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I \ 





1620— I y8p 

* ' BV • ' 


Vol. II. 



(CCt ffibn^ite Vatt, Camhiaei 


» OopTrigM,l«0, 

AU righlt rtttrvtd. 


The African Slave-Tbadb, 1708-1764. 

The change in estimating slavery 449 

Slavery in New England 450 

Business of the Royal African Company . • . • 451 

Massachusetts in the trade 452 

Rhode Island incorporates it with distilling . . . 453, 454 

Early activity in Newport 454 

Boston political economy applied to slavery . . • . 456 

New York, in (jovemor Hunter's report 457 


Character of the vessels, crews, and cargoes .... 458 

Preponderating demand for rum 459, 460 

Detail of voyage ; insurance 460, 461 

The horoscope 461 

Order and disorder in the trade 462, 463 

Privileges for trade given ike officers 463 

A master in the art of watering rum 464 


Faneuil's training and excellent position .... 466 

His slaving venture in the Jolly Bachelor .... 467, 468 
Adventures of this craft on the Guinea coast .... 468 
Sale of the slaves in Newport after Faneuil's death 471 

Iron bars for currency 471 

How the eighteenth oentoiy went wrong .... 472 


The Period of Inflation, 1713-1745. 

'rhe values of silver 473 

Silver in Rhode Island 474 


Depreciation ; legal tender 475, 476 

Three parties in Massachusetts finance 476 

Experience ^f New York 477, 478 

Troubles of Massachusetts 478-481 

<* Banks " issued in Rhode Island 481, 482 

Downward course of paper, rise in silver . . . 483, 484 

Effect on shipbuilding 484 

More currency still needs more 485 

Land Bank and ito effects 486-488 

Old and New Tenor 488 

Conflicting currencies and their parties • • • . 489,490 

Parliament stops the Land Bank 490 

The finances are exhausted 491 


Their essential creative force 492 

Agriculture and prices of land 492, 493 

Woven fabrics ; Irish linens in New Hampshire . . 493-495 

Hemp and duck 495, 496 

Articles of iron 497-499 

Casting furnaces ; mining ; exports of iron .... 500 
Great importance of the distilling of rum . • . 501, 502 

Decline of lumbering ; potash 503 

Sundry industries 504,505 

Land, prices, and speculations 506 

Wheat ; Indian trade 507 


Carriages, both private and for public use 508 

The pillion yielding to chaise and chair .... 509 
Improved roads and the first express • . • . 509, 510 

Travel by the shore line to New York .... 510, 511 

The ways of a pioneer 511 

Contrast of our life with that of Canada .... 512 


Organisation of new ones 512, 513 

New towns and proprietary meetings 514 

Peculiar ecclesiastical customs in New Hampshire • . 515, 516 
Rev. Hugh Adams ; the parson in politics . . . 516-518 

Close supervision of citizens 519 

Indentured and other immigration .... 520-522 


Administration of the commons . . • • • 522, 523 

Public markets; Faneuil Hall 524 

The freeman and municipal control . . • . « 525, 526 
Municipal eccentricities 527, 528 


The sittings in the meeting-house 528-530 

"Colonial "architecture; finer dwellings . . 531,532 

More luxury in living 532 

Dress, including wigs 533-^536 

Ladies' dress and hoops 536, 537 

Marriage in a shift 538 

Tea and other drinks 539 

The market and the table 540,2541 

Sordid negotiations in courtship 542 

Position of woman ....*.. 543,544 

Poetry and literature 545,546 

Berkeley's coming and his influence 547 

A typical town of the time 548 

Punctilious manners stand for morals 549 

Our country the parallel of its period . . . . . 550 



Material interests begin to affect European politics . . 552 
Great Britain rules the seas ; effect in the colonies . 552, 553 

English capital comes over 553, 554 

Spread of commerce in larger vessels 555 

Navigation Acts and the customary smuggling . 556-558 
Sir Robert Walpole's indifference 558 


One consequence of the Peace of Utrecht .... 559 

Occasional complicity of colonial o£Bcials 560 

Ideal of the pirates 561 

Aristocracy and democracy in governing the crew . . . 562 
Misson, the hero ; Blackbeard, the ruffian . . . 563, 564 
Decline of successful piracy 565 


Thomas Amory settles in Boston 565 

Schooled by Busby ; first experience in the Azores . . 566, 567 



His business at Terceira and in Europe . • • . 568, 669 

Business in Boston 570 

Domestic life in Boston 570, 571 

His methods of business 571, 572 


Invention of the schooner 573 

English capital helps shipbuilding 574 

Prices, size of vesseb 575,576 

Life of seamen 577 

Transfer of mast industry to Maine .... 578, 579 

Number of vessels in service 579 

Great changes from Hull's religious sailing directions . • 580 
Agency of captains, or of local correspondents . . • • 581 


Timber next export to fish and vessels ; Irish imports . . 582 
Growth of Newport ; working of Molasses Act . • . 583, 584 
Complicated courses of West Indian voyages . . 584, 585 

Naval stores ; marine insurance 586, 587 

Domestic trade in Boston 588,589 

Coasting intercourse and British interference . • . 590-592 
Connecticut attempts to regulate exports .... 59i^ 
Trade cannot be controlled artificially 594 


The cod greater .than Louis XIV 594, 595 

Changes to northerly fishing grounds 596 

Mackerel, herring, salmon 596 

Shad ; system of eighteenth century could hardly use fresh . 

fish 597 

Cured fish a necessity ; importance of salt . . . 597, 598 


Its relation to the general trade of this period .... 598 

Greatly practised in Rhode Island 599 

Admiral Sir Charles Wager once a lad on a privateer . . 600 
Reasons for the success of Rhode Island privateers . . 601 

Value of prizes 602,003 

These comets of the seas reveal strange stories . . 604, 605 
Judge Anchmuty and the very peculiar Mr. Lockhart • . 606 



Peter Faxecil Aim the Last Generation of Dependent Col- 
onists, 1726-1742L 

A new generation is to c6me after Loiiisborg . . • • 607 

Faneuil 18 of mixed descent; his ancestry 608 


Fanenflls accounts and conmiission business. • 609 

Cargoes and voyages 610 

How tiie law oppresses the '' itaie trader " • . . . 611 

Dealings in contraband goods 612 


Contracts for building ships 613 

Best fishing is found eastward at Canso • . 614 

Canso prevails over Marblehead 615 

Verplanck and the New York connection .... 615 
Hypothecated vessel and a " bottom bill " .... 616 
Lcmdon the centre of all the commerce .... 617 
Lads from Christ Hospital School needed ; English invest- 
ments .618 

Good correspondents at Barcelona 619 

A way to avoid paying duties 620 

Codfish, pepper, snnff-bozes, forks, cook-books . . 621, 622 

His fiery honor 623 


Affections of the heart 624 

A maiden shipped, who will not go .... 624, 625 

Contentment of single blessedness 626 

Buying negro servants and shipping brandy. • . . 627 

Personal ventures on shipboard 628 

Many and various wants 629 

The prevalent loyalty illustrated in The Dolphin case . 630, 631 

Fine horses and coachman 632 

Details of business 633 

Summary of Peter's character 634 

An illustration of public morals and perfunctory loyalty • . 635 




New commeroial era in Europe 637 

The episode of New England 637 

Her first great external effort made at Looisbnrg . . . 638 
The expedition and the general 639,640 


The g^reat prodaction of ram is at its height . . • 641, 642 
Edward Payne a typical man of business .... 642, 643 
Whenever England extends trade it helps ours . 643, 644 
The French War and Pitt's embargoes ; Irish trade . . 645,646 
Light-house fees ; other fees and excise .... 647 
Underwriting ; coasting 648 


Waste through production of rum causes decline in fisher- 
ies and shipbuilding 649 

State of the fisheries ; classification of vessels .... 650 

Cooperation of many industries in shipbuilding . . . 651 

Character of the shipmasters 652 

Furs and the trade with Indians 653 

The whale fishery ; manufacture of sperm candles . . 654,655 


Privateering of the Spanish and French wars . . 655 

Success causes the business to be extended .... 656 
Harsh justice on shore, tricky management at sea . . 657 

Commerce of Providence 658 

Course of the illegal traffic ". 659,660 

Greed for profits of trade stronger than restraining laws . 660, 661 
Rhode Island openly evades Navigation and Sugar Acts 662, 663 
The f aU of Quebec ; English race overcomes the French . 663, 664 
Indications of our own future 665 


The Last Period of Colonial Dependence, 1745-1762. 

The conflict in America was inevitable 665 

Economic growth and the new opportunities for leaders 667, 668 
Insular arrogance could not appreciate the colonies . . 668, 669 


^e ooloaial ayatem required abaolutelj good goTemment . 670 
AgitadoD oonuneQcea ; Writs oi Assistance .... 671 
Action of the towns ; genend miuiicipal government . 672,673 

CUBRENCT, UAMCFACnniEB, agricdltdhs. 

The cQirencj in Massachnsetta 674r-676 

Rhode Island has a, hard experience 677 

Bates of silver and gold 677,678 

Mannfactores ; the " spinning craze " . . . . 679, 680 

linen ; leather and shoemakiag 681,682 

Iron and its nuwufacture ; Hugh Orr .... 683-6S5 

Lnmber ; various enterprises 686 

Agrienltare ; Jared Eliot'a great enterprise and influence . 687-689 
Hay, wheat, horaea 689-691 


Lotteries 692 

Roada and the meana of travel 693 

Haimen and dress 691, 695 

Indentured servants ; amnsemeDts and wit . 696, 697 

Religion aa ezpreaaed in coatoma 69S 

Seating the congregation ; edacaHoD 699 

llieir conjunction iu our aocial development .... 700 

Geniua of Edwards 701, 70S 

His preaching 702, 703 

Mfstio view of common events 701 

His published work ; conception of nature .... 705 

An indirect political influence 706 

Franklin's greatness in affairs 706, 707 

Poor Richard's Almanac, a. remarkable literary engine . 706, 700 

His work sa a citizen 710 

Honesty ; essential mastery over himself . . 711, 712 
The last days of colonial prosperity 713 


The Stamp Act and Rebrluon, 1763-1776. 

Hie power of liberty 

Political development of England, unequal to her colonial task 
GMnville's virtnea not of the kind wanted .... 


He determinM to stop smuggling ; the Stamp Act • . 717, 718 
Economic resistance precedes non-allegiance . • . 718, 719 
Repeal ; the Declaratory Act is e^en worse .... 720 
English polity; the two ideals, of Grenville, of Chatham 721,722 
Economic restrictions ; evasion and resistance inevitable 723, 724 


The exact date is uncertain 724 

Agitation and committees of correspondence • r 724, 725 

The Boston " Tea-party " 726 

Her punishment and splendid silent resistance . . 727, 728 
Social conditions of industry and trade preceded political 
revolution 728,729 


Town government 729, 730 

Manufactures in woollen and worsted .... 731-733 

Iron and other industries 734, 735 

Agriculture 735, 736 

The currency 736, 737 

Land travel 738 

Manners ; courtship ; funerals 739, 740 

Social gatherings ; reading 741, 742 

Dress and the fashions 742-744 

Women sustain the rebellion 744 


The Last Colonial Coboierce, 1760-1775. 

Illicit trade of the French War 746 

Opportunity for the whale fishery after Quebec . . . 746 
It is extended by New England enterprise . . 747, 748 

Codfish and the methods of fishing 749-751 

Mackerel fishing 752 

sugar acts and west INDIAN TRADE. 

The Sugar Act threatens whole economy of New England . 753 
Bernard's wise counsel concerning taxation . . . 753, 754 

The true source of British gain 755 

Course of Rhode Island commerce 756 

Connecticut intercourse with the West Indies . • 757, 758 



Grenville's restraining measures 758 

Their inunediate effect npon colonial prosperity . . 759, 760 
Coasting trade and British interference . . 760, 761 

Sullen opposition to enforcement of the laws . . . 762 

The slave-trade 763 

Freedom at last overcomes the unnatural traffic ; Indian trade 764 
Shipbuilding ; vessels transported on land .... 765 

Monster teams and the masts 765, 766 

New Hampshire shipyards ; ocean timber rafts 766, 767 

Political gain ; commercial loss by the approaching contest • 767 


Revolutionaby Commebce, 1775-1783. 

the pbivateebs and elia8 basket debbt. 

Changes in trade made by the war 769 

Privateering becomes the chief interest 770 

The various ports engage in it 771, 772 

The commerce of privateering 773-775 

The settlement of the ventures 775 

Derby's early life ; improves shipbuilding .... 776 

His sagacity in affairs 777 

Privateersmen and whalemen should not be forgotten . . 778 


Our self-sustaining people live by home industries . . 779 

Expedients in commerce for the time ..... 780 

Management of West Indian trade 781 

Underwriting increases in importance 782 

Coasting ; unfriendly state leg^'slation 783 

The royal masts are debarred from shipment . . . 783, 784 

Royalty and the republic 785 


The Gbeateb Community Fobming itself iirro the United 

States of Amebic a, 1776-1783. 

Town, community, and nation 786 

New allegiance of the colonial citizen .... 787, 788 



Linen and woollen fabrics • . 789 

Values of textile and other articles 790 

Wool-cards 791 

Iron, firearms 792, 793 

Substitutes for sugar 794 

Articles of supply for the troops 795, 796 


Bad fiscal arrangements, forced circulation of paper • 797, 798 

Depreciation, and regulating acts 799 

Sufferings of the Loyalists ; banishment and confiscation . 800-802 
" Extortion '' Acts ; derangement of prices .... 803 


Houses and the life in them 904 

Characteristics of our people ; their ingenuity . . 805, 806 

Hazard, the Quaker blacksmith 807 

Meeting with Jemima the miracle-worker .... 808 

The blacksmith's daily life 809 

His books and reading 810 

The Revolution in remote and quiet districts . . . .811 

'^ Block Island boats and their cargoes .... 812, 813 

Masculine wants and feminine privations .... 813, 814 

Great burden of government after the war . • . 814, 815 


The Commerce of the Confederation, 1783-1789. 

Narrow political management by England . . . 816, 817 
The effect on American commerce . . . . ■ . 818 
Over-trading 819 

oriental commerce and the great merchants. 

Oriental trade begins 820 

Large men developed during the war 821 

Derby, Perkins, and others 822, 823 

Difficulties overcome by energy of the shipmasters . . . 824 
Elaborate preparation for Oriental voyages .... 825 
Commerce begun to northwestern America .... 826 

Mauritius and the French 826, 827 

West Indian trade 828 

■ •• 



The whale fishery revived 828, 829 

The Pacific fisheries ; the ** lay " division of voyages . 830, 831 

Cod fishing 832 

Larger ships used in commerce ; masts .... 833 

Slavery abolished ; the slave-trade 834 

Illicit traffic was prosecuted 835, 836 

Deranged business and poor commerce 837 

Navigation Acts and tariff 838,839 

An established Union establishes conmierce .... 839 


The Confederation seeking Unity in the Republic, 1783-1789. 

Slow and painful development of the Union . . . 840 

Parts contributed by New England to the political whole . 841 


Convention to regulate commerce at Annapolis . • • 842 
Economic derangement ; taxation is resisted . . . 843 
Shays' rebellion reveals disease in the body politic . . . 844 

The currency 845 

Credit in disorder ; bad financial methods . . . 846, 847 


Division of labor ; progress in New England . . . 848 
Cotton spinning ; Samuel Slater, Moses Brown . . . 849 

Minor inventions 850 

Cotton, duck, and canvas 851 

Machine-made cards are introduced 852 

Woollen factories and worsted 853, 854 

Eighteenth century stimulates manufacture .... 854 
Household industries ; iron and nails .... 855, 856 


Stages and packets ; difficult travel 857, 858 

Distinctions of classes ; dress 858, 859 

Great opportunity for the family 860,861 

Education ; excellent economy 861, 862 

Physicians and their fees 863 

Amusements and diversions 864 

Gradual restoration of political and social order . . . 865 


American passion for onity in government . • • . 866 

Washington the ideal of the people 867 

State unity in the history of New England . . • • 867 

Its beginning and its relation to the community . . - . 868 

Economic forces at work in forming our institutions . . 869 

New conunerce ; New England men 870 

Growth of the people ; their finance, their industries . . 871 

British taxation ; British arrogance 872 

Gestating time of the Revolution 873 

Representative government is perfected 874 

Economic evolution was the basis of freedom . • . 875 

Appendix A 877 

Appendix B 904 

Appendix C 906 

Appendix D 907 

Appendix E 908 

Appendix F 909 

Appendix G 910 

Appendix H 911 

Appendix I •••• 912 





The deportation of African negroes — commonly called 
the slaye-trade — was a movement of importance in the 
commerce of the latter part of the seventeenth and of the 
eighteenth century. Perhaps the most momentous and 
effective change instituted in the minds of men by this 
nineteenth century is in the general conception 
and treatment of human slavery. The seven- upe^ 
teenth century organised the new Western coun- 
tries, and created an immense opportunity for labor. The 
eighteenth coolly and deliberately set Europe at the task 
of depopulating whole districts of western Africa, and of 
transporting the captives, by a necessarily brutal, vicious, 
and horrible traffic, to the new civilisations of Amer- 
ica. The awakened conscience of the nineteenth century 
checked the horrid stream of forced migration, but an 
enormous social structure had been reared on servitude 
and enforced labor. 

North American slavery fell, carrying with it a vast 
structure of political, social, and philanthropic ideas. 

^ This chapter was read at the meetmg of the American Antiqua- 
rian Society in October, 1887. 


Looking backward one and a half or two and a half cen- 
turies, we are amazed and humiliated when we consider 
how little people knew what they were doing. When the 
old and enlightened countries sought eagerly for slaves, 
and taught their colonial offshoots to depend upon them, 
they dug a deep pit for their own children. 
New England entered upon this long path of twisted 

social development — this wanton destruction of 
New sng. barbaric life in the hope of new civilised life, 

this perversion of the force of the individual 
barbarian into an opportunity for social mischief — with 
no more and no less consciousness than prevailed else- 
whei'e at that time. The Winthrops and other Puritan 
colonists asked and received Indian captives for slaves as 
freely as any partisan went for loot or plunder. Indians 
were enslaved on all sides as long as the local tribes 
lasted ; ^ then Maine, then the Carolinas,^ and other dis- 
tricts, furnished captives for a never-ceasing demand for 
labor.^ Cotton Mather^ employed his black servant, 
showing as little regard for the rights of man as the Bos- 
ton merchant or Narragansett planter. Mather's servant, 
'^ Spaniard," belonged to a Christian society or church of 
negroes formed in 1693. Spaniard left a copy of the 
" Eules " of the society with Judge Sewall in 17} |. The 
judge indorsed this fact on the paper. Among other obli- 
gations this was conspicuous : ^^ Our coming to the Meet- 
ing shall never be without the Leave of such as have 
Power over us." ^ Sewall's was about the earliest and al- 
most the only voice raised in behalf of a larger humanity. 
Fortunately for the moral development of our beloved 

* Freeman, Cape Cod, p. 72. 

« Col. Rec. Conn, 1715, p. 516. 

* Coffin, Newbury f p. 337 ; Essex Inst., vii. 73 ; Col. Rec. Conn, 
1711, p. 233. 

« Proe. M. H. S. 1862, p. 352. Or Inoieaae Mather. See Proa 
Am. Ant. Soc., vi. 192. 

* Fop Sewall's copy reprinted, see Proc. Am, Ant. 5oc., v. 419. 

1708-64.] THE ENGLISH IDEA. 461 

colonies, the climate was too harsh, the social system too 
simple, to engender a good economic employment of black 
labor. The simple industrial methods of each New Eng- 
land homestead, described in so many ways through these 
pages, made a natural barrier against an alien social sys- 
tem including either black or copper-colored dependents. 
The blacks soon dwindled in numbers, or dropped out 
from a life too severe for any but the hardiest and firmest- 
fibred races. 

The mother country knew no humanity, but only an 
ecouomic opportunity, in the enslavement of the An economic 
negro. The Royal African Company ,i in their °«>'«'^^ 
^^ Declaration," as early as 1662, indicate the sentiment of 
England in this business. Other nations were invading 
the African trade, and there was danger that America 
^^ be rendered useless in their growing Plantations through 
want of that usual supply of Servants, which they have 
hitherto had from Africa.^* It was made a constant care 
for colonial governors^ to forward the affairs of this 
slave-dealing corporation, which included the king, Duke 
of York, and many leading persons. In 1695 the traffic 
in negroes was considered the best and most profitable 
branch of British commerce.^ It was a melancholy omen 
of the immense significance of the slave-trade in that com- 
merce that the gold coin, used even more than the sover- 
eign as a unit of common prices, was named for Guinea, 
whence gold and negroes were taken together. 

Slavery was a small factor in New England, because 
economic laws forbade its growth. It was managed as 
humanely, perhaps, as such a system could be conducted. 
It was not absolute constraint, nor a permanent confine- 
ment. A negro man and woman in Rhode Island, in 
1785, by " Ind'y & Frugality, scrap'd together £200, or 

^ Declaration, Carter-Brown Library, p. 1. 

« Doc. N. York, iii. 246, 261. 

• Gary, British Trade, pp. 74, 76. 


£300." They sailed from Newport to their own country, 
Guinea, where their savings gave them an independent 
fortune.^ The slave-trade was likewise a small constit- 
ite place ill ueut iu itself , but it exercised a great influence 
commerce, j^^ ^j^^ wholc commercc of the first half of the 

eighteenth century. Any active element in trade, any- 
thing much needed at the moment, affects the general 
movement of commerce much more than its actual amount 
and mere pai1;icular value would indicate. 

Massachusetts writers have always been especially sore 
at the point where the trade in African negroes is touched. 
If they had admitted that in fact none knew at the time 
the enormity of the offence, and that Massachusetts par- 
took of the common public sentiment which trafficked in 
Indians or negroes as carelessly as in cattle, their argument 
would be more consistent. Massachusetts attained enough 
in her history that is actual and real; it is not neces- 
sary to prove that she was endued with superhuman fore- 
cast, or a pragmatical morality. Instead of this simple 
avowal, they admit the good foundation of the indict- 
ment, then plead in extenuation of the crime, after the 
manner of Tristam Shandy's wet-nurse. 

In the absence of exact statistics we must trace the 
Maaaaohu- coursc of the trade in collateral reports and evi- 
'*"*• dence. Dr. Belknap, in his friendly correspond- 

ence with Judge Tucker iu 1795 concerning slavery in 
Massachusetts, addressed letters to many leading men with 
various queries. The replies show, among other matters, 
the general prevalence of the trade in the province. Dr. 
John Eliot says : " The African trade was carried on (in 
Massachusetts), and commenced at an early period ; to a 
small extent compared with Rhode Island^ but it made 
a considerable branch of our commerce (to judge from the 
number of our still-houses, and masters of vessels now liv- 
ing who have been in the trade). It declined very little 
till the Revolution." 2 

1 Bos, Evening Post, 1735. * 6 Afass. H. C, iii. 382. 


Samuel Dexter says: "Vessels from Rhode Island 
have brought slaves into Boston. Whether any have 
beea imported into that town by its own merchants, I 
am unable to say. I have more than fifty years ^o seen 
a vessel or two with slaves brought into Boston, but do 
not recollect where they were owned. At that time it 
was a very rare thing to hear the trade reprobated. . . , 
About the time of the Stamp Act, what before were only 
slight scruples in the minds of conBcientiouB persons be- 
came serious doubts, and, with a considerable number, 
ripened into a firm persuasion that the slave-trade was 
malum in te" ' 

Thomas Pemberton answers : " We know that a large 
trade to Guinea was carried on for many years by the 
citizens <rf Massachusetts Colony, who were the proprie- 
tors of the vessels and their cargoes out and home. Some 
of the slaves purchased in Guinea, and I suppose the 
greatest part of them, were sold in the West Indies. 
Some were brought to Boston and Charlestown, and sold 
to town and country purchasers by the head, as we sell 
sheep and oxen." ' 

John Adams says ; "Argument might have some weight 
in the abolition of slavery in Massachusetts, but the real 
cause was the multiplication of labouring white people, 
who would no longer suffer the rich to employ these sable 
rivals so much to their injury. This principle has kept 
negro slavery out of France, England, and other parts of 
Europe." ' 

From these reminiscences we turn now to the meagre 
accounts of the trade as it existed. Rhode Isl- sbads 
and, or the modem Newport, was undoubtedly '*'*°^- 
the main port of the New England slave-trade. The 
Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations 
treated her Indian captives and slaves well.* From the 

> B Matt H. C, iii. 384. 38S. » Ibid., p. 393. • Ibid., p. 402. 

* R. I. C. R., i. 243 : ii. 635 i iii. 483 ; and iv. IftS. 


neoesaity of her situation, and from the enlightenment 
received from Soger Williams, she was more humane 
than her neighbors in her treatment of the Indian face. 
In Connecticut, as late as 1711, a family of '^ Indian ser- 
vants," consisting of Kachel and her seven children, were 
distributed by will ; they were called ^* blacks." ^ Rhode 
Island went into the African slave-trade, it being the ris- 
ing, profitable venture of the time. Newport was a port 
of the third or fourth class in 1676, far below Boston or 
Salem. By the tnm of the century its enterprise in- 
creased greatly, and for fifty years its commerce rivalled 
in activity, though not in extent, that of Boston. Massa- 
chusetts had the fisheries by priority and the natural 
advantage of position. In the new development of the 
eighteenth century, rum-distilling was a chief factor, as 
has been shown. Ehode Island's new energy seized upon 
this industry in company with Massachusetts. A free 
supply of rum with new vessels carried the Newport men 
into the rising slave-trade. In these ventures they had 
much Massachusetts capital engaged with them. 

In 1708 the British Board of Trade addressed a oir^ 
The Brituh ^^^^ letter to all the colonies relative to negro 
'^^' slaves.* To stop the iniquity ? Oh, no ! " It 

being absolutely necessary that a trade so beneficial to 
the kingdom should be carried on to the greatest advan- 
tage," they desired the most particular statements concern- 
ing the numbers imported by the Royal African Company 
and by private traders. The trade had been laid open to 
private competition in the year 1698 by Parliament. 

Governor Cranston replied December 5, 1708,* that 
Newport from 1698 to December 25, 1707, no negroes 
venturer ^erc imported into Rhode Island from Africa ; 
that in 1696 the brigantine Seaflower, Thomas Windsor, 

» Caulkins, New Lon., p. 330. « R. L C. /J., iv. 63. 

» R. I, C, R., iv. 54, 66. 

1708-64.] EARLY REPORTS. 455 

master, brought from Africa forty-Beven negroes, sold 
fourteen in the colony at £30 to £35 per head j the rest 
he carried by land " to Boston, where his owners lived." 
In 1700 one ship and two sloops sailed directly from Xew- 
port to the coast of Africa; Edwio Carter oommanded 
the ship, and was part owner in the three vessels. With 
him sailed Thomas Bruster and John Bates, merchants of 
Barhadoes, and " separate traders from thence to the coast 
of Africa." All these vessels carried cargoes to Barba- 
does, and disposed of them there. It would seem that 
West India capital also availed of the advantages of New- 
port for prosecuting this commerce. 

It will be observed that Governor Cranston ts careful 
to limit his statement to December 25, 1707. In Febrnary, 
170a,' ^^^ colony laid an impost of £3 on each negro im- 
ported. In April it enacted that Uie drawback allowed m 
the first act, in case the negro was exported agun, should 
be rescinded. There must have been a free movement of 
negroes, either from Africa direct, or by the way of the 
West Indies, to have occasioned such watchful legislation. 
In 1712,' and again in 1715,^ the act was tinkered. The 
Assembly gravely remitted the duties on "two sacking 
slaves " from Barhadoes in 1716.* The impost amounted 
to enough by 1729 to justify an appropriation dividing it, 
one half toward paving the streets of Newport, one half 
toward " the great bridges on the main." * The tar was 
repealed in 1732.^ 

We may jndge of the state of the public conscience 

' There was an a«t for the same purpose in ITOJ. 

» R. I. C. R., iv. 134. ■ Ibid., p. 191. 

* lUd., p. 209. The trade was well eatabliahed at this time. The 
Friendi' Yearly Merting Record, id 1717 (Afoses Broum MS., " Ma- 
terial! Hist. Friends," R. I. H. S.)i saja : "The subject of Slaves 
considered, and advise pven tbat Letters be Written to the Islands 
& Elsewhere not to send anj more slaves here to be sold bf any 

» R. I. C. R., It. 424. • Ibid., p. 471. 


touching slavery and the movement of the slave-trade by 
The Boston ^^ Collateral arguments of a writer in the " Bos- 
****** ton News Letter"^ in 1718. In the previous 

year there had been eighty burials of Indians and negroes 
in Boston. The writer argued that the loss at <£30 each 
amounted to <£2,400. If white servants had been em- 
ployed instead, at <£15 for the time of each, the ^^ town had 
saved £1,200." A man could procure <£12 to £15 to 
purchase the time of a white servant that could not 
pay £30 to £50 for a negro or Indian. "The Whites 
Strengthens and Peoples the Country, others do not." 
Such political economy satisfied the artless publicists of 
that time. 

The merchants of Boston quoted negroes, like any other 
merchandise demanded by their correspondents. Mr. 
Thomas Amory had frequent calls from North Carolina. 
In 1720 he buys for Thomas Bell a man at £60, though 
they often brought £80. " Since the Law about slaves 
passed they prove better than they did, and no one sells, 
but endeavours to buy." ^ In 1723 he sends out a female 
house-servant bought at £50, on " condition to export her, 
else she would have been worth £70." Again, in 1724, " a 
good likely fellow that speaks English sells from £70 to 
£80." Again, " Nobody sells without some fault." " In 
the fall we expect negroes here directly from Guinea, a 
vessel having sailed from here and one from Rhode Isl- 
and." 3 The " Boston News Letter " advertises in 1726 
" Several choice Gold Coast Negros lately arrived." * 
Felt notes a cargo received in Boston in 1727, the highest 
sale from which was at £80.^ In 1736 the " News Letter "« 
has " just imported from Guinea, a parcel of likely young 
negroes, boys and girls." Advertisements of " imported " 
negroes, not specifying their locality, are frequent. The 

1 March 3, 1718. « 3/5. Letters, 

• Amory, MS. Letters, * News Letter, October 13tli. 

« Felt, Salem, iL 416. * December 29th. 

1708-64.] PRICES IN BOSTON. 457 

invcDtories in Boston and in the various towns often 
enumerate them, generally one or two in a family. In 
1715 Charles Hobby,' of Boston, leaves six, two at £50, 
four at X40 each. In 1735 John Jekyll^ was responsible 
for five ; one at £85, three at X65, one at £50. In one 
case we find two cradles for negroes. In 1740 Richard 
Hunt ^ had seven. The prices show the in6ation of the 
currency : Great CufEee at £200, Andrew £150, Will and 
Little Cuffee £140 each. Tommy £150, Rose £110, and 
poor Boston only £80. In 1731JahIeel Brinton* at New- 
port devises three negroes, a child, and an Indian woman. 

The Pepperells did not import negroes directly from 
Africa ; their vesseb brought them frequently from the 
West Indies.^ Indeed, it was said " almost every vessel in 
the West India trade would return with a few."' The 
West Indies, being the large market, naturally controlled 
the destination of cargoes, even when the vessels went 
from New England, as we have seen in one instance at 

Governor Hunter reported to the Lords of Trade in 
1718 that no negroes came from Africa to New 
York direct in British vessels,^ bitt " the duties 
laid on Negroes from ye other Colonies are intended to 
encourage their (our) own shipping and discourage the 
importing their refuse & sickly Negroes here from other 
Colonies."® In 1731 President Van Dam,'" arguing again 
that the New York duty did not injure Great Britain, 
mentions a vessel belonging to that colony with a consid- 
erable number of negroes on board from Africa. 

» Suffolk P. R., lii. 103. ' Ihid., iiiii. 310. 

• Ibid., xnv. 42. * Newport BUt. Mag., if. 89. 

• Paraons, Pepperell, p. 28. 

• Bourne, WelU and Kenntbunk ; nnd see Mais. Arch., Iiiii. 231. 
' See above, p 454. 

• Yet tbe record says also that private trailers imported into New 
York, 1700-1726, 1,573 negroes tram the West Indies, and 822 from 
tbe coast of Africa and Madagascar. Doc. N. Y., v. 814. 

• Doe. N. ¥.. V. 509. " Ibid., v. 927. 


The African trade from Newport and Boston was con- 
ducted in sloops, brigantines, schooners, snows, 
generally of forty or fifty tons burden. One 
brigantine is thus described : " Sixty feet length by the 
keel, straight rabbet, and length of the rake forward to 
be fourteen feet, three foot and one half of which to be 
put into the keel, so that she will then be sixty-three feet 
keel and eleven feet rake forward. Twenty-three feet by 
the beam, ten feet in the hold, and three feet ten inches 
between decks and twenty inches waste." ^ 

The 3 ft. 10 in. was the height allowed the slaves ; in 
later and worse times this was reduced to 3 ft 3 in., with 
ten inches to thirteen inches surface room for each. The 
abuses led to a law restricting the number of slaves to two 
and one half for each ton. In the early times we are 
treating, the number was about one and one half to a ton. 
The value of the vessels engaged was not large. The 
Sanderson brigantine, whose voyages I shall introduce, 
was offered new in 1745 for ,£450, Jamaica currency. 
The snow Susey was bought in Boston, in 1759, with 
outfit, for <£568, lawful money. 

