under 
sad and sore exercises and desertion, so that she was 
2p2 



438 CARLETON. 

brought to question her interest in Christ, and all that 
had formerly passed betwixt God and her soul, and was 
often tempted to destroy herself, and sundry times at- 
tempted it. Being before known to be an eminent Chris- 
tian, she was visited by many Christians, but without 
success, still crying she was undone, she had denied 
Christ, and He had denied her. After continuing a long 
time in this exercise, she cried for Mr. Cargill, who came 
to her, but found her distemper so strong, that for several 
visits he was obliged to leave her as he found her, to his 
no small grief. However, after setting some days apart 
on her behalf, he at last came again to her, but finding 
her no better, still rejecting all comfort, still crying out, 
that she had no interest in the mercy of God, or merits of 
Christ, but had sinned the unpardonable sin ; he, looking 
in her face for a considerable time, took out his Bible, 
and naming her, said, " I have this day a commission 
from my Lord and Master, to renew the marriage contract 
betwixt you and him ; and if ye will not consent, I am to 
require your subscription on this Bible, that you are 
v^illing to quit all right, interest in, or pretence unto 
Him ;" and then he offered her pen and ink for that pur- 
pose. She was silent for some time, but at last cried out, 
" ! salvation is come unto this house. I take Him, I take 
Him on His own terms, as He is offered to me by His 
faithful ambassador." From that time her bonds were 

loosed. hawsons Scottish Church. Stephens. Scots' 

Worthies. 



CARLETON, GEORGE. 

George Carleton was born at Norham, in Northumber- 
land, his father being, at the period of his birth, the 
governor of the castle. He was educated under the direc- 
tion of Bernard Gilpin, by whom he was sent to Edmund 
Hall, Oxford, in 1576. Having taken his Bachelor's 
degree, he was elected a fellow of Merton, deferring his 



CARLETON. 439 

M.A. degree till 1585. In 1618 he was appointed to the 
bishopric of LandafF, and in the same year he submitted 
to the disgrace of being sent by King James I. to attend 
the schismatical meeting called the Synod of Dort. When 
there, an indirect attack being made, by the introduction 
of the Belgic Confession, upon the Catholic Church on the 
doctrine of episcopacy, Bishop Carleton thought proper to 
defend his order. Low Id every other point of doctrine as 
he was, here, being personally concerned, he took suflQ- 
ciently high grouud. His own account of his conduct is 
as follows : — 

" When we were to yield our consent to the Belgic 
Confession at Dort, I made open protestation in the synod, 
that whereas in the confession there was inserted a strange 
conceit of the parity of ministers to be instituted by 
Christ, I declared our dissent utterly in that point. I 
showed that by Christ' a parity was never instituted in 
the Church : that he ordained twelve Apostles, as also 
seventy disciples : that the authority of the twelve was 
above the other : that the Church preserved this order left 
by our Saviour. And therefore, when the extraordinary 
power of the Apostles ceased, yet this ordinary authority 
continued in Bishops, who succeeded them, \7ho were by 
the Apostles left in the government of the Church, to 
ordain ministers, and to see that they who were so 
ordained should preach no other doctrine ; that in an 
inferior degree the ministers, who were governed by 
Bishops, succeeded the seventy disciples : that this order 
hath been maintained in the Church from the times of 
the Apostles. And herein I appealed to the judgment of 
antiquity, and to the judgment of any learned man now 
living ; and craved herein to be satisfied, if any man of 
learning could speak to the contrary. My Lord of Salis- 
bury is my witness, and so are all the rest of our com- 
pany, who spake also in the cause. 

" To this the Bishop subjoins, that in a conference with 
some divines of that synod he told them, the cause of all 
the troubles, was because they had no Bishops amongst 



440 CARLETON. 

them, who by their authority might repress turbulent 
spirits that broached novelty, every man having liberty to 
speak and write what they list : and that as long as there 
were no ecclesiastical men in authority to repress and 
censure such contentious spirits, their Church could never 
be without trouble. To this their answer was, that they 
had a great honour for the good order and discipline in 
the Church of England, and heartily wished they could 
establish themselves upon this model : but they had no 
prospect of such a happiness ; and since the civil govern- 
ment had made their desires impracticable, they hoped 
God would be merciful to them." 

" By the way," observes Collier, " the States, upon 
their revolt from the King of Spain, destroj^ed seven sees, 
and applied the revenues to the public service. The 
names of them are these : the bishopric of Harlem in 
Holland ; of Middleborough, in Zealand ; of Lewarden, in 
Friezlann ; of Groningue, in Groningen ; of Deventer, in 
Overyssell ; of Ruremonde, in Guelderland : and the 
archbishopric of Utrecht, to which the Bishops of the 
other sees above mentioned were suffragans. 

" Thus, it is possible, the gain of sacrilege prevailed to 
break the apostolical government. Those at the helm 
might be averse to the continuing episcopacy, for fear some 
pait of the old endowments should be expected to main- 
tain it. Thus the mitre was sent to the mint, to keep the 
new exchequer in cash : the crozier was seized, and a 
staff provided instead of it. Some people love a cheap 
religion, and a poor clergy : a clergy without strength 
either in character or circumstances. This is the way to 
make discipline low and easy ; to check the freedom of 
the pulpits, and prevent their being troublesome to the 
shop and exchange." 

On his return to England Bishop Carleton was trans- 
lated to Chichester, where he died, in 1628. Among his 
works are enumerated : Tithes examined, and proved to 
be due to the Clergy by a Divine Right, Loudon, 1600, 
and 1011, 4to. Jurisdiction Regal, Episcopal, Papal; 



CAROLOSTADT. 441 

wherein is declared how the Pope hath intruded upon the 
Jurisdiction of Temporal Princes, and of the Church, &c. 
London, 1610, Ito. Consensus Ecclesiae Catholic?e con- 
tra Tridentinos, de Scripturis, Ecclesiae, Fide, et Gratia^ 
&c. London, 1613, 8vo. A thankful Remembrance of God s 
Mercy. In an Historical Collection of the great and mei'- 
ciful Deliverances of the Church and State of England, 
since the Gospel began here to flourish, from the begin- 
ning of Queen Elizabeth, London, 1614. The historical 
part is chiefly extracted from Camden's xA.nnals of Queen 
Elizabeth. Short Directions to know the true Church, 
London, 1615, &c., 12mo. Examination of those Things 
wherein the Author of the late Appeal (Montague, after- 
wards Bishop of Chichester) hokleth the Doctrine of 
Pelagians and Arminians to be the Doctrines of the 
Church of England, London, 16'26, and l6o6, 4to. A 
joint Attestation, avowing that the Discipline of the 
Church of England was not impeached by the Synod 
of Dort, London, 1628, 4to. Vita Bernardi Giljoini, 
Yiri sanctiss. famaque apud Anglos Aquilnonares cele- 
berrimi, London, 16-^6, 4to, inserted in Dr. W. Bates' 
Collection of Lives, London, 1681, 4to. Latin Letter to 
Mr. Camden, containing some Notes and Observations on 
his Britannia. Printed by Dr. Smith, amongst Camdeni 
Epistolse, No. 80. He had also a share in the Dutch 
Annotations, and in the new translations of the Bible, 
undertaken by order of the Synod of Dort, but not com- 
pleted and published till 1637. — Fuller. Wood. Collier. 



CAEOLOSTADT, OR CARLSTADT, ANDREW BODENSTEIN. 

Andrew Bodenstein Carolostadt, a celebrated Re- 
former, was born at Carlstadt, in Franconia. The year 
of his birth is not known. In 1502 he became doctor in 
divinity at Wittemberg, where he held a professorship, a 
canonry, and the archdeaconry. While he was dean of 
the College, in the year 1512, the celebrated Martin 



44a CAROLOSTADT. 

Luther was admitted to his doctor's decree, and the two 
doctors became intimate. In 1517, Oarolostadt was one 
of Luther's most zealous adherents in opposing the cor- 
ruptions of popery. He was first distinguished as a Re- 
former in dispute with Eck, or Eckius, which took place 
at Leipsic, in 1519. An account of this disputation will 
be given in the Life of Eck, and in that of Luther. The 
protestant historian, Ranke, thus describes the part which 
our Reformer bore in this disputation. 

" Carolostadt had insisted on his right of opening the 
debate, but he acquired little glory from it. He brought 
books, out of which he read passages, then hunted for 
others, then read again ; the objections which his oppo- 
nent advanced one day, he answered the next. How dif- 
ferent a disputator was Johann Eck ! His knowledge was 
all at his command, ready for use at the moment ; he 
required so little time for preparation, that immediately 
after his return from a ride he mounted the chair. He 
was tall, with large muscular limbs, and loud penetrating 
voice, and walked backwards and forwards while speaking ; 
he had an exception ready to take against every argu- 
ment ; his memory and address dazzled his hearers. In 
the matter itself — the explanation of the doctrine of grace 
and free-will — no progress was, of course, made. Some- 
times the combatants approximated so nearly in opinion, 
that each boasted he had brought over the other to his 
side, but they soon diverged again. With the exception 
of a distinction made by Eck, nothing new was produced ; 
the most important points were scarcely touched upon ; 
and the whole affair was sometimes so tedious that tlie 
hall was emptied." 

Carolostadt was now suspended from all communion 
with the Church ; and carrying out his principles to 
their full extent, he became the first ultra-protestant. In 
1521 he attacked the institution of celibacy, in a work of 
some length, and was himself one of the first of the pro- 
testant theologians to break his vows and to marry. So 
far he had proceeded with the sanction of Luther ; but the 



CAEOLOSTADT. 448 

influence of Carolostadt in Wittemberg, while Luther was 
confined in what he, somewhat profanely, styled his 
Patmos, excited the jealousy, while the vehemence with 
which he acted up to the principles he adopted, awakened 
the fears of his brother reformer. The townspeople had 
become so riotous at the close of the year 1521, encourag- 
ing some of the students and younger burghers, who had 
entered the parish church when mass was about to be 
sung, with knives under their coats, and snatched away 
the mass books, driving the priests from the altar, that 
the Elector was obliged to interfere. The excitement, 
however, as Kanke observes, was already too great to be 
restrained by the command of a prince whose leniency 
was so well known ; and accordingly Dr. Carolostadt 
announced, in spite of it, that on the feast of the circum- 
cision he should celebrate the mass according to a new 
rite, and administer the Xiord's Supper in the words of 
the Founder. He had already attempted something of 
the kind in the month of October, but with only twelve 
communicants, in exact imitation of the example of 
Christ. As it seemed probable that difficulties would be 
thrown in his way, he determined not to wait till the day 
appointed, and on Christmas Day, 1521, he preached in 
the parish church on the necessity of abandoning the 
ancient rite and receiving the sacrament in both kinds. 
After the sermon he went up to the altar and said the 
mass, omitting the words which convey the idea of a 
sacrifice, and the ceremony of the elevation of the host, 
and then distributed first the bread and next the wine, 
with the words, " This is the cup of my blood of the new 
and everlasting covenant." This act was so entirely An 
harmony with the feelings of the congregation that no one 
ventured to oppose it. On New Year's Day he repeated 
this ritual, and continued to do so every succeeding Sun- 
day; he also preached every Friday. 