Small vessels were considered mora profitable than large 
ones, and they were handled by small crews, — the cap- 
tain, two mates, and about six men. Generally a captain 
and mate, two or three men, and a boy sufficed. When 
the voyage was to the West Indies, a cooper was included, 
who made bungs, heads, etc., on the outward trip, to be 
set up, with Taunton and other staves, together with Nar- 
ragansett hoops, into barrels and hogsheads when he came 
into port. White-oak staves went into rum casks, and 
red-oak into sugar hogsheads. There were two grades of 
water casks, " common " and " Guinea ; " the latter were 
worth two and a half to three dollars, or one third more 
than the former. 

^ Am. Hist. Rec., i. 311-319, 338-345. George C. Mason's state- 
ments from MS. records, which I use freely. 


The West Indies afforded the great demand for ne- 
groes ; they also furnished the raw material supplyiog the 
manufactore of the main merchandise which the thiruty 
Gold Coast drank up in barter for its poor, banished ehil- 
dren. Governor Hopkins stated ' that, for more than 
thirty years prior to 1764, Rhode Island sent to the Coast 
annually eighteen vessels carrying 1,800 hhds. rum. It 
displaced French brandies in the trade of the Coast after 
1723. The commerce in rum and slaves afforded about 
j£40jOOO per annum for remittance from Rhode Island to 
Great Britain. Molasses and poor sugar, distilled 
in Boston and more especially in Newport into wb< iudi> 
rum, made the staple export to Africa. Some 
obtained gallon for gallon, of molasses, but the average was 
96 to 100. Newport had twenty-two still-houses ; Boston 
bad the best example, owned by a Mr. Childs. The cost 
of distilling was five and a half pence per gallon. Cis- 
terns and vats cost 14a. to 16s. per 100 gallons in 1735, 
not including lumber ; three copper stills and heads, three 
pewter worms, and two pewter cranes cost in London 
£546.11.3. The quantity of rum distilled was enormous, 
and in 1750 it was estimated that Massachusetts alone 
consumed more than 15,000 hhda. molasses for this pur- 
pose. The avei-age price in the West Indies of molasses 
was \Zd, or 14(2. per gallon. The consumption of rum in 
the fisheries and lumbering and shipbuilding districts was 
large ; the export demand to Africa was immense. 

It was very importutftite. Captain Isaac Freeman, with 
a coasting sloop, in 1752, wanted a cargo of rum 
and molasses from Newport within five weeks. Jemmd fw 
His correspondent wrote that the quantity could 
not be had in three months. " There are so many vessels 
lading for Guinea, we cant get one hogshead of rum for 
the cash. We have been lately to New London and all 
along the seaport towns, in order to purchase the molasses, 
' H. t. C. R., vi. 38a 

460 THE AFRICAN slave-trade, [1708-64. 

but cant get one hogshead." ^ The Guinea voyagers were 
known as " rum-vessels." There was no article of mer- 
chandise comparable to rum on the African coast. Our 
forefathers are not to be charged with any especial pref- 
erence for this civilising instrument over all the other re- 
sources of two continents. Their instincts were neither 
moral nor immoral ; they were simply economic. They 
had tried dry goods, and Africa rejected them in favor of 
the wet. Captain George Scott writes pathetically in 
1740, from the Coast, of his trials in exchanging dry 
goods for black chattels. Out of 129 slaves purchased 
he had lost 29, and then had ^^ five that swell'd, and how 
it will be with them I can't tell." He had one third of 
his dry goods left, and thought if he had stayed to dispose 
of it he would have lost all his slaves. ^^ I have repented 
a hundred times ye byiug of them dry goods. Had we 
laid out two thousand pound in rum, bread and flour, it 
would purchase more in value than all our dry goods." 
Could any hungry and ];hirsty savage ask for a keener 
and more sympathetic interpreter of bis appetites ? 

One slaver took out in her cargo ^^ 80 lihds. 6 bbs. and 
8 tierce of rum, containing 8,220 gals.l 79 bars of iron 
[known as " African iron," the bars were used as a cur- 
Method of rency, as we shall see], " 19 bbs. flour, 4 tierces 
the voyagers, rj^e, 2 bbs. suuff, 28 irou pots, 20 bbs. tar, 3 bbs. 
loaf sugar, 4 bbs. brown do., 7 quarter casks wine, 1 bb. cof- 
fee, I bb. vinegar, 20 firkius, 2 do. tallow, 10 bbs. pork, 15 
half do., 10 boxes sperm candles, 4 k^gs pickles, 2 bbs. fish, 
1 bb. haras, 12 casks bread, 4 casks tobacco, 1 trunk of 
shirts and cotton hollands, 3,000 staves, hoops and boards, 
470 ropes of onions, 4 bbs. beans," with water shackles, 
handcuffs, etc. The cargo was mixed, and it was probably 
intended for touching in the West Indies. The parts 
adapted for that market would be disposed of ; then the 
rum, shackles, vinegar, etc., would be carried to the West 

1 Am. Hist. Rec, i. 316. 

1708-64.] SAILING BY HOROSCOPE. 461 

Coast of Africa. Vinegar was a sanitary necessity. In 
good weather the negroes were brought on deck daily, 
their quarters were cleaned and sprinkled with vinegar, 
and if docile they enjoyed the outward air the greater 
part of fine days. Males were separated from females 
in the hold by a bulkhead. 

Insurance was sometimes effected on the venture, though 
there could not have been enough written to cover a large 
proportion of the risks. The premiums were too high, 
and the merchants, through joint ownership, distributed 
their risk over a laige number of ventures and small val- 
ues. The Newport vessels were taken generally by under- 
writers in New York. The rate was often 18 to 20 per 
cent, on Guinea voyages, one party underwriting about 
XIOO. Almost all insurances were underwritten by sev- 
«ral parties joining in the contract.' Rates varied much 
I in different years, as war brought privateers, or chance 
; brought rovers. From Newport to Jamaica in 1748, the 
rate was 5 to 6 per cent. ; in 1756 it advanced to 20 per 
cent., and in 1760 fell to 11 per cent. 

After careful and elaborate preparation, manning the 
vessel, assorting her cargo, planning the voyage, and in- 
suring the adventure, one would say all was ready for sail- 
ing, Npt 80 1 This world had done its part, but ihehoro- 
the other worlds — the stais — must be called ""^ 
upon for their conjunction, their propitiating influence in 
accomplishing a safe and profitable return. An astrol- 
oger or "conjurer" was employed to "cast a figure." This 
was an elaborate chart displaying cabalistic figures and 
courses known to the initiated. Mr. Mason gives an 
example,' and reports examination of hundre<ls of these 
horoscopes, many of which were annotated in the margin 
with the experience supposed to confirm the star lore, as 
" 6 D ȣ. h always wins the profits," etc. AVben the hour 

■ For form of policy see Am. Hist. Ree., i. 318. 
' Ibid^ p. 319. 


assigned by the horoscope came, the vessel must start, be 
it day or Dight, calm or storm ; the moorings were cast, 
and the voyage dated from that fatalistic hour. We may 
wonder that the Malbones, Vernons, Ayraults, Collinses, 
and others, accounted among the most cultured Americans 
of their day, affected or patronised such rubbish. But 
whatever their own esoteric conviction might have been, 
they could not overlook the superstitious and wonder-lov- 
ing prejudices of their sailors. Cabin and forecastle both 
would pluck safety from danger the more certainly, when 
convinced that the stars in their courses were working in 
their favor. 

These fleets and traders did not find a sure market or a 
certain supply of captives on the Gold Coast. In subse- 
quent days, about a half century later, after a thorough 
system had been established, factories with magazines of 
the goods coveted by the interior tribes were kept sup- 
plied on the Coast ; slave-pens were built, and the poor 
savages were herded ready for the buyers. In our period 
there was no such horrid order, in this disor- 
the Gold der of the human race. Vessels crowded upon 


each other, and losses occurt'ed often, through 
mere irregularity in the traffic. In 1736 Captain John 
Griffen found this state of affairs, and a very " truble- 
sura " voyage. The French were out in great numbers, 
and there were 19 sail of all nations in the harbor at once. 
*' Ships that used to carry pryrae slaves off is now forsed 
to take any that comes : heare is 7 sails of us Rume men 
that we are ready to devour one another, for our Case is 
Desprit." ^ The rum men were the New England craft 
probably. Captain '* Hamond '' had been on the Coast six 
months, getting only 60 slaves on board. The sturdy 
man-trading skip])ers were quite pathetic in the story of 
their mishaps. Captain David Lindsay, an energetic 
member of the class, writes from " Anamaboe " in 1753 : 

1 Am. Hist. Rec, i. 312. 

1708-64.] SCENES ON THE COAST. 463 

" Ye Traid is so dull it is- actnly a Doof to make a man 
Ci«aBey." His first mate was sick, with four of hb men. 
Obliged to replace his worn-out cable and stock of oakum, 
he fears the blame of his owners, yet the " niak " was too 
great, five " rum ships " were at hand. His vessel was 
not too trustworthy, and they oould see "day Lite al 
round her bow under deck. I never had so much Trouble 
; in all my voigee." 

Meveitheless the doughty mariner carried his rifted 
brigantine, the Sanderson, into Barbadoes, about q„.^, 
four months later, with 56 negroes, "all in *»^'^ 
helth and fatt." Of these, 47 were sold ' there, the re- 
mainder going to Rhode Island probably. Captain Scott, 
in 1740, was sorely tried also. He sent his second mate to 
leeward trading, but a slave escaped, carrying two ounces 
of the vessel's gold dust. Then the blacks from the shore 
captured the mate, and the captain, going to faie rescue, 
was mulcted in X32 in goods for ransom. He estimated 
the whole loss through the " mate's folly " at ^300. He 
bought slaves and goods from a Dutchman, intending to 
sell them to the French. But the unfortunate chattels 
were all taken " with the flucks," three dying, three more 
" veiy bad." He bad 100 good slaves and no gold, wait^ 
ing for 20 more. Provisions were very high, and water 
cost him ten shillioga per day. Every man slave paid 
for in goods "cost X12 sterling prime."' The price 
of a prime man slave in 1762 was 110 gallons of rum. 
The instances given are types, and the voyages, outfits, 
and orders were quite similar one with another. 

Captain Lindsay's troubles did not deter him from 
other attempts. In 1754 he sailed in a new .. priTiisj* ■• 
schooner, The Sierra Leone, of 40 tons, owned "' ""'^'^ 

> Am. Hill. Rec, pp. 330, 312. See for accounts in detail. 

* Tet the Western World bad advanced the value of " chattels " in 
1720 over that preTailing in Eastern Africa. Ten shillings >■ English 
goods" woald buf n oegro at Madagaacar. 3dtitiaotC» Pyrates, ii. 86. 


/ jointly by William Johnston & Co., of Newport, and 
/ parties in Boston, whose names are not given. He sailed 
for Africa direct, and the commissions and privileges 
given the officers are of interest. In addition to the reg- 
ular wages, the captain received four parts out of 104 for 
" Coast Commission," five per cent, on sale of the cargo 
in the West Indies, and five per cent, on goods purchased 
for the return cargo. Moreover, the captain had a privi- 
lege of five slaves ; the two mates had a privilege of two 
slaves for each. In these times the vessel did not carry 
a surgeon. When he was introduced at a later period, 
he was allowed a gratuity of <£50, and the captain one of 
£100, if the profit amounted to 2 per cent. ; they received 
half these amounts if the loss was no more than 3 per 

Lindsay showed his usual capacity, and made a success- 
ful voyage in about ten months, much to the gratification 
of the Boston copartners in The Sierra Leone. They 
write to their Newport associates, April 28, 1755, ^^ Lind- 
say's arrival is very agreeable to us, and we wish we may 
never make a worse voyage. Are you determined to get a 
larger vessel for him ? " May 26, 1756, they write con- 
cerning a snow of Mr. Quincey's, ^^ She is about 112 tons, 
a fine vessel for y* Guinea trade." ^ Her name was the 
Hanover, and they afterward purchased her. In the voy- 
age of 1756, Lindsay took 133 slaves into Barbadoes, hav- 
ing lost 18« He carried some gold coin and bought gold 
dust on the Coast. Ivory was handled also in the traffic. 

As the trade grew, Newport became more and more the 
central market. Connecticut reported, in 1762, * Some 
few vessels to coast Guinea." 

Bristol, R. I., followed Newport in the latter half of the 
Watering ccntury. Captain Simeon Potter,^ a famous pri- 
therum. vatecrsman, who ravaged the Spanish Main in 
the Spanish and French wars, appears as soon as 1764, 

1 Am. Hist. Rec, i. 341. « Sheffield, R. /. Pnoateers, p. 50. 


investiog his privateeTing profits in outfits for Africa. 
Tile invoice of " cai^ and outfitts " of the ship King 
George, Captain William Earle, master, araonnted to 
^80,112 Os. id. in poor currency. It was not dated, but 
it was for tlie voyage of 1764, or 1768 probably. Letters 
of instruction for both these voyages are extant. They 
show the same general course of trade as in the Newport 
ventures already cited. But Captain Potter was exceed- 
ingly naive in his management. His craft in circumvent- 
ing the poor Africans was quite equal to his force in over- 
coming the West Indians. 

" Make j' Cheaf Trade with The Blacks and Little or 
none with the white people if possible to he avoided. 
Worter y' Rum as much as possible and sell as much by 
the short mesne r as you can." 

Again, " Order them in the Bots to worter thear Rum, 
as the proof will Rise by the Hum Standing in y' Son." ' 

The captains were men of force and business ability, 
as may be inferred from the foregoing facts. They often 
took small ventures for the friends of the owners, — out- 
ward in rum, inward in negroes. "Charming Polly" 
lent her romantic name to a Newport slaver in 1759. One 
of the schooner's bills of lading bears a hogshead of rum 
to buy a negro boy 13 or 14 years old, with the remain- 
der in gold dust. Mistress Polly knew not that her name 
wonid go down to future generations soiled by contact 
with this inhuman traffic in the flesh and blood of our 
dark-skinned brothers and sisters. Such conceptions were 
far above and beyond the ethics of the early eighteenth 
century. A respectable "elder," who sent ventures to 
the Coast with uniform success, always returned thanks, 
on the Sunday after a slaver arrived in Newport, " that 
an overruling Providence had been pleased to bring to 
this land of freedom another cargo of benighted heathen, 
to enjoy the blessing of a Gospel dispensation." ^ This 
> MS. Letlen. * Am. Hat. Bee., i. 312. 


^^ elder" has gone the way of other bigoted gospellers. 
The passions of man are still lustful, and his temper is 
cruel in gratifying them ; but his intellect has been trained 
into wholesome contempt for the ignorance of these uncon- 
scious Pharisees. Science has not solved the mysteries of 
the unseen, but she has taught modem generations a de- 
cent self-distrust, and some proper respect for all the reli- 
gions of all the children of God. 

The spirit of an early eighteenth century American 
Peter Fan- merchant was bodied forth in Peter Faneuil, 
®"^ whose whole lineage is "held in peculiar honor" ^ 

in Boston. Peter was of Huguenot blood, bom in La 
Rochelle, New York, at the very beginning of the cen- 
tury, and was transferred to Boston to become his uncle 
Andrew's executor and legatee. Trained in the best mer- 
cantile system, of moderate enterprise, yet careful, hold- 
ing the largest estate of the time, here was a man with- 
out reproach. Solid, large-featured, self-considering, but 
liberal in his way, his eulogist Lovell, master of the Latin 
School, voiced the public sentiment at his death when he 
said, the bounty of Faneuil Hall, " however great, is but 
the firstfruits of hi^ generosity, a pledge of what his 
heart, always devising liberal things, would have done." 
His private charity was equal to his public munificence, 
" so secret and unbounded that none but they who were 
the objects of it can compute the sums which he annually 

In such savor of holiness, charity, and benignity lived 
this pocket-prince bachelor and husband of property, as 
he walked to church with his good sister, velvet-bound 
prayer-book in hand, his heart holding "many more 
blessings in store for us," his fellow-men, according to 
gushing Mr. Lovell. For his fellows, yes ; not for hu- 
manity, as it came to be known a generation later, when 
King George's redcoats put a curb on proud Boston, and 

1 Mem. H, Bos,, ii. 259, 


the people — Hugaenot or English, native or African, 
black or whit« — mustered to put down tyranny, to assert 

No matter how large the inheritance, how snccessful 
the ventures, how full the tide an inflated cur- 
rency iloate<l into good Peter's coffers, it must maRui iid- 
be made larger. Commerce must mix, trade 
must go. He drums up debtors with proper vigilance ; 
submits reluctantly to the customary 2^ per cent, ex- 
change his friend and frequent correspondent, Gulian 
Verplanck, chains him in New York. His eye is open, 
scanning the commercial horizon, and seeing that men 
everywhere " act the Honest and Just part by me." ^ 

Greed and thrift are near allied. The poor captains 
Lindsay and Scott, tugging painfully over on the Gold 
Coast, the small merchants handling rum down at New- 
port, had no keener eye for profit and increase than this 
sumptuous, merchant, — bewigged, beniffled, and bebut- 
toned, — as he strutted modestly down the broad terraces 
of the stately mansion near King's Chapel, to seat him- 
self in the " chariot " with arms and harness, " in the 
handsomest manner." We get an occasional glimpse in 
the one letter book^ preserved, of items which look shady 
and sooty. March 24, 1739, he hopes Verplanck has 
"an acco' of the Negros being sold;" April 15, 1740, 
he expects a remittance of gold dust from " Coast of [an 
unreadable name}." These may be coincidences; all 
the traders dealt more or less in gold, ivory, and " black 

But can we believe the curious, prying eyes of modem 
research, as it uncovers an actual venture after 
negroes, a voyage deliberately planned by Peter •uiincny 
Faneuil, owned one half by himself, one quarter **"■ 
by his neighbor John Jones, and one quarter by the cap- 
> Ltatr Book, 1737, N. f. Hut. and G«n. Soc. 
* In cabinet N. E. Hist, and G«n. Soc. 


tain, John Cutler? The name of the craft, too, — did 
Peter slap his fair round belly and chuckle when he named 
the snow Jolly Bachelor ? This must be merely the sad 
irony of fate, that the craft deliberately destined to be 
packed with human pains and to echo with human groans 
should in its very name bear the fantastic image of the 
luxury-loving chief owner. If these be the sources of 
profits and property, where is the liberty of Faneuil Hall, 
where the charity of good Peter's alms ? 

Neither Faneuil the owner, nor Cutler the master, lived 
to see the return of the snow with the ghastly funny name. 
The safe and prosperous merchant went out from the Tri- 
mountain City in all the pomp of funereal circumstance, 
as will appear. Poor Cutler, with two of his sailors, was 
" barbarously murdered " on the Coast of Guinea, near 
the Banana Islands, by the natives whom he was per- 
suading and converting to ^^ the blessing of a Gospel 

This catastrophe was March 9, 1742. George Birchall, 
A yeiaei re- ^ resident of Banana Islands, Sierra Leone, then 
S «!^ ^ appeared on the scene and took possession of the 
coMt." abandoned vessel. The natives had stripped 
her, and carried oflf such slaves as were already on board. 
Birchall, with considerable skill apparently, bought back 
a part of her stores from the natives, together with 20 
slaves, refitted the snow with sails and rigging from Eng- 
lish slaving vessels, and appointed Charles Winkham 
master. Winkham shipped two mates, a boatswain, and 
two sailors, April 10, 1743, and two more sailors May 1st, 
at Sierra Leone, for New England, and brought his ves- 
sel into Newport about the sixteenth of August following, 
with 20 negroes on board. George Birchall libelled the 
vessel and cargo in a friendly suit for salvage before 
Hon. John Gridley, judge of the Court of Vice-Admi- 
ralty of the Colony of Kbode Island. Benjamin Fan- 
euil, brother, administrator, and heir of the late Peter, 




with John Jones, all of Boston, appeared to claim their 
rights, one half having; been Peter's, one quarter Jones's, 
and one quarter Cutler's, the late master, for whom Ben- 
jamin was executor. Judge Gridley decreed the sale of 
vessel, cargo, and negroes hy William King, deputy mar- 
shal, awarding one third of the proceeds to Birchall for 
salvage, and two thirds to Faneuil and Jones. 

There were some nice points involved, for while reason- 
ably enough there was no dispute about such ^^^^^ 
well-won salvage, Gridley curiously rejected the 
" Portage bill " • of oflBeers' and men's wages, X102 17s. id., 

' This " poFtBge " bill, the bill of costs, and the sworn sUtenieDt 
of Benjamin Faueuil, adiniaiatrator, are given at length. The docu- 
meDtB of the case, umisuaUy full fur the time, are preserved in the 
Rhode Island archives at Providence : — 

A Portage bill of mcn^ Names and wages Due on board the Snow 
Jolly Bachelor, Charles Wickham, master, boond To Newengland, 
Commencing at Sinilione 101' of April 1743. 





w? DlHllUg'd 




April 10 

£0 00 

Aug -'18 1713 

£26 12 

John Battey . .Mate 

3 10 

14 Id 4 

OUTer Arnold. .!2' mate 


3 10 

do. — — 

12 14 


do. 16 — 

12 12 

Silveater Sweet . 



2 10 

do. 18 — 

10 13 4 

OliTer Somea . . 



2 10 

do. IS — 

10 10 

W? Umerey . . 



do. 18 — 

7 1 4 

Wm. Wyat . . 


do. 18 — 

£102 17 4 

Ntieport, Aug". 

IS-? 1743 



Charles W 


Burchell & Co., of Snow Jolly Batchelor. 
CmC of Court. 

For Dntwiog the LibeU & attorneys Tax £0 18 8 

For filing and allowing 12 8 

To attachment Seal and service 10 

To the marahalls Fee 2 6 

To tfarae Interligitaiy Decree & recoa 2 11 S 

To TkUog Evideiwe In Coart . 6 


from Sierra Leone to Newport. Leonard Lockman, iij a 
subsequent decree, August 26, 1743, allows this bill, and 
orders Marshal King to pay it from the proceeds. We 
wonder how it could have been otherwise, but the judge 
must have had legal ground for the first decision.^ 

To a Copy of the Libel £ 26 

To the marsha]! for keeping the Vessel in Custody 19 

days _. 276 

To the marshall for selling Snow & Twenty Negroes @ 

2\ p. Cent 18 6 6 

To the Reg' for paying & Cecuring do. at 2^ p. Cent . 18 5 6 

To the Door keeper &c 4 6 

To Drawing Bill of Cost, taxing &c 5 

To Decree Definitive & recording 1 12 10 

Pr. Gridley Judge. filsTTo 8 

(Geo. Birchall vs. Jolly Bachelor.) And Benjamin Faneuil of 
Boston in New England, Esq, as he is Admf of all & singular the 
Goods, Debts, Rights & Credits of Peter Faneuil, late of sd Boston, 
Esq, deced, who in hb life owned one half of the Snow aforsd, her 
Cargo &c, and as he the sd Benj. is also Execut' of ye Late Will 
and Testament of the aforesaid John Cutler deced, who in his Life 
owned one other quarter part of sd Snow &c, and John Jones of 
Boston aforesaid, Merch!, who owneth the other quarter of sd Snow, 
&c, come into Court & say they have always been & still are 
ready to pay the proponent (on his delivering to the sd Benj. & 
John or their Bros, the Snow aforesaid, her Cargo &c.), a just & 
reasonable Reward for saving the sd Vessel, her Cargo &c, & send- 
ing her into this port, & of this, &c. 

Tho. Ward 

^ Another case opens the question of wages. Before Captain Charles 
W^inkham took command of the Jolly Bachelor, apparently he was 
adrift on the Guinea coast, his snow, the Eagle, having been taken 
from him Feb. 0, 174 J, by a Spanish privateer. He had shipped in 
the Eagle from Newport for Guinea, Sept. 8, 1742 : Alexander Mac- 
Kensie at £8 per month; William Wyat and Silvester Sweet each at 
£7 3^. The prices must have been in paper currency. The sailors 
claimed that enough of the Eagle's cargo was saved to pay their 
wages, and they " libel and appeal " against Winkham in Judge 
Gridley's court. . The case was set down for the Saturday after Sept. 
30, 1743. The result of the trial does not appear. 

1708-64.] Aff IRON CURRENCY. 471 

The snow was sold to Captain Winliliam for £1,800; 
the 20 negroes sold for jG1,644, raiiging from D(,pM[tion 
£40 to ^£134 each. The men averaged nearly "'t'^i"'*- 
£84, the women nearly j£79 ; but while the highest man 
brought j£134 the next dropped to jfilOO, while three wo- 
men brought reBpeetively XlOl, X105, ^106. The mock- 
ing ironies in this whole transaetiou are not confined to 
the portly Faneuils. A list of honorable names — Vernon, 
Tweedy, Brinley, Robinson, Carr, Cranston — are repre- 
sented in Marshal King's Hat of purchasers of the cap- 
tives procured by Faneuil's gold and Cutler's blood. But 
there is one name preeminent in being borne by the de- 
scendant who became, three quarters of a century later, 
the greatest anti-slavery exponent, when New England 
waked to the final struggle. Then Boston did not come, 
but Mowport went to Boston. The buyer of the highest- 
priced " £134 negro boy " was " Mr. Chaning ; " was he a 
relative of William Ellery Channing ? 

.The armament provided by Birchall for the Jolly Bach- 
elor deserves mention, for it shows what was indispensable 
for a slaver carrying forward our elder's gospel mission. 
Bircliall and Captain Winkham did not buy unnecessary 
outfit in the far-away market o£ Sierra L#eone. It in- 
cluded 4 " buckaneer " guns at C bars each, 2 small guns 
at 4 bars, 2 muskets at 4 bars, 4 guns at 5 bars, powder 7 
bars, 1 small gun 8 bars, 2 pistols 8 bars, 6 cutlasses at 

1 bar. Other articles in the new outfit were ship stores 
and provisions, the inevitable rum and " Manyoea." Tliia 
was furnished several times, and as a boatload cost only 

2 bars it must have been a native article of diet. The 
whole outfit at Sierra Leone cost 744J bars. 

We rub our eyes in amazement that any portion o£ 
exact and worthy Peter Faneuil's " effects " or imnbintor 
accounts was estimated in bars. Gold dust, in- ''"™'*'''- 
gots, and plate were only various forms of specie, but bars 
did not appear on the ledgers of the early solid men of 


Boston or Newport. The European and American mis- 
sionaries — if they did not carry all the Spartan virtues 
to the forsaken dark continent — at least gave it the boon 
of the iron currency of the Lacedasmonians. To give the 
strong metal value in use and value in exchange, they 
forged it into bars, known in New England as ^^ African 

A pound sterling at Sierra Leone, in 1743, was equal 
to 12 bars of this iron. A negro slave, when The Jolly 
Bachelor balanced accounts June 14th, was worth 60 bars, 
or £5. At about the same time, according to Mr. Mason's 
old Newport documents, he was worth £12 in " goods," 
i. 6. rum, at Sierra Leone.^ We see the frightful scale 
by which merchandise ascends through rate after rate, — 
paper-priced rum. Coast-valued iron, sterling gold, — while 
human flesh, sense, mind, and spirit descend in corre- 
sponding degradation. 

The Americans followed in the footsteps of a civilisa- 
tion they inherited but did not create. The whole world 

in the eighteenth century, previous to the move- 
tutedindnft- mcut beginning in the American Revolution, 

which stirred the nations to their depths and 
shook thrones from their foundations, knew nothing of a 
refined humanity, knew but little even of the justice which 
should let men go free. We have seen molasses and alco- 
hol, rum and slaves, gold and iron, in a perpetual and 
unwholesome round of commerce. All society was fouled 
in this lust ; it was inflamed by the passion for wealth, it 
was callous to the wrongs of imported savage or displaced 
barbarian. The shallow sympathy expressed in the sev- 
enteenth century for Indians arid native proprietors had 
expended itself. A new continent in possession, old Ethi- 
opia must be ransacked that the holders might enjoy it 
more speedily. Cool, shrewd, sagacious merchants vied 
with punctilious, dogmatic priests in promoting this pros- 
titution of industry. 

^ See above, pag^ 463. 




The actnal iDflatioQ of the irredeemable paper onr- 
rency of New England began in 1712 to 1718. Silver 
had been long current at 88. per oz., and this vinwot 
constituted the par of exchange.^ In 1712 the '"'"■ 
value began to rise in all commercial transactions. The 
act of December 1, 1727, regulated the price o£ silver for 
debts previously contracted. It fixed the value at 8s. for 
1710, 1711; at 8s. Gd. for 1712, 1713; at 98. for 1714, 
1715; at 10s. for 1716, 1717; at lis. for 1718; at 12s. 
for 1719, 1720 ; at 13a. for 1721 ; at 14a. for 1722 ; at 
16«. for 1723 ; at 17». for 1724-27. Thia valuation in 

1 MS., Robert Hale Beverly, about 1720, Am. Ant. Soe. 
0/ the Exchange of Coins. 
" tniuciltwd ST comiriled by Robert Btn-tly." 

In the Exckanrje of Coin, It ia Necessary y' j* Par or Value of y* 
Money in Each Place be Exactly known : for y* Word Par SignifyeB 
to Equalize y* Money of Exchange from one Place, with y' of anotber 
Place. As w* I take up so much money per Exchange in one place, 
to pay y* Just Value j^ot in anoth' lir-d of mony in another Place, 
w' oat having reapect to y" price currant of Exchange for y' Same, 
but only for w' y' mony doe currantly pass for in Each place ; From 
w^" may be easily found out y' profit & Loss of all Monies Drawn 
OF Emitted by Exchange. 

But y* Par being Grounded priucipnlly upon y' Currant value of 
Coin, y' Plenty & Scarcity y"" of, y" rising & falling, Inliancem' & 
Debasing of y* Same. It must necessarily follow, y" y* value of Coin 
ii subject unto Change. An example w"*of is France where y' Coin 
has been Changed, Inhanced & Lowered for Several times iu a few 


the early years corresponds with actual transactions as 
recorded. February 25, 17}J, John Edwards, of Boston, 
bills a porringer to George Curwin, of Salem.^ The sil- 
ver is charged at 85. per oz. " y* advanced " at 7i per 
cent., " y* fashion " (the making) at 13c?. per oz. In a 
bill for several articles — pepper-box, whistle, porringer, 
salver, spout cup with a cover — amounting to <£16.19.11, 
from October 20, 1715, to July 28, 1716, the silver is 
charged at 85., the advance at 15 per cent. ; " y* fashion '* 
varies with the ai-ticles, and the whistle is mounted with 
6s. worth of coraL In Lieutenant James Lindsey's in- 
ventory,^ 1715, silver is valued at 8s., and 11 per cent, 
advance. In Hannah Clarke's effects, £57.10.9 rates at 
Os. per oz. in 1717 ; ^ other inventories range from 8^?. 
to JOs. 

• In Rhode Island the depreciation was more rapid, and 
Silver in silvcr was at 12s. per oz. in 1715.* She had 
^^^"^•made smaU emissions in 1710, 1711, for the . 
current wants of her treasury. In 1715 she began more 
heroic measures, issuing her first " bank " of £40,000. 
These banks followed in rapid succession until the ninth 
was made in 1750. Then the colony was debarred further 
issue by the action of the British government. A bank 
was distinguished from an ordinary issue of bills of credit, 
or treasury notes, in that it was intended principally 
for a loan of the public credit to individual borrowers. 
The Rhode Island bills of the first banks were loaned to 
residents on mortgages at five per cent, interest for pe- 
riods of ten years. The security was in real estate iov^ 
double the value of the loan. The annual payment of 
interest was not required in the mortgages, but was pro-'^ 
vided for in separate bonds. These were not regularly 
collected, and a large part of the interest was lost.^ Def- 

1 Cunoin MS., Am. Ant. Soc. 2 Suffolk P. R., xviiL 604. / 

« Suffolk P. R.y xix. 322. * R. I. C. R,, v. 9. 

* Potter and Rider, R. /. Tracts, No. 8, pp. 11, 16, 81. 


inite amounts were assigned to each town in the colony^' 
Connecticut was more moderate, and kept her paper from 
undue depreciation. In 1718 she was able to say that 
her bills of credit had been used since 1709, '^ the whole 
course of trade having been generally managed and regu- 
lated thereby ; " and she made them a legal tender uutil 
~N1727.' New Hampshire imitated the larger governments 
both in issuing and in suspending payment at maturity. 
She conferred with the other three colonies " about some 
method to advance the credit of the medium of exchange " 
in 1720.' 

The pending inflation had been a disturbing cause in 
Massachusetts since 1707, but it did not dei-ange i„p,«utioa 
the currency immediately. The bills passed and ^"^^ 
did the work of a currency as long as there was a good 
prospect of their final redemption. In 1707 the collec- 
tion of the taxes — which was the virtual redemption of 
the paper — was postponetl for three years ; in ITOOfor 
four years ; in 1710 for five years ; in 1711 for six years. 
The volume of the bills grew larger with every emission, 
and their credit grew less as the Province repudiated its 
own debts. The motive for non-payment was not repudi- 
ation. The presence of France on the borders oppressed 
the New England consciousness, and constant efEorts were 
being made to drive her off. Patriotism, however mis- 
taken in its methods, impelled the New England men, and 
not a mere desire for the intoxication of inflation. There 
was no money ; it must be had for another and another 
expedition. For nearly forty years the inflation contin- 
ued. September 18, 1749,^ the pariiamentary remittance 
of 653,000 oz. silver and ten tons of copper arrived in 
Massachusetts Bay. England had sent the money on 
condition that the bills of credit be redeemed. 

> Col. Rec. Conn. 1718, p. 74 ; and see Trumbull, Ct., ii. 47. 
* N. H. Prov. Pap., ii. 733. 
» Felt, Mom. Currenq/, p. 124. 



To enforce the circulation of the bills, the colonies en- 
j^g^ acted repeatedly that they should be a legal 

**"***'• tender wherever contracts did not specify to the 
contrary. These measures were ineffective, and increased 
the financial confusion always incident to a defective cur- 
rency. Debtors, always reluctant in paying, delayed more, 
to secure the advantage of buying legal tender bills at 
lower and still lower prices. 

In the Bay,^ the commercial centre, there were three 
Three the- parties, cach respectable in wealth and public 
oriea. consideration, but actuated by separate theories 

in finance : the first, buUionist, believing in no paper 
money and opposing all kinds ; the second, in favor of 
private or associated land banks.^ This party made such 
headway in the commercial community that the projec- 
tors were about to issue bills relying on their associated 
credit, when they were prohibited by the direct action of 
the Council of the Province. The third, wishing a 
large volume of currency, like the second, were enabled 
to persuade the buUionists that it would be better to keep 
the issues from private hands and within control of the 
government, and its policy prevailed in the final action of 
the Province. 

Massachusetts issued a " bank " of £50,000, in 1714, of 
the same kind as that already described in Rhode Island. 
One fifth of the principal, with interest at five per cent., 
was made payable each year. But in fact the loans were 
extended, and in some cases were unpaid for more than 
thirty years. New Hampshire in one year made " banks " 
or loans at twenty-three years and at eleven years, at 
5 per cent, and at 10 per cent, interest.^ 

1 See Nar. and CriU Hist. Amer.y v. 170-176. 

2 See pamphlets : *^ Projection for erecting a Bank of Credit in Bos* 
ton, founded on Land Security ; 

A Vindication from the aspersions of PavX Dudley m a Letter to John 
Burrillf etc, 
« N H. Prov, Pap,, iii. 671, 688. 


Our Freooli neighbors in Canada had resorted to a 
rudely formed paper ourreney earlier than our forefathers 
did. In 1685 the Intendant Meules began to issue by 
the medium of common playing-cards. These were eut 
into four pieces and signed by proper officers. It was 
said to be redeemable, not in ooin, but in bills of exchange. 
In 1714 the amount had risen to two million livres, Al>out 
this time the circulation broke down, and it was partially 

New York, always affected by the commercial move- 
ments of her Eastern neighbors, was forced to 
issue bills. In 1717 these circulated in Boston 
at 25 per cent, better rates than prevailed for those of 
Massachusetts. There were parties there, as elsewhere, 
favoring and opposiug the use of paper money. Governor 
Hunter claimed that the effect was beneficial to the whole 
people, increasing the movement of trade by at least one 
half. "This circulation enables the many to trade, to 
some small loss to the few who had monopolized it." ' The 
struggle over the issues extended to London. In the next 
year a sum of money was sent there from New York to 
enable Mr. Baker, a merchant, to oppose the New York 
" money bills " before the authorities at home.^ In 1719 
the Lords of Trade reported on tlie petition to the Lords 
Justices adversely. They state their reasons for believ- 
ing that the bills had helped the trade of the Province, 
and would continue to be beneficial, if not over-issued.* 
This whole story is an interesting episode in the history 
of currency. The unit of issue was an ounce of silver, 
and not a pound or dollar. This was stated to be equal 
to 8s. in all the colonies. The act assigned one half the 
issue, dividing it among specified creditors. This ^ in it- 

» Parkman, CHd Reg., p. .TOO. * Doe. Col. N. Y., v. pp. 494, 600. 

* Doe. Col. N. v., V. 514. • Ibid., p. 524. 

* But tbe said Merchants couiplaining that out of the 41,517^ 
oimcea of Plate raised by bilb of Credit on this Act, 22,749 Oi' are 


self is one of the cariosities of legislation, yet it did not 
prejudice the authorities at Whitehall against the issues. 
New York had at this time the advantage, accruing from 
a brisk circulating medium, in better credit than neighbor- 
ing currencies. In 1718 Governor Hunter claimed that 
the bills were equal to silver " over the greatest part of 
the English continent," ^ and 30 per cent, better than the 
local bills on " 'change '* in Boston. In 1721, according to 
Governor Burnet,^ the credit of the bills was about as 
good ; silver was but sixpence per ounce premium, which 
was but little more than the levelling of the exchange, as 
was claimed.^ 

Meanwhile Massachusetts, having taken deeper draughts 

of a seductive and intoxicating kind, was feeling 

Masaachu. thc pressurc of her financial debauch. English 

setts. • . . . 

crown and province government had failed in 
all eflForts to stop the flow of new bills, or to reduce the 

divided among the legislators and their friends, it will be necessary 

to enter into a particular discussion of this objection. 

Whereas therefore it appears by their account that the Act directs 

there shall be paid — 

oances. dwt. 

To the Governor 2,525 

To the Council 2,750 

To the Assembly 6,00916 

For Negroes Executed for Rebellion 950 

To several for Services done to the Colony ..... 2,662 17 

For Paym* of Sev* debts formerly provided for .... 1,404 17 

For Building and Repairs ' 550 

For making lines & for the Agent of y* Colony .... 3,750 
To the Commissions who adjusted the Debts & for 

charges relating to y* Act & Bills of Credit .... 2,147 

22,749 10 
Doc, Col N. y., V. 624. 

1 Doc. Col. N. r., V. 514. 

2 On the contrary, Mr. Thos. Amory, of Boston, in his MS. letters, 
1720, quotes New York bills at 10«. ; Massachusetts and Rhode Isl- 
and, at 125. 9d, in silver. 

« Doc. N y., v. 700. 

1713-45.] RETURN TO COUNTRY PAY. 479 

old ones by redemption. All expedients failed to check 
their declining credit. In the issue of 1720 the five per 
cent, advance — added in every previous issue, and in- 
tended to maintain the par — was dropped, for it hat! no 
effect. At the same time the weary financiers returned 
to the ways of the seventeenth century, and made a par- 
tial currency of produce which lasted until 1723. Through 
the scarcity of bills it was so difficult to convert produce 
or property of any kind into bills and thus pay the rates, 
tiiat produce was made legal tender for rates, at prices to 
be fixed by the General Assembly. The treasury accepted 
beef, pork, or mackerel in barrel, butter in firkin, cheese, 
wheat, peas, barley, rye, Indian com, oats, flax, hemp, 
bees'-waz, hides, tanned leather, dry fish, oil, whalebone, 
bayherry wax, or tallow. The list shows considerable ex- 
tension of products and some omissions. The early lum- 
ber disappears natui'ally, but we should expect wool to be 
included. The next year, the governor having opposed 
issues under pressure from England, the House memo- 
rialised him for more. They said that he had consulted 
the principal merchants and gentlemen of Boston, seek- 
ing some measure for a better " medium of trade," but 
nothing came of it, and they would have at least X100,000 
more to pay public debts, and to float trade. They ad- 
mitted that further depreciation would be bad. They 
were sure this would be prevented by the act i„gjrt,tiT» 
just passed, forbidding the sale of silver or bul- •■p*''""'* 
lion at higher prices than those fixed by Parliament. Had 
this act been passed in the beginning, " in our judgment," 
the bills " had to this day " been equal to silver money. 
Such sublime confidence have legislators in their fiat I 
Governor Shute gave way for one half, and consented to 
the emission of £50,000. It was secured by taxes on 
polls and estates, real and personal, one tenth ' to be re- 

' For a apeoimea of the bonds given bj boTTowers see R.I. Tracl3, 
nL 19. 


deemed in each year, commencing in 1726. It was distrib- 
uted to the towns on a basis of taxation, each choosing its 
own trustees for letting it out. Worcester put its share 
into " ye finishing of ye meeting house.'* ^ In 1724, after 
a great debate, £30,000 was issued.^ In 1725 European 
goods, not perishable in their nature, brought 250 per 
cent, advance on the first cost^ In the next year pro- 
visions had advanced about one third from the old prices 
in specie. 

The few contemporary accounts existing- are very pa- 
thetic concerning the effect produced by this shifting me- 
dium of exchange on the common business of the people. 
Bad flnctiM. Trade was afloat without moorings, and steered 
^^ by a compass which fluctuated with every issue 

of bills, and even with every vote or debate affecting 
those issues. Thomas Amory, the founder of a long line 
of Boston merchants, writes to his correspondent, Wil- 
liam Jones, of Bristol, Eng., May 24, 1727 : " We shall 
soon see if the Loan Money will be continued. The Lower 
House is {or it. The Shopkeepers have generally no 
money. I have sent to them twice a week. . . . We are 
all in hopes trade will be better when the Assembly breaks 
up. Should your debts come in, I Shall ship you Log- 
wood or whatever else will best turn to account. Mrs. 
Ann Hutchinson and Mr. Samuel Koyal have shut up 
their shops and desire time for the paymeDt of their debts. 
As yet their affairs are not settled, but by all reports they 
have enough to pay everybody. It was said others had a 
mind to shut up, if the merchants continued to be so hard 
upon them." ^ 

In October he informs the same Bristol merchant : ^^ It 

* Worcester Rec.y ii. 26. 

^ 5 M, H, C,f viii. 315. For details of bills outstanding, see Felt, 
Mass. Currency^ p. 80. 

* Amory MS. Letters, pp. 192 et seq.p in possession of Thomas C. 


is likely your goods wilt fall by reason of the great 
Bcarcity of money. Tlie like was never known, and the 
shopkeepers by their bad pay will occasion the factors a 
bad name. For my own part I shall arrest those who 
owe me for the next court, if not for this — as I cannot 
avoid it." 

In Xovember the merchants are still awaiting the ac- 
tion of "Onr Assembly," trusting that they will "make 
money or contrive some way for the better encouragement 
of trade." Debtors could not or would not pay, and cred- 
itors hesitated whether to await better payments in the 
expected increase of currency, or to pursue them in the 
courts at once. But in January the situation is no clearer. 
Buyers and sellers, creditors and debtors waited, almost 
concluding that there would be no more money. " The 
lower House endeavoured to have X60,000 issued, but the 
upper House would not concur, which occasions a great 
deal of uneasiness." ^ 

Rhode Island was now — in 1728 — in the throes of its 
"Third Bank," issued for the redemption of j^, 
its First Bank of £40,000. The preamble re- ■^,^.'' 
fleets on a large scale the condition of affairs' "^• 
shown in Mr. Amory's letters. Massachusetts absorbed a 
large portion of the Rhode Island bills, as long as their 
credit was fair. The puzzled legislative economists said: 
" not only Trade and Commerce, which are the Nerves 
and Power of Government, begins in a sensible manner to 
Decline, Stagnate and Decay, but the publick Affairs of 
the Colony, of the greatest Importance, and those things 
whereon depend our Peace and Safety, for want of a 
proper and sufficient medium of exchange."' They subor- 
dinated the social and economic motives for isBuiog paper 
to the political ones. This was to sugar the pill for the 
appetites of the English supervisors. The home govern- 
ment winked at issues to pay for fortifications and war- 
1 R. I. Traela, viii. 23. 


like expeditions against enemies of the crown, while it 
professed to forbid issues of paper money for a *'*' me- 
dium," or for direct inflation. 

Evidently the credit of the ** First Bank " was partially 
paralysed, and needed the stimulus of a new issue to re- 
vive the circulation. The theory of the issues was that 
the bills should be loaned out, the interest met, and the 
principal repaid by those who received them on loan. 
Then they should be loaned again to other recipients. 
But the preamble argues that this would not be just. 
The government was in honor bound not to keep out 
^^ said Bank longer than necessity required, or to the Prej- 
udice of said Currency." But the rights and duties of 
the debtors were treated very tenderly. They had been 
^' very punctual and exact [this statement is controverted 
by well known facts] in the payment of the Interest 
thereof, for the canying on those wise ends and purposes 
for which the same was emitted, and sundry of them by 
paying Interest, have been so exhausted in their Stock, 
that for the Government to exact the Payment in of said 
Bank in compleat Sums at one time, as the same was 
emitted, would inevitably tend to the Ruin and Destruc 
tion of many Families, good Subjects of the King." ^ 
The issue was made, followed by another in 1731, and 
by one of £100,000 in 1733. The Bay authorities tried 
in vain to keep the Rhode Island bills out of their mar- 
kets. The credit of the bills at this time corresponded 
with tliat of Massachusetts. Afterwards it was relatively 
lower. Silver in Rhode Island was at 18^. per ounce in 
1728 ; 22«. in 1731 ; 255. in 1733.a 

The drift of the colonial paper money was in one direc- 
Tho iMvitik. ^^oiL. The issue was easy, and debts to the treas- 
bie courw. jjj.y ^epQ easily contracted ; collections were more 
difficult. New Hampshire called on the town of Kingston ' 

1 /?. /. Tracts, viii. 22. « R. I. C. /?., v. 10, 11. 

• N H. Prov. Pap., iv. 621. 

1713-45.] SILVER MOUNTS UPWARD. ^83 

for £500 loaoed there. It divided the whole payment 
into three parts, and attempted to raise the i-ate of interest 
from 3 per cent, to 10 per cent, per annum. According 
to Governor Burnet, this little proviuce was in great need 
of currency. A company of " private gentlemen " ' at- 
tempted to make an issue of bills on their own account. 
Conservative C onnect i c ut^ was dragged into the current . 
of inaation. In 1733lhe issued X20,000, and fixed the W 
rate of silver at 208. per ounce.^ The pressure for cur- 
rency was so strong that legislatures must jrield. When 
goyernment would not furnish " a medium," private 
companies did it. The New London Society for Trade 
and Commerce circulated notes which were current until 
prohibited by the authorities.* • When arraigned, they 
asserted that their notes were not bills of credit but of 
exchange. This society ^ numbered some eighty members, 
scattered over the whole colony. It obtained loans from 
the colonial treasury on mortgages. It built vessels and 
undertook various adventures; issued notes having twelve 
years to run. Its prosperity lasted about two years. 
We traced the rise of silver, in inventories^ of personal 
> N. H. Prvv. Pap., iv. 685. y 

• See iV. Haven H. C, i. 60, 62, for accoant of depreolation. -^ 

• Trambull, Cl., u. 48. 

* Col. Ree. Conn. 1733, p. 421 ; 1735. p. 15. 
' Caulkins, Ntm London, p. 243. 

* Svffolk P. R., XIV. 301. 1728. Example of a mixed cmrency : -~ 

Mn. Eli:^beth Berry. £ ». 4. 

302 01. of silver nianej and plate at 16 / per ui. . . . 241 12 00 

fil Bhillings of English monef 07 13 00 

1 Lyon dollar 4 00 

3 pistoles in gold, at 50 / 7 10 00 

1 English guinea 30300 

1 piece of gold called a Carolia 3 00 00 

Id paper raonej 202 10 00 

In 1737 {Bos. Nans Let., July 14), William Brown found con- 
cealed 1,003 oz. silver, including about 6,000 virgin shillings of New 


estates, to the year 1717, as it went up steadily from 8«., 
the standard or practical par value. And we ch«ngeain 
compared the rated values fixed by law.^ In the ■*^^*'' 
inventories, prices went up steadily, and in general were 
slightly lower than those fixed by law for all transactions. 
As silver went higher, there was more relative fluctuation 
in values for the same year. I cite from the Suffolk Pro- 
bate Records : In 1719-20, silver was at lOs. to 11«. per 
oz., gold at £8 ; 1721, silver 12«. ; 1722, silver 125. to 
138., gold £9; 1726, silver 15«., gold £11 lOs. ; 1727, 
silver 155. ; 1728, at I65. ; 1730, at 18«. ; 1731, at 18«. to 
18s. Qd. ; 1733, at 26«. ; 1734, at 22«. to 25«. ; 1735, at 268. 
to 28«. ; 1736, at 27«. to 288. Qd. ; 1737, at 278. ; 1738, at 
278. to 298. ; 1739, at 28*. to 308. ; 1740, at 288. to 308. ; 

1744, Adam Winthrop's silver was valued at 328. In 

1745, the price was 338. to 368., while gold was at X24. 
These prices of silver are an index of the disturbing force 
acting within this volume of irredeemable paper currency. 
/The greatest of our industries, the building of ships 

for export, was now being checked by the de- 
Bhipboud- rangement of prices. Natural advantages were 

not changed ; timber and constructive skill were 
here still. The laws of exchange had revealed at last the 
cramping and restrictive elements always inherent in the 
expansive forces of paper money. Peter Faneuil advised 
an English correspondent in 1736 : " You will see by 
these Ace"* how dear build'g is : it is much cheaper to buy 
Vessells in the river of Thames than to have them built 
here for the Present." ^ 

But the derangement of values, and the embarrassment 
of trade through fluctuations of its circulating mediuni, 
only tell half the story of the time. There was no lack 
of comprehension of the difficulties, and the unsoundness 

* See above, p. 473. 

* Peter Faneuil to William Limbery, March 22, 1736, Leaer Book 
at N. £. H. and Gren. Soo. 


of the situation. Bat no one could conceive of any suf- 
ficieot remedy. Governor Belcher's messages in 1733 
and 1734 are as sagacious as if written in the light of 
our modem experiences. He tells the legislators that the 
hills say " equal to money," yet " 16a. worth will not 
purchase bs. lawful money," The several loans of the 
Province, " after so many years' indulgence to the bor- 
rowers," must he paid without delay. The bills of the 
private bank, or merchants' notes, were expected to assist 
the currency of the Province bills ; instead of that, they 
had hastened the general depreciation of paper. 

This increasing flood of currency is the mysterious 
element, the fever germ, in the body economic 
and commercial. All collateral testimony indi- cKuu»iih 
Gates a debauched public sentiment. The essays 
written at Cambridge for the master's degree' are one 
index of opinions prevailing from year to year. In 1728 
the thesis was, " Does the issue of paper money contribute 
to the public good ? " which was maintained in the affirm- 
ative. In 1738, " Is the abundance of paper money re- 
ceived from the neighboring colony a serious hindrance to 
our commerce ? " — afBrmative likewise. As above said, 
the depreciation and the entanglement thereby but half 
reveals the trouble. Each inflation bred a new aud a 
greater one ; the lai^er the quantity, the lower the quality 
of paper, the greater and more intense was the demand 
for an increase of quantity. This demand came not from 
mere speculators and grasping traders ; it included some 
of the best citizens. These private banks represented a 
widely spread need of the public. I have mentione<l 
Connecticut. New Hampshire had one also, but Massa- 
chusetts was the centre of their activity. Several were 
formed there, — the most important and significant in 
1740. It was called a "Land " or "Land aud Manufao- 
tares Bank." ^ 

' Prot. M. H. S. 1S80, pp. 124, 125. 
* Felt, Mau. Currency, pp. 102-105. 


This institution turned first property, then the credit 
^ ^ based on property, into a paper promise which 
***'*^ should circulate and perform the functions of 

money. The capital was £150,000 in £100 shares. The 
whole cash payment was two shillings lawful money on 
each <£100 subscribed. Each subscriber must make over 
an ^^ Estate in Lands to the Satisfaction of the Direc- 
tors," and then pay in three per cent, per annum '^ in any 
of the following Manufactures, being the produce of this 
Province, viz., Hemp, Flax, Cordage, Bar Iron, Cast Iron, 
Linnens, Sheep's Wools, Copper, Tanned Leather, Flax 
Seed, Bees'-Wax, Bayberry-Wax, Sail Cloth, or Canvas, 
Nails, Tallow, Lumber or Cord Wood, or Logwood, though 
from New Spain." 

These products were to be received at the prices fixed 
by the directors, or the shareholder could pay his dues 
in the company's bills. *' Artificers and Traders in this 
town of Boston in good Credit, who have not Real Estate 
to mortgage, but can give good personal Security to the 
Satisfaction of the Directors," were admitted to subscribe, 
each for one share only. 

The "Bills" issued were promises by the company, 
first, to receive the said bill as lawful money, then in 
twenty years to repay the "value thereof, in Manufac- 
tures of this Province." Briefly, the institution was this : 
a private corporation received land chiefly for its capital 
stock ; on this capital it received an income of three per 
cent, in produce or rough manufactures. For the list 
excludes cereals and the primary agricultural products, 
as well as fish and general merchandise. It issued bills 
of twenty shillings, more or less, to be circulated on the 
credit of this property pledged to the corporation. The 
issues were loaned on mortgages and ordinary securities, 
the loans and interest to be repaid in the company's bills 
or the aforesaid manufactures. A surplus equal to the 
capital was to be reserved, and the remaining profits di« 


Tided among the shareholders. N^o dividend is recorded, 
but the affair, as well as others of its kind, played a great 
part in the circulating currency. All these schemes tried 
to turn some kind of credit into money, without the 
modem factor of instant or possible redemption of tlie 
circulating medium in specie. 

Nothing more clearly i-eveals the debauched condition 
of the public credit and the redundant issues of 
provincial paper, than the fact of these schemes tiooot 
and the avidity of the people in seizing upon the 
money. In 1741 and 1742, parties advertised various 
merchandise to be sold for " Manufactory bills," ^ Gov- 
ernor Belcher and his Council not only forbade the organ- 
isation of the company, but used all their power to pre- 
vent the circulation of the bills. Samuel Adams, father of 
the great reformer, and other justices of high position and 
character, resigned their offices under pressure fi-om the 
Executive. " All ofBcers, civil and military, concerned in 
this combination," were dismissed. Colonels were ui^d 
by the governor, under his own hand, to dismiss any offi- 
cers guilty of promoting the circulation of the company's 
bills. But whole troops, almost whole regiments, in- 
sisted on using the bills at all hazards. Henry Lee, of 
Worcester, writes, " I am determined to do what I can to 
encour^^ it (the Bank), and think the priviledge of an 
Englishman is my sufficient warrant." Some towns re- 
solved that tliey would use sueli money in the payment of 
rates. Thus confused were the notions of iiolitical inde- 
pendence, financial stability, and solveut currency in the 
eighteenth century. 

Among the directors was the well-known Robert Hale, 
of Beverly, who was snubbed by the Council of 
the Province for daring to present the scheme to Enie'iai- 
their notice. We get at his ideas of a currency 

1 Boiton News Letter, Oct. 29, 1741 j BoUon Evening Post, Juno 14, 
1742 ; Ibid., June 21, 1T42. 


through a manuscript diary he made of a trip into Acadia 
in 1731. In the Bay of *' Chiquecto " he met an Indian 
trader, Pierre Asneau, who came twenty miles across from 
St. John's with furs and seals for sale or barter. He 
" would give no more (or scarce so much) for our goods as 
they cost in Boston, so that all the advance our tradera 
can make is upon their Goods." ^ Nevertheless, all the 
Province was obliged by the proclamation of Governor 
Phillips to take Massachusetts bills, unless contracts 
specified otherwise. Money was the worst commodity 
there. Traders would not take it, and Indians would not 
part with their furs for it. Consequently there was little 
trade among the inhabitants ; each raised produce for him- 
self. The landlord of the tavern, though one of the 
richest men, had only bd. in money. Hale saw that the 
abounding promises of the state had fallen so low in 
credit that they would hardly perform the offices of money. 
Perhaps he believed that a bill based on actual property 
was more sound than a mere provincial promise to pay. 
The common circulation of these land and manufacture 
bills shows that the public shared this opinion, though it 
proved a delusion finally. 

In describing the private currency or land bank move- 
oidand ment, we have passed by an important change 
New Tenor, j^ ^^xQ public cmissious. This occurrcd in 1737 
at Massachusetts, and in 1740 at Rhode Island ; and it 
separates the two kinds into " Old and New Tenor." ^ 
All issues had been made in bills for twenty shillings — 
more or less — " in value equal to money." Henceforth 
they were made in value equal to a specified weight of 
silver or gold. The new bills were promises to pay 
definite sums of specie. Some of the Rhode Island issues 
promised the definite sum, or in addition ^^ such a sum in 
any medium of exchange as shall be passing in the Gov- 

^ MS. Diary, R. Hale, Am. Ant. Soc. 

2 Felt, Mass, Currency^ p. 92 ; i2. /. Hist. Tracts^ Rider, viii. 63. 


«rninent as will be equal to so much Silver or Gold." ' 
The Massachuaetts issues of 1737 were at 69. Sd. per ounce 
in silver, or £^ 18s. per ounce in gold ; tbe Rhode Island 
issues of 1740 were at 6a. Qd. per ounce in silver, or £6 
per ounce in gold. Tbe Maasacbusetts were receivable 
for all taxes, except import, tonnage, and ligbt-bouse 
dues ; these latter were payable in specie, intended for 
tbe redemption of the bills. The Kbode Island were 
receivable for all dues to tbe colony. Tbe Massachusetts 
government attempted to fix tbe value of tbe new tenor 
at one for thre e of tbe old, but the current rate became 
one for four.^ Tbe same proportion prevailed in Kbode 

The latter colony found great difficulty in collecting 
tbe loans, as tbey became due, by which the currency 
had been issued at various times. In 1741 there were 
more than five hundred suits at law in Providence 
County based on the mortagages and bonds of tbe bor- 

At this period, 1741, we see in a merchant's letter* s 
picture of the mixed and vacillating currencies, conflicting 
These all mingled in the Boston exchanges, each '''''™'"'™- 
struggling with the other. There were first " public bills " 
— old tenor — of four Provinces at 29s. per ounce of sil- 
ver; new tenor of Maesachusetts at Qs. Sd., but current 
at 9«. 8d. ; Connecticut at 8s. ; Rhode Island at 6s. 9rf. 
Of privat« bills there was a parcel of ^£110,000 of "silver 
money scheme or mere]iants' notes," issued in 1733 in an 
endeavor to cut off the circulation of Rhode Island notes 
in Massachusetts. Being redeeme<l punctually in specie, 
these were a favorite tender at 33 per cent, better rates 
than Province bills. Another parcel of £120,000, issued 
by wealthy mercliants in 1740, based on silver, to cut off 

> R. I. H. T., viii. 51. ^ Felt, Mast. Currency, p. 93. 

* R. I. HUl. TracU, viii. 56. 

* Cited bf Pelt, p. 107 ; and sec Csulkiiu, Norwkh, p. 203. 



the circulation of Land Bank notes. The latter bills 
were payable in twenty years, and " then only in goods 
at an arbitrary price." There was considerable gold and 
silver coin, but not in circulation. It was eagerly taken 
by the merchants for remittance to England.^ 

We see here two parties, one representing capital, 
Theoppo*- and desiring a circulating medium of money, 
ingpartiM. ^^ quickly convertible into money by the best 
means known at that time. The other party represented 
property and credit, seeking to convert this credit into a 
circulating medium which should move independently of 
money, especially of silver and gold, the best form of 
money. The " fiat " or credit money party has continued 
and probably will always continue its expedients for dis- 
pensing with silver and gold. A currency, to be convert- 
ible and elastic, demands in the last resort a basis of 
money which the whole world will accept. In certain 
seasons this valuable commodity, silver or gold, becomes 
scarce ; just as water, abundant in the mountains, be- 
comes a commodity of enormous value in the desert. 
Possessors of gold or silver will always sell their com- 
modity dear when the supply is little and the demand is 
great. Probably ingenious speculators will always try 
to escape the final responsibility to pay gold and silver. 

The Land Bank^ was a political as well as financial 
Pouticai development. Parties divided, and legislators 
agitauon. ^qj^q elected or defeated, on this issue. The 
doggerel of the time shows, — 

" The Laod Bauk and the Silver Scheme 
Was all last winter's noisy theme, 
Till their debates, at length, were sent 
For issue to the Parliament." 

A commission in 1741 reported that the Land Bank had 
issued X35,582 in notes. Their operations were stopped 

1 Proc. M. H. S. 1860, p. 124. 
^ Hutchinson, Diary^ p. 51. 

1713-46.] EXHAUSTED FINANCES. 491 

in 1T42 by positive act of Parliament. The concern 
dragged for years througli all the stages of loss aod dis- 
aster; the estates of surviviug directors were tin ally as- 
sessed for losses incurred through the bank. 

Massachusetts attempted to regulate her currency in 
1742 by an "Equity Bill." Hutchinson ba<l tried in 
vain to raise a loan of 220,000 oz. silver in England in 
1740 for redeeming Province bills. This provided that 
all coined sterling silver should pass at Ga. 8d. per ounce 
troy. All fnture emissions of paper were to be equal to 
hard money. All debts contracted within five years were 
to be paid in this money, imleas otherwise specially 
agreed. This was expected to solve the troubles of 
mixed currencies. But it only proved that governments 
can make money, but cannot make a currency. Gresh- 
am's law worked steadily ou. The specie-bearing notes 
were hoarded and disappeared from circulation, wliile 
the citizens were forced to use the poorer paper of the 
adjoining governments.^ 

The especial interest of the currency — now in 1745 — 
merges in the larger interest of the whole peo- .j^ p^^^ 
pie. The economic and the political motive "™')'- 
joined with race antipathy in working toward the expul- 
sion of the French from Acadia and Canada. New 
England put forth all its strength in the memorable ex- 
pedition against Louisburgh. It was a colonial effort ; 
the rich home government did little, the poor colonists 
did almost everything, in tiiis bold assault and capture of 
the French stronghold. Exhausted Massachusetts could 
not float any moro paper money, though a sea of patriot- 
ism buoyed up her vessels and drove her expeditions 
northward. She resorted to a lottery, the shares payable 
one fifth in new tenor, remainder in old tenor, four for 
one, to raise X7,500 in the dire need of the treasury. We 

1 For a history of the currency, and tor ita literature, see A'or. 
md Crii. A/iterka, v. 170-177. 


may leave the consideration of the currency, and turn 
/ backward into other avenues of social development. 
^ —Industry is the keynote of our history. The essential 

nature of the people put forth this form of out- 
landiDdn*- Ward activity, as surely as the Latins devoted 

themselves to conquest. It has been said, there 
are only two ways of raising one's self : the first, by one's 
own industry ; the second, by the imbecility of others. The 
latter opportunity soon went out from the experience and 
from the story of New England. Norsemen in Europe 
preyed on enfeebled peoples. The Norse vein in our 
blood foimd little, beyond the land of the aborigines, on 
which it could be fed. The Scandinavian Teuton, in this 
later England, created his fortune by his own industry ; 
an incessant building-in of all the forces and products of 
a very reluctant Nature into new returns of civilisation. 
It was this domestic activity, this laboring industry in 
house, farmstead, and village, which supplied the fisher- 
men, and pushed out sailors into the ventures of foreign 
commerce. This industrial fever, productive irritant, man- 
ufacturing stimulant, throbbing through the remotest dis- 
tricts and beating along the shores, impelled the people 
to constant manipulation and the best rendering of all 
the goods within their reach. It was not any virtue in 
paper money which kept afloat these currencies we have 
been describing. It was the intense productive and ex- 
changing energy of the people — an economic appetite 
which must feed, on gold if it could be had ; failing that, 
on the husks of paper. 