Carolostadt did not hesitate at the strangest and most 
arbitrary interpretations of Scripture ; having renounced 
the tradition of the Church, he felt that he had as much 



444 CAROLOSTADT. 

right as Luther to follow the impulse of his own mind. At 
this time, this zealous reformer doubted whether Moses 
was really the author of the books which bear his name, 
and whether the Gospels have come down to us in their 
genuine form. So early did Lutheranism develope itself 
in rationalism. He was thus prepared to join himself 
with those protestants in Wittemberg, who complained 
that Luther's reformation had not gone far enough ; and 
heading these, our reformer introduced more striking 
reforms every day. The priestly garments were abolished, 
and Auricular confession disused. People went to receive 
the sacrament without preparation, and imagined that 
they had gained an important point, when they took the 
host with their own hands instead of receiving it from 
those of the priest. It was held to be the mark of a 
purer Christianity to eat eggs and meat on fast days 
especially. The pictures in the churches were now es- 
teemed an abomination in the holy place. Carolostadt 
disregarded the distinction which had always been made 
between reverence and adoration, and applied all the 
texts in the Bible directed against idolatry to the worship 
of images. He insisted upon the fact that people bowed 
and knelt before them, and lighted tapers, and brought 
offerings ; that, for example, they contemplated the image 
of St. Christopher, in order that they might be preserved 
against sudden death ; he therefore exhorted his followers 
to attack and destroy " these painted gods, these idle 
logs." He would not even tolerate the crucifix, because 
he said men called it their God, whereas it could only 
remind them of the bodily sufferings of Christ. It had 
been determined that the images should be removed from 
the churches, but as this was not immediately executed, 
his zeal became more fiery ; at his instigation an icono- 
clast riot now commenced, similar to those which half a 
century afterwards broke out in so many other countries. 
The images were torn from the altars, chopped in pieces 
and burnt. It is obvious that these acts of violence gave 
a most dangerous and menacing character to the whole 



CAROLOSTADT. 446 

controversy. Carolostadt not only quoted the Old Testa- 
ment to show that the secular authorities had power to 
remove from the churches whatever could give scandal to 
the faithful, but added, that if the magistrates neglected 
this duty, the community was justified in carrying out the 
necessary changes. AccordiDgly the citizens of Wittem- 
berg laid a petition before the council, in which they 
demanded the formal abolition of all unbiblical ceremonies, 
masses, vigils, and processions, and unlimited liberty for 
their preachers. The council was forced to concede these 
points oue after the other ; nor did even these concessions 
satisfy the innovators. Their project was to realize with- 
out delay their own conception of a strictly Christian 
community. The couucil was called upon to close all 
places of public amusement, not only those which the law 
prohibited, but those which it had sanctioned ; to abolish 
the mendicant orders ^yho, they said, ought not to exist in 
Christendom, and to divide the funds of the religious 
communities, which were pronounced to be altogether 
mischievous and corrupt, among the poor. To these sug- 
gestions of a bigoted fanaticism, blind to the real nature 
and interests of society, were added the most pernicious 
doctrines of the Taborites. An old professor like Carolo- 
stadt suffered himself to be carried away by the contagion 
to such a degree as to maintain that there was no need of 
learned men, or of a course of academic study, and still 
less of academic honours. In his lectures he advised his 
hearers to return home and till the ground, for that man 
ought to eat his bread by the sweat of his brow. One of 
his most zealous adherents was George Mohr, the rector 
of the grammar school, who addressed the assembled 
citizens from the window of the school-house, exhorting 
them to take away their children. Of what use, said he, 
would learning be henceforth? They had now among 
them the divine prophets of Zwickau, Storch, Thoma, and 
Stiibner, who conversed with God, and were filled with 
grace and knowledge without any study whatsoever. The 

VOL. III. 3 Q 



446 CAROLOSTADT. 

common people -were of course easily convinced that a lay- 
man or an artisan was perfectly qualified for the office of 
a priest and teacher. 

Carolostadt himself went into the houses of the citizens 
and asked them for an explanation of obscure passages in 
Scripture ; acting on the text that God reveals to babes 
what He hides from wise men. Students left the univer- 
sity and went home to learn a handicraft, saying that 
there was no longer any need of study. 

The two great reformers, Luther and Carolostadt, were 
now at the head of two distinct parties, Carolostadt being 
an advocate for physical force, (as Luther had appeared 
formerly to be,) and Luther now maintaining that the 
Reformation should be carried by moral force only. 
Luther appeared suddenly at Wittemberg, having left his 
retreat at Wartburg : at his presence the tumult was 
hushed, the revolt quelled, and order restored. Carolo- 
stadt was condemned to silence. He was reproached, 
strange to say, with having intruded himself into the 
ministry, and was forbidden to enter the pulpit again. 
Wittemberg, says Ranke, was now once more quiet ; the 
mass was as far as possible restored, preceded by con- 
fession, and the host was received as before with the lips. 
It was celebrated in hallowed garments, with music and 
all the customary ceremonies, and even in Latin ; nothing 
was omitted but the words of the canon which expressly 
denote the idea of a sacrifice. In every other respect 
there was perfect freedom of opinion on these points, and 
latitude as to forms. Luther himself remained in the 
convent and wore the Augustine dress, but he offered no 
oj^position to others who chose to return to the world. 
The Lord's Supper was administered in one kind or in 
both : those who were not satisfied with the general abso- 
lution, were at full liberty to require a special one. Ques- 
tions were continually raised as to the precise limits of 
what was absolutely forbidden, and what might still be 
permitted. The maxim of Luther and Melancthon was. 



CAROLOSTADT. 447 

to condemn nothing that had not some authentic passage 
in the Bible, — " clear and undoubted Scripture," as the 
phrase was, — against it. This was not the result of 
indifiference ; religion withdrew within the bounds of her 
own proper province, and the sanctuary of her pure and 
genuine ii fluences. It thus became possible to develope 
and extend the new system of faith, without waging open 
warfare with that already established, or, by the sudden 
subversion of existing authorities, rousing those destruc- 
tive tendencies, the slightest agitation of which had just 
threatened such danger to society Even in the theolo- 
gical exposition of these doctrines, it was necessary to keep 
in view the perils arising from opinions subversive of all 
sound morality. Luther already began to perceive the 
danger of insisting on the saving power of faith alone ; 
already he taught that faith should show itself in good 
conduct, brotherly love,/ soberness, and quiet. 

Carolostadt being in 1524 driven from Wittemberg, was 
obliged to retire to Orlemund, a town of Thuringia, in the 
electorate of Saxony. The Lutherans complained that he 
had here no legitimate appointment to the ministry; what 
appointment more legitimate than their own he could have 
had is not apparent, he was elected by the people to be their 
spiritual pastor, and he met with their approbation, when 
he asserted the right of the people to have recourse to 
*• physical force," in the assertion of their civil and religious 
liberties. Luther, with some inconsistency, proclaimed 
himself an advocate only of "moral force;" Carolostadt 
was accused to the Elector of Saxony of favouring the 
Anabaptists, and the rebellion of the peasants. Luther 
being sent to Orlemund by the Elector to inform him of 
the truth of the matter, and appease the people, as he 
passed through Jena, August '23, preached zealously, as 
his manner was, against Carolostadt, who was then pre- 
sent, yet not naming him, saying, " that the Sacramenta- 
rians and Image-fighters were actuated by the spirit of 
MuDcer, the leader of the Anabaptists." As he went out 
from sermon Carolostadt went to him, to the Black Bear 



448 CAROLOSTADT. 

Inn, where he lodged, and railed at him for what he had 
said, protestiDg, that he had no correspondence with 
Muncer, nor did in the least approve his actions, or his 
doctrine. He added, that supposing he were in an error, 
Luther transgressed the laws of Christian charity in 
inveighing against him publicly, before he had given him 
any private admonition or reproof; and lastly, that Luther 
contradicted himself in what he had written upon the 
Sacrament. Nevertheless he offered to change his opinion 
if he would shew him that he was in an error. Luther 
answered him, and after a long discourse on both sides, 
when the contest grew hot, Luther being naturally 
passionate, challenged Carolostadt to write against him, 
and taking a piece of gold out of his purse, gave it him 
saying, "take it, write against me as strongly as you can." 
Carolostadt took it, and said to his friends and assistants, 
"Brethren, see the sign and earnest of the powers which X 
receive against Dr. Luther, I pray you be witnesses." 
Then they shook hands and drank each other's health. 
The next day Luther arrived at Orlemund, Carolostadt 
went to him and saluted him : what he said to him be- 
sides, was this : Carolostadt, you are my adversary, and 
you have received a florin to declare yourself against me. 
He would not have had him present at the conference 
which he had with the inhabitants of Orlemund, who 
received Luther very roughly, so that he was obliged to 
leave the place. Soon after, the Elector of Saxony, at 
his earnest request, commanded Carolostadt to depart 
out of his countries. Martinus Renbardus, preacher at 
Jena, was also banished with him. Carolostadt after his 
departure wrote a letter to the inhabitants of Orlemund, 
which was read in a full congregation of the people called 
together by the tolling of a bell, and in it he complains, 
that Luther had banished him without being heard or 
convicted. Being settled at Strasburg, he put out two 
books upon the Lord's Supper, to maintain his notion of 
it, and his interpretation of our Lord's words at the insti- 
tution, namely, that the Body of Jesus Christ is not in 



CAROLOSTADT. 449 

the Sacrament, which is only a commemoration of the 
Body and Blood of Christ given and shed for us ; and that 
these words, This is mj Body given for you, This is mj 
Blood shed for you, have no relation to the Bread and 
Wine, but to the Body of Jesus Christ then present and 
visible. 

Thus was Carolostadt the founder of the heresy which, 
in modern times, has arrogated to itself the title of being 
Evangelical, which denies to the Eucharist the sacra- 
mental character, and makes it a mere ceremony, and not 
a means of grace. Luther, the father of protestantism, 
continued to the last to contend against Carolostadt in 
favour of the doctrine of the Real Presence ; " I neither 
can," says he, " nor will deny, that if Carolostadt, or any 
one else could have persuaded me, during the last five 
years, that in the Sacrament there is nothing but mere 
bread and wine, he would have conferred on me a great 
obligation. I have examined this matter with the utmost 
anxiety, and with persevering diligence ; I have stretched 
every nerve with a view to unravel the mystery ; for I 
most clearly saw that the new tenet would give me a great 
advantage in my contests with the papacy. Moreover. I 
have had a correspondence on this subject with two 
persons much more acute than Carolostadt, and not at all 
disposed to twist words from their natural meaning. But 
the text in the gospel is so strong and unequivocal, that I 
have found myself compelled to submit to its decision. 
Its force can be eluded in no way whatever, much less by 
the fictitious glosses of a giddy brain." 

From this may be seen the wickedness of those who 
accuse persons who hold the doctrine of the Real Pre- 
sence of not being good protestants. Luther veiy pro- 
perly attacked the change in the substance of the Bread 
and Wine ; it was Carolostadt who headed the infidel 
denying the Real Presence. Melancthon, who was con- 
sidered the mildest of the Reformers, thus speaks of 
Carolostadt : — 

2q2 



450 CAROLOSTADT. 

" Carolostadt," says he, " first raised the tumult respect- 
iDg the Sacrament. He was a man of a savage disposi- 
tion, and of no genius or learning, or even of common 
sense ; a man u ho vras so far from having any marks of 
being influenced by the Holy Spirit, that I could never 
observe him either to understand or practise even the 
ordinary duties of humanity. Nay, he has discovered 
manifest marks of an unholy turn of mind : all his notions 
savour of sedition and of Judaism. He rejected every law 
made by the Gentiles, and contended, that forensic ques- 
tions ought to be decided by the law of Moses ; so little 
did he comprehend the force and nature of Christian 
liberty. From the very first he embraced with his whole 
might the fanatical doctrine of the Anabaptists, when 
Nicholas Storck attempted to sow the seeds of it in 
Germany; and he made a stir respecting the Sacrament, 
entirely from a dislike to Luther, and not in the least 
from any pious conviction that he himself was in the 
right. For when Luther had expressed his disapproba- 
tion of Carolostadt's indiscreet zeal in breaking and pull- 
ing down the images and statues, he was so inflamed with 
a monstrous spirit of revenge, that he began to look out 
for some plausible plan for ruining the reputation of 
Luther. A great part of Germany can testify that I speak 
nothing but the truth. And if there was need of proof, 
his own publications would be my most decisive witnesses 
against their author. There is not in them even the 
specious appearance of a probable argument, that should 
have induced the man to take up his pen. With how 
jocose and trifling a spirit does he treat of the Greek word 
To^To? Then, has he thrown any light whatever on the 
point of so much importance in the history of the ancient 
Church ? or what testimony has he produced from any 
celebrated author? or, lastly, what single expression is 
there in his whole disputation that indicates a pious 
way of thinking ? — He only vociferates, as do the lowest 
mechanics, who, in their cups, are pleased with nothing 



CAROLOSTADT. 451 

but profane tales. ^Moreover, a great part of his writings 
are taken up with raihng ; and yet the stupid author 
would pass for a man of wit and humour." 

Melancthon concludes this picture with saying, — " I 
have written this for the sake of my neighbours, that, if 
they have the least regard for my testimony, they may 
beware of such a character. For though it is not in his 
power to disguise his real disposition for a long time to- 
gether, yet he has a surprisingly fair outside, and pos- 
sesses the arts of insinuation to a wonderful degree. But 
his temper is violent and restless, and soon breaks out 
into acts of ambition, passion, and envy." 

It is indeed much to be regretted that the foreign 
Reforoiers were only united when their work was destruc- 
tion, and that they were more bitterly opposed to one 
another, than to the Romanists, when their work became 
constructive. The wacft of a Christian spirit, too fre- 
quently evident, caused many to remain in the Church of 
Rome, who were at first scandalized by its abuses, while 
others regarded the Reformation as chiefly a political 
movement, the form under which the republican feeling 
displayed itself. There can be no doubt, however, that 
whatever was the conduct of the foreign Reformers, they 
were earnest theologians. Carolostadt now wandered 
from place to place through the higher Germany, and at 
length made a pause at Rotenburgh, where, as usual, he 
soon raised tumults, and incited the people to pull down 
the statues and paintings. When the seditious faction of 
the peasants, with Muncer their ringleader, was efiectually 
suppressed, Carolostadt was in the greatest difficulties, 
and even in danger of his life from his supposed con- 
nexion with those enthusiasts, and he narrowly escaped, 
through being let down by the wall of the town in a 
basket. Thus reduced to the last extremity, he and 
his wife incessantly entreated both the Elector and Luther 
that they might be allowed to return into their own coun- 
try. He said that he could clear himself of having had 
any concern in the rebellion ; and that if he failed, he 



452 CAROLOSTADT. 

would cheerfully undergo any punishment. With this 
view he wrote a little tract, in which he takes much pains 
to justify himself from the charge of sedition ; and he sent 
a letter likewise to Luther, in which he earnestly begs his 
assistance in the publishing of the tract, as well as in the 
more general design of establishing his innocence. Luther, 
generously commiserating his fallen rival, immediately 
pubhshed Carolostadt's letter, and called on the magis- 
trates and on the people to give him a fair hearing. In 
this he succeeded ; and Carolostadt was recalled about the 
autumn of lD-2b, and then he made a public recantation 
of what he had advanced on the Sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper, a condescension which did not procure a com- 
plete reconciliation between him and the other reformers, 
and indeed affords but a slender proof of his consistency. 
We find Carolostadt, after this, at Zurich, and at Basle, 
where he was appointed pastor and professor of divinity, 
and where he died, on the 25th of December, 1541, or 
as some say, 1543. His friend Bucer observes that, 
although at one time " somewhat savage," his spirit was 
broken by his daily persecutions and heavy misfortunes, 
and he died a penitent. Milner complains that Bucer re- 
presents his former defect " as the natural consequence 
of having lived so much in the company of the most 
savage Luther, and of the incredible successes of the first 
reformers, which might have rendered insolent any modest 
man whatsoever." Without remarking upon the ignorance 
displayed in this passage of the power of the Gospel, and 
the supernatural grace vouchsafed to regenerate man, it 
will be evident to the reader, that the reformers had not 
for one another that almost idolatrous reverence which is 
demanded for them by modern Sectarians. The Reforma- 
tion was the work of God ; but it does not follow that the 
instruments He employed in effecting that work were 
superior to those used on other occasions. 

The followers of the gi'eat Reformer, whose life has been 
given, at first retained the name of Carolostadians, and 
then were called Sacramentarians, because they denied 



CAERANZA. 453 

the grace of the Sacraments, especially of the Eucharist, 
lucus a non lucendo. They agree in most things with 
the Zuinglians, and with the protestant sects in England 

which denominate themselves Evangelical. Melchior 

Adam. Milner. Dauhigny. Eanke. Dupin. Bossuet. 

CARPOCRATES, OR CARPOCRAS. 

Carpocrates was a heretic of the second century, of 
whose personal history little is known. He was an Alex- 
andrian, and married a female of Cephallenia, by name 
Alexandria. Epiphanes was their son. He died at the 
age of seventeen, and was honoured by the inhabitants of 
Same, in Cephallenia, as a god. A temple was consecrated 
to him, and on every new moon the Cephallenians met 
together to celebrate his apotheosis. His father insti-uct- 
ed him in the customary J:)ranches of learning (mv syKvuXiov 
TTo^ihlccv], and in the philosophy of Plato. He was the 
founder of the Monadic knowledge, and of the heresy of 
the Carpocratians. His works were extant in the time of 
Clement, who quotes a passage from a treatise concerning 
justice, the object of which is to shew that the institution 
of marriage is at variance with the justice of God, who 
meant all things to be possessed in common. The light 
of the sun is common to all; sight is common to all. 
Human laws introduced property, and consequently in- 
justice, by interfering with the community intended by 
God. 

Clement says, that the Carpocratians were guilty of the 
most horrible excesses at their meetings. These excesses 
appear to have brought the Christian Agapse into dis- 
repute, and to have occasioned their discontinuance. — 
Clemens Alexandrlnus ; Bp. Kays Edition. 

CARRANZA, BARTHOLOMEW. 

Bartholomew Carranza was born of an ancient and 
noble family, at Miranda, in Navarre, in 1503. After 



454 CARRANZA. 

studying in the university of Alcala, he entered among 
the Dominicans of the Castile, and taught theology with 
so much reputation at Valladolid, that he was sent by 
Charles V. in 1546 to the council of Trent, where he dis- 
tinguished himself by the earnestness with which he 
maintained the duty of clerical residence. While he was 
at the council of Trent he wrote a discourse on the resi- 
dence of Bishops, printed at Venice, 1547, and afterwards 
in 1562. He asserted that it was jure divino, and treated 
the other opinion as diabolical. When Philip of Austria, 
afterwards Philip II. of Spain, who had been his pupil, 
visited England for the purpose of espousing Queen Mary, 
he took Carranza wdth him, and the Queen appointed him 
her confessor, and urged him to use his best exertions to 
bring back her protestant subjects to the Roman Catholic 
Church ; a commission which he fulfilled with more zeal 
than charity. Philip soon afterwards, in 1557, made him 
Archbishop of Toledo, an elevation which he very reluc- 
tantly accepted. 

The suspicion that Charles V. did not die a good 
Catholic, fell upon Carranza. The Inquisition seized 
upon him in 1559 for a heretic ; and his process w^as kept 
on foot in Spain till the year 1567. In that year he ap- 
pealed to the Pope, and was carried to Rome under a 
sure guard, and put into the prisons of the Inquisition, 
where he suffered a great deal during the ten years that 
they kept him there. At last sentence was given against 
him in 1576, setting forth, that though they had no 
certain proofs of his being a heretic, yet, considering the 
strong presumptions which there were against him, he 
should make a solemn abjuration of the errors of which 
he was accused. Having obeyed this order with sub- 
mission, he was sent to the Convent of Minerva, where 
he died soon after, May 2, 1576, aged 72 years. At his 
death he gave evidence of his catholicity, and his humility, 
publicly declaring, in the presence of the Holy Sacrament, 
which he was going to receive, that he never held any 
heretical opinions ; and yet that he believed the sentence 



CARRANZA. 455 

given against him was just, in consequence of what was 
alleged and proved. Out of an excess of charity and hu- 
mility, he was willing to excuse his judges, who accused 
themselves, in owning by their sentence that they had no 
proofs against him, only simple presumptions. Justice 
was afterwards done to his memory, which has been held 
in esteem and veneration among pious and learned men. 

Carranza's principal work is, his Sum of the Councils, 
which is well known, and has been often printed : a 
work so much the more useful, by how much it contains 
so gi'eat a variety in so small a volume. His Spanish 
Catechism was censured by the Inquisition of Spain : how- 
ever, when it was carried to the congregation of the depu- 
ties of the council of Trent, who were to examine books, 
in 1563, it was approved by them, and orders were given 
to draw up an attestation in form. But when this was 
known in Spain, the Count de Lerma complained to the 
fathers of the congregation, of their passing such a judg- 
ment upon Carranza's book, and desired them to revoke 
it. When the congregation would not do this, the Bishop 
of Lerida, either urged on by the Count, or of his own 
head, railed at them for their judgment, aud produced 
passages out of the book, which, in the sense that he put 
upon them, seemed to deserve censure, and so he accused 
the deputies of the congregation. Upon this the chairman 
of the congregation complained to the legates, and desired 
reparation for himself and his colleagues, protesting that 
he would not assist at any public action until they had 
proper satisfaction given them. Morone reconciled their 
difference, by ordering, that no copies should be given of 
their attestation ; and that the Bishop of Lerida should 
make his excuses to the deputies of the congregation. 
The Count then took away the attestation, which was put 
into the agent of Toledos hands ; and so the matter was 
laid asleep. 

He wrote, among other works, 1. Commentarios sobre 
el Catechismo Christiano, Antwerp, 1558, folio; this was 
the work that caused him so much persecution ; it was 



456 CARTE. 

placed by the Inquisition in the Index Expurgatorius. 
*2. Summa Consiliorum, Venice, 1546, 8vo. 3. De Neces- 
saria residentia Episcoporum et aliorum Pastorum, ibid. 
1547, 1562, 8vo. — Dupin. Baijle. 



CARSTAEES, WILLIAM. 

Wflliam Carstares was born at Glasgow, in 1649. He 
was educated at Edinburgh and Utrecht. While abroad, 
he was introduced to the Prince of Orange, who often 
consulted him upon the state of Britain. After his 
return to Scotland, Carstares entered into orders ; but his 
bias being to politics, he set out again for Holland. On 
his way he stopped in London, and being seized as a 
disaffected person, connected with the Rye-house con- 
spirators, was sent to Scotland for trial. Here he was 
put to the torture, which he endured with fortitude ; but 
afterwards made a confession, and was discharged. He 
then went to Holland, and remained there till 1688, when 
he accompanied the Prince of Orange to England, and 
afterwards was appointed King's chaplain for Scotland. 
In 1704 he was made professor of divinity in the univer- 
sity of Edinburgh, of which he soon afterwards became 
principal. When the union of the two kingdoms was 
projected, he supported that measure with great zeal, and 
promoted it by his interest. He died in 1715. His 
letters and state papers were printed in 1774, in one vol. 
4 to. — Wathins. 

CARTE, THOMAS. 