This principle is reflected also in the conduct of the 

land. Agi'iculture proper changed its relations 

but little in consequence of the paper inflation. 
Prices of land imderwent no change corresponding to 
the great disturbance and inflation of the currency. 
Prices of tracts distant from houses, or far from the vil- 
lage centres, were much lower than centrally situated 

1713-46.] THE FARMING LANDS. 493 

lots. In John Eliot'a land at Hartford, in 1719,' the 
meadow was at X8 per acre ; other lands and " the 
Becond meadow" were at X2.10. A tract on the "Co(>- 
per Hills " was at 2a. per a«re. In William Mitchell's, 
at Windsor, 1725,' a " right " iu a large tract of remote 
land was valued at Zs. 4(/. per acre. Tliese values cor- 
respond generally with those in Hadley ^ in 1722, — viz., 
2a. Qd. to 3«. per acre for meadows. In 1728 and 1729 
these lands had advanced to 7s. and 8s. ; and lots in a 
large tract of 5,000 acres were at 4s. to 6s, Choice 
meadow or village lots were at 18s. per acre. The Had- 
ley prices were all in silver, 6s. to the dollar. A farm 
. of 130 acres in Attlehoro', Mass., was offered at XlOO in 
1742.^ Sixty acres, fenced and improved, yielded 20 loads 
" English hay." There was an orchard and a small tan- 
yard. Among agricultural inventions we notice in 1728 
one hy a farmer at Springfield. It was a plongh for 
cutting hassocks in wet meadows. Drawn by four oxen, 
it would do as much as " Forty men shall do in the usual 
method with Hoes." * 

The Province of Massachusetts laid an impost on man- 
ufacture in 1718.^ The Lords of Trade report yr„„ 
to the king that Massachusetts has always '''"^°*- 
worked its wool ^ into coarse cloths, druggets and serges. 
But as this was a lame and impotent conclusion to the 
English administrative efforts for two generations in 
checking and suppressing these industries, they add that 
these goods, as well as their homespun linen, " generally 
half cotton," serve only " for the use of the meanest sort 
of people." The desccndimts of these mean people also 
wore homespun, hut in 1776 the crown found them to be 
monly tough fibre. Homespun was not sold in 

1 Hartford Proh. Ree. * Judd, p. S 

« Bo!. Neai. Lei., Sept. 30, 1742. 

* A'. E. Weekly Journal, JuDe 3, 1728. 

• Bancroft, ii. 238. * Doc. N. York, y. 8 


the shops.^ The prices* of weaving* in the Old Colony 
show the several varieties of fabrics. They are rendered 
in " Old Tenor " at forty five shillings. In 1714 weaving 
cotton and linen was &d. per yard. In 1715 kersey an ell 
wide paid 8(2., and plain linen the same ; kersey 10c/., and 
worsted for shirts 9c?. Evidently there were those espe- 
cially skilled in weaving who either went to the farmers' 
looms, or took in work at their own. In Waterbury, Ct.,* 
where the primitive habits lingered, Joseph Lewis, " a re- 
spected and substantial man," was a cloth-weaver as early 
; as 1706. Another, Thomas Clark, learned his trade of his 
uncle. In 1713 he wove plain cloth at Is, 8d. per yard, 
checked shii*ting at Is. Stf., drugget at 12(2., striped flan- 
nel, etc. Probably he wove in winter and in bad weather. 
He dealt also in molasses, salt, tobacco, nails, etc., a barter 
to forward his vocation probably. He was a responsible 
citizen, and was a justice of the peace in 1736. Clothiers, 
who finished the woven woollen fabrics, were well estab- 
lished, as we have seen, in the former century. Clothiers' 
shears are advertised, with " good iron screws and boxes 
for clothiers," also "presses." In 1740 "Philadelphia 
press paper for clothiers " appears in Boston.* 

The manufacture of flax into linen goods received a 
great impulse from the immigration of about 
one hundred Irish families® from Londonderry. 
About 1719 they settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, 
a few miles below Manchester, N. H. They also intro- 
duced the culture and use of the potato. They established 
a manufactory according to the Irish methods, and made 
the standard fabrics for which Ireland was famous. They 

^ Doc. N. York, v. ; Lon. Doc., xx. 

2 The " looms & utensils " of Joshua Bates, in Boston, 1742, were 
valued at £10 175. Suffolk P. R., xxxvi. 318. 

« Macy, Nantucket, p. 77. * Bronson, p. 144. 

» Bos, News. Let., 1722, Feb. 5 ; 1724, Dec. 3 ; 1740, March 29. 
• Belknap, N H., ii. 117. 


sptm^ and wove by hand, but with more skill tbaa had 
prevailed among our homespun artisans. This new indus- 
try partially replaced in that region the declining manu- 
facture of woollens. As the commons had been fenced 
in, the number of sheep diminished. The production oi 
domestic woollens increased in other districts, and fulling- 
mills were added in many towns as the settlements ex- 
tended.^ The governor of Massachusetts reported to the 
Board of Trade in 1731 that the country people then 
made only one third of their own wear in woollen. Two 
thirds was of British manufacture imported. Allowing 
for the ofBcial interest in diminishing the home manufac- 
ture, it would appear that the increase of a more generous 
living, which all evidence shows, was put into imported 

The Scotch Irish manufactures of linen in New Hamp- 
shire bad stimulated similar attempts in Boston. The 
public mind was much excited. Women, rich and poor, 
appeared OD the common with their wheels, spinning in 
holiday pastime. The craze soon died out, but meanwhile 
it created a brick building for special instruction in spin- 
ning. In 1737 ' a tax on carriages was assessed to support 
this industrial institution. It was abandoned after a few 
years. New Hampshire received hemp for taxes at one 
shilling per pound.* 

Great efforts were now made to extend the manufac- 
ture of canvas or duck. It had been made in small quan- 
tities.^ Massachusetts granted a monopoly in 1726^ to a 

* For an account of the Boston spinDing^ school see above, p. 198. 
Jo«. Clewly, a millwright at Maiden, has a " twisting mill," to twist 
iTorated, aod mahea thread. There is a " twiiie & line " spinner in 
Boston. Bos. Eve. Pout, April 12, Oct. 13, 1735. 

* Hal. Dorchester, p. 602 ; Chase, Haoerhitl, p. 253 ; Felt, Ipiicieh, 
p. 96. 

* This date akould be 1753. I am indebted for several corrections 
to KeT. W. R. BagnaU. 

* Belknap, N.'H., ii. 31. ' See above, p. 306. 

* Jfoji. ..Irai., Ui. 251. 


petitioner, and a bounty for each piece 85 yards long, 30 
inches wide, "of good even thread, well drove, of good 
bright color, being wrought wholly of good strong water- 
rotted hemp." 

She also paid considerable bounties on the growing o£ 
hemp previous to 1720,^ and by, especial act, in 1739, 
received it at Ad. per lb., with flax at 6d. per lb., for 
taxes.^ Andrew Eliot, cordwainer, advertises silk grass in 
" Boston News Letter," March 14, 1720. Connecticut 
began to make linseed oil.^ In 1723 Shode Island loaned 
<£3,000 in paper money to one Borden, on condition that 
he would manufacture 150 bolts of duck per year. In 
1731 the 150 bolt condition was released, and in 1736 the 
loan was extended three years longer.^ She paid bounties 
to the growers likewise.^ Richard Rogers, of New Lou- 
don, Ct., had eight looms in 1724 weaving duck, having 
expended £140, and in the following year it amounted to 
£250. The Court gave him a monopoly of the manufac- 
ture for ten years.® These liberal encouragements pro- 
duced no corresponding results. Prices inflated by paper 
currency forbade new manufactures competing with Eu- 

Contingent to the manufacture of flax we may notice 
Dyeing and *^® busiucss of Samucl Hall at Boston in 1722.^ 
finishing. jj^ takcs liucn cloth to be made into buckram, 
or will sell the latter " ready made." He is proficient in 
" callendering any silk," and in " watering, dying or scour- 
ing." In an advertisement of ] 726,^ of a '' silk dyer just 
come from London," more elaborate work is called for, as 
brocades, velvets, satins, mohairs, damask, needle - work, 
silks, worsted hose, with a great variety of other goods. 
In 1731 James Vincent and Joseph Herbert dye all sorts 

1 Bos, News Letter, 1720, March. 14. 2 Mass. Arch., ci. 626. 
« Conn. Col. Rec. 1717, p. 39. * R. L C. R., iv. 401, 454, 62t>. 

® Newport Hist. Mag., iv. 84 ; and R, L C. /?., iv. 474. 
« Caiilkins, N L., p. 409. ^ Bos. if em Let., July 2d. 

• Ibid., April 14, 1726. 


of women'a wearing apparel, with embroidery and needle^ 
work ; glaze fine chintz and calicoes ; " press, callender and 
new pack goods for merchants," ' 

We should look £or fans amid the elegant belongings 
of those Boston dames whose refined luxury made such 
impression on Bennet The fanmaker in Milk Street, in 
1741, continues his fan-mounts, with painting, etc. When 
he cannot sell fans he b busy with " all sorts of English 
and Dutch Toys." ' 

Iron, the great staple of industry, was produced in fair 
proportion to the development of other manufac- 
tures. Much the greater part of the metal used 
was obtained from the bog ores of southeastern Massfr- 
chusettfl. There was no large increase in the period we 
are treating. About 1721,* the report to the home gov- 
ernment mentioned the iron-works as erected " many years 
past" It ran that small quantities of the metal supplied 
the common use of the people, but in shipbuilding they 
preferred the better article from England. In the report 
of 173}, six furnaces and nineteen forges are set down for 
New England. 

The mining of the more refractory ores yielded small 
results, though attempts were constantly made as discov- 
eries were announced in new districts. New Hampshire 
was excited considerably by these movements in 1719.* 
The export of iron ore was prohibited, and land was 
granted in Portsmouth for the projected works. Direct 
encouragement from royalty was asked for and denied." 
Lieutenant Grovemor Wentworth and other prominent cit- 
izens engaged in the project. But by 1735* it was lan- 
guishing for the lack of skilled workmen, who could not be 
retained at the work in competition with other industries. 

A copper mine at Symsbury, Conn., was opened in 

• Boa. News Lei., June 24, 1731. ^ Bos. Jive. Pout, June 1, 1741. 

• Doe. N. York. t. 598. * N. H. Proo. Pap., iii. 759. 
■ N. H. Prot. Pap., UL 7S1. • Belkiup, N.II.,u.2». 


1721.^ A company had been formed to work it in 1707. 
An attempt at mining the same metal in Wallingford 
yielded but small results. Connecticut first proposed to 
establish a slitting-mill to draw iron into rods for nails 
and other purposes. She granted an exclusive right to 
Ebenezer Fitch and others at Stony Brook in 1716, and 
again at Suffield in 1722.^ I do not find any evidence 
that the attempt was successful. But metal-working was 
gaining ground. There was a mill " for grinding scythes," 
operated by Henry Gray, at Andover, Mass., in 1716.* 
Nathaniel Ayres had developed good facilities for forging 
heavy iron-work at Boston by 1720. Sawmills, ** crinks 
for sawmills," iron-work for gristmills, and all kinds of 
anchors under 600 pounds, indicate a business of import- 
ance for the period.* 

We should expect that fishhooks would be included 
early in the range of the mechanic arts. And we find in 
the inventory of Adam Bath,^ at Boston, in 1717, a variety, 
— 6,000 tomcod, 5,000 flounder, and 10,000 " small fish- 
hooks not finished." He had an assortment of wire, both 
iron and steel ; 2 bbls. of " fine card wire," and 3 lbs. of 
*' card wire." This would indicate that he made cards as 
well as fishhooks. 

America has ever kept the pioneer and the mechanic in 
close unison. While iron and silver smiths wielded Tubal 
Yankee In- Cain's hammer in Boston, the hardy settlers at 
8«»»»*^y. Concord, N. H., in 1729, faced another problem. 
A gristmill had been started, with a crank shaft tugged 
over on horseback from Haverhill. Hardly at work, the 
shaft broke on a flaw. No blacksmith, the iron nurse of 
early communities, was there, but the settlers knew what 
they were about. A pile of pitchpine knots made an 
impromptu forge.^ With beetle-rings and wedges they 

1 Col. Rec. Conn. 1717, p. 230. a ji^^^ 1717^ p^ 312. 

3 Bailey, Andover, p, 575. * Bos. News Let., July 24, 172a 

» Suffolk Proh. Rec, xx. 8, 9. « N. H. H. C, i. 169. 

1713-46.] BUSWBSS OF NAIL MAKING. 499 

bound the broken parts together and finalty welded the 
shaft. The wound thus rudely healed never opened again, 
and the shaft did duty for maiiy years. 

The rolling and slitting-mill was an important industrial 
link when the human hand did most of the work 
now done by automatic machinery, 
nail was an indispensable implement in every country ; in 
cmlonial life, where buildings for shelter and contrivances 
for new industry were constantly being made, nails were 
always needed. The farmer bought; rods, and in many 
hours when debarred from outdoor labor, often at the 
kitchen fireside, he hammered them into nails, — as im- 
portant in his vocation as the claw tips of bis own Bngers 
were to the work of his own hands. 

The mill took the bar iron, rolled it into a ribbon, and 
slit it into these rods. The first was established at Mil- 
Um, Mass. PeterOUver, the celebrated loyalist and chief 
justice,^ established another at Middleboro', where he bad 
lands and water power. It is said that he offered a re- 
ward to any one who should obtain the secrets of the slit- 
ting process, jealously guarded by the ciaft. One Hashai 
Thomas, of Middleboro', disguised himself, assumed sim- 
ple-minded ways, and idled away his time around the 
mills at Milton. Too lowly in appearance to excite sus- 
picion, he worked his way into the rude mill while the 
workmen were at dinner. Once in, bis quick eye and 
natural mechanical gifts mastered the principles of the 
machinery. He constructed similar works at Middleboro', 
and Oliver's rods soon rivalled those from Milton in the 

Joseph Mallinson had a furnace at Duxbury as early as 
1710. He appears at the General Court in 1739, CHting 
and is granted 200 acres of wild land in consid- f"™™- 
eration of his services to the public in prosecuting his 

* I sm informed by Mr. WestoD, descended from a siibaequeiit 
owner, that this mill wm built between 1745 Mid 1747. 




private business. These consisted, according to his peti- 
tion,^ in cutting off importations of £20,000 per annum 
in hollow ware. He cast kettles, pots, and other ware in 
" sand moulds." Jeremy Florio, an " ingenious English- 
man," is reputed to have introduped the art of casting in 
sand instead of clay, which had been the conduit ano 
vehicle of the fiery stream of metal. I remarked on the 
importance of the introduction of casting by Joseph 
Jenks in the earliest days of colonial manufactures. A 
century has passed, and it is interesting to note this change 
to sand moulds, — an important step in the development 
of cast-iron. 

Guns were made in 1740, according to the statement of 
Richard Clark, of Boston, merchant ; with " great expense 
and pains," he had brought the business to ^^ some good 
issue. ^ 

Berkshire valley in Massachusetts contains rich beds of 
soft ores of superior quality, such as appears in 
Connecticut Counecticut. At Salisbury ^ in the latter state, 
a bed was opened in 1740, and a furnace was 
established at Ancram. For sixty years an average of 
2,000 tons of ore was taken out at Salisbury. About 
two and a half tons of ore made one ton of pig, and about 
four tons made one ton of bar iron. The production of 
the wrought iron depended on a supply of charcoal, as 
well as of labor. In Rhode Island James Greene began 
" iron works for refining " on the south branch of the Paw- 
tuxet in 1741.* 

New England exported ^ a little pig iron to England, 
Exportaof beginning with 6 cwt. in 1734-35, rising to 94 
*'**"• tons in 1740, and ending with 2 tons in 1745 ; 

of bar iron, 4 cwt., 1 qr., 21 lbs. went over in 1740, a mere 
accident of trade. At the same time Pennsylvania was 

1 Mass, Arch., lix. 314. « Felt, Salemy ii. 170. 

« Trumbull, Conn., ii. 109. * R. I C. R., v. 17. 

» Bishop, Hist, Manuf., i. 626. 

1713-45.] ' GREAT DISTILLERIES. 501 

sending moderate quantities ; Maryland and Virginia con- 
siderable quantities, or 2,000 to 3,000 tons in a year. The 
New England figures interest ns, revealing what was and 
what was not. Iron was produced in quantities beyond 
domestic wants, for it was exported. So little went that 
it proves the manufacture languished for reasons we have 
seen. Paper inHatiou, without doubt, stimulated these 
manufacturing enterprises at first ; then that force soon 
expended itself. So long as the local demand equalled 
the supply, iron could be exchanged for other products, 
however poor the circulating medium. When tlie supply 
rose to an outflow, it was checked by cheaper production 
in other quarters. The middle states had a better cur- 
rency than our colonies had. 
' The most important cliange in the manufactures of this 
period was in the introduction of distilleries for 
nUD. Massachneatts and Connecticut undertook 
the business, hut Rhode Island surpassed botli in propor- 
tion. Newport was growing rapidly in wealth, and in the 
means for commercial enterprise. Massachusetts held the 
fisberiea by preoccupation, and by the advantage of nat- 
nral situation. Newport found an outlet for its increas. 
ing energies in the import of molasses and the manufac- 
ture of spirit. The consumption of beer — the^ favorite 
beverage of the seventeenth century — appears to have 
diminished. Lumbermen and fisher-folk demanded a 
strong stimulant to ameliorate their heavy diet of pork 
and Indian corn. And the trade in negroes from Africa 
absorbed quantities of rum. Rum from the West Indies 
had always been a large factor in the movement of trade. 
The eighteenth century brought in the manufacture of 
New England rum with far-reaching consequences, social 
as well as economical. It was found that the molasses 
could be transferred here and converted into alco)iolic 
spirit more cheaply than in the lazy atmosphere of the 
West Indian seas. 

502 THE PERIOD OF INFLA TION. [1713-45. 

The beginnings of this great manufacture attracted lit^ 
tie attention from the inquisitive royal officials, always 
watching to report any productive enterprise. There had 
been distilleries ^ here and there on a very small scale. In 
173 J, in their oft-quoted report, the Board of Trade found 
" several still-houses and sugar * bakeries." This hardly 
represents the progi*ess of the business. Connecticut ^ in 
May, 1727, prohibited distilling, as it made molasses dear, 
and the spirits were *^ usually unwholesome." But the 
prudent colonists could maintain this statute only six 
months, as it drove business to other colonies. 

It is certain that a large business in distilling rum was 
transacted in New England, and that it culminated about 
1736. In 1738, according to Burke, the quantity in Bos- 
ton was as ^^ surprising as the cheap rate at which they 
vend it, which is under two shillings a gallon.* On Price's 
plan there were eight distilleries.^ Between 1785 and 
1742, the quantity of molasses distilled in Boston fell off 
two thirds. The iuflation and derangement of the cur- 
rency deranged this industry, as well as th^ fisheries and 
shipbuilding. A still had been at work in Boston as early 
as 1714.^ They extended into the country towns. One 
was built at Haverhill in 1738.^ 

Long JVharf in Newport was alive with molasses com- 
ing in and rum going out. The docks in Boston were busy 
also. Mr. Thomas Amory ® built a " still-house " in 1722, 
bringing pine logs 28 ft. long, 18 in. diameter, from 
Portsmouth for his pumps. In 1726 he orders a copper 
still of 500 galls, capacity from Bristol, England. The 

* Sufdk P. i?., xiv. 133. 

' At these sugar-houses they made double and treble refined, with 
"powder " grades. Bos, News Letter, April 2, 1726. 
» CoL Rec. 1727, pp. Ill, 138. 

* Rum was 3». 6^/. per gallon in 1722. M. A., cxix. 274. 

* Mem. Hvit, Bos., ii. 447. • Mem. Hist. Bos., ii. 447. 
' Chase, p. 309. » MS, LeUers. 


head was to be large in proportion, the gooseneck to be 
of fine pewter and two feet long, with a bari'el in proper 
proportion to the whole still ; the price id Boston to be 
270 per cent, advance over Bristol. Unless the making 
oould be done in Bristol for twopence sterling per pound, 
he would ratlier have the metals shipped to he made up in 
Boston. Mr. Amory also distilled turpentine and rosin. 
He drew pitch from North Carolina, sending hack rum 
and other merchandise in exchange. 

Connecticut* granted the exclusive right to make 
molasses from Indian corn to Edward Hinman, of Strat- 
ford, in 1717. 

There are indications that the busiuess of making lum- 
ber, sawing boards and shingles, so profitable iu DKUngof 
the seventeenth century, was now waning. In '"'*"''"«■ 
1718 they found it better to export timber from Maine, 
rather than to saw it into boards.^ They made a second 
attempt to manufacture tar in the Kennebec country. 
The best and most accessible trees in all the river valleys 
of our colonies had fallen under the pioneer's axe. A 
product less bulky in transport, more valuable in kind 
than lumber, must be had from the i-emote- districts now 
invaded by settling families. 

Potash, or the " fixed and vegetable salt of ashes," came 
from this onset of the pioneer's axe, and the 
purification of the settler's torch. The circula- 
tion of money, though it was poorer than the wood, and 
almost as perishable as the cinders themselves, brought 
ashes out of the farther districts.^ It was claimed in 1717^ 
that a laborer working one year could cut, clear, and bum 
the wood from four acres in any of the American colo> 
nies. This fire upon four acres would yield eight tons of 
potash. A gang of three men, cutting, burning, " boiling 

1 Co/, fiec. 1717, p. 26. 

* Bourne, WelU and Kmnebunk, p. 302. 

• Proe. Pap. N. H., i». 836. * Force, Trad, i. 20, 21. 


and managing the ashes " on twelve acres, would produce 
twenty-four tons of potash, ^'a commodity of universal 
consumption," worth from £40 to £60 per ton. 

A new enterprise, small in pounds, shillings, and pence, 
A paper- ^^^ large in influence over the mind, — for it 
°*^ affected the spread of intelligence, — establishes^ 

the first paper-mill in our colonies. Daniel Henchman 
and othei*s obtained some aid from the General Court, 
and began the manufacture of paper at Dorchester, Mass., 
in 1728.^ According to the Board of Trade report, three 
rears later, they produced <£200 in value annually. 

In the necessary article of leather we were able to fur- 
nish nearly enough for our home consumption.^ Some 
things were produced which have dropped out of use. 
Bayberry ^^ smile at the gathering of wax or tallow from 
^^^^' bayberry bushes by the roadside and in the pas- 
tures. But Connecticut^ legislated to prevent the strip- 
ping of the bushes before the tenth of September ; it was 
alleged that " great quantities " were illegally collected 
before the authorised date. And I find the wax and 
candles in a Boston inventory.* 

The manufacture of hats attracted much attention and 
censure from the mother country. The industry is started 
in the *' principal towns " by 1721.^ The company of 
hatters in London complain to the Board of Trade, 1782, 
that the supply had much increased, and that ^^ great 
quantities" were exjwrted from New England to Spain, 
Portugal, and the West Indies. This led to the act (5 
George II., 1732) to restrain the number of apprentices 
in the colonies, and to prevent the export of hats. 

Tobacco, which was grown in small quantities and im- 
ported from the Southern colonies, was manufactured in 

* H'uit. Dorchester, p. 612 ; and Thomas, Hist, Printing, i. 25. 
« Doc. N. York, v. 597. » Col. Rec. 1724, p. 461. 

* Suffolk P. /?., xxiii. 38. 

* Doc. N. York, v. 597. 


Boston. Samuel Weekes,' in 1740, leaves a variety of 
apparatus, *'tiii tobacco moulds," "tobacco paper," and 
twine, an engine, and a press. A wire sieve probably 
served for separating the cut tobacco. 

Wigs outlasted the anathemas of Judge Sewall, and the 
fashion supported at least one " peruke maker " in Boston. 
Samuel Dix ' leaves nearly £AQ worth of assorted hair in 
1736, assorted in "tye," "necklock," "grizzled," and 
other varieties. 

Boston ha<l employed silversmiths always ; by 1726 
Newport had accumulateti wealth sufficiently to ^.^_ 
put a good share of the incoming West Indian """"^ 
silver into domestic ware of all kinds. Samuel Vernon ^ 
and six others are named who for half a century prose- 
cuted the manufacture. It added to the luxury of living, 
and funded the silver in convenient form when paper was 
of uncertain value. 

The great fundamental basis of all the productive 
activities, whether in manufactures at home or in fish- 
eriea and commerce abroad, the land,* — reservoir of 

1 SuffM: P. R., xxxv. 384. « Ibid., luii. 528. 

• Newport H. Mag., ii. 187. 

* The fallowing letter ahows ns the operations of some of the 
leading men in Massachusetts in land. The mode of iateresting 
English capitalists is given (Sewall Papers, Am, Ant. Soc.) : — 

Major SewaU to J. Dummer. 

Salkm IK N. Eno' /une 3*, 1717. 

Sir I Corgratnlate yon on y" .Safe Arrival of our good friend, 
M' Jon* Belcher, who is got Safe to us tho' our coast is much In- 
fested with Pyrates whose arrival is Caiijc of rejouceing to j' Province 
in Gen". His Excellency our Govern' his adm* hitherto is wonderful! 
Acceptable y* Gen" Court now Setting. I hope all things will run 
Smooth if yon remember I gave you y' trouble of Finding out M* 
Allen to treat about a tract of Land that if any part Should fall 
within his pretensions what he would ask for a Release &c. 

We have a Deed of Conveyance from y' Native Indian proprietor 
thereof St pray you to Inform us whether you think it might be 
obtun'd from y" Crowne a Confirmation thereof wheieby penons that 


patience and storehouse of industry, — changed but little 
as the tides of paper inflation swept over it. 
Actual values change little ; even nominal prices 
in paper fluctuate less than we should expect. In 1711 
three acres of woodland are quoted at £15, ^^ paper or 
silver." ^ In 1737 an inventory ^ in current paper prices 
gives 4 acres and 3 roods woodland at <£25 ; also 6^ acres 
pasture at <£32. These are lands well situated near vil- 
lages in Massachusetts. In 1716 land near the bridge in 
Pawtucket,^ then in Massachusetts, was valued at <£3 per 
acre ; " further oflE " it stood at £1. In 1719, 7^ acres on 
the " Hartford Meadow " was worth £8 * per acre, while 
in 1737 " plow land " near Boston was inventoried at <£9.^ 
Farms at Worcester in 1739 are oflEered, by Irish settlers 
wishing to change their residence, at £300, £900, and 
£1,000. The sizes are not given, but they are called 

Wheat had almost passed out of cultivation in the third 

are able would freely dbburse for y* Settlem* thereof which would 
be a benefitt to many & hurt or damage to None, & y* more this 
wide, vast, woodey Country is Subdued and Settled y* more British 
Manufacture will be used in. Sometime there will be an Incredible 
M thod f consumption of English commodities here in this North- 
land Apecu- em English America pray S' Give me a Line on this head 
we would willingly part with Some few Guineas rather 
then fail to help forward therewith & take you in as a proprietor 
Equal with us if your phancy leads you thereto our Leiu* Gov' your 
Bro* is chosen one of y* Council. As opportunity presents I pray 
yo' favour as to my Son Samuel Sewall for Some buisness ; he is 
married and Setled in Boston if y* Assiento Comp^ Should cause any 
branch of their Commerce to Extend to New Eng' & if they would 
please to make tryal of him I hope they would find him Capable & 


Yo' obed* Ser* 

Stephen Sewall 

* Barry, Massachusetts, ii. 89. ^ Suffolk P. R., xxxiii. 319. 
» Goodrich, p. 32. 

* Hartford P. Rec, Inv'y John Eliott. 

» Suffolk P. iJ., xxxiii. 319. • Boston Gazette, April 2, 1739. 

1713-45.] TIMBER NOW NOT AN EVIL. 507 

generatioa of farmers. A little was sown on new up- 
Und clearingB, as in the Connecticut valley.^ 
but the supplies came generally from New York 
and the Southern States. Indian com was the staple 
grain of our colonies. The production of cider increased 
in this period. It is said that one village of forty families 
made 3,000 bbls. in 1721, while a larger one made 10,000 
bbls. This proportion is exceeded relatively by the actual 
record of Judge Joseph Wilder, of Lancaster, Mass., in 
1728. He made 616 bbls. in that year.^ 

The old pioneer methods of grappling with tbe wilder- 
ness were dropping out. Waterbury, Conn., like other 
frontier towns, had been wont to burn the undergrowth 
in the woods to improve the common pasture. In 1713 
it 8nspende<l this operation for seven years, that young 
trees might grow. Growing timber had ceased to be the 
greatest evil. 

The Indian trade, in these days of their degeneracy, 
afforded but little satisfaction. Massachusetts 
in 1724 * was obliged to forbid citizens selling 
strong drink to them, or bartering goods for the Indians' 
arms and clothing. Connecticut regulated the lending 
arms or ammunition to friendly Indians, who yet might 
be soon found fighting for the French.* 

Xew Hampshire had a project for pushing a truck- 
house as far north as tlie Peniigewasset Kiver.* 

The French excelled in tact and the facility for trading 
with the Indians ; but the English goods were superior 
and cheaper. New York ^ made stringent laws for pre- 
venting the sale of Indian goo<l3 to Frenchmen ; yet the 
trade went on, A certain amount of furs came through 
Albany, and New England reaped some advantage from 
them in her exchanges with that point. 

1 Judd, Hadley, \i. 3fi2. " Lancaster Reeordi, p. 332. 

• Mau. Arch., mi. 111. ' Cd. Rec. Conn. 1723, p. 381. 

• Proa. Pap. N. H., t. 95. • Doc. N. Y. Col., v. 577,643,687. 


The general improvement in living and the increase of 
comforts I have indicated manifested itself in 
the gradual use of carriages. At the turn of 
the century, they were established as a luxury in Boston ; 
a few years later they were spreading into the smaller 
towns. In 1712 Jonathan Wai*dell set up the first hack- 
ney-coach in Boston.^ In 1713 Margaret Sewall, Ste- 
phen's daughter, at Salem, had a very difiBcult journey 
in a calash ^ from " beyond Lyn to Mistick," and " near 
Cambridge." They fed the horse with oats at Lewis's, a 
noted road tavern near Lynn, and drove by the ** Blue 
Bell," another hostelry. They gathered " bearberries " 
by the wayside. 

In 1717 ^ Moses Prince, brother of the annalist, saw at 
Gloucester a carriage of two wheels for two horses ; the 
drawing of it was said to resemble a modern cab. Cap- 
tain Kobinson, of ^' schooner fame," had built it for his 
wife. It marks a change in the ways of travel and the 
habits of general living that in 1728 John Lucas, of Bos- 
ton, offers the use of a coach and three able horses to any 
part of the country passable for a coach, at the common 
price of hackney saddle-horses. This was for the ani- 
mals ; then he charged for the ^^ coach & harnish as one 
horse," and for the driver 258. per week. Within Boston 
he charged ^^ 8^. a time." On the Sabbath he carried to 
"Church or Meeting, for 8s. per Day, which is 2^. a 
time."* By 1732^ carriages were so common that at 
the funeral of Lieutenant Governor Tailer a great num- 
ber of the gentry attended in their own coaches, chaises, 
etc. In 1738 the Province tax on coaches, chairs, etc., 
was carefully collected.® In 1724 a sleigh is noticed in 

The second quarter of the century established a much 

* Mem, HisLy ii. 452. * Sewall MS., Am. Ant. Soc. 

» Felt, Salem, i. 618. * New Eng, Weekly Jour., May 27, 1728. 

* Ibid., i. 315. • Bos. Eve. Post, July 10, 1738. 

1713-«.] INCREASING LUXURY. 509 

higher staudaixl of comfortable liviug than the first gen- 
erationa of culooists could afford. The change watt 
marked by improvement in the ways of travel comuiui. 
as well as in other comforts. By 1740, when 
Bennett made his visit to Boston ^nd wrote his account,' 
instead of the occasional coach of state, a lofty luxury, 
carriages of various kinds had become an ordinary com* 
fort Judge Sewall took a lady on the pillion to a lec- 
ture or other social gathering as " a treat." Now the 
ladies "take the air" in a chaise or chair, drawn by one 
horse and driven by a negru servant. The gentlemen 
ride out " as in England," some in chairs, others on horse- 
back and with negro lackeys attending them. And more 
significant of their departure from colonial simplicity is 
the fact that they ti-avelled on business in the same man- 
ner. In pleasure or business their habit was the same, 
and the sturdy men of affairs were taking on the manners 
of a gentry. The black laboring-man had become a body 
servant; for wherever there was wealth, luxury crept in. 
Newport followed Boston closely. 

Boston's largest communication was still along the 
northeastern shore ;^ and great improvements ne^^ua 
were made in the roads and ferries of New '""''■ 
Hampshii-c.^ But the increasing intercourse southwest- 
ward, and on to New York, gradually improved the ways 
in that direction. The grandsons of the men who ex- 
pelled Roger Williams were travelling and trading so 
much among his descendants that they were willing to 
establish better communication. In 1713* the two col- 
onies built the first bridge at Pawtucket, and three years 
later a Massachusetts committee laid out a highway con- 
necting with it. Rhode Island, always late in improving 

> Proc. Maxt. H. S. 1860, p. 124. 

» Fur lietftil of this route in 1713, see Enex Inn!., ii.24, 

• Prov. P. N. H., iii. 803 ; and N. H. H. C, vii. 354. 