Thomas Carte was born at Clifton, in Warwickshire, 
in 1686. He was admitted of University College, Ox- 
ford, in 1698, in the thirteenth year of his age. He 
took his degree of B.A. January, 1702 ; after which he 
was incorporated at Cambridge, where he became M.A. in 
1706. In 1712 he made the tour of Europe with a 



CARTE. 457 

nobleman, and on his return entered into orders, and was 
appointed reader of the Abbey Church at Bath ; where, 
on January 30, 1714, he preached a sermon in which he 
took occasion to vindicate Charles I. from aspersions cast 
upon his memory with regard to the Irish rebellion. 
This engaged him in a controversy with the celebrated 
Dr. Chandler, and gave rise to Carte's first publication, 
entitled, The Irish Massacre set in a clear light, &c., which 
is inserted in Lord Somers's Tracts. Upon the accession 
of George L, Carte declined to take the oaths to the new 
government. At this time Collier was accustomed to preach 
to a Non-juring congregation in an upper room of a house 
in Broad-Street : and Carte appears on some occasions to 
have assisted him in his labours. On the Sunday he also 
solemnized divine service in his own family. In 1715 he 
was obliged to conceal himself, from an active search of 
the King's troops, in the> house of Mr. Badger, the curate 
of Coleshill. In the year 172'2 a charge of treason was 
alleged against him, a reward of £1000 being ofiFered for 
his apprehension. To avoid a prosecution he escaped to 
France, where he resided under the assumed name of 
Philips, spending his time in laborious study, various 
pubhc and private libraries being opened to his researches. 
His great works, The Life of the Duke of Ormond, and 
The History of England, are now much better known 
and much more valued than they were at the time of, and 
many years subsequent to, their publication. Queen 
Caroline obtained permission for him to return to Eng- 
land, sometime between the years 17-28 and ] 730. Falling 
under suspicion in ] 744, he was taken into custody : but 
his liberation was soon accomplished. The Duke of 
Newcastle asked him, during the examination to which he 
was subjected, whether he were not a bishop ? " No, my 
Lord," he replied, " there are no bishops in England but 
what are made by your grace ; and I am sure I have 
no reason to expect that honour." The first volume of 
his History of England was finished in 1747 : and its 

VOL. III. 2 R 



458 CARTWRIGHT. 

credit was very materially damaged by a note respecting 
the King's Evil. An account is given of an individual, 
who went over to the Pretender in 1716, to be touched 
for the disease, according to the custom in such cases, 
and who, as was alleged, was cured of the malady under 
which he laboured. The author was sharply attacked on 
account of this note. In his reply he states, that having 
occasion to speak of the royal unction, he was led to notice 
the extraordinary effects ascribed to it by certain writers : 
and that the obnoxious note was inserted in order to shew, 
that the supposed sanative virtue in the royal touch was 
erroneously ascribed to the anointing. In consequence 
of this note, the history did not then meet with that ap- 
proval which it so well merited. The author died in the 
year 1754, at Caldecot House, near Abingdon, Berks. — 
Nichols s Bowyer. Lathbury. 



CAETWRIGHT, THOMAS. 

Thomas Cartweight was born in Hertfordshire about 
the year 1535, and was admitted into St. John's College, 
Cambridge, in the year 1550. But upon the death of 
Edward VI., as he was favourable to the reformation, and 
not prepared for martyrdom, he left the university and 
became a barrister's clerk. At the beginning of Elizabeth's 
reign he returned to the university, aad, in 1560, became 
a fellow of St. John's. About three years afterwards he 
was removed to a fellowship at Trinity College, of which 
he became one of the senior fellows. In 1 564, when Queen 
Elizabeth visited the university, he appears to have 
distinguished himself in the disputations held before her 
majesty. He took his B.D. degree in 1567, and three 
years after was chosen Lady Mai'garet's divinity reader. 

The university was at this time di\dded into three great 
parties, the Catholics who conformed to the Church, 
though they thought the reformation had gone too far, 



CARTWRIGHT. 459 

the moderate reformers, who, though they thought that 
the reformation might have been carried further, yet 
dreaded a relapse into Romanism, and therefore defended 
the existing order of things, and these were the govern- 
ment men ; — and the ultra-protestants, who, thinking the 
reformation had not gone far enough, thought it to be their 
duty to urge the government to such a reformation, in 
their sense of the word, as would have entirely overthrown 
the Church, and have placed religion on the footing of 
the Calvinistic sects upon the continent. 

To the latter party Mr. Cartwright was attached, and, 
as it asserted a plain, bold, and intelligible principle, it 
was the party which the majority of the younger students 
supported. 

That Cartwright endeavoured to form a party, and that 
this party vvas induced to proceed to great lengths, is an 
indisputable fact, and t^ this fact is attributable perhaps 
the severity of the treatment he met with from the heads 
of houses and the university. We are told by Sir George 
Paul, that one day he and his adherents so vehemently 
inveighed against the surplice that, in Trinity College, at 
evening prayer, the fellows and students, with the excep- 
tion of three persons, appeared in chapel, contrary to the 
statutes, without their surplices When, in a revolutionary 
age, a person of his standing and station instigated the 
young men tbus to violate their oaths and transgress the 
statutes of their college, we must not be surprised at the 
authorities being anxious to get rid of him. It seems 
strange that he should not have perceived, that, if the 
wearing of the surplice were a superstition, the breaking 
of statutes which the students were sworn to obey was a 
sin, to commit which was far more perilous to the soul 
than a superstitious observance. What is recorded was a 
veiT glariug violation of discipline, but the fellow and 
professor who encourage the young men in such conduct 
as this, must have eucouraged minor violations of the sta- 
tutes on other occasions. 

It is important to state the opinions for which Mr. Cart 



460 CARTWRIGHT. 

Wright was expelled from the university. They are those 
which have been subsequently held by men who have 
risen, though improperly, to high stations in the Church, 
but they are opinions to which the Elizabethan reformers 
were opposed. He maintained that in reforming the 
Church, it was necessary to reduce all things to the apos- 
tolical institution. — That no one ought to be admitted into 
the Christian ministry who was unable to preach. — That 
those only who ministered the word ought to pray publicly 
in the Church, or administer the Sacraments. — That popish 
ordinations were not valid — That only canonical Scripture 
ought to be read publicly in the Church. — That the public 
liturgy ought to be so framed that there might be no pri- 
vate praying or reading in the Church, but that all the 
people should attend to the prayers of the minister. — 
That the service of burying the dead did not belong any 
more to the ministerial office than to the rest of the 
Church. — That equal reverence was due to all canonical 
Scripture, and to all the names of God; there was, there- 
fore, no reason why the people should stand at the reading 
of the Gospel, or bow at the name of Jesus. — That it was 
as lawful to sit at the Lord's table as to kneel or stand. — 
That the Lord's Supper ought not to be administered in 
private, nor haptism administered by women or laymen. — 
That the sign of the cross in baptism was superstitious, — 
That it was reasonable and proper that the parent should 
offer his own child to baptism, making confession of that 
faith in which he intended to educate it, without being 
obliged to answer in the child's name, " I will," " I will 
not," " I believe," &c., nor ought women or persons under 
age to be sponsors. — That, in giving names to children, it 
was convenient to avoid paganism, as well as the names 
and offices of Christ and angels. — That it was papistical 
to forbid marriages at any particular time of the year, and 
to grant licenses at those times was intolerable. — That 
private marriages, or such as were not published in the 
coDgregation, were highly inconvenient. — That the obser- 
vation of Lent, and fasting on Fridays and Saturdays, 



CARTWRIGHT. 461 

was superstitious. — That the observation of festivals, and 
trading or keeping markets on the Lord's-day, were unlaw- 
ful. — That, in the ordination of ministers, pronouncing 
the words, " Receive thou the Holy Ghost," was both 
ridiculous and wicked. — That kings and bishops ought 
not to be anointed. 

The reader will observe that the converse of these sen- 
timents was held as Anglican by the English reformers ; 
and that by them these opinions were declared to be 
*' dangerous and seditious." Still it will appear that, how- 
ever erroneous were the opinions of Cartwright, he was 
only carrying out legitimately and logically the principles 
of the foreign reformers, too much admired by many in 
England, and that he stated merely the conclusions drawn 
by his private judgment from the Bible and the Bible 
only. 

Still it was not, of course, to be tolerated, that a person 
of Cartwright's ability and influence should remain in 
office to inflame the minds of the younger members of the 
university against the institutions of the land ; and we 
find even Grindal, at that time Archbishop of York, whose 
opinions could not have differed much, if at all, from those 
of Cartwright, writing to Sir William Cecil, the chancellor 
of the university, on the *23rd of June, 1570, and request- 
ing him to take some speedy course against Cartwright ; 
alleging that the youth of the university, who frequented 
his lectures in gi*eat numbers, were "in danger to be 
poisoned with a love of contention and a liking of novelty." 

Dr. Whitgift, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, was 
Cartwright's chief opponent at the university. He wrote 
to the chancellor, communicating to him not only what 
Cartwright had openly taught, but also what he had said 
to him in private conference. Cartwright vindicated his 
conduct in a letter to Sir William Cecil, in which he 
declared his extreme aversion to every thing that was 
seditious and contentious, and affirmed that he had taught 
nothing but what naturally flowed from the text concerning 
2k2 



46Q CARTWEIGHT. 

which he had treated. He solicited the protection of 
the chancellor, so far as his cause was just ; and trans- 
mitted to him a testimonial of his innocence, signed by 
several learned members of the university, and in which 
his abilities, learning, and integrity, were spoken of in 
very high terms. After this he was cited to appear before 
Dr. Mey, the vice-chancellor, and some of the heads of 
houses, and was examined upon sundry articles of doctrine 
said to be' delivered by him in his public lectures, and 
which were afi&rmed to be contrary to the religion received 
and allowed by public authority in the realm of England ; 
and it was demanded of him, whether he would stand 
to those opinions and doctrines, or whether he would 
renounce them. Cartwright desired that he might be 
permitted to commit to writing what his judgment was 
upon the points in controversy ; which being assented to, 
he drew up six propositions, which he subscribed with 
his own hand. Other propositions were collected out of 
Cartwright's lectureo, and sent to court by Dr. Whitgift ; 
and he was forbidden by the vice-chancellor and heads of 
the university to read any more lectures till they should 
receive some satisfaction that he would not continue to 
propagate the same opinions. In 1571, when Dr. Whit- 
gift became vice-chancellor of the university, Cartwright 
was deprived of his place of Margaret professor ; and in 
the following year he was also deprived of his fellowship. 

Of these circumstances Dr. Whitgift gave an account in 
the following letter to Archbishop Parker : — 

" My duty most humbly to your grace remembered. I 
am constrained sooner to trouble you than I had purposed. 
I have pronounced Mr. Cartwright to be no fellow here ; 
because, contrary to the express words of his oath, and 
plain statute of this college, he hath continued here 
above his time, not being a full minister. Which truly 
I did not know, until now of late ; for if I had known 
it before, I might have eased myself of much trouble, and 
the college of great contention. Hitherto, I thank God, 



CARTWRIGHT. 463 

it hath been as quiet a college as any at Cambridge. Now 
there are marvellous troubles and contentions, which I 
can ascribe to no cause so much as to Mr. Cartwright's 
presence here. I doubt he will make some friends at court 
to maintain him ; and I have some understanding that he 
goeth about the same. I beseech your grace, let me have 
your assistance, either by your letters to my Lord Burghley, 
or my Lord of Leicester, or both ; or by any other means 
you think best. Their whole purpose is to make me weary, 
because they take me to be an enemy to their factious- 
ness and lewd liberty. If they may triumph over me 
once, peradventure the state here will be intolerable ; but 
I doubt not of your graces full assistance. Mr. Cartwright 
is flatly perjured ! And I am verily persuaded that it is 
God's just judgment that he should be so punished, 
for not being minister, having so greatly defaced the 
ministry." / 

Cartwright was now at the head of an influential party, 
and his loss of a fellowship was made up to it by the 
generous patronage he every where received. This is shewn 
by the answer returned by Whitgift to a captious remark 
of Cartwright's, " What commodities you want that I have 
I cannot conjecture. Your meat and drink is provided with 
less trouble and charges to you, and in a more delicate and 
dainty manner than mine is : your ease and pleasure ten 
times more ; you do what you list ; go when you list ; come 
when you list; speak when you list at your pleasure. 
What would you have more ? I know not why you should 
complain, except you be of the same disposition with the 
Franciscan Friars, who, when they had filled their bellies 
at other men's tables, were wont to cry out and say. How 
many things are we forced to endure? Some men are de- 
lighted to be fed at other men's tables, and prefer popular 
fame before gold and silver !" 