* Goodrich, Patotuckel, pp. 32, 141. 


its ways of travel, laid out highways by an act in 1725,^ 
which was extended in 1741. By 1736 the great increase 
of travel required a line of stages between Newport and 
Boston. One Thorp received exclusive privileges for 
seven years.* 

The precursors of the great modem " express " organ- 
isations began early in the century. Peter Belton, " late 
post-rider," started that sort of communication in 1721, 
once a week, from Boston, on Tuesdays, returning from 
Newport and Bristol on Saturdays. He carried '* bundles 
of goods, merchandizie, books, men, women and children, 
money, etc." He let horses with side saddles, etc., without 
charge for returning them. He kept a tavern or ordinary 
^' at the sign of Rhode Island and Bristol Courier in New- 
bury St. Boston." The same business is advertised by 
Edward Brown in 1740, and by Jonathan Foster in 

Along the interior and remote highways, carts with 
two to six oxen* made their toilsome way. 
and Sound Tradition puts the first passage of " a team " 
from Connecticut to Providence in 1722.^ This 
is probably true, for the General Court of Connecticut 
found it necessary in 1724 to license a tavern at the ferry 
house on the east side at New London, to be " well pro- 
vided for the entertainment of men and with a good 
stable for horses." ® The first bridge over the Pawcatuck 
between Connecticut and Rhode Island, at Shaw's Ford, 
now Westerly, was said to have been built by contribu- 
tion in 1712. The second structure dated from 1735.^ 
These changes indicate increasing travel over the least 

1 R. L C. /?., iv. 364 ; V. 40. « Ibid., iv. 527. 

• Bos, News Let, April 17, 1721 ; Bos, Eve. Post, April 28, 1740 ; 
Bos, News Let., Aug. 8, 1745. 

* Proc. Mass, H. S. 1860, p. 124. 

» R. I, Hist, Mag., vi. 19. • Col. Rec, Conn, 1724, p. 480. 

^ Dcnison, Westerly, p. 138. 


frequented part of the route between Boston and New 
York. Madam Kniglit had some of her most lively ex- 
periences along the south shoi-e of Rhode Island about 
twenty years before. On the other end of the route, 
£benezer Hurd' in 1727 began to ride post from New 
York to Saybrook once in two weeks. This humble 
forerunner of the mails, telegraphs, and telephones of the 
New York and New Haven line rode his circuit for forty- 
eight years. In 1717 the colony had gianted the privi- 
lege of a w£^on from Hartford to New Haven for seven 

In the North,travcl was extending and pushing out the 
pioneer routes. Privileges for ferries* were being granted 
almost constantly in New Hampshire from 1721 to 1743. 
Some time between 1730 and 1739 the Fore River was 
bridged at Stroudwater in Maine.* 

The ways were not all smooth, nor did the New Eng- 
landers all ride in chairs with glossy-faced black wnyt 
lackeys in waiting. On the frontier lines, the """"'■ 
struggle with nature still went on. We get occasional 
glimpses of lusty pioneers, the same in kind willi those 
who made the seventeenth century New England ; men 
and women, too, tliey made their mark. Captain East- 
man waa on horseback drag^ng a barrel of molasses over 
the then rough ways of Haverhill ^ by a car. This vehi- 
cle consisted of a pair of aliafts fastened to the horse and 
resting on the ground ; across these, and near the ends, the 
cask was lashed. Rising and jolting over a hilltop, the 
lashings of the barrel gave way ; it rolled to the bottom, 
smashing its hoops and sweetening the poor earth as it 
went. " Oh dear I " exclaimed the perplexed pioneer, 
as he looked back npou tlie possibilities of cakes and 

» N. Havfn Gazfltf. .Inn. 10, 1T8G. ' 

> Col. Rec. Conn. 1717, p. H7. 

» Prov. Pap. N. H., tii. 803 ; Town Paptri N. H., ix. 89. 

* WiUis, Portland, p. 441. * Chaae, p. 2S6. 


pies, now wasted and lost. ^^ My wife will comb my 
head — yes, and harrow it too." 

If any one thinks that I have marked too distinctly 

the economic features in the history of our or- 
with French gauisation and settlement, let him consult the 

comparative statement of the Jesuit Charlevoix ^ 
at this time. He saw that the New France lacked just 
what the New England had : " there reigns an opulence 
by which the people seem not to know how to profit; 
while in New France poverty is hidden under an air of 
ease which appears entirely natural. The English col- 
onist keeps as much and spends as little as possible ; the 
French colonist enjoys what he has got, and often makes 
a display of what he has not got. The one labors for his 
heirs ; the other leaves them to get on as they can, like 

No line of development in our institutions reveals this 
forecasting spirit and policy of our fathers more clearly 
than the community in our towns. The founding and 
organisation of a town exhibits a political prescience and 
sagacity admired by all the world. But it shows more. 
Into these structures of common life the New England 
freemen breathed a spirit of order, a regulation of cus- 
tom, which conveyed and moulded all their living, — the 
outcome of their daily desire, domestic and religious, eco- 
conatant nomic and political. This evolution of the com- 
Sf co"mSL munity was indicated in the beginning.^ The 
*""**• process in no wise changed after a century of 

growth. The elder towns, having conceived, labored for 
new communities ; parturition was hard, birth slow and 
difficult. When accomplished, this outgrowth was not a 
mere helter-skelter irruption of families into the domain 
of nature ; nor was it a race of individuals for the wealth 
and opportunity of a new district. A well-ordered com- 
munity, strong in a common purpose, rich in inherited 

* Cited by Parkman, Old Rtg-y p. 393. * See above, p. 47. 


thrift, sprang ready armed from the Olympian creator of 
bodies politic, and plauted the germ of a state upon th« 
Tocky soil. 

The delayed settlement of Brimfield, Mass.,' already 
referred to,^ was organised by slow and painful steps in 
the period now under consideration. All the liberal 
privileges of the first grant having been exhausted, new 
concessions were obtained from the General Court. The 
halting course of this town reveals the difficulties some- 
times encountered, and it marks by contrast the general 
success of the system. 

An extension of time was obtained. la the first allot- 
ment only eight lots contained as much as 120 acres ; out 
of 67 lots the majority ran from 50 to 8U acres. In some 
instances one son of an original grantee bad a lot also. 
The settlement dr^ged, and in 1731, after much diffi- 
culty, the committee of the General Court awarded 69 
lots of 120 acres each, increasing the original grants gen- 
erally. A remainder was held in common. Then the 
first town meeting was held, and constables, surveyors of 
highways, " Long refes," fence- viewers, " Thying men," 
etc., were appointed. It was remarked in 1717 that the 
little hamlet had remained nearly seven years without a 
"teaching priest." 

Common lands were generally administered for the di- 
rect benefit of the freemen and their descendants. This 
custom was not invariable, but it was the rule.* 

■ About 1726 there was a marked movement in the older 
towns, like Boston and Salem, on the part of individuals, 
to buy wild lands in the new towns, and in the commons 
of the old. Prices in Hampshire were from one to three 
New England shillings per acre.* 

In settling Penacook,'^ N. H., where the Contoocook 

• Hlttory, pp. 241, SCO, 265, 281. ' See nbove, p. 404. 

' Noricalk, Ct., lite, p. 111. * Judii, Hadieij, p. 299. 

• N. U. a. C^ i. 154, 155. 


empties into the Merrimac, each settler paid the Province 
orgimi-ing a ^^ ^^r his right in 1725. If he failed of " faUow- 
new town, jj^g^ fencing, or clearing one acre '^ within a 
year, he was to forfeit £5 *^ to the community of settlers." 
When 100 were admitted settlers they were empowered to 
hold proprietary meetings. Three rights remaining were 
reserved, — one for the first settled minister, one for a 
parsonage, one for the " use of the school forever." At 
the first meeting, the proprietors resolved that no lot 
should be sold to any one without the '' consent of the 
community first obtained, under pain of forfeiture." In 
1730 they voted 50 acres of land to the blacksmith.^ This 
making an institution of the most necessary trades was 
common. At Keene, N. H., in 1737,^ 100 acres of "mid- 
dling good land" and £25 was voted to any one who 
would found a sawmill," prices for sawing for proprietors 
to be fixed at 20s. per M., " slit work " at 3s. lOd, per M. 
In 1738 a set of blacksmith's tools was bought by the 
town. In 1737 the proprietors had allotted 100 acres of 
" upland " to each house lot. Ipswich ^ granted land for 
a house to Samuel Stacey, a clothier, that he might carry 
on his trade. And Cambridge voted in the negative in 
172 1 on the proposition to grant £50 to Joseph Hanford 
*' to fit him out in the practice of physic." 

The growth of the proprietary meeting into the town 
meeting is interesting everywhere. The smaller 

Proorietarv o %i 

and town commuual body enlarged gradually into the more 
popular and political body, but not without halt- 
ing, and even backward steps. The town of Colchester,* 
Conn., voted in 1714: ** Whearas, we formerly granted 
our lands to pertieqler persons by a towne voat," in 
future the power was vested wholly in '* the proprietors 
of Colchester." 

In 1740 New Hampshire empowered two congrega- 

1 N, H, H. C, i. 161. « Ibid., ii. 76, 79. 

• Felt, p. 96. • Records, p. 13. 

1713-46.] A VIOLENT CLERGYMAN. 515 

tioD3 in Cliester,' one " called Congregationalists, and one 
called Presbyterians," to mett and act Beparately in rais- 
ing money, and in assessing taxes for support of the min- 
isters respectively, and for building and repairing meeting- 

The ecclesiastical and political machinery of the time 
ran in close contact. Worcester, in 17'24, holds Bojio.iirti. 
a town meeting to see if in choosing a minister "' ™"'™»- 
the " town will concur with the Church's choice." ^ The 
good Puritans generally preferred ecclesiastical to civil 
law. There were few lawyers. Connecticut limited the 
number to eleven for the whole colony in 1730, but i-epealed 
the restriction shortly.^ A volume might be written to 
display the curious social life these records show in the 
New Hampshire towns. In 1723 Colonel James Davis 
and his wife Elizabeth being about to join the church at 
Durham, N. H., their former pastor presents a fonnal 
document * to enter his objection " by virtue of y" com- 
mumon of churches." He makes four counts against . 
the husband, and three against the wife, all most edi- 
fying : " 2^ crime is his Sacrilegious fraud in his being 
The ringleader of the point peoples 6rst rase of my first 
years sallary, retaining 16 pounds thereof now almost 
sixteen years." 

And again, " 4"'' his late wresting the Law of this 
Province in his partial Spite ag" his own legal minister 
for so innocently playing at nine pins at a house no ways 
license for a Tavern . . . besides his the a* Jas. Davis 
being so desperately & notoriously wise in his own con- 
ceit, his pretending to have so much religious discourse in 
his mouth, and yet live so long (40 years) in hatred 
unto contempt of & stand neuter from our crucified 

Among other faults of the la<Iy be cites, " 3"* crime is 

> N. H. Town Pap-, ix. 105. ■ Worcester Rec., ii. 27. 

« Paltnj, N. E., iv. 582. ' N. H. Town Pap., U. 236. 


her being disorderly as a busy body at every one of her 
husbands Courts to be his advisor or intermedler in his 
passing judg°^^ in any case, as if he sh^ regard her more 
than his oath, the Law or evidence." 

The gentle shepherd proposes to prove his allegations, 
then to turn these children of light into minions of dark- 
ness by due process of ecclesiastical procedure : ^^ As bap- 
tized children of the covenant by their prop' minister, 
they are both of y" laid under y* censure of this pasto- 
ral rejection as unbaptized heathen man and woman, as 
Warranted by the law of Christ in Titus 3:10, I Tim« 
1:20, Titus 2:16, Math. 16:19, Mai. 2:7, Saml. 15:23, 
Math. 3:10, Acts 8:13:21:23, untill publick Confession & 
amendm* of life." 

These were rude and frontier districts, where the minis- 
ters' games of bowls made ecclesiastical politics, and whei*e 
judges' wives interfered in the court docket. In the pas- 
sion of the moment these childlike disputants seized any 
means of social contention ; ecclesiastical and civil law 
were caricatured alike. 

The parish of Durham was fruitful ground for those 
Acuriou* curious ccclcsiastical movements which reveal 
''*"^' the springs of social life in the eighteenth cen- 
tury community. Fifteen years later Rev. Hugh Adams ^ 
brought a suit in court, and inveighs against the appellees, 
his " enemy," after the manner of the Jews in a more 
primitive period of civilisation. He had been an advocate 
of Governor Belcher, and the larger politics of the Prov- 
ince are mingled with these parish doings and personal 
disputes. The clerical plaintiff is confident in the justice 
of his cause ; moreover, he has discovered that the " Pa- 
triarch Joseph (under the infallible Inspiration of the 
Holy Ghost) made it a law unto this day " that Pharaoh 
should receive the fifth part (Gen. xlvii. 26). The cas- 
uistic method of rehabilitating the modern Pharaoh is 

1 Prov. Pap. N, H., v. 36, 37. 


most inganioua, and only possible to an eighteenth cen- 
tury shepherd at loggerheads with his lambs. His '* can- 
science " has labored in the deep conviction that when 
any "Kings Representatives iu his Court of Equity" 
shall decide any case therein according to "good con- 
science," they shall be " distinctively remunerated." But 
as he is "justly" convinced that three of the Council will 
favor his opponents, he rules them out, and promises the 
whole fifth of the final award to the tliree others, who will 
be in his favor. He relied on the casting vote of the gov- 
ernor, probably, for he makes a bond for himself aiul 
heirs, duly witnessed, agreeing to pay the fifth part of the 
expected judgment to the favoring jmlges, as above stated. 
The governor was to communicate the matter of the bond 
to each of the three councillors, but it was to be " con- 
ceal'd prudently from every other living person." If 
either should decline the gratuity, and yet should concur 
" iu the full judgment of my honest case," then the whole 
sum should go to the governor himself. This was in- 
tended in no wise *'a3 a bribe, but a just tribute for 
Equitable judgment as requii-ed by the Supreme Judge 
(Bomans ziii. 4, 6). 

The best-laid plans will fall out, and the governor did 
not choose to wrap himself and Rev, Hugh xhe gov- 
Adams in prudent concealment. Far from it ; t7« a«*^ 
he found his political account in " commiinicat- p*™°- 
ing narratively " the contents of the bond in quarters 
where it did the wily governor the most good and the art- 
less shepherd the most harm. The selectmen of Durham 
caught the Scriptnrally iiiatnicted litigant on the hip and 
threw him out of the parish. In 17S9, the year after the 
bond was executed, Adams ' wrote to the governor com- 
plaining bitterly of his betrayal ; and he stated that the 
bond became " my most scandalous crime for unsettling 
me." But he protests against its being construed as a 
» JV. H. Proe. Pap., t. 39. 


bribe, which he abhors in giver or receiver. " Besides if 
mistaken and misimprov'd as a bribe, Tve supposed it my 
Duty, by my said Bond of security upon my Heira and Ex- 
ecutors, for an Antidote against any real Bribes intended 
or proffer'd by implacable enemies." What Jesuit casuist 
could exceed this distinction between a '^mistaken anti« 
dote " and a " real bribe " ? 

If beaten in the Province and the town, that forum 
where ecclesiastical machinery, political manceuvre, and 
social quarrelling united in a hotbed of intrigue, the par- 
son could wrap his gown about him and renew the fight 
on another ground. The citizen has failed, but the minis- 
ter towers above a poor governor in New England, like an 
archangel hovering over a worm. He arraigns the earthly 
magistrate, who ^^ so hurtf uUy trespassed against and de- 
spised me, and the most High God, as evident from Luke 
X. 16, xvii. 3, 4 ; II Cor. v. 20, therefore as though God 
Beseecheth you by me, I pray you in Christ's stead be 
reconciled to the God of Spirits." He begs the governor 
to repent, in order that the mighty Adams, by his " Mas- 
ter's commandment, may say I forgive you." 

Our forefathers were strong in affairs, and virtuous in 
ordinary living ; they were well grounded in common 

sense, but the things beyond sense turaed their 
of Provi- heads. They made the spiritual life — that un- 

seen world so mimanent and always impending 
over them — into a travesty of this petty world. It will 
be observed that the casuistical Adams, so shifty with his 
texts, puts " inspiration " with a capital /, after the method 
of his time. Special providence — the actual and mirac- 
ulous interference of the Deity in our common affairs — 
was quite as fertile a field for fancy as these egotistic 
Scriptural interpretations of Adams. Rev. George Cur- 
wen, a worthy member of a prominent Salem family, re- 
cords gravely among other providences, " When but an 
Infant of a yr & half old, I fell into ye fire, & God 


might have so ordered it ^i: yr by I might have been sent 
to have burnt Eternally in hell." 

Church and state, town and parish, meeting for reli- 
gious exercise and meeting for freemen's privi- 
lege, all worked together in embodying the com- tn>i oi town 
mon ideas of the people. An essential part of 
every community was in the control of its own affairs, — a 
control to be maintained by a homogeneous body of votei's. 
The freemen clung closely to their right of keeping out 
outsiders. In 1714' Boston reiterates that no one shall 
entertain a stranger without notice to the town authori- 
ties, with a description giving the circumstances of such 
stranger, etc. No person settling could open a shop or 
exercise his trade without a certificate from the town 
clerk. In 1723 ^ " great numbers have very lately been 
transported from Ireland to this Province," and Boston, 
fearing that they might become chaigeiible, requires that 
all be registered. Cambridge^ in 1723, having suffered 
through the entertainment of "sundry persons and fam- 
iles," provides that no freeholder shall admit a family 
" for the space of a montli," without a grant previously 
obtained from the town. Sometimes this oversight was 
exercised by the selectmen and town officers, but often the 
town itself votes on these questions. Worcester * in 1745 
votes tliat John be allowed to build a house and occupy a 
garden on the public land, " provided that what k now 
don dont opperate against ye Town, So as to Invalidate 
the warning him out of Town & his being Caried away, 
and that he be a Tenant at will." No inhabitant could 
receive cattle or horses to run on the common unless the 
animals belonged to a proprietor or freeholder. Warning 
out of town was common enough. The actual occurrences 
hardly need particular mention.* 

1 Bci. To-m Rrc, p. IM. " Ihid., p. 177. 

• Paige, p. lift. * Records, i\. 67. 

* Chaie, HanerhiU, p. 279 ; Worcater Rec-, ii. 38, 12a 


Rhode Island was so liberal in her ecclesiastical polity 
as to worry and dismay the seventeenth century men of 
the Bay, making their descendants groan through many 
generations. Though heaven and hell were loosed, the 
strings of economic management and town thrift were 
held stiffly enough to gratify any Puritan. In 1737 the 
council clerk of Portsmouth gives certificate to the town 
council of North Kingstown, on account of Matthew 
Allen, " desirous to settle in your town with his family, 
if you will admit thereof, and whenever you order the 
contrary this town will receive them again," ^ 

Our more e-omplex system of civilisation has to struggle 
with masses and to deal with vice and crime in bulk. It has 
lost some of the excellent details of management which 
careful oversight of communal affairs developed in the 
early New England citizen. Salem ^ in 172^ had a loose 
woman in charge, and the town provided a spmning-wheel, 
a pair of cards, and some wool, that ^' she may be em- 

An interesting study in social history might be made 
Indentured fi'O'*^ ^hc Scattered facts on record concerning 
aervantfc ^^^ whitc male and female immigrants appren- 
ticed or bound to service. This went on more or less 
from the beginning. Besides the influx of freemen and 
freewomen, gentle or yeoman, there was a number of ban- 
ished convicts and a steady stream of laborers, forced to 
sell their service to pay the expense of this transfer to 
the better opportunities of the New World, Valuations 
of unexpired serving-time were common matter in inven- 
tories. Advertisements ^ for the sale for seven years or 
less were common. 

Among the first arguments used against negro slavery 
was the proposition that blacks, coming in to be bought^ 

* Narrag. H, Mag., iii. 90. 

2 Felt, Annals, ii. 400 ; Boston T, Rec, pp. 171, 176. 

8 Bos, News LeL, April 15, 1714 ; April 25, 1715. 


kept out whites who would come owning themselves. 
Therefore the true capital of the commuuity was dimin- 
ished hy a bound slave, while it might be increased by a 
free servant coming in. These incoming people were serfs 
in no sense, though tbeir liberty of person was abridged by 
the cruel lack of sufficient property to effect their change 
of abode and destiny. In many, probably most, instances 
they achieved a new destiny, enlarged and elevated ; the 
stronger men became proprietors of land, the women 
married freemen and citizens. 

These immigrants were not mere waifs and strays. In 
the few glimpses into their condition we get through the 
advertisements ' of runaways, we see evidence of the train- 
ing and skill of artisans, as well as the common attributes 
of serving-people. A house carpenter, a " taylor," and a 
" cloathier," mentioned especially, show the varied char- 
acter of their occupations. The places of emigration were 
in great variety, and furnish another proof of the com- 
posite mingling of blood wliich went on constantly in the 
growth of the American nationality. Irish, North Brit- 
ish, German, a " Jersey boy " and a " Jersey maid," " 
were all melted in a fierce ethnical crucible, and were 
blended together by that strange assimilating power work- 
ing constantly in American history. 

This American absorbing process has not been free 
from rivalry and competition in any period, oihCTeouD- 
O the r climes and other institutions have sought ^f™',o. 
eagerly to divert to themselves the persons whom "■'b™''™- 
America has attracted without an effoi-t. We have seen 
Cromwell's fruitless endeavors. In 1744 the governor of 
" Rataii Island, Honduras " advertised * in Boston for set- 
tlers, offering extraordinary privileges. He called espe- 

> Bos. Nobs Lit., Aug. 24, 1713 ; Aug. 11, 1718 j Boi. Eve. Post, 
Oct. 17, 1735. 

' Ibid., and also Neioi Let., Sept. 7, 1713 ; April 26, 1715 j Dec. 23, 
1725. • Bo*. Em. Pott, Ang. 30, 1744. 


cially for " joyners, carpenters, smiths, shoe-makers, peri- 
wig-makers, taylors or others." Each settler could have 
50 acres of land for himself, 50 for his wife, 20 for each 
child, 15 for " every white person in Family," 10 for each 
slave. All settlei*s were freed from any debts contracted 
elsewhere. The island was reported very healthy, and 
well stocked with game. 

In the midst of this abundance man alone was poor ; 
not for lack of Nature's bounty, — the potato and banana, 
deer, wild hog, and green turtle, almost begged to be eaten. 
The balmy and mild air required only the slightest effort 
of the tailor in clothing these happy exiles. Eve's fig- 
leaves were abundant enough, but Adam had developed 
higher and even stronger wants. Above his head must 
tower that grand social superstructure, the wig. There 
were brains enough for thinking, not heads enough to pro- 
duce the raw material in hair requisite for the adornment 
of eighteenth century gentlemen, even in Honduras. Per- 
iwig-makers would find land, but the British crown gov- 
ernor demanded gravely that they " bring Hair and other 
materials with them." 

Next to persons, the commons — land undivided and 
used for the good of all combined — occupied the 
tion of the attention of these district legislators and admin- 
istrators. The characteristic business of herd- 
ing flocks and managing droves of cattle upon the com- 
mons was carried on very much as it was nearly a centuiy 
earlier. Even Boston did not give up the " town bull " 
until 1722.^ The institution was thenceforth to be main- 
tained at the expense of the owners of the cows. And 
the following year the price was fixed at 5«. del. for any 
person keeping a cow on the Neck, toward providing four 
bulls in summer and two in winter ; in addition he was 
to pay Qd. per head for a certificate from the cow-keei)er. 
It is curious to find a large community like Boston and a 

1 Bos, Town Bee, pp. 171, 176. 


spareely settled province like New Hampshire both work- 
iog over essentially the same problems of communal man- 
agement. New Hampshire * bends itself to a better en- 
forcement of its statute for fettering horses and horse-kind 
between Miirch and the last of October ; " which giveth 
a liberty of five months for those horses to trape over 
fences and tread and spoil our meadows." And in 1741 
they equalised the rates for taxes in all the towns, accord- 
ing to a classified list.* A " township " on the Piscataqua 
River, having sixty houses aud a sawmill actually built in 
1738, offered fifty acres of land to any family joining 
them,^ When any proprietor did not pay a tax assessed 
by his co-residents in a township, they advertised his 
"rights" at auction, as in Winchester, Mass., in 1741.* 
Colchester,* Conn., sold a black stone horse, three years 
old, because his height fell below the legal requirement. 
In this massing of droves, earmarks and other brands of 
ownership were very important. They were registered, 
often with a rude drawiug to define the mark ; as in An- 
dover,* Mass., for James Frie, " a half cross cut out of 
the under side of the loft ear, split or cut out about the 
middle of the Top of tbe ear, called by som a figger of 

In 1733, Windsor,^ Conn., put the sheep of the town 
into three flocks, to be further divided if necessary. 
These flocks were assigned different pastures, and the 
whole matter of hiring a shepherd, folding, etc., was 
directed by a committee for " ordering the prudentials." 
As I have tneiitioned before, the commons were broken 
up and sold differently in the various towns ; often por- 
tions had been misappropriated by individuals.^ 

Municipal routine and regulation did not classify and 

> Prov. Pap., iii. 805. " See N. Hamp. Prov. Pap., v. 165. 

• Bos. Gasellf, 1738. * ISns. Neiri Let., May 14, 1741. 

• Rtcords, p. 10. • Biiiley, Hisl., Dec. 25, 1734. 
» Stiles, p. 15. ■ See Butler's Groton, p. 46. 


establish itself without many halting steps. I have al- 
Reguiation ^uded to the disputes about markets and public 
of m*rkeu. g^lcs in the prcvious generation.^ Academical 
tliemes always interest, for they illustrate the questions 
agitating the popular mind in their day. In 1725 the 
candidates for master's degree at Harvard^ proiiosed, 
" Can the price of articles for sale be regulated by law? " 
answering in the affirmative ; and ^^ Is it always lawful to 
give and take the market price ? " answering in the nega- 
tive. In both cases the young economists formulated opin- 
ions exactly opposite to those prevailing in a later time. 

Weights and measures, the regulators of domestic ex- 
change, were overhauled thoroughly in 1730. New models 
of the Winchester standard ^ were obtained from his Maj- 
esty's exchequer, and the constables of every town, not al- 
ready supplied, were directed to procure sets within three 

The most prominent and significant memorial of eigh- 
Paneua tccnth ccntury economic history is in the now 
^^^^^ humble brick building, then " incomparably the 

greatest benefaction ever yet known to our western shore." 
I shall treat Peter Faneuil more at length in his relation 
to the foreign commerce of the period. Now we must 
consider the founder of Faneuil Hall,* given to Boston in 
1740. The benefactor hardly lived to see the higher uses 
of his admirable creation, for the first town meeting in the 
hall was on the occasion of his funeral eulogy in 174 1. 
The hall was for the community of Boston in concourse 
assembled ; but the main purpose of the building was in 
a market for the petty intercourse of persons in daily 
buying and selling. The hall, rebuilt after a fire in 1761, 
came to be, in the life of the following generation, Hterjilly 
the " cradle of American liberty." Its most significant 
feature is in the fact that it was the gift of a private mer- 

1 See above, p. 406. « Proc. M. H. S. 1880, 124, 137. 

Mass, Arch,, cziz. 323. « Mem, Hist, Bos., ii. 263, 463. 


chant, prompted by the necessities of the economio life of 
the people. Political machinery in the germinating pe- 
riotls of the Kevolution was necessarily more or less un- 
der control of the royal ofBcers, and persons under crowD 
influence, especially in crowded centres of population. On 
the other hand, economic life underlies and precedes po- 
litical government and administration. Always, in polit- 
ical crises, where towns have existed, the burgher and the 
burgess have rallied to support the noble and statesman. 
In old " Faneuil," that guild temple of tradei-s and alder- 
men, butchers and clerks, hucksters and civic magistrates, 
the spirit of the people conceived an eiubryonic nation. 

It was not without much difference of opinion and agi- 
tation that this municipal concentration of mar- ciiiMo ud 
keting was achieved, and this convenient means ''™'™0' 
was provided for developing the Boston freeman into the 
American citizeu. Great results always swallow and as- 
similate many minor causes. Any student of our New 
England community perceives the constant interplay of 
two forces. One bound the citizen down with many ties, 
economic, religious, and political, creating his social re- 
Bponsibility ; the other impelled the frecmnn outward, to 
the possession of himself in his own liberty ; the fellow 
must be less than the man. The liberty of marketing — 
of buying or selling one's goose at pleasure, to profit or 
no profit, which Uriug' noticed a generation earlier — was 
disputed ground, and was a matter of freeman's privilege. 
The market in Boston was opened and closed fitfully sev- 
eral times. The record of petitions and counter-petitions^ 
attest the public interest, especially about 1730. Kven 
after Faneuil's gift had been accepted, many wished the 
market closed. All this i-egidation of markets is an in- 
teresting phase of local history.^ Parties for and against 
public markets were almost equally divided, when Fan- 

' See above, p. 40G. » Mem. Hint. Bo»., ii. 463. 

■ See Felt, An. Salem, IL 193. 


eiiil offered to build one at his cost. A petition of some 
343 leading citizens, including Hutchinson, Eliot, Gray, 
Cbardon, and ScoUay, asked for a town meeting to con- 
sider the proposition. But while 367 votes were in 
favor, 360 were cast against it. The founder did not fal- 
ter, but enlarged his plans; the splendor of his munifi- 
cence outshone and illumined the stolid opposition. Town 
offices, as well as the hall for 1,000 persons, were placed 
in the market building. This municipal palladium, tcy 
gether with the Old South, became the meeting-place of 
Boston freemen. 

New Hampshire appointed market and fair days in 
May and October, at Hampton Falls, in 1734. 

We wonder that parties could divide on the question 
Municipal ^^ markets in Boston when paternal government 
todiltVMMi ^^ freely undertaken in other directions. The 
'™*** purchase and sale of grain for supplying the 

citizens was a regular business of the selectmen for many 
years. Notes of operations^ maybe found in 1713, 1715, 
1716, 1718, 1722, 1724, 1725-1728. At one time in 1716 
the stock on hand was 5,000 bu., and in 1718 the fathers 
bought 10,000 lbs. of bread for public use- The weight 
of the penny loaf was regulated from time to time.^ They 
varied the economic parts of municipal business by excur- 
sions into the domain of morals. They entertained com- 
plaints against Rivers Stanhope for keeping a dancing- 
school, and against Edward Enstone for a music-school.^ 

Individuals and persons as well as communities and 
governments had their rights of conscience. The scruples 
of a Seventh Day believer or a Sabbatarian came in to 
confound municipal regulation. Nathaniel Wardell ad- 
vertised February 14, 1743, that he could not weigh hay 

1 Bos. Town Rec, pp. 99, 121, 127, 133, 171, 185, 191, 197, 199, 
210, 221, 239. 

2 Bos. News Let., Aug. 27, 1724. 
• Bos. Town Rec., p. 236. 



on tlLat day, as was his office. His conscience affected 
bis scales also : " both be and his Engine will rest fi'om 
their Labour on that Day." ' Some change was made, . 
for a notice given the next week says tliat weighing on 
Saturday would be performed as usual. The town ex- 
tended its communal grasp into industry as well as 
trade. In 1720 ^ a committee recommended the procur- 
ing a house and the hiring a weaver, whose wife should 
instruct children in spinning flax. The children were to 
he furnished by the overseer of the poor, and the town 
was to pay their subsistence for three months. After 
that the master was to allow them their eai-niugs. The 
town was to provide twenty spinning-wheels, and offered 
a premium of <£5 for the first piece of liuen spun and 
woven in the town, if worth 43. per yard. The proposi- 
tion was changed the next year into an offer of ^300 to 
be loaned without interest to any one undertaking the 
school. At fii'st " good security " for the loan was re- 
quired, then '^ personal security " was declared sufBcient. 
The modifications of the scheme from time to time show 
the constant interest of the people in it. 

Indeed, the towns varied their action according to the 
view of social management prevailing in the 
community of any district. The old Germanic Monitcici- 
and English governing customs continued, inter- 
laced with new and sometimes eccentric actions prompted 
by the immediate democracy. Not often, but somHimes, 
the staid bodies of freemen escaped the routine of polite 
ical development and gave themselves to the passion, even 
to the fancy, of the moment. Worcester* " perambulates 
the bounds " of its territory, and Hardwick * elects " 2 
tiding men, 2 fence viewers, 2 bog-reaves," in the old 
style ; while in Cape Cod,^ a widow having been burned 

1 Bot. Eve. Poll, Feb. 14, 21, 1743. 

* Bot. Toum Rtc pp. 148, 153, 162. • Records, i\. IB. 

* P^ge, p. 38. * Fieeman, p. 211. 


out, the town votes her the materials of the old meeting- 
house toward rebuilding. They keep the pews for the 
owners, lest individual and communal rights should clash 
in this irregular charity. Dedham ^ and Hanover ^ kill 
wildcats ; while Bristol ^ fines householders bs. — one half 
for the poor, one half for complaint — for any chimney 
fire blazing from the top. Salem ^ forms a fire club in 
1744. In the Bhode Island towns this democratic ten- 
dency shows itself most fully. In East Greenwich it 
had been the custom to build houses fourteen feet square, 
with posts nine feet high ; in 1727 the town votes that 
houses shall be built eighteen feet square, with posts fif- 
teen feet high, with chimneys of stone or brick as be- 
fore.^ In 1745 the town voted to expend £90 in 
tickets in the Providence lottery for building Weybosset 
Bridge; only £29.5 of prizes returned from this losing 

If we would pass from the characteristics of the com- 
munity to the essential and peculiar features 
meeting- of the individual men and women composing it, 
we shall find no better transition steps than in 
the curious methods for seating persons in the meeting- 
houses. If we had the whole record of the doings of the 
congregations in classifying and seating their members, 
it would picture forth the social condition of New Eng- 
land in our period. Aristophanes' comedies would not 
be more entertaining or instructive. Each man must be 
considered, and changing circumstances must be embodied 
in the social privilege of his seat. Then the women! 
Court chamberlains could not have adjusted all their sub- 
tile claims and conflicting rivalries. Committees duly 
appointed, from time to time, worked out these difficult 
problems as they best could. 