He now passed over to the continent, where he became 
acquainted with the most celebrated divines in the several 
protestant universities of Europe, with many of whom he 
established a correspondence. He was also chosen minis- 



464 GARTWRIGHT. 

ter to the English merchants at Antwerp, and| afterwards 
at Middleburgh, where he continued two years. He then, 
in compHance with the wishes of his friends, returned to 
England. At this time the Lord Treasurer proposed to 
him a question, by his answer to which he shewed that, 
while complaining of the intolerance of the Church of 
England, his own feelings were not a whit more liberal. 
The question proposed was, " Whether it was lawful for 
one professing the gospel to marry a papist?" Mr. Cart- 
wright answered decidedly in the negative ; because he 
considered the match not only ill in itself, but also an 
exceeding great evil in the sight of God, as appeared from 
His holy word, which pronounced it unlawful for the Israel- 
ites to match with heathens. How great an evil it was in 
itself was manifest from God having put perpetual enmity 
between the seed of the woman and seed of the serpent ; 
also from those places where God forbad the children of 
Israel holding familiar intercourse with the heathen ; 
clearly showing against whom the decree of God was 
directly opposed. With those, therefore, true Christians 
might not have special fellowship so as to unite them- 
selves with them in marriage. As to Catholics being 
called Christians by common profession, and their being 
much better than idolatrous heathens, and less dangerous 
in this matter, both these points, being the substance of 
the treaty, had been sufficiently answered. " For my 
part," he added, " I am fully persuaded that it is directly 
forbidden in Scripture that any who profess religion 
according to the word of God should marry with those 
who profess religion after the manner of the Church of 
Rome." 

Field and Wilcox, authors of An Admonition to the 
Parliament, on attempting to present it, were committied 
to Newgate, on the 2nd of October, 1572. 

An outline of the admonition is given by Mr. Soames 
in his History of the Reformation ; he observes, that the 
authors had no thought of showing the least indulgence 
to any but themselves. Their abhorrence of popery was 



CARTWRIGHT. 465 

boundless, and of the national hierarchj equally so. They 
wam " the lordly lords, archbishops, bishops, suffragans, 
deans, doctors, archdeacons, chancellors, and the rest of 
that proud generation," that their " kingdom must come 
down, hold they never so hard, because their tyrannous 
lordship cannot stand with Christ's kingdom." The 
nation, it is asserted, had neither '* a right ministry," nor 
" a right government of the Church according to Scripture," 
and hence could not long continue as it was, without 
being overtaken by God's judgments. From the '* true 
platform of a Church reformed," now laid before it. 
Parliament might " learn with perfect hatred to detest," 
existing institutions, and to " endeavour that Christ 
might rule and reign by the sceptre of His word only." 
The ministry required a trial both of " ability to instruct, 
and of godly conversation ;" whereas it came from indi- 
vidual recommendations, p^'ocuring free reception for " tag 
and rag, learned and unlearned, the basest of the people." 
Formerly ministers taught others, now they need instruc- 
tion themselves, and "like young children, must learn 
catechisms." The congi'egation formerly called a minister 
who had been elected by the whole Church ; now, epis- 
copal authority alone thrusts one upon it who owes the 
benefice to money, favour, or unlawful importunity. 
Exceptions are also taken to ordinations without a par- 
ticular charge, and in any other way than by imposition 
of hands of the " eldership." They assert that clergymen 
w^ere ordained with alb, surplice, vestment, and pastoral 
staff. Use at ordinations of the words, Receive the Holy 
GJiost, is branded as " ridiculous and blasphemous." 
Objections follow to non-residence, pluralities, the admis- 
sion of clergymen quahfied only to read, and the prohibi- 
tion of preaching without episcopal license. Cap, surplice, 
and tippet are disclaimed as principal objects of contention, 
though pronounced unsuitable for a minister, especially 
the surplice, " because such hurtful ceremonies are so 
much more dangerous, as they do approach nearer the 
service and worship of God." Ministers, it is said, were 



466 CARTWRIGHT. 

anciently " known by voice, learning, and doctrine ;" now 
they are distinguished by popish and anti-christian appa- 
rel," to which " as garments of the idol, of Balaamites, of 
popish priests, enemies to God, and all Christians, we 
should say, Avaunt, get thee hence." Edification is in 
no such distinctions, but a " shew of evil, seeing the 
popish j)riesthood is evil ; discord is wrought. Gospel- 
preaching is hindered," "the memoiy of Egypt," and of 
former abominations is kept up, " the ministry is brought 
into contempt, the weak are offended, the obstinate encou- 
raged ;" ministers are said formerly to have preached the 
word only, as God gave utterance : now they read homilies, 
articles, injunctions, &c." Formerly, the ministry "was 
painful, now, gainful : then, poor and ignominious, now, 
rich and glorious." It raises men to "livings and offices, 
by antichrist devised, but in Christ's word forbidden, as 
Metropolitan, Archbishop, Lord's Grace, Lord Bishop, 
Suffragan, Dean, Archdeacon, Prelate of the Garter, Earl, 
Count Palatine, Honour, High Commissioner, Justice of 
the Peace." Scripture would have " seniors in every 
Church, the pope hath brought in the lordship of one 
man over sundry Churches, yea, over many shires." 
Primitive usage demands " equality of ministers, instead 
of an archbishop, or lord bishop." These two, with all 
their inferior officers, " are drawn," both as to name and 
function, "out of the popes shop;" and the canon-law 
which guides them, is " Anti-christian, devilish, and con- 
trary to Scripture." Their power is no more warranted 
by God's word, than the pope's; dominion of one minister 
over another, being "unlawful and expressly forbidden" 
by Holy Writ. 

From the clergy the admonition passes on to the Liturgy, 
first complaining, as an innovation, of any written tram- 
mels for ministerial devotion. Exceptions are then taken 
to prayer against tempest, when none seems at hand ; to 
the Magnificat, and other scriptural hymns, as introduced 
for no conceivable purpose but to honour the Virgin, the 
Baptist, or similar personages, therefore profanations of 



CARTWPJGHT. 467 

Scripture; to baptism by women, or deacons; to tbe 
administration of sacraments in private places, and to the 
churching service, as " smelling of Jewish purification." 
Holidays are denounced as popish, sermons in defence of 
established institutions and ceremonies, are invidiously 
contrasted with doctrine purely scriptural. 

Excitement being vitally important to puritanism, 
even administration of the sacraments without preaching, 
is disparaged. Mere reading is pronounced no " feed- 
ing," but as bad, or worse, than stage-playing, because 
actors learn their parts. Many of the clergy, it is assert- 
ed, could scarcely read what was prescribed, with book 
before them. " These," it is immediately added, " are 
empty feeders, dark eyes, ill workmen to hasten the 
Lord's harvest, messengers that cannot call, prophets 
that cannot declare the will of the Lord, unsavoury salt, 
blind guides, sleepy watchmen, untrusty dispensers of 
God's secrets, evil dividers of the Word, weak to withstand 
the adversary, not able to confute." In fine, reading 
ministers are placed upon a level with popish priests, 
whose pastoral qualifications were deemed sufficient, when 
they could fairly go through that which lay before them in 
the service-book. 

The diaconate, as established in the Catholic church, 
is denounced as a " foul" perversion. In primitive 
times every church had its deacons, but only as col- 
lectors and dispensers of alms ; now, their office is "a 
step to the ministry, nay rather, a mere order of priest- 
hood." 

Objections to the communion-service are hastily pre- 
faced by the groundless mention of an introite, originating 
with Pope Celestine. Primitive usage is -then pronounc- 
ed adverse to the reading of " fragments" from the 
Epistle and Gospel, and of the Nicene Creed. But it 
is claimed for the examination of communicants. The 
prevailing usage of administering with wafer-cakes next 
comes under animadversion ; nor does the prescribed 
posture of receiving escape; sitting, it is maintained, 



468 CARTWRIGHT. 

being that of antiquity. Fault is found with the pre- 
scribed words, as having papistical additions to those 
which our Lord used, and as having Take^thou, eat thou, 
instead of Take ye, eat ye. Other discrepancies from 
primitive communions are found in the hymn, Glory to 
God in the highest, in the admission of sinners to the 
table, in the pomp of administration, and in every 
particular which our Lord is not known to have in- 
stituted. 

In baptism, exceptions are taken to surplices, the in- 
terrogatories, the sponsors themselves, fonts, and the sign 
of a cross ; which last is stigmatized as the " superstitious 
and wicked institution of a new sacrament." 

After this long array of objecti(ms, the monitors tell 
parliament, " Instead of chancellors, archdeacons, offi- 
cials, commissaries, proctors, doctors, summoners, church- 
wardens, and such like, you have to place in fevery con- 
gregation a lawful and godly seignory." Discipline was 
to be administered chiefly by three orders, namely, 
ministers, that is to say, preachers, or pastors ; seniors, 
or elders ; and deacons : a form of government superseded 
by the pope. In primitive times, when it existed, just 
sentences were pronounced, as might be expected from 
*' a zealous and godly company," but " hatred, favour, 
affection, or money," may and do warp the judgments of 
individuals. The ancient phrase was, "Tell the Church," 
the modern, " Complain to my lord's grace, Primate 
and Metropolitan of all England, or to his inferior, 
my Lord Bishop of the diocese, if not to him, shew the 
chancellor, or official, or commissary, or doctor." The 
rule of "Lord Bishops," their inferior officers, "and 
such ravening rablers," is denounced as most horrible, 
" spoiling the pastor of his lawful jurisdiction over 
his own flock, given by the word, thrusting away most 
sacrilegiously that order which Christ hath left in His 
Church, and which the primitive Church hath used ;" 
which is no other than " the regiment of ministers, 
seniors, and deacons jointly." 



'D' 



CARTWRIGHT. 469 

To account for their former use of the Common Prayer, 
more or less completely, the monitors declare their con- 
formity, such as it was, to have flowed from a desire of 
peace, accompanied with a reverence for the times and 
persons that gave rise to the book. Subscriptions now 
required oblige them to pronounce it " an unperfect book, 
culled and picked out of the popish dunghill, the mass- 
book, full of abominations," and containing " many things 
against the Word of God." 

Complaints are then made of the Homilies, of lessons 
from the Apocrypha, of using the term priest, of the 
matrimonial ring as a sacramental sign, of the words With 
my body I thee worship, as making the woman an idol, 
and of the injunction to receive the communion at wed- 
dings. Confirmation " by the Bishop alone to them that 
lack both discretion and faith,"' is said to be superstitious, 
and not agreeable to the, Word of God, but popish and 
peevish. 

The burial service is mentioned as if thought unneces- 
sary, every Christian, and not ministers only, being con- 
cerned in burying the dead. The office it is alleged 
maintains prayer for the dead, as may be " partly gathered 
out of some of the prayers." 

Exceptions are also taken against various passages in 
the Prayer Book, and among them, against jDraying that 
*' all men may be saved." The psalms are said to be 
"tossed in most places like tennis balls:" and Sunday 
amusements, imraemoriany in vogue, are invidiously men- 
tioned as if chargeable upon the ecclesiastical authorities. 
Cathedrals are stigmatised as "popish dens," which, toge- 
ther with the Queens chapel, by their organs and curious 
singing, " must be patterns and precedents to the people 
of all superstitions." The monitors add, " We should be 
long to tell your honours of cathedral churches, the den?; 
aforesaid of all loitering lubbers, where Master Dean, 
Master Vice-Dean, Master Canons, or Master Prebendaries 
the greater, Master petty Canons, or Canons the lesser, 
VOL in. 2 s 



170 CARTWRIGHT. 

Master Chancellor of the Church, Master Treasurer, or 
otherwise called Judas the purse-bearer, the chief chanter, 
singing men, (special favourers of religion,) squeaking 
choristers, organ-players, gospellers, pistellers, pensioners, 
readers, vergers, &c., live in great idleness, and have their 
abiding. If you would know whence all these came, we 
can easily answer you that they came from the pope, as 
out of the Trojan horse's belly, to the destruction of God s 
kingdom." 