1 WorthingtoD, Dedham in 1734. « Barry, p. 35. 

• Munro, p. 157. * Felt, ii. 366. 

• Greene, Ecut Greenwich^ pp. 16, 38. 


Judge Sewall, in position, influence, and urbane de- 
mea.nor, was thoroughly fltted for the task. But 
he dreads his responsibility for assigning the in'tfH' ' 
seats in 1713, and fears that his non-action will 
injure his son Joaeph, the newly made pastor of the Old 
South.' Again, when he marries Mrs. Tilly in 1719, he 
would have sat with her in his own "pue." But that 
waa too retiring a position for a judge's lady, and the 
"overseers" invite her to sit beside the m^strate in 
the " Foreseat." Worcester ' grants Hon. Adam Win- 
throp the first pew to right of the door, fifteen others 
being assigned. "Foreseat," second seat, etc., were main- 
tained for places of consolidated rank, as in Boston. 
Colchester,^ Conn., has all the metropolitan sense of ^is; 
tinction, voting the pew next the pulpit " to he first in 
dignety, the next behind it to be 2'^ in dignety & the fore- 
most of the long seats to be third in Dignety," etc. 
Richard Hazzen, in Haverhill,* Mass., is allowed to build 
a small pew, as he has " no place to sit but upon courtesy 
of Mr. Eastman or crowding into some foreseat too honor- 
able for me." 

The building changed in outward form very little dur- 
ing this period. The interior wax developing constantly. 
The foreseat shone in the full refulgence of heaven, and 
lesser places were equal to the lower steps of the heavenly 
throne. New London^ votes Mrs. Green, the deaoon'g 
wife, into the foreseat on " the woman's side," and Mercj 
Jiggels into the third seat. But here the communal au- 
thority girded itself for tasks even more minute, preca- 
rious, and delicate. The families of two brothers-in-law 
occupied a pew together : the upper seat being the post 
of honor, neither wife would yield precedence, and the 
qnarrel waxed strong. Finally the town meeting ap- 

» M. H. C, ri. 379 ; vil 234. • Rworrfj, ii. 27. 

• Rteordi, p. 14. * ChaM, p. 253. 

• Caulkitu, p. 379. 


poiuted a committee to bear all the facts and assign the 

Do not imagine that this arranging of seats for the 
EvoiuUon of congregations was in any way peculiar to Bos- 
'^^^y- ton, New London, or any other locality. It was 
a necessary evolution prevailing everywhere, and proceed- 
ing from principles I have defined. First the community 
fell into a democratic meeting on the long seats, then an 
aristocratic selection was gathered into pews. New dis- 
tricts generally went through a process similar to that 
already described, and occurring so frequently in the first- 
settled towns. In western Massachusetts, about 1717, 
pews came in slowly. Many persons disliked that the 
town should build pews for the principal families while 
"others sat in seats." ^ Votes for building a few pews 
were reconsidered generally before their actual accom- 
plishment. We remark the community was now passing 
beyond mere sufferance of the aristocratic distinction. 
At first it allowed, after much discussion, private persons 
to build for themselves especial pews. Now the whole 
community reluctantly but certainly took unto itself the 
business of seating the families of its promiment members 
in a decorous manner. 

The meeting-house itself was improved and elevated in 
its style, a change according with the general improve- 
ment in living we have noticed. The Old South, built in 
Boston in 1730, is a present example of the style of archi- 
tecture prevailing. Dr. Porter ^ considers this the type 
of meeting-houses for the century following. It had two 
galleries, and the houses in the populous towns of Milford 
and Guilford in Connecticut had the same. That at Guil- 
ford mounted the first steeple in Connecticut in 1726. 

Old Trinity Church, at Newport, R. I., was known from 
an early day as "the Church." Episcopalians have al- 
ways cherished this preferential nomenclature with fond 

1 Judd, Hadley, p. 319. « New Englander, xlii. 308. 

1713-*5.] COLONIAL MANSIONS. 531 

The ordinary houses of tlie average people we are con- 
siderit^ were little changed. In 1745 not a bouse in 
Kennebec (now Maine} liad a, square of glass in it.^ The 
style of one and two storied dwellings remained ..coionui" 
like that of the previous half century, and paint »"hit«tu«. 
began to be used about 1734.^ But a more sumptuous 
and larger type dates from the beginning of the century. 
Sir William Phipps'a " fair brick bouse " was noteworthy 
in 1692. Brick was well established after the fire of 1711. 
The buildings erected in Coruhill were of brick, and 
generally three-storied. What is now known as colonial 
architecture, gradually developed, dates some of its best 
examples from about 1720. Boston, the lesser towns, and 
especially Newport and Salem, built many fine three- 
storied mansions. Solid and portly, like their merchant 
owners, these houses — of brick in Boston, generally of 
wood elsewhere — took good hold of the present, and 
waited in quiet dignity for the coming generations. The 
nation was new and in embryo. These stately houses al- 
ways seemed old. The Bromfietd and Faneuil si*mTiaar 
homesteads were examples in Boston.^ The ''"^ 
Champlin or Chesebrough house still standing in New- 
port* is a fine specimen of the ample luxury of these days. 
A wide hall from front to rear suggested the comfortable 
country dwellings of our English ancestors, and the stair- 
case was as roomy as it was elegant. Wainscots mounted 
from floor to ceiling, while carving in relief adorned the 
mantels. Broad window-seats looked out upon well - or- 
dered grounds, and four entrances opened their hospitable 
doors to a gay and social concourse of friends. 

The large houses in Boston, which were preserved for 
subsequent generations, had these features and surround- 
ings, as is well known. Many dwellings went out in the 
changes occurring through the growth of the large towns, 

> Bourne, WelU and K., p, 650. " Chase, Haverhill, p. 95. 

* Mem, Hist; ii. 521, 523. * Masan'a Remmitixnctt. 


which had the same arrangements for living in ample 
comfort. R. Auchmuty's house in Essex Street, Boston, 
was offered for sale in 1738,^ with gardens, coach-house, 
stable, wood, cow, hen and three coal-houses, with a back 
kitchen in an outhouse. We remark the large provision 
for coal. Grates were common, and the coals * of Scot- 
land, Newcastle, and Nova Scotia were burned in them. 
The mansion was wainscoted from " garret to cellar," ex- 
cepting one chamber, which was " well hung." The most 
of the chimney-pieces were in marble, with hearths of the 
same stone ; all had " Glasses over them." In 1721 ' 
a brick dwelling-house in King Street, renting at £41 per 
annum, was appraised at £400. Another house, of wood, 
in the same street, with garden, yard, wood-house, and 
smith's shop, is priced at <£1,000 ; a wharf, <£300 ; a large 
wooden warehouse, £325 ; three other wooden do., «£675 ; 
one brick do., £300. A lime-kiln was located near the 
Bowling-green in Boston, 1723.* An estate offered at 
£700 in 1732 brought an income of 8 per cent.^ 

The large towns were more luxurious,® but comfort, 
Increase of niodcratc afflucuce, and ordered good living, ap- 
luxury. pears to be the rule in all the older parts of our 
colonies. The dress of the people of the better sort did 
not change its general character in the half or three quar- 
ter century which saw the development of New England 
commerce, and the large increase of wealth among the 

^ Bos, Gazette, 

« Bos, News Let,, Sept. 23, 1724 ; Ibid,, March 23, 1732 ; Ibid,, 
Oct. 22, 1737 ; and Bos, Evening Post, July 26, 1736 ; also R. Hale's 
MS, Diary, Am. Ant. Soc. 

» Bos. Gazette, April 24, 1721. 

* Bos. News Let., March 28, 1723. 

* New Eng. Weekly Jour., Dec. 4, 1732. 

* Samuel Greenwood (Suffolk P, R», xxxvi. 68, 69), in Boston, had 
eleven pictures, ''Metzintinto," valued at £5. Rev. T. Harvard had 
six "Apostles'* in frames, two being glazed, valued at Vis. An. 
King's Chap,, i. 428. 



people. Materials were riclier and more abundant, and 
wardrobes were more ample. The royal governors, coming 
shortly after commercial prosperity began, helped the on- 
ward course of luxury, but the main cause was in the 
more abundant resources of the people. The staff and at- 
tendant officials of the governors, the ladies coming from 
polished society, formed a miniature court in Boston, the 
influence of which went through all the settlements. But 
it was rather the more subtle and diffused influence of 
the mother country, working through intercourse and cor- 
respondence, which shaped and affected the customs of 
our land. 

Gentlemen wore the deep, broad-skirted frock-coat so 
long established. It was more or less orna- oentinnm'* 
mented with varied trimmings, running up to ''"**' 
gold lace in the more splendid specimens. But the use of 
broadcloth was becoming more general, and embroideries 
or trimmings were not so necessary with this solid ma- 
terial. The long waistcoat, deep - pocketed, with loose, 
swinging flaps, hung over breeches or small-cloth en, hose, 
buckled shoes, frills or cuffs, neck-bands and ruffled shirts, 
a felt hat,^ generally three-cornered, completed the dress 
of the better sort of citizen. Almost every inventory to- 
ward 1745 contains a valuable suit or at least a coat of 
broadcloth, generally black, but sometimes in shades of 
fancy color. Adam Winthrnp,^ in 1744, had a black coat 
and waistcoat valued at £.\2 ; six rufHed shirts at the 
same figure, one holland and one dimity waistcoat, with 
an old gown, completed his wardrobe. One of the best- 
dressed men by the record, in 1741, was William Ben- 
nett : ' a " suit of fine dark-colored broadcloth clothes," 
X35 ; a suit of gray Duroy, X20 ; a coat and breeches of 
" grey cloth," X12 ; blue cloth coat, £2 10s. ; light^iol- 
ored cloth coat, £5 \ dark frieze coat, X3 ; an " Allipeen 

' Felt, Ait.SaUm,u.nO. 

* Suffoik P. R., ixivii. 399. ■ Ibid., xxxv. 417. 


speckled jacket & breeches, £9 ; red Whitney jacket & 
breeches, £\ 108. ; white plain fustian jacket, £2 ; brown 
hoUand coat & jacket and 3 pair breeches, £2." In an- 
other instance. Captain Thomas Tempter's ^ best suit was 
a '^double Alpeen coat & breeches," £25. He had 
" Padusoy," figured velvet, " grogrum," and black cloth 
waistcoats ; in addition to his coats, a '^ f ustiau " frock 
and a serge coat. But serge is not as common as it was 
at the close of the seventeenth century. They seemed to 
wear jackets in undress or half dress. The wealthy mer- 
chants wore rich dressing-gowns of flowered silk or other 
material. Generally there was a blue cloak or greatcoat 
in a good outfit. Captain Samuel Osgood, of Andover,^ 
Mass., in 1743, had a suit of red, another of blue, a dark 
green coat and jacket, an " old white coat, with camlet 
and fustian jackets." The captain had one fine linen shirt 
and six of cotton, stockings both yam and worsted. Plush 
was a common material for breeches. Both cotton and 
holland, i, e, linen, were used for sheets.^ In a Hartford 
inventory of 1719 all the shirts were linen.* William 
Mitchell,^ a " merchant " of Windsor, Ct., in 1725, had a 
blue coat, another of duffel, another of gray drugget, one 
do. blue, a suit of " beggars' velvet," and leather breeches 
with silver buttons. His wardrobe was ample and varied, 
but not as valuable as the better sort in Boston. Leather 

breeches kept in, well through the century; 
breechei generally worn by servants and laborers, they 

appear also in well - furnished Boston^ ward- 
robes. Most substantial men had walking - staffs, fre- 
quently with silver heads. Silver watches, rapiers, and 
pistols were common. Ensign Leffingwell, at Norwich, Ct., 
in 1724, had, perhaps, the largest estate there, valued at 

1 Suffolk P. jR., xxxviii. 368. « Bailey, p. 79. 

» Suffolk P. jR., xxxiv. 127. 

* John Eliott, Hartford P. J?., May, 1719. 

» Ibid., 1725. « Suffolk P. i?., xxxiv. 327. 

1713-4B.] RUNAWAY SERVANTS. 535 

jCd,793 9s.' He had elegant furniture, abundant stores 
of linen, with some plat«, and wearing apparel worth 
£27. This did not include wigs, side-arms, etc., which 
were accounted for separately. This is an index and 
one of the signs of the increasing wealth scattered among 
the people, in the fact that the wardrohe is a very' 
small fraction of the estate. It was not so in the cen- 
tury preceding. As we saw in 1670 and 1680," the 
di-ess of a man of substance was an important item in 
his inventory. 

The fabrics and stuffs for all this varied wearing ap- 
parel were being imported constantly from Europe, espe- 
cially from England and the Mediterranean ports, where 
the fish and timber laden vessels made their exchanges. 
They were offered for sale ^ by tradei-s, who recei ved them 
from the Faneuils and other merchants. The stocks were 
generally mixed, containing all goods, from pork and hard- 
ware to ribbons and laces. 

Kunaway servants, white and black, are often adver- 
tised,* and their dress indicates the costume of prguor 
the lower classes. Leather breeches are the ■"'*°"- 
most common item, and coats with frogs appear fre- 
quently. The garments are similar to those worn by the 
masters, but in poorer quality of material. The dress o£ 
a runaway " English man-servant " is a complete picture 
of the luxurious living prevalent in Boston in 1741:^ "A 
blue straight-bodied coat with black velvet buttons and 
black button holes, a bluish silk camblet jacket, a fine 
white shirt with ruffles at bosom and wrists, cloth breeches, 

> Canlkims Noneich, pp. 101, 192. " See above, p. 290. 

* See Bot. Ncics Uiler, Nov. 17, 1712 ; Deo. 8, 172fi ; Nov. 6, 1735 ; 
April 8, 1736 j Bat. Gazelle, Oct. lo, 1733 ; Bos. News lelltr, Dec. 

* Bos. Nam Later, May 17, 1714 ; Aug. 27, 1716 ; July 14, 1718 ; 
Aug. 25, 1718. 

* iWrf, Feb. 5, 17il. 


worsted stockings, new calf -skin shoes with metal buckles, 
a blue shag greatcoat, a beaver hat and a linen cap.'* 

Metal shoe-buckles for women were worn until about 
1727, when they went out, together with the fashion of 
square-toed shoes ; ^ the round or peaked toe of the seven- 
'teenth century came in again, '' pointed to the heavens in 
imitation of the Laplanders." 

Alas for the manes of Samuel Sewall, who fought wigs 
TroubieB ^^^ cvcry possiblc weapon, — scriptural, ethical, 
from wigs, economical, and prudential ! By 1740 they were 
in such common wear as hardly to be noticed. In 1721 
they still vexed the Puritan mind, and a meeting at 
Hampton, after solemn consideration, decided " ye wear- 
ing of extravegent superflues wigges is altogether contrary 
to truth." ^ About the same time, in the quiet precincts of 
the Old Colony, the Rev, Joseph Metcalf, who carried a 
sensible pate under his artificial tresses, devised a better 
way to trim his top-gear, and at the same time employ the 
restless energies of the female critics of his congregation. 
They had complained of his new wig as " too worldly." 
He made each one trim off locks of hair until it suited 
them all.^ 

The dress of the ladies was growing richer ; it did not 
Lading, fully surpass the male bird until the next gen- 
dreas. eratiou. A " fine brilliant diamond ring " was 

advertised in 1738.* Whitefield, on his visit to Boston in 
1740, complained, of the " jewels, patches and gay apparel 
commonly worn by the female sex." The finery of boys 
and girls and of infants, also, vexed the eager evangelist. 
Bennett says in the same year, " both the ladies and gen- 
tlemen dress and appear as gay in common as courtiers 
in England on a coronation or birthday." ^ Madam Eliza- 

^ Newhall, Lynn, p. 90 ; Drake, Roxbury, p. 54. 

2 Coffin, Newbury y p. 221. « Freeman, Cape Cod, p. 443. 

* Bos, Evening Post, February 20, 1738. 

» Proc. M. H. 5., p. 125. 


beth Gedney, in 1738,^ lias fourteen shifts, £8.4 ; nine 
handkerchiefs and thirteen petticoats, £10.7. A " suit of 
dark-colored flowered silk " at <£8, a striped lutestring 
gown at XT, a velvet hood, a lutestring do., two silk 
aprons, all at XI. 4., make up the wardrobe of a comfort- 
able matron. The hood was an important item for every 
lady. Mr. Thomas Amory in 1724 writes to England for 
a "good fine fashionable riding hood, or a cloak with a 
hood to it, embroidered." ^ Any color suitable for a young 
woman would be agreeable, exirept scarlet ov yellow. 

An umbi-ella was carried about 1740 by & dame of 
Windsor, Conn., whose husband brought her varions 
elegances for her toilet from the West Indies. It excited 
so much attention and satire that her neighbors mocked 
her on the streets, carrying sieves balanced on broom- 

The greatest innovation in the realm of feminine adorn- 
ment was an immense hoop, which spread the h„,^ 
lutestring skirts in ample volume, like a fishing- ™™""- 
smack under full sail. In 1723 Pepperell, afterwards 
Sir William, married Mary Hirst, granddaughter of 
Ju<^e Sewall,* lofty people on both aides. Among other 
presents he gave her a large hoop. The fashion was well 
established by 1727, for Mr. Amory condemned a lot of 
petticoats received from a consignor because they were 
too scanty for hoops. Such a breezy revolution in the 
volume of petticoats^ did not come in without profound 
ethical disturbance and physical portents', according to the 

' Suffolk P. R., xniv. It « Amory Correi^ndence, MS. 

• Stilea, Windior, p. 482. * Parsons, Pepperell, p. 26. 

' 1722. Rev. Iliigli AdnmB inveighed against wigs and hoop- 
petticoata, propheKying Indian bnrburitiea in consequence. 

Proc. Matt. Hist. S. 1855-58, p. 328. 


magnitude of the change. The good women had hardly 
adjusted their trains to the enlarging demand of fickle 
Fashion, when Nature, by an unusual disturbance, fright- 
ened the poor dames into narrower draperies. An earth- 
quake occurred, and the people of a considerable town in 
Massachusetts were " so awakened by this awful Provi- 
dence that the women generally laid aside their Hoop 
Petticoats." ^ 

Rings were the most common article of jewelry, and the 
gift of these with scarfs and gloves became as general 
and inapposite as the useless custom of bridal gifts in 
our day. At the funeral of Governor Belcher's wife in 
1736, over 1,000 pairs of gloves were given away. In 1742 
an act forbade the giving of rings, scarfs, or gloves at funer- 
als, except six pairs of the latter to bearers, and one pair 
to the pastor ; it did not stop the practice, however. 

I refen'cd to women's shifts in an inventory. This 
Marriage garment, essential as it was, symbolised a curious 
in a shift. custom, which marked a step in the evolution 
of the institution of marriage. The new husband was 
generally responsible for the previous debts of his bride. 
If he married her in her shift or chemise on the king*s high- 
way, then the creditor could follow her person no further 
in the pursuit of his debt. Many such marriages were 
recorded in Rhode Island, often " at evening," as on the 
20th day of April, 1724, at Westerly .^ The practice con- 
tinued a half century or more later. The observance on 
the highway relaxed, for I have seen a certificate stating 
that the bride stood in a closet, extended her arm through 
a hole in the door, pledged her vows, and joined her heart 
to the palpitating groom, who stood with the company 
assembled in the adjoining room. 

We are always curious to know how another generation 
ate and drank, what nourished the daily board, 
and what good cheer warmed the social life. 

* Mag, Am, Hist., ii. 631. ■ Toicn Records, 

1713-46.] EAHLV TEA DRINKING. 539 

These thiogs animate the time. The greatest change ever 
effected in diet, except through alcoholic spirits, wa.i made 
hy the iatroductioQ of tea and coffe* among the Western 
nations. Malt was superseded by alcoholic spirits and by 
cider io New England ; finally tea and coffee supplanted 
these as the common beverage. The political conse- 
quences, of this economic introduction of tea some three- 
score years later into our colonies, were too vast to be ex- 
pressed here. It suffices to say that in this little Chioese 
leaf was folded the germ which enlarged into American 

We wonder that Sewall did not mention tea in alt his 
fussing about wines, chocolate, raisins, almonds, 
figs, etc. It was advertised, tf^ether with coffee, mhcr 
by Edward Mill, Sudbury Street, Boston, May 
24, 1714,' " Very fine green tea, the best for color and 
taste." In 1718 the accounts at Lynn ' say it was "little 
used." There were no tea-kettles as yet, and when the 
ladies went fora gossip and drinking, each carried her own 
_teacup, — very smalt, — with saucer, and spoon. By 1740 
Bennett finds the ladies in Boston drinking tea, and "in- 
dulging every little piece of gentility and neglecting the 
affairs of their families with as good a grace as the finest 
ladies ^ in London." * Madeira wine and rum punch were 

> Boi. Nem Letter. ' Nenhall, p. 313. 

* Tea and tea drioking was matter of comment in England aa late 
as 1740, as we see by tbe following old English letter : — 

** They are not much esteemed now tbat will not treat high and 
gossip about. Tea is now become the darling of our women. Almust 
eTer; little tradesman'^ wife mii»t set sipping tea for an hour or mora 
in a morning, and it mny be afptin in the afternoon, if thej- can get it, 
and nothing will ple.isc them to sip it out of but cliiua ware, if thej 
can get it. They talk of bestowing thirty or forty sbillings upon a 
tea equipage, as they call it. Tliere ia the silver spoons, silver tongs, 
and many other trinkets that I cannot name." — Co^a, Nembury, 
p. 191. 

* Ptoc. M. H. S. 18G0, p. 125. 


the social drinks, while the '^generality of the people 
with their victuals " drank cider, which was plentiful at 
three shillings per barrel. There was no good beer,^ yet 
English malt was imported occasionally. Coffee was 
planted in the West Indies about 1720, but it made its 
way slowly in our colonies. A coffee-mill appears occa- 
sionally in the inventories during this period. Chocolate 
•was common, and handled by elaborate methods.^ Kobert 
Hale^ confirms the free drinking of wine and punch. 
On his way to Nova Scotia in 1731 he is royally enter- 
tained at Portsmouth by Benning Wentworth, Hunking, 
Walton, and others. He is not allowed to go to a tavern^ 
but is taken from house to house, where '^ splendid treats " 
are served. He saw no women at these parties, excepting 
the serving maids. And, according to another account, 
sumptuous entertainments are given in New London,^ at 
the Browne-Winthrop and the Stewart-Gardiner naarriages. 

Bennett's ^ account of food and marketing in Boston in 
Boston 1740 is careful and full. Butcher's meat, beef, 
market. muttou, lamb, and veal averaged 2e?., the very 
best 6rf., New England currency; venison plenty and 
cheap ; poultry very cheap, — turkeys at 2s. which would 
be 65. or 7s. in London ; wild pigeons abundant and cheap 
from June to September ; a twelve - pound cod at 2c? ; 
smelts plenty ; salmon about Id. per lb., and it was at 
the same price on the Connecticut River ;^ oysters and 
lobsters in course, the latter in large size at three half- 
pence each ; bread cheap, but not as good as the average 
in London ; butter excellent at Zd, ; cheese neither good 
nor cheap ; milk at London prices, but full measure. 

They tried to get good cheese, though our varieties did 

1 Bos. News Letter, May 6, 1736. 

2 New England Weekly Journal^ May 1, 1727 ; and Bos. News Let" 
ter, December 30, 1731. 

' MS., Am. Ant. Soc. * Caulkins, New London, p. 408. 

. « Proc. M, H. S., pp. 112, 113. « Judd, Hadley, p. 316. 

1713-45.] FORKS ARE MOKE COMMON. 541 

not suit a European palate. Rhode Island furaiabed the 
best here, probably the best in America. Cbeshire was 
imported constantly. We presume Bennett included only 
the domestic varieties in bis criticism. Loaf sugar was 
nsed, and " white " English salt bettered the poorer sort 
from the Tortugas. Irish beef and butter come, though 
tho latter is sometimes only fit for the soap-boiler; 
wbeat from Maryland and flour from New York, with 
" pease " from Albany. " Choice ship, white and milk 
bread " appears.' 

This was the comfortable diet of the larger towns, and 
of afKuent people. The commonalty ate salt pork and 
fish, baked beans, Indian pudding, rye-and-In- th* tominoB 
diau bread, fried eggs, and black broth. A **'''•■ 
"boiled dinner" of salt meats, cabbage, and other vege- 
tables, flavored together, was a common dish, served gen- 
erally in wooden trenchers. " Barley fire • cake " for 
breakfast, parched corn " uocake," and for company cake 
made of parclied corn and strawberries, was served. 
Baked pumpkins were common in winter.' Potatoes 
were scattered about after 1720 ; the first crop in Haver- 
hill yielded only the balls for cooking, for they did not 
find the tubers until next spring's jiloughing.* 

Knives and forks appear in stocks of mercliandiae by 
1718.' The forks were still a luxury, for in the same year 
Judge Sewall, then courting Mrs. Dciiison, presents her 
with two cases, each containing a knife and fork; "one 
Turtle shell tackling, the other long with Ivory handles 
Bquar'd cost 48. 6il." ^ 

Sewall's experiences, in his various courtships before 
contracting his second marriage, are very enter- 
taining. After a lung and happy married life, 

> Bo». Netrs Let., Aug. 19, 1734 ; Sept. 25. 1733 ; Dec. 1, 1737. 
' Drake, Roxhary. pp. 56, 57. 

' Chose, Haverhill, p. 250 j Coffin, NuBbary, p. 190 ; Bourne, 
WdU and K., p. 047. 
' Suffolk P. R., xii. 415. ' 5 3/. ff. C, yu. 188. 


his wife, Judith HuU, died October 19, 1717. By the 
sixth of February following he had put off the old love 
sufficiently to pen this naive statement : '^ This morning 
wandering in my mind whether to live a Single or Mar- 
ried life/' ^ In less than three weeks more, he could 
gossip with neighbors in this fashion : '^ They had laid 
one out for me; and Governor Dudley told me 'twas 
Madam Winthrop. I told him had been there but thrice, 
and twice upon Business : He said Cave tertium." * 

The most striking feature of all his courtships ^ is the 
Sordid ne- ^^^Y sharp bargaining on both sides. These in- 
gotiationa. noceut widows and this kindly magistrate hig- 
gle like hucksters and pedlars. Madam Winthrop, in 
her turn, was " courteous," but spoke *' pretty earnestly " 
about his keeping a coach : ^^ I said twould cost j£100 per 
anflm; she said twould cost but £40." He gave Mrs. 
Denison a pair of shoe-buckles, cost 5^. 3e2., and in another 
interview told her " twas time now to finish our Business. 
Ask\l her what I should allow her ; she not speaking, I 
told her I was willing to give her Two [Hundred?] and 
Fifty pounds per anum during her life, if it should please 
God to take me out of the world before her. She answer'd 
she had better keep as she was, than give a Certainty 
for an uncertainty ; she should pay dear for dwelling at 
Boston. I desired her to make proposals, but she made 

Either the charms of Mrs. Gibbs were less dear, or his 
passion had weakened, or the general bride-market had 
fallen, for he was much more severe in chaffering with 
this poor lady. He proposes that her sons be bound to 
pay him " XlOO provided their mother died before me : 
I to pay her £50 j>er anum during her Life, if I left her 
a widow," — the £100 being to indemnify him against 
former debts in her " administration." Marriage settle- 

1 5 M. H, C, vii. 165. « Ibid., p. 172. 

• Ibid., pp. 109, 202, 269, 300. 


meats must never be viewed too closely, but the petty 
spirit appearing in all these negotiations is painful. 
Romance in matrimony was superticial ; the economic 
factor was <leep and abiding in a prudent people just 
yielding to the approach of luxury. Notwithstanding the 
judge's wary sci'uples, hia example did not seriously af- 
fect his young relative, Samuel. He was a " bride man " 
at the wedding of Conrade Adams's nephew in 1713. 
Cupid seems to have seized upon his susceptible heart 
after the ancient fashion, and lie " could scarce Refrain 
bis thoughts from the Bliss of matrimony." ' When the 
groom carried his bride home " wee were all decently 
merry two days after the conjunction." 

Woman, a "sweet sex" even in the singular celibate 
eyes of Sir Thomas Brown, was held closely to womm't in- 
domestic matters, according to modern notions. ^"""^ 
Yet she influenced larger affairs, as well as that social 
world all societies have yielded to her almost exclusively. 
When she trespassed into the outward world of govern- 
ment and administration, she made her gentle hand to be 
felt. In 1713^ "most of the Gentlewomen" of Boston 
waited on the governor " with Prayers and Tears " for the 
lives of Berry and Mark, condemned to be hanged for 
counterfeiting paper money. The poor governor's firm- 
ness melted in this torrid flood of sympathy. But the 
feeling against «ounterfeiters was very ui^nt and strin- 
gent. This incident shows the constant power of feminine 

Though in a dispute for a wife between two men in 
Boston^ one sold his right for 15 shillings, the wives seem 
to have been able to take care of themselves generally, 
and the condition of widows was considered carefully in 
the disposition of property. The bulk of estates was real 
generally, and the right of dower protected the widow, 

• Stephen StumlCi Paprrs, MS., in Am. Ant. Soc. 

• So*. Naei Lei., Sept. 21, 1713. • Bos. See. Pott, March 15, 1736. 


In nearly all wills there are minute provisions for the 
minor rights and comfort of the widows. In Gideon 
Freeborn's will,^ at Portsmouth, R. I., 17^ he leaves his 
wife the use of the " great lower " room, with lodging- 
room adjoining, firewood and fruit, the use of bed and 
bedding and of a '^ good gentle riding horse," one bed 
and bedding for her own disposing, and £15 yearly dur- 
ing her widowhood ; if married again, she would receive 
only £10. 

The use of a riding-horse was a common bequest to 
widows. Governor Benedict Arnold, a merchant of New- 
port, but dwelling in Jamestown, R. I., in 1733,^ after pro- 
viding well for his widow, and leaving her the service of 
three negresses, left a three - year - old gray horse, to be 
kept in a particular pasture, for twenty years. It was to 
be for " the use of the women of the public ministry of the 
Quakers " who desired to visit in their ministry any part 
of New England, New York, or Philadelphia. Freeborn 
left a bedstead, etc., to remain in his house for ^^ the ac- 
comodation of friends as occasiou requires.'* All of this 
shows a kindly use of property among the Society of 

The estates were divided sometimes among the chil- 
Diviaionof ^rcn cvculy, or nearly so, but not always. A 
estates. partial primogeniture, following English tradi- 
tions, prevailed frequently. The sons were preferred 
over the daughters, almost without exception. Generally, 
the larger the estate, the gi*eater the relative diflference. 
Pepperell, the father of Sir William, in ' 173J, left his 
daughters £500 each in addition to their marriage poi>* 
tions and previous advances ; then, after a few bequests, 
the whole of the large estate descended to the future 
baronet. The daughters and sons-in-law were much dis- 

» /?. /. Hist. Mag., v. 228. « Ibid. (Newport), iv. 22. 

• ParsoDS, Pepperellt p. 17. 

1713-46.] VERY POOR LITERATURE. 545 

In turning the pages of these wills and inventories, and 
ID reading the meagi-e lists uf books found among these 
excellent people, we wonder that such poor literature 
could sustain the mind of so intelligent and practically 
educated a people. The occasional poems reveal the thin 
im^ination, lean culture, and dull, heavy meu- .^^i^ 
tal routine, of their lives. A long poem in 1729 p"*^- 
on the deaths of Kevs. Messrs. Tliatcher and Danforth, by 
Sev. J. Danforth, of Taunton, Ma^., is a type : — 

"Their Temper far from lajucundity 
Their tongaes and Pens from Infecanditj. 

All to their office-work subordinated ; 

A work unrivaird, not to be check-mated ; 

A work, upon the Wheels forever going ;■ 

A work, (whatever else was done) still doing," etc. 

Think of these pompous platitudes rolling on throngh 
hundreds of lines ! We are prepared for the statement 
that the library of Harvard College contained in 1723 
no volume from Addison or his fellows, nothing of Liocke, 
Dryden, South, or Tillotson ; Shakespeare and Milton had 
been acquired recently.^ The Boston inventories contain 
few books. We wonder that we find so few 
traces of the stocks of John Dunton, and the 
booksellera of a generation earlier. Edward Watts" 
bound books at Boston in 1728, Rev. Thomas Harvard, 
minister of King's Chapel, serenely confident that he 
would find " no Gout or Stone " in heaven, started on hia 
journey thitherward in 1736. He left a scanty library, 
" only ninety works, mostly small and of poor quality,"* — 
among them. Fuller's " Medicinal Oymnastica," one vol. ; 
Sydenham's Works, one vol., 14,*. ; Howe's " Blessedness 
of the Righteous," one vol., Sn. The pious scholar was an 
active writer, and left stacks of unsold publications of his 

' Hut. Tamim, p. 237-289. » Palfre?, JV. E., iv. 384. 