God's word, it is alleged, forbids the union of civil offices 
with ecclesiastical. Hence clergymen must not have their 
prisons, " as clinks, gatehouses, colehouses, towers, and 
castles. This is to not have keys, but swords." The 
monitors then say, " Birds of the same feather are 
covetous patrons of benefices, parsons, vicars, readers, 
parish priests, stipendiaries, and riding chaplains, that 
under the authority of their masters spoil their flocks 
of the food of their souls ; such seek not the Lord Jesus, 
but their own bellies ; clouds that are without rain, trees 
without fruit, painted sepulchres full of dead bones, fatted 
in all abundance of iniquity, and lean locusts in all feel- 
ing, knowledge, and sincerity." 

Subscription to the doctrinal articles is approved, though 
not altogether without reserve. Claim is made for " a 
godly intei-pretation in a point or two, which are either 
too sparely or else too darkly set down." The monitors, 
accordingly, refer their strivings and sufferings wholly to 
resistance of popery, and a refusal " to be stung with the 
tail of anti-christian infection." They conclude with im- 
ploring parliament, for the sake of God's Church, and of 
the Queen, to consider and reform the abuses pointed 
oat, so that " anti christ might be turned out headlong, 
and Chiist might reign by His word." 

Notwithstanding the penalty to which the writers of 
the first admonition were subjected, Cartwright wrote a 
second admonition to the parliament, with an humble 
petition to the two houses for relief against the subsciip- 



CARTWRIGHT. 471 

tion required by the ecclesiastical commissioners. The 
same year Dr. Whitgift published an answer to the 
admonition ; to which Cartwright published a reply in 
1573 ; and about this time a proclamation was issued for 
apprehending him. In 1574 Dr. Whitgift published, in 
folio, A Defence of the Answer to the Admonition, against 
the Reply of T. C. In 1575 Cartwright published a 
second reply to Dr. Whitgift; and in 1577 appeared the 
rest of the Second Reply of Thomas Cartwright against 
jNIaster Doctor Whitgift's Answer, touching the Church 
discipline. This seems to have been printed in Scotland ; 
and it is certain that before its publication Cartwright 
had quitted the kingdom. 

Of this controversy, Neal, the Puritan historian, re- 
marks : " Mr. Cartwright maintained, that the holy Scrip- 
tures were not only a standard of doctrine, but of discipline 
and government, and that the Church of Christ in all 
ages was to be regulated by them. He was, therefore, for 
consulting his Bible only, and for reducing all things as 
near as possible to the apostolical standard. Dr. Whitgift 
went upon a different principle, and maintained, that, 
though the holy Scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, 
they were not designed as a standard of Church discipline 
or government ; but that this was changeable, and might 
be accommodated to the civil government we live under : 
that the apostolical government was adapted to the 
Church in its infancy, and under persecution, but was to 
be enlarged and altered, as the Church grew to maturity, 
and had the civil magistrate on its side. The doctor, 
therefore, instead of reducing the external policy of the 
Church to Scripture, takes into his standard the four 
first centuries after Christ ; and those customs he can 
trace up thither, he thinks proper to be retained, because 
the Church was then in its mature state, and not yet 
under the power of anti-christ." Cartwright himself had 
made a similar remark, as may be seen from the follow- 
ing passage in his "Replie:" "With one or two excep- 
tions, we hear continually of St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, 



47^ CARTWRIGHT. 

Dionysius Areopagite, and Clement, instead of Isaiah 
and Jeremiah, St. Paul and St. Peter, with the rest of the 
prophets and apostles. I cannot therefore tell with what 
face we can call the papists, from their antiquity, councils, 
and fathers, to a trial by the holy Scriptures, who, iu 
the controversies among ourselves, fly so far from them, 
and so nearly banish them from deciding all these con- 
troversies. If it be a sufficient proof to affirm that such 
a doctor said so, or such a council decreed it, there is 
scarcely anything so true but I can impugn, or so fake 
but I can make true : by their means the principal 
grounds of our faith may be shaken." 

In those days, the days of the Reformation, says the 
heretical Archdeacon Blackburn, (see his. Life,) " in those 
days nothing was thought to be sufficiently confirmed by 
Scripture testimonies, without additional vouchers from 
the ancient worthies of the Church ; and, accordingly, 
Tertullian, Chrysostom, Austin, aud Jerome, regularly 
took their places on the same bench of judgment with 
Paul, Peter, James, and John. In process of time, some 
particular pers(ms began to see into this mistake. In our 
own country, the learned Cartwright, in his dispute with 
Whitgift, took the courage to appeal from the authority of 
the fathers, and to prescribe them narrower limits in the 
province of determining religious controversies. How this 
would be received in those days might be easily con- 
jectured without particular information. The terms in 
which Cartwright had characterized these venerable doctors 
were collected together in a book of Bancroft s, and set off 
with tragical exclamations, as if they had been little less 
than so much blasphemy." 

The reader has now before him an account of the points 
of difference between the English reformers and the 
ultra-protestants ; between those who interpreted the 
Bible according to the tradition of the Church, and those 
who received the Bible and the Bible only ; and these are 
the points of difference still existing between Anglo-Catho- 
lics and their opponents. The s;ime charge of popery which 



CARTWRIGHT. 473 

ultra-prolestants bring against Anglo- Catholics at the pre- 
sent time, was produced against them in the age of the 
Keforraation. This may be seen not only from quotations 
already given, but also from the following passage, taken 
fi'om the dedication of Cartwrighls work, before alluded 
to, "The Rest of the Second Replie." Alluding to 
Whitgift, he says, "it is showed in his book, not only 
that the doctor hath a similar cause with the papists, but 
the very same cause as the grossest papists, — I say the 
grossest, for that in some points, as of the Church's 
election, and pastoral residence, there are of them more 
favourable to the truth than he, who, joining with catholic 
writers both old and of our time, have written against the 
estate of the popish church in that behalf." 

But even Cartwright himself did not escape the charge 
of popery : Dr. Whitaker, himself a puritan, remarks,* 
" 1 have read a great p*rt of that book, the ' Second 
Replie,' which Cartwright hath lately set forth. I pray God 
I may not live if ever I saw any thing more loosely and 
almost more childishly written. It is true that for words 
he hath gre^t store, and those both fine and new : but for 
matter, as far as I can judge, he is altogether barren. 
Moreover, he doth not only think perversely of the autho- 
rity of princes in causes ecclesiastical, but also flieth into 
holds of the papists, from whom he would be thought to 
dissent with a mortal hatred. But in this point he is not 
to be endured, and in other parts he borroweth his argu- 
ments from papists. He playeth with words, and is lame 
in his sentences, and is altogether unworthy to be confuted 
by any man of learning." 

When even by his friends, Cartwright's Second Replie 
was admitted to be a failure, it is not a matter of wonder 
that Whitgift should leave it unnoticed. His principles 
received their death-blow some time afterwards, through 
the immortal work of the judicious Hooker. 

It has been already stated that Cartwright, during these 
controversies, had found it expedient to reside abroad. 
2s 2 



474 CARTWKIGHT. 

During his residence abroad, which lasted for several 
years, he was admitted to the intimacy of Beza and 
Junius, an intimacy which only increased his hostility to 
Catholicism. In 1577 he was employed in organizing on 
schismatical principles, religious communities in Jersey 
and Guernsey, and in the same year married a sister of 
Mr. Stubbs. 

In 1585 he returned to England, being ordered to do so 
by his physicians, on account of his declining health. But 
as soon as he had landed he was imprisoned, by order of 
Aylmer, Bishop of London. He was released from his 
prison by the interposition of Lord Burghley, and it is 
gratifying to find that Cartwright's old opponent, Whitgift, 
now Archbishop of Canterbury, interfered in his favour, 
and that the kindness of the Archbishop awakened kindly 
'feelings in the schismatic. The Archbishop received on 
this occasion the following letter from the Earl of Lei- 
cester, who, notwithstanding his profligacy, was a patron 
of the puritans : 

" My good lord, — I most heartily thank you for your 
favourable and courteous usage of Mr. Cartyright, who 
also hath so exceedingly kindly taken it, as I assure your 
grace he cannot speak enough of it. I trust it will do a 
great deal of good ; and he protesteth and professeth to 
me to take no other course but to the drawing of all men 
to the unity of the Church : and that your grace hath so 
dealt with him, as no man shall so command him and 
dispose of him as you shall : and he means to let his 
opinion be publicly known even in the pulpit, if your 
grace so permit him, what he himself would and all others 
should do for obedience to the laws established ; and if 
any little scruple be, it is not great, but easy to be re- 
formed by your grace, whom I do most heartily entreat to 
continue your favour and countenance towards him, with 
such access sometimes as your leisure may permit ; for I 
perceive he doth much desire and crave it." 

The Archbishop replied, " Mr. Cartwright shall be 



CART WRIGHT. 475 

welcome to me at all times ; and, using himself quietly 
as becometh him, and I hope he will, he shall find me 
willing to do him any good. But to grant him, as yet, 
any license to preach, w^ithout longer trial, I cannot, 
especially seeing he protests himself to be of the same 
mind he was at the writing of his book, for the matter 
thereof, though not the manner. Myself also, I thank 
God, not altered in any point by me set down to the 
contrary ; and knowing many things to be very dangerous. 
Wherefore, notwithstanding I am content and ready to be 
at peace with him, so long as he liveth peaceably ; yet my 
conscience and duty forbid me to give him any further 
public approbation, until I be better persuaded of his 
conformity. And so being bold to my accustomed plain- 
ness with your lordship, I commit you to the tuition of 
Almighty God, this 17th of July, 1585." 

Leicester preferred him' to the mastership of a hospital 
he had lately founded at Warwick. The mastership was 
worth £50 a-year and a house, to which Leicester added 
an annuity to the same amount. The King's books will 
shew that few beneficed clergymen at that time had any 
such income. His opulence was evidently notorious. 
" Master Cartwright," sajs Sir George Paule, " died rich, 
as it was said, by the bounty and benevolence of his 
followers." 

In the year 1583 he had been urged to write against 
the Romish translation of the New Testament, and he 
probably at this time continued his labours on this work : 
it was not published till 1618, many years after his 
death. It is not a \vork of any value. But it was not in 
his study or his oratory that the restless mind of Cart- 
wTight, even in his old age, found sufficient employment. 
He disputed with the Brownists, (see Life of Brown J 
who, with more consistency than Cartwright, refused to 
conform to a Church which they agreed in denounc- 
ing as formed on anti- Christian principles. One of the 
Brownists, Barrow by name, had a conference with Cart- 
wright, and silenced him, by declaring that he had done 



476 CARTWRIGHT. 

nothing more than push Cartwright's principles to their 
legitimate conclusion. Barrow, indeed, asserted that 
churchmen were not the persons he most disliked. " In 
their case," he said, " principle went hand in hand with 
practice, and they walked according to the light that God 
had given them." But he complained of Cartwright and 
his friends, for teaching that the ordination of the Church 
was an ti- Christian, and then deserting those who fairly 
carried out that position. 

It would have been well if Cartwright had taken the 
hint, and reconsidered his opinions; but he soon fell into 
trouble. Although he was under suspension, the authori- 
ties did not interfere with his preaching, and he preached 
at Banbury and other places; but he could not resist 
the temptation of figuring as leading adviser, and even 
moderator, in certain self-called and self-created national 
synods, clandestinely convened under various pretences. 
The members were united with a view to effect a change 
in the constitution, and to interfere with property : they 
were guilty of. much violence, and Cartw^right himself is 
charged with repeated instances of intemperance. 

He was brought into the consistory of St. Paul's, before 
John Aylmer, Bishop of London, the two chief justice:^, 
and other law officers, for the purpose of answering under 
oath ex officio, thirty-one charges. These accused him 
of renouncing his lawful calling to the diaconate, and 
undergoing some new sort of ordination abroad ; of then 
conferring such ordination upon certain of the Queen's 
subjects, some, like himself, previously ordained, others, 
not ; of acting as president in an unlawful eldership that 
exercised ecclesiastical authority ; of breaking the promise, 
faithfully made on his return from the Continent, to 
abstain from attacks upon the Church of England ; of 
setting at defiance the suspension of his diocesan, incurred 
by the frequency and offensiveness of such attacks ; of 
nurturing an uncharitable spirit of faction ; of concealing, 
a knowledge of those who wrote the Mar-Prelate, and 
other libels, and of pronouncing such pieces allowable, 



CAETWRIGHT. 47T 

after the failure of grave arguments ; of writing, or procur- 
ing to be written, and overlooking and authorizing, the 
two authentic declarations of discipline, received among 
his followers ; of organizing with others a national confed- 
eracy to carry this discipline through the country ; and of 
laying down various positions, reconcileable neither with 
religious, nor canonical usages, established by law. It 
seems that, before these articles were read, an oath was 
tendered to the prisoner, binding him generally to answer 
what should be objected to him. This he refused to take, 
although urgently assured by the lawyers that such refu- 
sal was contrary to the laws of the realm. Even this he 
would not admit, adding that he thought himself, at all 
events, precluded by Gods law from taking any such oath. 
Hence he pronounced it peculiarly unfit for a minister. 
Having, however, heard the articles objected to him, he 
thought some of them in their nature criminal, and from 
such, if allowed sufficient time and counsel, he offered to 
clear himself, as desired, although still of opinion, that 
the oath could not by any law be demanded. The articles 
to which his offer extended, were the renouncing of his 
orders, the ordination of ministers, the holding of conven- 
ticles, and the calling of synods. The Mar-Prelate libels 
he utterly disclaimed, but upon other pieces, of something 
like the same character, although himself author of none 
such, he professed his readiness to answer. For silence 
upon any other points, he expressed himself willing to 
give reasons. If these were deemed unsatisfactory, he 
would patiently undergo any punishment awarded by the 
court of High Commission. Before this tribunal, after his 
first appearance in September, he stood twice during the 
following month. In the course of which two examina- 
tions, his offers appear to have been elicited. He very 
fairly pleaded against going farther, that he might preju- 
dice others likely to decline the oath under any circum- 
stances. His own qualified acceptance of it seems to 
have been rejected, and he was remanded to the Fleet, 
where he long remained. Burghley suggested to Whitgift 



478 CARTWRIGHT. 

the propriety of absenting himself, Nvhile his old antagonist 
stood before the High Commission, and this prudent ad- 
vice was taken. 

By the High Commission Cartwright was committed a 
prisoner to the Fleet. Having been again brought before 
the High Commission, and having wdth others refused 
the oath ex officio, he was sent in 1591 to the Star Cham- 
ber. The odium of this prosecution fell upon the hier- 
archy. Too many of the leading statesmen were hoping 
to profit by another spoliation of the Church, and nothing 
under Providence but the firmness of Whitgift, aided by 
the sagacity of Queen Elizabeth, w4io would not in these 
matters suffer even Burghley to influence her,- prevented 
the occurrence of such an event. She knew Leicester too 
well to attribute his puritanism to any other motive. We 
are far from defending Archbishop Whitgift in all par- 
ticulars, and our sympathies must always be with the 
sufferers, who, of course, in their troubles, looked for 
assistance to the statesmen who had encouraged their 
illegal proceedings. Restraint was absolutely necessary, 
seeing, as Strype remarks, that " the prisoners meant to 
overthrow the established ecclesiastical government, and 
to introduce hj force their own discipline, and, according 
to a contemporary, their imprisonment was not veiy 
rigorous." SutclifFe says, that " the imprisonment of 
Mr. Cartwright was not so grievous nor so costly to him that 
either he or others should complain or lament the remem- 
brance of it I So soft was his lying, so trim was his lodg- 
ing, so pleasant was his company, so daint^y was his fare, 
so great were his gifts, so diligent was his wife to rake in 
rewards, that many men of good desert, who served her 
majesty in her wars, would have been content, the shame 
only excei)ted, to have exchanged the commodity of their 
places with him." The fact of the seditious proceedings 
of Cartwright and his followers was well known, the 
difficulty was to establish legal proof, and in the absence 
of legal proof the feelings of a modern Englishman are 
excited at the treatment they received. 



CARTWRIGHT. 479 

The kind offices of the Archbishop "were again exercised 
towards Cartwright, and through the interference of his 
grace he was dismissed from the Fleet in 159'2, under a 
general promise of quiet and peaceable behaviour. As 
soon as the Archbishop could obtain this promise from 
him, he acted generously towards " reflecting on Cart- 
wright's abilities and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity 
College, and remembering that they had brandished their 
pens against each other, and that they were both well 
stricken in years." 

Cartwright was restored to his hospital, and even allowed 
to preach. He kept his promise, and there is reason to 
think, that before his death, Cartwright himself was dis- 
satisfied with his past conduct. Sir Henry Yelverton, in 
his epistle to the reader, prefixed to Bishop Moreton's 
Episcopacy Justified, says that the last words of Thomas 
Cartwright on his death-bed were, that he sorelv lamented 
the unnecessary troubles he had caused in the Church, by 
the schism of which he had been the great fomenter ; 
and that he wished he was to begin his life again, that 
he might testify to the world the dislike he had of his 
former ways In this opinion, says Sir Henry, he died. 

His death occurred on the ^Tth of December, 1603. 
Besides the pieces already mentioned, he was the author of 
the following works: — 1. Commentaria Practica in totam 
Historiam Evangelicam, ex quatuor Evangelistis har- 
monice Concinnatam, 1630, 4to. An edition of this was 
printed at Amsterdam, by Lewis Elzevir, in 1647, with 
the following title : Harmonia Evangelica Commentario 
analytico, metaphrastico, practice, illustrata, &c. 2. Com- 
mentarii Succincti et Dilucidi in Proverbia Salamonis, 
Amst. 1638, 4to. 3. Metaphrasis et Homiliae in Librum 
Salamonis qui inscribitur Ecclesiastes, Amst. 1647, 4to. 
4. A Directory of Church Government, 1644, 4to. 5. A 
Body of Divinity, London, 1616, 4to. — Stnjpe. Walton. 
Paule's Life of Whitrjift. Neal. Fuller. Soames. Nares's 
Life of Burghley. 



480 CARTWRIGHT. 



CAETWEIGHT, THOMAS. 



Thomas Cartweight was the son of a schoolmaster of 
the same name at Brentwood, in Essex, and was born at 
Xorthampton on the 1st of September, 1634, being, as 
Wood informs us, puritanicall}^ educated under presbyterian 
parents. He was entered of Magdalen Hall, Oxford, but 
was soon removed to Queen "s College by the parliamentary 
visitors in 1649 ; and, after taking orders, became chap- 
lain of that college, and vicar of Walthamstow. He was 
at this time, according to Wood, " a very forward and 
confident preacher for the cause then in being." In 1659 
he was preacher at St. Mary Magdalen's, Fish street. 
After the Piestor.ttion he was made dom.estic chaplain to 
Henry, Duke of Gloucester ; prebendary of Twyford, in 
the church of St. Paul ; of Chalford, in the church of 
Wells ; a chaplain in ordinary to the King ; and rector of 
St. Thomas the Appstle, London. In 1672 he was made 
prebendary of Durham ; and in 1677, dean of Papon. In 
I6S6 he succeeded to the bishopric of Chester, for boldly 
asserting in one of his sermons, that the King's promises 
to parliament were not binding. He gives the following 
account of his homage and his consecration, in his diary : 
" October 17th, I was with the Bishop of Oxford at the 
King's levee; where he having received notice of the 
King's pleasure by my JLord Sunderland that I should be 
consecrated before him, (though confirmed after him by the 
contrivance of my Lord Chancellor, at which the King 
expressed his high displeasure,) urged my Lord Sunder- 
land to signify to the King, that it would he a thing 
against all precedents and much to his dissatisfaction, 
whereupon his lordship (having consulted the King in his 
closet) signified to me that the King would take it kindly 
of me if I would waive my pretensions to seniority, which 
he acknowledged to be just, and that I should suddenly 
receive such a mark of his royal favour as would more 
than compensate my present claim. After this v\e went 



CARTWRIGHT. 481 

in the Archbishop's barge from the Privy Stairs to Lam- 
beth, with the Bishops of Durham, Norwich, and Ely, 
and there met the Bishop of Rochester, who joined with 
the Archbishop in our consecration. Mem. The Arch- 
bishop fell flat on his face as he passed with the Holy 
Bread from the south to the north side of the altar, his 
head to the place where he knelt ; but being raised up 
by his two chaplains, Dr. Morice and Dr. Batley, he 
proceeded well to the end of the service. Mr. Lowth 
preached the consecration sermon. The Bishop of St. 
David's and I went that night to the King's chapel at 
Whitehall to prayers, and after attended his majesty, who 
was graciously pleased to send us word by his secretaries 
that we should be admitted to do our homage the next 
day. Sir John Lowther, Sjr William Meredith, Sir Ed- 
mund Wiseman, Mr. Poultney, Mr. Thame, and Mr. Callis, 
visited me that night. We gave guineas a-piece for our 
offering. 

18. " St. Luke's day. This morning I went to the King's 
levee, did my homage with the Bishops of St. David's and 
Oxford, at eleven, dined with the Bishop of Oxford and 
his lady, and the Bishop of Rochester. Met Serjeant 
Killinghall at Mr. Cooke's. 

19. "I was at the King's levee, gave the drum 
and trumpeter's 10s. ; Mrs. Hambden and another poor 
widow money. Visited the Bishop of Lincoln; dined 
with jny Lord Halifax and Sir John Lowther. Visited 
Bishop Labourne, where I met Father Ellis ; supped 
at Mr. Thompson's, with Mr. Cooke, Mr. Wooddard, and 
Dr. Starkey, chaplain to the Earl of Dover, &c." 

On the 1st of December, he informs us, " I was sung 
into the cathedral by the choir in procession, and enthroned 
by Mr. Dean, and sung back into the palace after prayers. 
The warden of Manchester and three other clergymen 
dined with me and Mr. Brookes ; and I made a visit to 
the governor of the castle, with Sir John Arderne and 
Mr. Dean, in the evening. 

VOL. III. 2 T 



48^ CARTWRIGHT. 

2. " After prayers and sitting in the consistory, Sir 
Rowland Stanley, his brother Francis, Mr, Egerton, Sir 
Philip Egerton, and Mr. Chomley, and ten other gentle- 
men, dined with me ; and after dinner the mayor and 
aldermen brought me a present of 8 sugar loaves, 1 dozen 
of canary, 1 doz. of white wine, and 2 of claret, and were 
merry with me till 7 at night, and many ladies visited 
my wife." 

It appears from his private diary, written for no eye 
but his own, and lately published, that he acted zeal- 
ously and judiciously in his diocese where he chiefly 
resided. The following entry on the 8rd of April, 1687, 
is curious. 

3. "I preached and administered the Sacrament at 
Allhallows in Northampton, where they all came up upon 
my invitation to the altar, who had never done it before, 
except Mr. Cockerham and Mr. Clarke, the former of 
which spoke more than became him, and refused to come 
up to take satisfaction to his scruple, clapped on his hat 
and went out : God forgive him, and bring him into the 
way of truth After evening sermon we were treated at 
Mr. Lovell's, and returned to supper, where we met 
Mr. King the curate and other friends. After dinner 
Mr. Mayor and his brethren brought me up a dozen bottles 
of wine, and returned me thanks for my sermon, and 
condemned the rudeness and factiousness of Cockerham 
and Clarke, and desired it might not be imputed to the 
prejudice of the corporation, who were and always would 
be ready to conform to all to which the doctor should 
invite them." 

With reference to the celebrated declaration for liberty 
of conscience, he gives us the following account of the 
Bishop's address : 

April 20. "I was at the King's levee, and spoke with 
Captain Conden, Captain Pack, Bishop of St. David's, 
Mr. Bidel, and Mr. Ashton. I received of Mr. Michael 
Wharton for Cottingham rent due at Martlemas £29 9s. 