• Suffolk P. R., xxri. 319. • An. King's Chap., i. 427-429. 


own. In an invoice of books sent to Rev. Mr. Curwen, 
Salem, from Boston, in 1717, there appears, among a num- 
ber of obsolete works, a volume, " Apophtegmata Curiosa," 
at 2s.i 

The largest library at New London in 1726, belonging 
to George Dennis, contained 139 books, '^ mostly of small 
value." ^ The most comprehensive list I have seen covers 
the library of John Eliott, Esq., at Hartford, in 1719.^ 
It contains 243 titles. The brilliant and permanent liter- 
ature of Queen Anne had made hardly any impression in 
our colonies, but this collection had two volumes of '^ The 
Tattler." It is a most heterogeneous lot, — old histories, 
sermons, a few medical books, and more upon law, miscel- 
laneous literature, almost all now unknown to the ordinary 
reader. Then I find the classics always known : books 
like " Naturali Phylisophia " go out with the generation 
making them, while Homer and Cicero are read in per- 
petual succession. Among remembered titles are the 
" Whole Duty of Man," " Call to the Unconverted," Eras- 
mus's " Colloquies," Calvin's " French Commentary," 
" Religio Medici," " Defence of Human Learning," Bfe- 
con's "Book Learning," Aristotle's "Logic," Josephus, 
Cicero, Lucan, Horace, Ovid, Virgil, Homer, and Seneca. 

Boston had five printing presses in 1719, and booksel- 
ler's shops were numerous about the Exchange. Book 
auctions date from 1717. " Mother Goose " appears. The 
" News Letter," after fifteen years, had attained a circu- 
lation of only three hundred impressions in 1719. But 
room was found for the " Gazette " at that time. The 
" New England Courant " began in 1721.* 

We cannot give a history of literature, but any story 
Thp coming ^^ *h® social life of New England would be in- 
of Berkeley, complete which should not notice the advent of 

* Curwin MS., Am. Ant. Soc. 

a Caulkiiis, N L., p. 361. » Hartford C. P. R. 

^ For these and other details of the literature of this period, see 
Nar. ^ Crit, Hist. Am,, v. 121, 137. 


Biahop Berkeley, one of the greateBt minds of all time, 
-^the greatest foreigner ever sojourning here: his stay 
and bis work left lasting marks on Newport, the place of 
his abode. These influences reached far beyond the lim- 
its of the little eighteenth century paradise on fair Khode 
Island. He brought not only a great intellect and great 
metaphysical insight, but the broadest and roost generous 
culture known in his time. New England had not read 
the literature of Swift anil Addison ; they had in Berkeley 
more, — the power that makes letters. This was some- 
thing quite different from anything known in Massachu- 
setts or the Connecticut valley for the first two centuries. 
Commerce always broadens, but there are merchants and 
merchants. Faneuil and his fellows in Boston were fed 
by the men living on such literature as we have noted. 
Tho Malbones, Wantons, and the rest lived in an atmos- 
phere animated by the genius of Berkeley. John Smy- 
bert, a Scotch artist, came with Berkeley. His presence 
in the colony stimulated the rising love of art. 

Henry Collins, an accomplished merchant at Newport 
and a patron of the arts, commissioned portraits of Berke- 
ley, Hitchcock, and other divines.^ 

The great idealist came in 1728, and left abont 17S0. 
His gift of books — the best then known in B«rkfiey-. 
America — was the foundation of the library of '"*"•"*■ 
Yale College. The Society of Knowledge and Virtue,^ 
springing from his influence and his direct intervention,' 
dates from 1730. Channing was bom just fifty years 
later. The soil of heredity in which Channing germi- 
nated was first cultivated by Berkeley, Jonathan Ed- 
wards published his first work attracting general atten- 
tion about 1746 ; he died in 1758. In these two mental 
poles, in these two centres of intellectual life, inhered 
the ideal forces which controlled New England, moulded 

1 Cnllender, R. I., p. 44. * Ibid^ R. J. 

a ^etrport H- Mag., iv. 67. 


her thought, broadened her Poritanio tendencies, and gave 
her the lead of America. 

The first book published in Newport is said to have 
been ^^A Looking Glass for Elder Clarke and Elder 
Wightman/' by William Claggett and other aggrieved 
Baptists. It was issued in 1721, supposed to have been 
printed in Boston by James Franklin, the brother of Ben- 
jamin. Franklin afterwards located at Newport, and pub- 
lished the " Rhode Island Gazette " in 1733. 

The political, ecclesiastical, economical framework we 
Atypical ^*ve been considering served to embody and 
^^' convey the social life of the people; a people 

who had descended literally from their English ancestors,^ 
and had not yet ascended to the plane of our forefathers, 
the builders of the American republic. Dedham,^ in 
1736, was a type of the early towns made on our soil, — 
offshoots of those first companies settling on the shore, 
then putting forth communities instinct with Germanic 
and Puritanic life ; a life speedily adapting itself to the 
conditions of a new hemisphere. There were some 1,500 
inhabitants, nearly all farmers, stretching their homes six 
or seven miles away from the village, where few besides 
farmers were left. The separation between close church 
life and scattered economic life concentrated in families — 
deprecated by Governor Bradford in the beginning — had 
accomplished itself. For all these people, there was one 
minister and one schoolmaster employed for a few weeks 
in one place. There was one physician, a few mechanics, 

^ Benjamin Colinan, writing from England to Stephen Sewall 
about 1717, claims that the dissenting clergy were equal to those bred 
in the Established Church. He said the ** Act agt Schism " was 
caused by jealous dread of the Nonconformists. " Whereas they saw 
with Envy as many fine Scholars and Preachers as we could desire 
rise up from a private Education, that shone as bright as any of their 
own Doctors, their spite has burst them, & spread out this Act." 
Sewall Papers^ MS,y Am. Ant. Soc 

^ Worthington, p. 69. 


and no traders. The bigh consciousness and citizenhood 
of the first generation, the lofty sense of a peculiar mis- 
sion, had degenerated into petty local strifes, mere wordy 
disputes about triHes. 

This decadence is illustrated iu the Report of Associated 
Churches of Connecticut to the Governor, Coun- ^^^^ 
oil, and General Court in 1715.^ After inquiry inCmnw 
they reported a lack of Bibles in some families, 
and of " domestical government ; " great neglect of pub- 
lic worship, also of "catechizing; " "irregularity iu com- 
mutative justice;" tale-bearing, defamation, and intern- 
perance ; " calumniating and contempt of authority and 
order, both civil and ecclesiastical." They proceed to 
strengthen the laws, and the administration accordingly. 

The observance of Sabbath and other religious formal- 
ities was very punctilious. In 1715 Paul Dav- Moniiwid 
enport, of Canterbury, was fined 20s. for riding '™™''' 
from Providence on Sunday. In 1720 Samuel Sabin com- 
plained of himself before a justice at Norwich,^ that on 
the previous Sabbath night he went with a neighbor to 
visit relations ; " did no harm, and fears it may be a trans- 
gression of ye law," promises amends, etc. In 1738 or- 
derly meetings on Sunday evening and individual absences 
from Sabbath public worship are condemned. Nor are 
these strict proceedings confined to steady-going Connec- 
ticut. Boston ' orders its representatives to procure an 
act from the General Court in 1715 to prevent stage 
plays which " may have a Tendanoy to corrupt youth," 
etc. Worcester, in 1738 anil 1734, convicts many per- 
sons for unnecessary work on " the Lord's day," and the 
grand yxiy busies itself over the culprits avoiding public 

This absurd social exaggeration of little things crops 
out in many directions. The General Assembly of Con- 

' Col. Ref. Conn. 170C. p. 520. ' Caulkins, pp. 279, 280. 

* Towu Ree^ p. 239. * Worcater Soc. Antiquity, xviii. 71, 107. 


necticut in 1725, exempts Mr. Nathaniel Clark from mili- 
tary duty by special act. And what was the reason given 
by a grave legislature for this simple act ? Because he 
had been educated at the college at Say brook and ^^ had 
obtained the honor of a Diploma, which may be supposed 
to elevate the gentlemen adorned with such a laurel 
something above the vulgar order ; " nevertheless he had 
been called to military and other common employments, 
**a disparaging imposition on the order above said."^ 
Defence of his country came between the wind and his 

We smile at the expenditure of so much legislative and 
administrative force upon these trivial errors. Our time 
would put these trespasses into the province of manners, 
and could not lift them into the region of morals. Not so 
the eighteenth-century Puritans. Their conscience, their 
concurrent public sentiment, was oppressed by these petty 
crimes and prepared for some great change ; it was found 
in the mission of Whitefield in 1740. The evangelist 
found a people sore in their own heart, ready to respond 
to his fiery appeal. 

Nor should we exaggerate the features of these worthies 

either in the high lights or the low shadows. It 

partTOk of^ has been too much the fashion to exalt the Mas- 

^ sachusetts provincial generations into a sweet 

company of frost-bitten angels, oppressed and a little 
warped out of their skyward tendencies by the royal offi- 
cers, or by their own citizens elevated and corrupted by 
royal commissions. These artless Puritan celestials reveal 
their earthly natures in the facts we have cited, which 
are not exceptional. Governor Belcher, with his brutal 
slang ; 2 town officers slinging epithets;^ Rev. Hugh 
Adams using his " money if mistaken and MisimprovVl as 
a bribe for an antidote against any real Bribes," his pa- 

1 Col Rec, Conn. 1717, p. 533. 

« N. H. Prov. P., iv. 880. • Worthington, Dedham, p. 59. 



ruIiioDers haraUy scurrilous ; magistrates busy with Sab- 
bath-breakero, — all these jarring, petty, constituent parts 
of a starveling commonwealth were but the superficial 
exponents of a deeper, stronger, religious and civil life. 
This generation, somewhat corrupted by its great material 
prosperity, was not better or worse than its time. The 
eighteenth century was germinating the forces which 
rent and recreated tlie social world ere its years ran out. 
The New England of Adams and Belcher, creeping in 
the low valleys as it was, yet was not lower down in the 
historic scale than the England of Walpole, or the France 
of Louis XV. 




The great struggle on the continent of Europe known 
as the War of the Spanish Succession, ended in the Peace 
of Utrecht. This epoch in the affairs of the Old World 
affected the colonies of America vitally and permanently. 
The mind of Europe, agitated, almost convulsed through 
the seventeenth century by profound religious questions, 
disputed finally on the field of battle, had become quiet. 
The stormy era of religious and dogmatic dis- 
quiet and cussion was followed by a peaceful calm of phil- 
newpo ca. ^g^pj^j^ skcpticism.^ Politics left the spiritual 

domain of religion, and found its business in urging for- 
ward the material and industrial interests of the nations. 
The greatest commercial factor under the new treaties 
was in the " Assiento " slave contract, by which Spain 
passively, England actively, became the greatest dealers 
of all time in human flesh, mind, and spirit. 

The political and military power of France, preemi- 
nent in the preceding century, passed to England ; while 
the maritime and commercial interests of Holland, grad- 
ually supplanted since Charles II.'s time, gave way com- 
pletely, and Great Britain became the acknowl- 

Oreat Brit- i i • ^ e ±1 • 1 

ain mistress edged mistrcss of the seas m war and peace. 
The beginning of the end of French colonial 
enterprise in North America dates from this treaty. Aca- 
dia and ' Newfoundland, excepting its fishing privileges, 
were acquired by England. But this slight territorial 

^ Grovestins, GuUlaume et Louis, viii. 317. 


change was no measure of the waning and increasing co- 
lonial power of the two countries. The northern colonies 
of France fell constantly hebind in comparative develop- 
ment. The final victory of Wolfe over Montcalm at 
Qaebec was merely symbolic of the superiority of the 
English race in those qualities which snbdue continents. 
Spain ceased to be an element of consequence on the 
mainland of our continent. 

Such momentous changes — in the grouping of political 
powers, in the rise and decline of nations — Bin«tioOi» 
must produce some corresponding result in the "'""^^ 
dependencies of those nations in the Western World. 
We have seen the results of this change in the growing 
home industries and wealth of New England, developed 
under all the disadvantages of a hard struggle with 
France for the final possession of the northern provinces. 
Now we take up the commerce which fed those indus- 
tries, — the contact with the world outside, which devel- 
oped the maritime traders of the second colonial period 
into the merchants of the third period. It was a time of 
enlargement. The ketch became the schooner ; the petty 
ventures of John Hull extended into the larger operations 
of Peter Faneuil. 

After the European changes creating a greater demand 
and compelling industrial effort, one main cause for this 
extension of commerce was in the action of Eng- 
lish capital brought over to reinforce that of the of Eiigiuii 
Boston merchants. The colonial resources had 
grown sufficiently to afford a stable basis for larger oper- 
ations, and to attract the ever-ready assistance of foreign 
capital. Mr. Thomas Amory,' of Boston, describes the 
process in 1722 in a letter to an Irish relative. The best 
method was to send over goods in advance, and to have 
timber cut in the fall ready for a vessel on arrival. A 
'* small matter " of Irish goods, white or brown linen, or 
' MS. Later Book, Oct. 6, 1722. 


other staple commodities, would bay a cargo of lumber. 
^^The Brbtol men have a great trade here, as also the 
Londoners, by sending effects to build vessels, which load 
for the straights [Gibraltar] with fish, and so round to 
London. In this they find great advantage, as also in 
building larger ships, which they send with fish and lum- 
ber to the West Indies to take a freight home, where they 
will sell the ships, and send the effects to build more." 

Here we see the whole round of commerce. Capital 
starts the impulse, but works through the skill and re- 
sources of an industrious community to supply the needs 
of the rich tropical islands, then returns, heavy with in- 
crease, to its owners. The New England tiade with the 
West Indies, always so important, was especially stimu- 
lated in the French possessions at this time by the aboli- 
tion of government resti*ictions which had existed since 
1664. In 1717 ^ the trade in these islands was freed 
under the king's patent, the decree being called a "pre- 
cious monument." The illicit commerce with the Amer- 
ican colonies, prohibited by England, which we shall 
discuss further on, was made easier by these changes.^ 

Boston, in Mr. Amory's phrase " a fine place and a 
noble country of great trade and good conversation," was 
the centre of this activity, but Newport came forward 
rapidly in this period, and all the maritime towns took 
part in the rising prosperity. For example. New London 
had built sloops hitherto, with an occasional snow and 
possibly a brig. In 1716 ^ Captain Hutton launched a 
ship, and after that brigs became common. This ship 
probably carried horses to the West Indies, as Captain 
Hutton took out the extraordinary cargo of forty-five to 
Barbadoes in that year. Six of these " horse jockeys," as 
the craft were named, left New London harbor together 
June 26, 1724. Such villages as Marblehead^ started 

^ Commerce de UAmeriquey i. 18. * See below, p. 557. 

' Caulkius, New London^ p. 242. ^ Roads' History, p. 41. 


1713-*).] LARGER SHIPS, MORE TRADE. 556 

dieir own West lodia and Gibraltar merchants in 1714. 
These facts are mentioned to show the widen- ap„^ „( 
ing out of commerce. The statistics' of the °""'™«"* 
number of vessels are uncertain and perplexing. Chal- 
mers disputes the current figures, but admits a large 
movement of trade. He says ^ that in 1714 the domestic 
commerce of the northern colonies was nearly equal to 
that carried on with England ; that the trade to the West 
Indies, Azores, and the continent of Europe vas larger 
than the whole coasting combined with the British trade. 
The colonists and their English correspondents had the 
ocean commerce pretty much to themselves, for the advan- 
tages cited by Mr. Amory show that foreign vessels could 
not compete to any extent. Governor Hunter stated to 
the Board of Trade in 1718,^ that "no foreign vessel" 
had appeared in New York during his government there. 

The Board of Trade' reported in 1721 that the clear- 
ances to New England in three years were 240 ships, 
20,276 tons ; that the trade between England and " the 
American plantations" employed at least one fourth of 
the annual clearances. At the same time tliey said the 
English imports into America exceeded the exports by . 
about £200,000 per annum, " which debt falls upon the 
provinces to the northward of Maryland." These figures 
confirm the above-stated flow of English capital into New 
England. They said that the American pitch and tar had 
become equal to any in the world, and the supply had 
lowered the current price one third. 

Fitch and tar, aromatic and fragrant with the obedience 
of loyal subjects, were about the only comfortable and 
sweet-smelling colonial products received by his Majesty's 
courtiers. The colonists, New Englanders especially, would 

> See Palfrey, N. E., iv. 429 ; Barry, Mas3., ii. 106, 107 ; Doc. N. 
Y., V. CIS ; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 54. 
* Chalmera, Reaoll Am. Col., Ji. 8. 
» Doc. Col. N. Y., V. 520. * Ihid., v. 615. 


not produce naval stores enough, and would sell those they 
did produce to Portugal, Spain, and France, and would 
make iron and woollens to the annoyance of native Eng- 
KAv%»ti(m lishmen. The Navigation Acts of Charies II. — 
td^iSSt^^ which, administered as they were, fostered our 
*^*'®*** commerce in the beginning — continued a stand- 

ing witness of sovereign imbecility in the English govern- 
ment of her American possessions.^ Grovemor after gov- 
ernor is reproved, admonished, urged to stop illegal traffic, 
now with one, now another foreign port. 

In 1715 and 1717 it was the ^^ French plantations " and 
Governor Hunter, of New York,* that were blamed by 
the blear-eyed, obtuse officials at Whitehall. The poor 
governor issued most stringent proclamations, though 
^* what effect it may have in deterring men from it I can- 
not tell." Others could tell the effect, which the vexed 
servant of the crown dared not put into words. It was 
matter of the commonest report Mr. Thomas Amory in 
1721 reveals to a correspondent the transparent stratagems 
by which prohibited goods were handled and the Acts 
defied under the eyes of the king's officers : "If you have 
a Captain you can confide in you will find it easy to import 
all sorts of goods from the Streights, France, and Spain, 
although prohibited." In another letter : " Modes, Lute- 
strings, and Tea are staple commodities. They are pro- 
hibited ; but nothing is more easy to import, recommend- 
ing to the Captain not to declare at the Custom House 
— If he should he would forfeit his ship and pay a pen- 
alty — There are no waiters kept aboard, and when the 
goods are known to be prohibited boats are sent off."^ 
There was no lack of certificates and bonds to give the 
vessels a good character.* 

The royal officials even were not over-nice in their ideas 

^ See advertisement, Bos. Gazette^ Sept. 17, 1722. 

2 Doc. N. York, v. 402, 498. » MS. Letter Book, 

* Mass. Arch.f Ixiv. 37. 


of propriety. Good Stephen Sewall, a high magistrate, 
writes to his brother Mitchell that Collector Wendell, 
supping with a large company, including the governor of 
the Province, heard that Mitchell Sewall got large sums 
by " Bottoming." The governor happened not to over- 
hear, but the canny judge, taking the friendly hint, advises 
his brother : " You Ought to be Very Cautious what is 
said in that Matter — for y' Gov'' Told me Last Week 
jo" was y' Best post in y° Couuty," ' 

But in 1733^ the "News Letter," commending the 
many virtues of John Jekyll, the deceased col- do™t,„ 
lector of the customs, gave this extraordinary """wsung- 
ootice of a royal officer: "With much humanity (he) 
took pleasure in directing Masters of Vessels how they 
ought to avoid the Breach of the Acts of Trade" 

There was no exception to this easy virtue in the high- 
eat places, apparently. In an argument for a bureau of 
the king's lands, etc., to be independent of any governor, 
Lewis Morris, of New York, advises the Lords of Trade 
that abuses will exist " whilst that Smuggling Trade of 
presents from an Assembly to a Gov'' subsists, and which 
will subsist till some way is found to make the Gov' be- 
lieve that the King's Instructions prohibiting taking any 
presents really mean what the words seem to impoi-t." ^ 

Great fortunes were made in every kind of illicit traf- 
fic * in the colonies.^ Nor was there any lack of official 
knowledge of transgressions of tlie Navigation Acts. On 
some occasions the trading was "prohibited;" on others it 
was "discouraged" only.* The selectnien of Boston felt 
obliged to notice the public utterance of the governor in 
1721, that "French silks & Stuffs are cofBonly brought 
into this Province," and to make a show of action in the 

' Stephen Sewall MS. Papyri, Am. Ant. Soc. 

' Neit iasiic after Dec. 21-28. ' Doc. N. York, v. 953. 

* X. H. Prov. Pap., ii. 727. * Chalmere, Pot. An., ii. 

• Doe. N. York; v. 513. 


matter.^ Occasionally property was carried into the 
courts, but there is no evidence that much benefit went to 
the royal exchequer thereby.^ 

If the conduct of the crown officers was such as these 
statements exhibit, we may expect to find all the results of 
poor government in the conduct of the governed. In fact, 
at Newport, in 1719, Heathcote reported to the Lords of 
Trade that, because the king's officers hindered the peo- 
ple " from a full freedom of illegal trade," ^ the collector 
having seized several hogsheads of claret by due process, a 
mob in broad daylight took the wine and stove the casks 
in the open streets. The popular feeling ran so high that 
John Wanton, a respectable merchant and magistrate, 
arrested Kay, the collector, on a trumped-up charge for 
illcgid fees, etc. The doughty Rhode Island Quaker, 
Wanton, even issued a second warrant, taking the king's 
officer from duty at the custom-house, and would not 
admit him to bail. In 1739, at New York, the Admiralty 
Judges would not keep their jurisdiction over some mo- 
lasses and gimpowder duly libelled, "not having been 
bo7ia fide laden in Great Britain." The lieutenant gov- 
ernor said, if the decision was sound, " no breach of the 
* 15^ Car: 2^ Cap. 7, can be tryed in the Admiralty but 
must be tryed at Common Law by a Jury, who perhaps 
are equally concerned in carrying on an illicit trade." * 

Either Sir Robert Walpole was in his generation much 
w»ipoie'« wiser than George Grenville in his time, or he 
indifference^ kncw mucli less of wliat was being done in the 
dependencies of the crown. Caleb Heathcote said saga- 
ciously, when he reported the Newport doings concerning 
the claret, that they ^ere extraordinary, and " hurtful to 

* Bos. T, Rcc, p. 157. 

« lios. Neirs Letter, July 24, Nov. 6, 1721 ; Felt, Salem, ii. 251. 

• /?. /. C. R., iv. 259. 

^ Doc, N. York, vi. 155 ; and for certificate dated 1730, see Essex 
Inst^ I 1G9. 


the pwK^tive and service of the crown, and contrary to 
the Acts of Trade." If the same turbuleot colonies were 
not brought to account for sucli flagrant liberty and un- 
chartered freedom, he foresaw that it " may with time be 
attended with very iU consequences." 

If Walpole, the great teuiporiser, had any sufficient 
plan for governing the colonics properly, he made no sign 
of putting it forth. The gi-eat minister iiianaging parlia- 
ments knew little of the greater issues beyond the Atlan- 
tic, while the official starling was gravely and continually 
sending over his platitudes for diverting the plantations 
"from the thoughts of setting up manufactures of their 
own, interfering with those of Great Britain, & from 
carrying on an illicit trade witli foreigners." ' 

The governments of Europe maintained order but 
feebly in the new hemisphere appropriated by their am- 
biUon, then neglected in their careless domination and in 
thei-r greedy desire for wealth. In our present period, 
one of the worst forms of disorder was in piracy 
on the high seas. In a former chapter I have uutiaoed 
sketched the course of pirates as they were de- 
veloped gradually from private men-of-war, and were 
partially sustained by better people, ill -educated in the 
imperfect commercial ethics of the time. Now we have 
piracy of another order, more extended,^ bolder, more 
cruel and rapacious. 

Inefficient government makes outlaws, who are worse 
than savages. The maritime nations, after their Beree 
struggles concluded in 1713, emptied their navies, and 
sent swarms of sailors adrift without employment. Com- 
merce was uncertain. Moreover, the warrior who had 

' Lords ot Trade to the kiii^. Doc. N. York, v. 028. 

* Communication with England was eo uncertain in 1717, the coast 
being "much Infested witli Pymtes," that Major Sewall congratu- 
lates liis friend Dnmmer especially on tlio safe arrival of Governor 
Bslcher. Stephen Sewall Papers, Am. Ant. Soo. 


tasted the delights of prize money found the ways of peace- 
ful traffic tame and spiritless. The New World offered 
frequent opportunities for adventurers on the seas. The 
Spanish colonial governors carelessly or wilfully granted 
commissions, which were exceeded as soon as the free- 
booter was out of port. But the black flag soon an- 
swered their purpose as well as any recognised authority. 
They found the Spanish Main and the Atlantic coast 
almost helpless. The swoop of the hawk upon its prey 
was very like their course among the small craft, shedding 
the blood of mariners and plundering the cargoes. Some- 
times they descended on the coasts. The royal navy fur- 
nished an occasional escoil,^ but the risks of trade in the 
decade following the Peace of Utrecht were aggravated 
enormously by these reckless and powerful rovers. 

Some English colonial officials were implicated in pira- 
cy.' In some instances the original cruiser was fitted out 
by owners on shore. Tew, admiral and chief of the pirate 
colony at Madagascar, once sent fourteen times the value 
of his outfit to his owners in the Bermudas. '^ Runaway *' 
vessels were often advertised.^ But, once afloat, the pi- 
rates soon extended o})erations far beyond the first vessel, 
and created a fleet from tiieir captures. The ordinary 
commeroisU craft carried a few guns, but the crew was no 
niatoh for the skill and numbers of the corsairs. Gener- 
ally a pirate carried ton or twenty guns, and eighty to one 
hundred men. But Teach equipped one vessel with forty 
gims, as tlie story runs. 

The corsairs succeedeil naturally to the old privateers ; 
rriv»t**r« ^'^® descent was easy to the outlawed pirate, who 
and piMt**. ij^j^j^mQ frequently a mere desperado, controlled 

» /i.w.'c)ri Gazette, Nov. L>1, ITliO. 

• Johnson, Pi/nUfs^ i. 77. I use his statements freely. Many 
stories are mere traditions, but Johnson wrote eonscientiousiy, and 
the realism of many iueidents carries its own eyidence. 

« Bus, AViw Lfttfr, May 18, 1713; Dec. 3, 1730. 

1713-46.] THE PIRATE IDEAL. 661 

by no power beyond the average passions of his crew. In 
1720 Bartholomew Koberts voiced the pirat«'s opinions 
and sentiments very well : " lu an honest service there is 
thin Commons, low Wages and bai-d Labour ; in this 
Plenty and Satiety, Pleasure and Ease, Liberty aud 
Power ; and who would not ballance Creditor on tliis side, 
when all the Hazard that is run for it, at worst, is only a 
soar Look or two at Choakiug. No, a merry Life and a 
abort one, nhall be my motto." ' The bandit and sensual- 
ist Bpoke here ; tlie outlaw, the robber of tbe law's results 
and accumulated treasures, spoke more plainly through 
Captain Bellamy in 1717, when he took Captain Beer, 
in a sloop from Boston, off South Carolina : " Damn ye, 
you are a Sueakiug Puppy, and so are all those who 
will submit to be governed by Laws which rich Men 
have made for their own Security. They rob the Poor 
under tbe Cover of Law, forsooth, and we plunder the 
Kich under the Protection of our own Courage ; had you 
not better make one of us than sneak after those Villains 
for Employment ? " ^ 

The pirates generally gave the captured crews oppor- 
tunity to turn outlaws and join them.^ This society 
beyond the law was not i-egulated by the mere will of 
its chief, though bis executive jmwer in action was of 
necessity almost absolute. He maintained his authority 
by skill and judgment, and in the last resort by inherent 
brutal force, which no individual could resist ; as when 
the arch nuscreant, Blackbeard, wounded two of his own 
men, who were not offending and remonstrated, he an- 
swered, if he did not now and then kill one of theni they 
" would forget who lie was." 

Yet tliis absolutist was not without a check upon liis 
power. Govei'nment outside and beyond government curi- 
ously illustrates that no government is impossible. The 

■ .Jolinaon. Pyruiu. i. 271. " Ibid., ii. 219. 

• Col. lUc. Conn. 1717, p. 166. 


])Ower of aristocracy was embodied in the captain and 
such officers as he admitted to his confidence. 
and demoo- The greater power of democracy was expressed 
through the quartermaster, who represented the 
crew, looked after their particular interests, and must be 
considered and propitiated in all the plans of the despot 
of the quarter deck. 

Especial knowledge and skill, also, can dispute arbitrary 
power. Edwanl Low,^ one of the most active * and brutal 
captains, received a severe cut, laying his teeth bare ; the 
remedial oi>eration did not please the peevish autocrat, 
and he found fault with the surgeon. The latter, being 
** tollerably drunk," struck a violent blow with his fist, 
breaking out all the stitches from the wound, and bid Low 
AinAiiitiMof '*»<5W up his Chops himself and be damued." 
disorder. Thcse werc some of the amenities of disorder to 
which lawful life was not subject. Low's crews, on the 
whole, were more barbarous than any others. They tor- 
tured tlioir victims, and their capricious humor was even 
worse than their cruelty. The practice of piracy w^as at 
its worst about 1723. The English government was show- 
ing a little energy at last, and as the cords of justice 
ti<;hteucd, the outlaws became more and more reckless. 
C -aptain Solgard, of his Majesty's ship Grayhound, brought 
a sloop with 36 pirates into Newport. Of these 26 were 
convicted, and hung under their own " deep Blew Flagg," 
" old Roger." Low escaped. The maudlin piety of these 
criminals, expressed in tlieir lucubrations and poems ^ after 
conviction. Is no better than their defia^^oe of all law when 
at liberty. 

The fabled idea of the pirate — wrong himself, but 
righting wrong by ohivalric generosity, bold and brilliant 
whore common, industrious men were sordid and plod- 

» Do^. N. Yorky V. 085 ; Bos. News Letter, July 2, 1722. 
« Aiiuipy, Lttter Rook, Aug. 12, 1723. 
» Si^c R. I. Hist. Mag., vii. 260. 



diDg — was perhaps most nearly realised in the person 
of MisBon. He was cadet of a noble family \n Provence, 
and organised a mutiny on a French man-of-war, which he 
turned into a piratical cruiser. His education was equal 
to his birth, and the traditions all make him out a gallant 
man. Thomas Tew, the famous Newport pirate, was 
trained to the business by Captaiu Misson. These larger 
rebels generally preyed on the rich East Indian com- 
merce, and had their rendezvous at Madagascar. 

The ordinary West Indian mid-atkntic pirate of 1720 
appears in the figure of Bartholomew Roberts ^ as he at- 
tacked The Swallow. Waving bis sword, he stood in his 
rich crimson dainask waistcoat and breeches, a red feather 
in bis hat, while a gold chain around his neck bore a dia- 
mond cross. A silk scarf thrown over bis shoulder, car- 
rying two pairs of pistols, was the particular mark of a 
pirate chieftain. Roberts bore himself valiantly, and or- 
dered bis men to the admiration of the witnesses. 

The most famous niflian of them all was William 
Teach, surnamed Blackbeard. His flowing man- 
tle of hair fitly adorned this improved savage ; tbecbisi 
it became a symbol of terror, almost supernatu- 
ral in power, for all the coasts of North America and the 
West Indies. His career was from 1716 to 1718, when 
he was killed during a sojourn in North Carolina by an 
expedition under Lieutenant Maynard, sent by the gov- 
ernor of Virginia. The administration of affairs was so 
lax at this time that he may have had a better field than 
his compeers. Certainly he outshone his rivals in the lurid 
glories of the outlawed world. He possessed an audacious 
enterprise, an initiating force, beyond the brutal course 
o[ Low and such fellows. There was organising and mas- 
terful power in him. He not only fitted out many vessels 
under his lieutenants, but he prevailed over the governor 
of South Carolina so that he obtained a chest of much- 
' Bo». Netci LtlttT, Aug. 22, MW; N. H. Proe. P. ii. 735. 


Deeded medicines, worth X800 or £400, with provisions 
for his vessels ; then he released his prizes and prisoners, 
after bagging Xl,500 in specie, and sailed away in tri- 
umph. When in The Queen Ann's Bevenge, of forty 
guns, he met another pirate sloop of ten guns, commanded 
by Major Bonnet, ^^ a gentleman of good Reputation and 
Estate in Barbadoes." He put his own officer, Richards, 
into the sloop, taking Bonnet in his own ship, telling him 
^*' he had not been used to the Fatigue and Care of such a 
Post ; it would be better for him to decline it, and live 
easy at his Pleasure in such a ship as his" (Teach's). 
It is needless to say that Bonnet declined. These traits 
show a grim humor under his fierce exterior. He soft- 
ened, too, under the charms of the fair sex. He feared 
not Samson's lot when he brought his long -beard to the 
lap of a gentle dame of his choice. He chose wisely and 
often. As tradition runs, he married fourteen wives, 
while only two brides had passed to the polygamous para- 
dise awaiting them. Wonderful Blackbeard ! his multi- 
farious tenderness was equal to his courage in battle. 