CARTWRIGHT. 483 

Mr. John Hall instituted by me to the vicarage of Anderby 
and licensed to preach, and received for his fees due to my 
secretary £3 ; Mr. Francklin's clerk taking for his pains 
i'l 10s. Sir Edmund Wiseman, Mr. William and John 
Fanshaw, Mr. William Coles and Mr Crofts were with 
me. I met my Lord President and the Bishops of Dur- 
ham, Rochester, Peterborough, and Oxon, at my Lord 
Chancellor's, where he and my Lord President, before 
dinner, acquainted us that his majesty expected [thanks 
from us for the care he had of us, and the gracious pro- 
mises he hath made to protect us in his late gracious 
declaration ; of which] I penned the form, and with the 
Bishop of Oxon subscribed it before dinner, and carried it 
down to my Lord Chancellor, who after dinner asked the 
other three to do it, two of which, Rochester and Peter- 
borough, refused [till the form of it were something] 
altered, which being done,^ Durham, Rochester, and I sub- 
scribed it ; Peterborough desired to deliberate till to- 
morrow ; and we were ordered to meet there again at 4 
in the afternoon for that purpose. [Rochester and Peter- 
borough said, they could not but remember how vehe- 
mently the King had declared against toleration, and 
said he would never by any counsel be tempted to 
suffer it. My Lord President replied ; though they could 
not choose but remember it, yet they might choose 
whether they might repeat it or not, for other men as 
well as the King had altered their minds upon new 
motives. They both extolled the Bishop of London, even 
to the condemnation of the King.] The Bishop of 
St David's, Mrs. Elstob, and Sir Thomas Grosvenor 
eame to see me at night. My Lord of Durham and I 
visited Bishop Labourne." 

On the 21st of September, 1687, he says, "I went 
at 11 of the clock from my Lord Molineux to Liverpool, 
where the mayor and aldermen met me in the church, 
and I commanded the churchwarden to set the com- 
munion table altar-wise against the wall. They gave me 
and Mr. Molineux and Mr. Massey a fish dinner, after 



484 CARTWRIGHT. 

which we were treated at Dr. Richmond's very kindly ; 
then went on board the King's yacht ; after which we were 
wet to the skin in going to Sir Rowland Stanley's, where 
we lodged, my lady then in labour." 

King James II. appointed him one of his High Com- 
missioners for ecclesiastical affairs, and in that capacity 
he visited Magdalen College, Oxford. [See Life of Hough.) 
Bishop Cartwright's own account is here given. He arrived 
in Oxford on the 20th of October, 1687. 

20. " We came into Oxon, my Lord Peterborough's 
regiment receiving us at the town's end, where the lieu- 
tenant-colonel and the rest of the ofiBcers dined with us. 
After dinner Dr. Halton, Dr. Hide, and Mr. Archdeacon 
Eaton, Dr. Adams, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Barnard, and 
Mr. Brooks and Mr, Wickens came to visit us. 

21. " We went to Magd. Coll. chapel, where the crowd 
being great, and no preparations made for our sitting, we 
adjourned into the hall, where the crowd being great, we 
sent Mr. Atterbury for the proctors, who came accordingly 
to keep the peace. Mr. Tucker read the Kiug's Com- 
mission. Mr. Atterbury returned the citation on oath. 
Having called over the fellows, I made a speech for the 
occasion of the visitation, and adjourned till 2 in the after- 
noon. W^e went to prayers in the chapel. There dined 
with us Mr. Barnard the proctor, Mr. Wickens, Mr. Brown, 
and the officers, and Archdeacon Eaton, who was rob'd 
the night before. In the afternoon we called over the col- 
lege roll, and marked the absents. Dr. Fairfax, because 
in town, and not appearing, was pronounced contumacious, 
paena reservata in prox. The buttery book brought up by 
the butler, and the statutes by Dr. Hough. Dr. Hough 
desired a copy of the commission in writing, which was 
denied him, and then he in his own name, and the great- 
est part of the fellows, said, He did submit to the visita^ 
tion, as far as it is consistent with the laws of the land 
and the statutes of the college, and no farther ; and said, 
he must suffer no alteration in any statute by the King, 
or any other ; for whicU \xQ had t^ken an oath, from which 



CARTWRIGHT. 48« 

be could not swerve, and for which he quoted the statutes 
confirmed by Henry the Sixth, and their oath in them, 
that they should submit to no alteration made by any 
authority. Then Dr. Hough's former sentence of depri- 
vation was commanded to be read ; to which he replied, 
he was never cited nor heard, and therefore supposed the 
sentence to be invalid, and refused to submit to it, though 
he confessed he had notice of it. The college's petition to 
the King to recommend some other in Farmer's room, 
Number 4, was read : and asking them why they did not 
stay for an answer to it, Dr. Hough replied, their fifteen 
days were out before April 15, on which they had no 
other sent to them ; and requiring him to give up the 
register, he promised we should have it to-morrow morn- 
ing. Dr Rogers' petition for the organist's place, worth 
£G0 per annum, of which he says he was unduly deprived, 
was given in by Mr. Holloway and filed, and so we 
adjourned till the next day at 8. We visited Dr. Haltou 
and the Bishop of ilan. Mr. Spencer, Mr. Welsh, Mr. Hol- 
loway came to visit us. 

22. " We called in the steward with the books of leases 
and court rolls, which were delivered him back, till we 
made farther use of them. The butler brought the but- 
tery book, and Dr. Hough being called in again, I told 
him, ' Doctor, here is a sentence under seal before us of 
the King's commissioners for visiting the universities, by 
which your election to the presidentship of Magd. Coll. is 
declared null and void, which you yesterday heard read, 
and of which you confessed yourself to have legal notice 
before it, being fixed upon your doors. This sentence, 
and the authority by which it was passed, you have con- 
temned, and in contempt thereof have kept possession of 
the lodgings and office to this day, to the great contempt 
and dishonour of the King and his authority. Are you 
yet willing, upon second and better thoughts, 1st, to 
submit to this sentence passed by the Lords upon you, or 
not ? 2ndly, Will you deliver up the keys and lodgings, 
2 t2 



486 CARTWRIGHT. 

as, by a clause in your oath at your admission, you are 
tied to do, for the use of the president, who has the King's 
letters mandatory to be admitted into that office ?' To the 
first he says, that ' the decree of the commissioners is a 
perfect nullity from the beginning to the end, as to what 
relates to him, he never having been cited, nor having 
ever appeared before them either in his person or by his 
proxy ; besides, his cause itself was never before them, 
their lordships never inquiring or asking one question 
concerning the legality and statutableness of the election, 
for which reasons he is informed that the decree was of 
no validity against him, according to the methods of the 
civil law ; but if it had, he is possessed of a freehold 
according to the laws of England and the statutes of the 
society, having been elected as unanimously and with as 
much formality as any of his predecessors, presidents of 
the college, and afterwards admitted by the Bishop of 
Winchester, their visitor, as the statutes of the college 
require ; and therefore he could not submit to that sen- 
tence, because he thought he could not be deprived of his 
freehold, but by course of law in Westminster Hall, or by 
being some w^ays incapacitated, according to the founder's 
statutes, which were confirmed by Kiug James I.' Then 
the Dr. asked, ' w^hether we acknowledged his title to the 
presidentship ?' I replied, ' No ; for we looked upon him 
as malse fidei possessor, or an intruder.' He replied, that 
' the Bishop of Winchester made him so, and said that he 
was satisfied in his own title, and therefore did not think 
himself concerned to apply to the commissioners till 
called, and that he expects legal courses should be taken 
against him, if he keep legal possession.' To which I 
replied, that ' the election was undue, because the King 
had laid his hands by his mandamus upon the college, 
which was an inhibition.' To the second question he 
answered, ' there neither is nor can be any president so 
long as he lives and obeys the laws of the land and the 
statutes of the place, and therefore he does not think it 



CARTWRIGHT. 48t 

reasonable to give up his right, nor the keys and lodg- 
ings now demanded of him. He takes the Bishop of 
Winchester to be their ordinary visitor (and the King to 
be his extraordinary, as he believed, but it had been con- 
troverted whether the King had power to visit or not, in 
Coveney's case, 4 Eliz.) and yet he would deny him the 
keys, because he looks upon commanding the keys from 
him to be requiring him to deliver up his office. He said 
he had appeared before us hitherto as judges, and that he 
now addressed to us as men of honour and judgment, and 
besought us to represent him as dutiful to bis majesty to 
the last degree, as he always would be, where his con- 
science permits, to the last moment of his life ; and when 
he is dispossessed, he hopes we will intercede, that he 
may no longer lie under his majesty's displeasure ; or be 
frowned upon by his prince, which would be the greatest 
affliction could befal him ;n this world." Which having 
promised, I admonished him to depart peaceably from the 
president's lodgings, and to act no more as president or 
pretended president of the college, in contempt of the 
King, and his authority, Imo, 2do, et tertio. 

" Mr. Leigh accused his contumacy, and prayed our 
judgment, which was this ; ' The Lords Commissioners 
for ecclesiastical causes and for visiting the university, 
have declared the president's place of this college to be 
null and void, and therefore wt, by virtue of the King's 
authority to us committed, do order and command 
Dr. Hough forthwith to quit all pretensions to the said 
office, and that his name be struck out of the but- 
tery book, and do admonish you the fellows and other 
members of this society no longer to own him as your 
president. 

" Then we read the King's mandate for the Bishop of 
Oxon, and so adjourned to the same common room till 2 
in the afternoon. Then Dr. Pudsfey's letter, 28 Aug. '87, 
was read, which the doctor owned, and the fellows their 
consent to it. We asked them concerning the King's 
verbal command to them at Oxford, which thev said was. 



488 CARTWRIGHT. 

to elect the Bishop, which they could not. We asked 
them why they did not admit him, which was all the 
King's letter required, to which his verbal command re- 
ferred. Dr. Smith. Dr. Bayley, Dr. Hollis, Mr. Bagshaw, 
Hicks, Howner, Cradock, and Charnock, said they were 
not there. Dr. Stafford, Mr. Almond, Hammond, Rogers, 
Dobson, Bayley, Davies, Bateman, Hunt, Oilman, Pen- 
nison, Holden, and Wilks, said they were. Dr. Hough 
came in with a great crowd of followers, and said, 
' Whereas your Lordships this morning have been 
pleased, pursuant to the former decree of the Lords Com- 
missioners, to deprive me of the place of president of this 
college, and to strike my name out of the buttery book ; — 
I do hereby protest against the said proceedings, and against 
all that you have done or hereafter shall do in prejudice 
of me and my right, as illegal, unjust and null ; and I do 
hereby appeal to our Sovereign Lord the King in his 
courts of justice.' Upon which the rabble hummed, and 
Dr. Hough was accused by my Lord Chief Justice of 
bringing them iu ; upon which he required the peace of 
him, to which he was bound in £1000 bond, and his two 
sureties in £500 each; and I gave the Dr. this answer : — 
' Doctor, we look upon your appeal, as to the matter and 
manner of it, to be unreasonable, not admissible, and not 
to be admitted by us: 1. Because it is in a visitation, 
where no appeal is allowable : 2ndly, because our visita- 
tion is by commission, under the broad seal of England, 
which is the supreme authority, and therefore we overrule 
this your protestation and appeal, and admonish you once 
for all to avoid the college and obey the sentence.' The 
doctor and fellows declared their grief for the disorders of 
the crowd, and disclaimed having any hand in it. Mr. 
Tucker read the paper, 4 Sept. attested by a public notary, 
and delivered to the King ; and the fellows acknowledged 
it to be theirs, after which we adjourned till Tuesday at 
8 in the morning. The Vice-Chancellor, Warden of New 
College, and others, came to visit us in the evening, and 
the Bishop of Man from the college, to beseech us not to