The last of the pirates who attracted general attention 
was J. Phillips,^ in 1723-1724, who, with his compan- 
ions, began by running away from the Newfoundland 
fishing fleet. It was charged by Johnson ^ that the Eng- 
lish fishing vessels carried over their crews at low wages 
and on poor fare. The men were harshly treated, and 
were sometimes tempted into piracy. The conviction of 
Phillips and his gang in 1724 — the execution cost the 
state X15 188. 8d.^ — probably checked this tendency 
among the fishermen. Some idea of the depredations of 
the earlier and larger pirates may be formed from the 
operations of Phillips. This gang took thirty-seven ves- 
sels in a little more than six months. 

^ Mass. Arch., Ixiii. 340, 341, 394 ; Babson, Gloucester, p. 287 ; 
Bos. News LeUer, April 16, 1724. 
* Pprates, i. 404, 405. • Mass. Ardk., Ldii. 400. 


About 1726 there was considerable trouble from the 
depredations of French and Indian pirates off i,„u„ ^ 
the coast of Maine and extending to Labrador.^ pincy. 
Pirates never ceased to interfere with commerce on the 
high eeas. But the days of Kidd and Blackbeard had 
passed away. Better police and more settled commercial 
pursuits kept the seas in order. The development of pri- 
vate war into piracy, and the passage of outhwry into 
o^anised spoliation, had worked itself out. 

The whole world was advancing in civilisation, and the 
little settlements on the low coast of New England had 
made their full share of progress in their century of ex- 
istence. Thomas Amory, founder of a line of merchanta 
and manufacturers in Boston, where he settled PrsgnHin 
in 1719, being bred in the commerce of the ""^^ 
Azores, Portugal, Holland, and England, reveals our con- 
dition in a single sentence : " People live handsomely 
here (Boston) and without fear of anything." This in- 
dicates clearly the settled social condition which prevailed 
in the older parts of New England, The tremendous 
struggles of Louis XIV. and William III. had subsided 
on the continent. The England of Walpole had suc- 
ceeded to that of Marlborough. The Western World 
worked securely in this calm, though the New England 
colonies were girding themselves for the great contest for 
possession of the French provinces in the North. 

In the general destruction of commercial documents, 
we are fortunate in having fidl personal records of the 
brief mercantile career in Boston of Mr. Thomas TbomM 
Amory,^ He was descended from an English *™"''- 

' Mau. Arch., Iriii. 410. 420, 466. 

' 1720-28. This sketeh b drawn from a MS. volume of hu cop- 
respondence, collected and aminged bj bis great-grandson, TbonuM 
C. AiDory, Esq., counsellor, of Boston. 

It is tbroiigb his kindness that I fiin enabled to give the detailed 
notes from hia letters, and thia account, which is absolutely accurate, 
an autobiography in littls, — a memoir reproduced from the words of 
the man himself. 


family, settled for some 800 or 400 years in Oxfordshire 
and later in Devon and Somerset. He was born in 1683 
at Limerick, Ireland, near the al)ode of his uncle Thomas, 
who married a daughter of the nineteenth Lord Kerry. 
He was carried by his parents to Barbadoes, where his 
mother died. His father, Jonathan Amory, removed to 
Charleston, S. C, about 1686, where he was a merchant, 
and Spea&er of the South Carolina House of Assembly 
in 1694 ; he was Treasurer of the Proprietors in 1698-99, 
when he died. Meanwhile Thomas had been sent to 
England, where his cousin Thomas, counsellor in the 
Temple, placed him in the Westminster School. We 
have no evidence that "the little rod" of the gi*eat 
Schooled by Busby, which " had birched 16 bishops," ever 
Dr. BuBby. crosscd the shoulders of our American boy. 
The famous pedagogue was drawing toward his ninetieth 
year when Thomas came under his charge. The West- 
minster was preeminently a gentleman's school, and a 
knowledge of man as well as languages could be obtained 
there. The solid classical training of the old time stood 
by young Amory well, for he read and wrote Latin with 
ease, and afterward was fluent in Portuguese, French, and 

At the death of his father, he was taken from school, 
at the age of sixteen, and placed in the counting-house of 
Nicholas Oursel, a French merchant, in London. He was 
regularly bound in the sum of £50 as an apprentice, and 
the contract was no mere form in those days. After his 
death in Boston, his widow speaks of the 'prentice, and 
of his going to the Azores in charge of his master's busi- 
Merohantat ^^^s iu 1706. Hc soou commcnced operations 
Terceira. ^^^ j^j^ ^^^ accouut in Tcrccira, trading with 

Portugal, England, Holland, the Brazils, and America, 
After 1711 we have his correspondence, and some ac- 
count books. He wrote in English, French, or Portu- 
guese at will. The letters are somewhat diffuse, after 

■ T^yfff -' 


the manDer of the time, but are clear and forcible ex- 
positions of his meaning and of his mercantile sagacity. 
His handwriting was beautiful, and the accounts were 
carefully done, in excellent method. The old vellum- 
bound ledgers and invoices, kept by his own hand in bis 
early days, are elegant in their kind. He soon obtained 
the confidence of his fellows, and the settled position of 
a merchant; for we find him in 1712 buying a rich 
French prize, the Mercure Volante, in company with Mr. 
William Fisher, the richest merchant of the place. He 
went to Europe to dispose of her, visiting several ports, 
and on his return was made English, French, and Dutch 
consul at Terceira. He bought real estate, including 
vineyards, and acquired property gradually. We say 
gradually, for the adventures of those days brought 
wealth by slow processes. The profits were larger, but 
the losses were in proportion, and the ventures were 
always uncertain. The merchant of tlie eighteenth cen- 
tury impressed himself upon bis euterprise, conti'oUed 
bis affairs more individually, than has been done in any 
period before or since. Convoyed transports, court con- 
cessions, chartered privileges, no longer possessed the 
avenues of trade, and monopolies had ceased to control, 
thongh they still interfered with, its n»tural courses. 
Concentrated capital and the great mechanical inventions 
of our century had not yet mastered individuiil effort, 
and compelled it along narrow lines prescribed by a new 
industrial life. In this shifting time, the gallant little 
ship — not half the size of a modem pleasure yacht and 
owned by individuals — adventured everywhere, braving 
unknown coasts and frequent wars, while fierce pirates 
and the hardly less reckless privateer thronged the best 
avenues of commerce. It was the time for the men of 
the New Worhl, and our subject was a type of his period. 
Cosmopolitan in liis infancy, trained on English soil 
among the sons of the best English men, he went to the 


Western Islands, where vessels from all the world drifted 
by, and there he lived in the great commercial currents 
of the time. 

Without effective capital, — for his South Carolina in- 
heritance was much of it in real estate, and the balances 
were withheld, in diametrical opposition to his directions, 
— without powerful friends to aid him directly, he made 
his way to a good estate by his own pluck, skill, and saga- 
cious management, backed by solid honesty. His career 
is very instructive. The most promising ventures 
did not turn out the best. The purchase of the 
French prize, a ship with twenty-four guns and richly 
laden, proved a failure, almost a disaster, after much 
wearisome effort. A storm drove her away from the 
Azores without her intended supercargo. Amory followed 
her to Lisbon as soon as possible, but she had lost much 
of her cargo by a bad storm on the passage, and the delay 
injured the affair there ; then he took her to Amsterdam. 
But in the Tcxel she broke three cables in half an hour, 
and was driven ashore at high tide in six feet of water. 
Then, being half-freighted, the Peace of Utrecht suddenly 
cut off the remainder half. Great expenses followed 
these mischances, his interest being one foui*th. The ex- 
pected quick and profitable turn of the cargo, with his 
trip to his old home in Charleston, S. C, which he had 
planned, was turned into a loss, and he went directly back 
to Angra to make it up. 

There is no trace of despondency in any of several ac- 
counts of the affair he gives to his intimate friends as 
well as to his partners. He stai'ts cheerfully to send 
The Poor Jack to Brazil, " and please God hope so to bring 
up my losses.*' On the 12th of July, 1713, a few days 
after his return from England, Amsterdam, and Lisbon, he 
orders Geo. Jaffrey, Portsmouth, N. H., *' to buy or build 
a ship, one half for me, one half for Mr. Fisher." Fisher 
& Co. owned half the French prize, and his manage* 


ment of the losiDg operation must have been good, or his 
copartners would not have ventured again and at once 
with him. There Beems to be no trace of dis^reement in 
any of his frequent dealings with Fisher. And to lose 
money properly is the true test of the good merchant. 

Though the losing Mercure Volants brought him no 
profit, she gave him what was better, — oppor- KniMgwiop- 
tunity, acquaintanee, notice, and business. He p"*^'*** 
was made consul by the English, Dutch, and French, and 
these combined offices brought him opi>ortunities of van- 
tage and profit. We hear more of liis particular losses 
than of his particular profits ; those appear in the general 
result. He works steadily, and, however disappointed, 
always patiently. Patience has been called every-day 
courage, aud in this world courage is always rewarded. 

He closed his business in the Azores in 1719, leaving 
an agent to attend to his property, or " effects," and went 
to Charleston, S. C, by way of Boston. He intended to 
settle in business there. Indeed, we find from the corre- 
spondence that, seven years before, a matrimonial counec- 
tioD between his guardian's daughter and himself had 
been in contemplation, bis sister, Mrs. Arthur Middleton, 
and Mrs. Black, being intimate friends. But during this 
long period that his absence was prolonged, the lady had 
formed an attachment to another, without the approval of 
her parents. It was pro|}osed, after his reaching Carolina, 
that her younger sister should become his wife, but for sev- 
eral reasons he enumerates in his more complicated letters, 
and particularly his dislike to the climate of Charleston, 
he resolved not to make his home in Carolina, and returned 
to Boston, where he settled permanently in business in 
1720. His instructions to his agent at Terceira, settled lo 
at thb time, show how scrupulous was his con- ^''™' 
duct, and how he prized his good name : " Now if the 
above people send for these effects sell anything that be- 
longs to rac, or take money at interest on my account so 


that you continue to discharge them, for I had rather be 
a loser any way than have my reputation in question 

Mr. Amory purchased lands on the southern confines 
of the Boston of that period, built a house and wharf and 
distilleries. In 1721 he bought lands in Maine, where 
there was good water-power and sawmills. His experience 
in the Azores, together with these manufacturing facilities, 
gave him advantage in the trade of the West Indies and 
the Carolinas. He dealt with Europe and the Azores also, 
but the Southern commerce was far more important in 
Boston at that time. Before commencing these permanent 
operations, he had made a tour through Rhode Island and 
New York to Philadelphia. He says that he liked the 
whole continent, and we must remember he had examined, 
with his merchant's eye, Lisbon, Amsterdam, Loudon, and 
other commercial capitals, but he found no place like Bos- 
ton for activity of commerce. He hired a store on the 
Long Wharf of his intimate friend, Jonathan Belcher, 
afterwards governor of Massachusetts. He joined in some 
of the clubs of the time, was very active in all affairs, 
riding about to the settlements in Rhode Island and New 
Hampshire on horseback. He was a favorite with his 
neighbors, and, as his widow said after his death, " ready 
and capable." His letter books show prodigious activity ; 
sometimes there are forty or fifty pages well written, often 
in Portuguese or French, in a single day. 

He married Rebecca, the daughter of Mr. Francis 
Holmes, as she says " by God's providence," in May, 
1721. After a month's experience he writes to his father- 
in-law at Charleston in his usual cheery and confident 
manner : " This week we have got to housekeeping as 
Domes- ^^^ beginners in one of the new houses of Mr. 
tic me. Lindall. Our concern is to get a good servant 
or black housemaid, for good servants are scarce to be 
had here. If in your way be pleased not to lose the op- 


portunity of buying a good black maid. Rebecca remem- 
bers her duty to you. I doubt not that Please God we 
shall be very happy and contented together, finding her 
very good humoured." In writing to his cousin he had 
described his bride as having " all the qualities to make 
a good wife, being virtuous, discreet, and good humoured. 
As to her fortune, it is but j£500, your money [of Eng- 
land] which is all they give generally with their daugh- 
ters. Her father is well to pass in the world." 

He died at Boston, June 20, 1728, leaving a fortune in 
hand of £7,000 to .£8,000, with debts due him amounting 
to more than .£12,000, which were collected afterwards,* 
It is in the conduct of his operations, and in the mode of 
his life, that we find the chief interest of Mr. Amory's 
history. Having created his own resources, he died just 
as his operations had fairly begun. Self-reliance was the 
necessary virtue for that period of individual outgrowth, 
and his experience affords it ; and it was a reliance based 
on prudence and foresight. Alert and bold, he never for- 
got his retreat. When he expected great returns from 
the Mercure Volante, he directed his correspondent to in- 
vest three fourths of his share in European goods, but to 
deposit one fourth in the hands of Mr. Godin in London. 

Thus he would keep a reserve. And from Boston he 
writes to his agent at Terceira, that friends have offered 
him capital for the London trade at that port, but he had 
declined iti wishing to push the business there as far as 
possible with his own means, but unwilling to extend him- 
self too far. Long credits prevailed, and the profits were 
good ; the prospect tempted an enterprising young mer- 
chant to employ all the capital he could borrow. His ac- 
tion was not the mere timidity of routine, it was judgment. 
When tho South Sea excitement inflamed the whole world 
he writes : " Taking notice that my old master, Mr. Ourscl, " 
is concerned — We bear he hopes to make a great hand 
of it. I wish he may. Time will show." 
' This did not include his property in the Azores and in Carolina. 


He was resolute, and pressed his affairs in the courts 
when other means of settlement had failed. But he pre- 
ferred arbitration always. His vexatious difference with 
Oursel had lasted nearly a score of years, and yet we find 
him only six months before his death discussing it in the 
most candid and temperate manner. ^^ I shall be heartily 
glad and rejoice to clear up all differences between us — 
Let me know your objections and I will answer them and 
put our account into any honorable merchant's hands in 
London that you will propose and I will name two or 
three of whom you shall choose one." Business, though 
Methoda of profitable, was not transacted easily. He trusts 
******"~^ from his early and scanty capital " in sterling " 
to Oursel, and it does not return. He deals with many 
from whom he cannot collect again. In 1719 he is 
obliged to levy upon Jaffrey, at Portsmouth, N. H., for 
justice, for he ^^ owes me £300, this money, and I cannot 
get a penny of it" He never descends into any chicanery 
or subtlety ; he deals in plain courses when in difficulty. 
His prudence was based on his conscience, and an endur- 
ance which trusted in God. The seventeenth century 
men were fond of prying into the Providence of our daily 
affairs too curiously, and the merchants of the eighteenth 
were more sensible in their expressions. He appears to 
have been reverent and pious in a simple way ; inscribes 
his letter and memo, books, " Au nom de Dieu,^^ or " In 
the Name of God Amen." "Thursday Oct. 4, 1726. 
Found a Spanish pistole in Mr. Selby's Coffee House 
(given Epis. Ch. So.)." He records this as carefully 
and as indifferently as he states the purchase of a negro, 
or the receipt of a lot of rice. He was a man of the 
world, peaceable, and, so far as any record reveals, pure, 
domestic, and affectionate. His letters describe and min- 
gle together all his affairs, — mercantile and personal, — 
his hopes, desires, and affections, and few records of men 
anywhere are so minute and faithful. Such men leave 


a permanent mark on their time, whatever be their voca- 

Before treating the general commerce of this period 
we will consider the business of building the shipping in 
which that commerce was conducted. We may put the 
golden days of colonial and provincial ship- ehipbunj. 
building in the fii-st decades of paper inflation, '^■ 
before prices had been so generally advanced that our 
mechanics could not compete with the specie values of 
Kurope. In 1724 ' sixteen master ship-carpenters of the 
Thames complained to the king that their trade was in- 
jured, and their workmen were emigrating, on account of 
the New England competition. 

Much the most interesting feature in all this marine 
architecture was in the invention of the schooner, in our 
first year. Ketch, brigantine, and ttuow had tim 
foreshadowed this new type of vessel. The "'"X""'- 
genuine fore and aft sail on two con-esiionding masts was 
not put into use until Abraham Kobinson launched the 
"strangely rigged craft" at Gloucester, Mass., in 1713.' 
Tradition runs that a by-stander exclaimed, as she slid 
into the water, " How she schoona," the sagacious and 
delighted master builder cried out, " A schooner let her 
be." When we think of the long career of this type of 
vessel, — now nearly two centuries, — its gradual g^n over 
brig and ship, its steady development into three, four, even 
five masted forms, its entry into the world of commerce 
is a most significant fact. Moreover it is the only one, of 
many sailing craft succeeding the old viking sailor, which 
has been able to adapt steam to itself. Steamers and pro- 
pellers have patronised sails as a temporary dependence. 
The big modem schooner makes a smoke -funnel of its 
fourth mast, using steam, not for propulsion, hut to hoiHt 
its mighty canvas wings, and thus transfer labor fiom 

1 Clialnicre, Reootc Am. Cols., ii. 33 ; and Eistx Inst., i. 60. 
' BabBoii, Gioucattr, pp. 137, li62 ; 1 Af . H. C, ii. 234. 


its toiling crew to the smutty demon or donkey engine 
at work in its hold. This is one of the few and partial 
triumphs of Nature, as she adapts herself anew to the 
wants of man in this industrial age. 

As suggested heretofore, English capital frequently 
u« of Eng. *^>^J^ "P good opportunities in the colonies. In 
liah capital. ^^^Q^ ^j^^ ^xports of Ncw England were said to 

be £300,000.1 The weU-informed De Foe states in 1727 
that the trade of New England, of Barbadoes, and of 
Jamaica was carried on by ^' the stocks of English mer- 
chants."^ Mr. Amory gave his attention to shipbuild- 
ing as soon as he settled in Boston, and with such effect 
that his correspondent, William Jones, of Bristol, Eng., 
in one year (1725) built fourteen sail of vessels.^ Jones's 
business with Boston amounted to '^many thousand 
pounds sterling annually." The profits were very large 
in the depreciated currency. In 1720 " European goods 
generally sell at 700 per cent, profit." * Amory recom- 
mends his correspondents to send over ^^ modes," lute- 
strings, and tea, staples always in demand, or ^^ English 
goods," with anchors, cordage, canvas, etc. ; these ship- 
ments were then sold to pay for the hull.^ They used, in 
outfitting, English, Irish, Russian, and ^' brown" duck. 
No place was better circumstanced than Boston,^ yet new 
' shipyards were being started in all the villages of the 
coast ^ and of the rivers. Vessels were built cheap or of 

1 Nar, and Cril, Hist, Am., v. 116. 

^ De Foe, Eng, Tradesman, Oxford ed., xviii. 79. 

■ Amory MS. LeUers, July IG, 1725. * Amory MS. Letters, 

* Bos, News Letter, Nov. 2, 1738. 

^ Faneuil reported 43 sail building^ iu the year 1736, at one time, 
in Boston. Letter Book, Oct. 26, 1736. And in 1741, 164 were on 
the stocks at one time. 

^ Coffin, Newbury, p. 191 ; for N. Hamp., Doc, N. Y., v. 595 ; 
Stiles, Windsor, p. 484 ; Chase, Haoerhill, p. 304 ; R. L H. Tracts, 
iii. 65 ; Willis, Portland, p. 454 ; Bourne, WelU and K., p. 569 ; Neto- 
port H, Mag., ii. 243. 


the beat grades, " as you will for convenienoy of p&ssen* 
gers ; " prices ranged from ^3 to X5 per toD,^ according 
to quality, in 1721. 

In the interior shipyards, the old practice of barter 
prevailed, as it did in the seventeenth century. I cite a 
contract^ made in Kewburyport in 1741, which illus- 
trates both this practice and the depreciation of the.cur^ 

Prices of vessels must be noted. When they put one 
at auction, they cried her " by inch of candled" ^ 
lu 1714 one third of a fishing vessel £19, \ a 
shallop jC15, \ an open sloop X20. In 1722 " Scooner 
Pmdent Abigail £180, Do Sea Flower £83, Do ■Willing 
Mind X50." * Schooners came into use rapidly ; one man 
in 1734 had six. In 1719^ pink Bacchus, sold for 
goods, was expected to yield in pajjcr £1,500. In 1721^ 
William Clarke leaves -^^ pai-t of the brig Union, valued 
at £43.15. Sloop Africa, probably a castaway, sclU in 
1723" for £555. George Deane's -^.^ of sloop William, 
at sea, was sold for £45 in 1728,* Captain James 
Blin devises in Boston, 1731,^ the sloop Mary, at £450, 
the Bchoouer " Endeaver " at £280. The very small craft 
used in the seventeenth century are being displaced 

• Amory Lttlers, July 31, 1721. 

• Smith, Hisl. Neicbun/port, p. 72. " Contract by Saial. Mog- 
gandge o( N.withCumminga and Harria do. to biiitda vessel, C.& H. 
to find all the iron-work, nails, pitch, tnr, turp. & onkium. C. & II. to 
pay £300 in Cash, £300 by orders on good shops in Bos. ; two thirds 
money ; four hundred pds. by orders up the river for tim'. & plnnk, 
tea bbls. flour, SO pds. weight of lonf sugar, one Bngg of cotton wool, 
one band, bushels of corn in the Spring ; one hhd. of Rum, 100 
weight of cheese ; the remaining part to be drawn out of the said 
Cnmniings & Harris' shop : whole am't of price for vessel £3,000 law- 
fnl money " (Old Tenor). 

• Boa. News I^L, Aug. 23, 1739. * Babson, Gloueenfer, p. 253. 

• Amorg Letters. * Suffolk P. R., ixiv. 442. 
^ Mass. Arch., liiii, 316, 320. ■ Essex Inst., ziii. 295. 

• SuffM P. It, xxix. 241. 



by the demands of an expanding commerce; for Mr. 
Amory notes in 1726 the scarcity of large vessels, as 
'' small eat themselves out presently." ^ Reports conflict 
siM of as to the maximum size of ships at this time. 
veaaeiB. Govcmor Wcntworth informed the Lords of 
Trade in 1724 that a ship of 1,000 tons and 70 guns was 
building in Massachusetts to carry prohibited timber to 
Sp^in or Portugal.^ The round thousand may have been 
the loose exaggeration of a controversial pen, for in 
1723 Captain James Sterling contracted to build at New 
London a ship of 700 tons. She was launched in 1725, 
and was claimed to be the largest American ship.® 

Curious students in commerce, or in maritime law, 
should look into the case of the sloop Dolphin, Desche- 
zeau master, in the Admiralty Court at Newport in 
1738.* And "runaway" vessels, comet-like, flit about 
this piratical period; — advertisements by bereaved own- 
ers being quite common. In 1713 Drewry Ottley, mer- 
chant at St. Christopher's,^ posts the sloop Charles and 
Eachel in this way. In 1730 the Connecticut-built sloop 
Endeavor, forty feet in keel, owned by Colonel George 
Lucas, of Antigua, was " supposed to be runaway with " 
on her voyage to St. Christopher's. The master, John 
Cades, errant mariner or nascent pirate, was a "well- 
looking man but snuffles much in his speech." ^ 

If we could look into the living of these hardy mariners 
Li,g of ^^ their dingy cabins, it would be history indeed. 

■*^®°- Plainly, there was a democratic simplicity insti- 
tuted which contrasted somewhat with the modified aristo- 
cratic movement characteristic of New England. As we 
saw in the curious institution of the quartermaster on a 

1 Amory Letters, 1726. « Chalmers, Revolt A. C, ii. 34. 

• Palfrey, N. E., iv. 452 ; Caulkins, N, Lon., 242. 

* Newport H. Mag,, iii. lCO-169 ; and Faneuil Letters, Oct 26, 1738, 
MS., at N. E. Hist, and Gren. Soo. 

» Bos, News Let., May 18, 1713. • /Wrf., Dec. 3, 1730. 

1713-16.] OWNER NEAR TO SEAMAN. 57T 

pirate vessel,' forecastle and cabin, if separated in &ot, 
vere closely related in principle, ^ot only did fishing 
orewB join interest in the catch, but ordinary seamen had 
small privileges for their own freight,^ which they ven- 
tured in the voyage and turned in trade. This diffusion 
of interest among common seamen affected sensibly the 
working of a vessel. There was a common feeling en- 
gendered between owner and sailor, which fostered the 
proper enei^ of the voyage. Robert Hale,' of Beverly, 
a commanding man in his time, large property owner, and 
adventurer in many operations, accounting with schooner 
Cupid in 1731, puts down " my wages j£6 per month," * 
with the pilot's at ^9. Wage for owner or seafarer was 
pledge as well as pay. In 1713 and 1714 seamen ranged 
from ^2.2 to X2.15 per month, generally X2.10; mates 
got j63.5, captains, ^4.10. In a picked crew of a Massa- 
chnsetts sloop,^ in 1730 to 1734, three men^ obtained 
jC3 per month each, the mate £,i, the captain £Q.'' 

These seamen paid sixpence per month from their small 
wages to the collectors of different ports for the use of 
Greenwich Hospital.' The sluggish, heavy hand of the 
home government was more than paternal ; when put 
forth on the high seas, it was step-matemal. Impress- 
ment was a sore trial. Men-of-war, in 1741,* even took 
the skipper from his craft in the harbor of Boston, with 
raster and the accounts of all his affairs in his pocket. 
Persons obtained certificates " from the governor of the 
Province exempting them from these calls of impress- 
ment, though on what grounds is not clear. 

Contingent to the building of ships was the business of 

' See above, p. 5C2. ' EstfX Inst., i. 120. ' Appendix B. 

* RiAt. Hale MS., Am. Ant. Soc. » Ei»ex Intl., i. 121. 

* Sometimes seamen Advertised tbeir wiven when about to soil. 
Boi. Nemi. Let., Deo. 7, 171D. 

' For detailed wages in 1721, arc Masi. Arch-, Iriv. 177. 

» Ibid., liiii. 468. • thid., Iiiv. 106. » Ibid., Uir. 173. 


shipping masts for the royal navy. The transfer of the 
main centre of this important industry, under 
fleet «nd Colouel Westbrook, the royal agent, from Ports- 
mouth, N. H., to Portland, then Falmouth, Me., 
in 1727,^ marks a period in the forestry as well as the 
commerce of our region. It continued at Portland until 
the Revolution, and brought a great access of business 
there. The sale of timber outright^ had become more 
profitable in that district than sawing it into lumber. 
The British government paid a premium of one pound 
per ton on masts, yards, and bowsprits. The masts were 
not to exceed 86 inches diameter at the butt, and were 
to measui'e as many yards in length as inches in diameter. 
Ships for this exclusive transportation, of about 400 tons, 
with crews averaging 25 men, carried 45 to 50 masts. 

Whenever war was anticipated, ships were ordered to 
Falmouth, that they might be convoyed across the Atlan- 
tic imder the protection of the mast fleet.^ 

The calls for heavy timber pushed the pioneer axes up 
the Connecticut River as soon as the Indians were quiet 
enough to permit their peaceful and settled use. Logs 
for boards came down to Hadley^ at an early and un- 
known date. ' Timber proper was floated down about 
1726. In 1782 the townspeople assembled to see twenty- 
five masts float over and down Enfield Falls. In 1733 a 
company of Connecticut and New Hampshire residents 
had expended ,£1,200 in cutting masts for a Boston con- 
tractor to the king. This was on the upper Connecticut ; 
in the colony ^ proper, attempts to collect the royal masts 
were made, without results apparently. 

The whole colonial business in royal masts is an inter- 

1 Willis, Portland, pp. 453, 454, 

* Bourne, Wells and Kennehwik, p. 302. 

* Amory MS, Letters, Feb. 21, 1727. 

* Judd, pp. 303, 304. 

* Conn. Arch.f Trade and Mar. Aff^^i. 1736. 

1713-46.] MASTS, AND THE BROAD ARROW. 679 

esting series of episodes ' in the political regulation and 
in the evolution of the final autonomy of the New Eng- 
land States. Tho king's right, proprietary and [xipular 
rights, recurred and clashed as the poor officials tried to 
assert sovereignty technically just, but rcuiiiiig counter 
to the popular desire. Instances of positive violation of 
law, and of opposition to the provincial crown officers,^ 
are not rare. The broad arrow of sovereignty had been 
cut on the superior trees as early as 1688. Massachu- 
Betts, about 1720, claimed that, though by the charter 
these great trees (24 inches and upward), — not private 
property at its date, — belonged to the king, yet, once 
felled, the truuks became the possession of the landowner. 
Speaker Cooke went further, claiming all Maine under 
proprietary right bought by Massachusetts of Gorges. 
The crown lawyers in England advised that the king 
could bold the great trees, excepting those on lands 
" granted private persons before the charter of 4 Car. I. 
was reversed." Moreover, bodies politic (towns) were 
admitted as private persons. 

The number of vessels afloat, the amount of commerce 
carried on, in those days of meagre reports and (jnmbBt m 
incomplete fignres, cannot be ascertained posi- '"*>»■ 
lively. The figures given are mere pointers to indicate 
the movement of trade, rather than its quantity. In 1714 
the clearances from Boston ^ were put at 1,247 vessels, or 
415 per year (sic.) ; from Salem 232 vessels, or 77 per 
year. Another statement puts the clearances from Boston 
at 24,000 tons per year in 1719.* The Board of Trade 
reports' for 1721 state that Massachusetts launched an- 
nually 140 to 160 vessels averaging 40 tons, and owned 
about 190 vessels with a tonnage of 8,000. In 1730 the 

' Palfrey, N. E.. iv. SM, 411, 462 ; Belknap, A'. H., u. 27 ; 
Bi»n7, Mass., ii. 109. 

* Ma$». Arch., briv. 138. ' Doc. iV. ¥., v. 618. 

* Pdfrey, JV. E., iv. 429. » iJoc. X Y.. v. 698. 


same authority had Connecticut registered for 42 sail, 
ranging from 10 to 60 tons. A stray statement ^ records 
that Massachusetts, Bhode Island, and New Hampshire, 
from March 25, 1735, to March 23, 1736, entered 961 
vessels and cleared 860. 

I have said that our present period embodied the slack 

calm of skepticism in contrast with the stormy, 
ndigio^ ex- dogmatic discussions, the high religious feeling, 

of the seventeenth century. If we compare 
the ship letters or captain's instructions of John Hull, 
the mint-master, with the floating documents instructing 
voyages in this period, we see how the social and intellec- 
tual spirit of the time changes the attitude of men's 
minds and colors their expression, though their motives 
are human still. Hull besought each captain to pray and 
not to swear, to observe Sabbaths, as if he feared that the 
reproving angel would send foul blasts and wreck his 
dear property at any moment when his mariners should 
cease to watch and pray. The cooler merchant of the 
eighteenth century enjoins his agent to take " good oppor- 
tunity of wind & weather," ^ and to make " the best of 
your way." They carried coopers on board to turn the 
lumber of staves into the utensil of casks. ^' Imploy your 
Coopers Diligently in making Casks for your Molasses 
which you purchase for me, make what Despatch you 
can," said worthy Samuel Browne to discreet Master John 
Touzell, in the sloop Endeavor^ from Salem for the West 
Indies, in 1727. Diligence and despatch were the best 
piety. " Take Care that yourself Mate & Seamen Pay 
their Proportion of the charge of Permition to Trade at 
the French Islands, for it is Butt reasonable that they 
should Pay their Part who Reap Equall advantage with 
me according to their Parts, and Suffer nothing to be 
brought in the Vessel more than their Privileidge, without 
Paying freight." ^ 

1 Histoire et Commerce Cols. Ang.^ p. 134. 

* Essex Inst., i. 66. ' Essex Inst., i. 67. 

1713-15.] REASON IN THE NEW TIME. 581 

Merchant Browne and trader Hull read from the same 
Bible, and doubtless were equally good fatbers of well- 
bred families ; uevertbelesg their mental horizon differed. 
The supernatural shiver of the old century had gone out, 
the " Butt reasonable " of the new had come in. 

Touzell was a trusted officer, and the next year took a 
" Brigantine Endeavor of sixty tons plantation Mfthod of 
bnUt," with cargo of " Scale fish middling Cod '"^*«" 
and merchantable C(k1 " to Bilboa, Spain. Thence he 
was to fi-eigbt for Lisbon or Cadiz, thence for salt for 
New England ; or lie coiihl freight from liisbon or Cadiz 
to Ireland, Holland, or England, then go to the " Isle of 
May" for salt; or he could sell the vessel for ^450 or 
jG500, if obtainable.' In tliat period New Knglanders 
especially doubted not that such captains were the best 
agents of owners for managing the cargo and voyage ; ' 
Europeans mooted the drawbacks and advantages of the 
alternative consignment to local business correspondents.^ 
We ace, from Browne's care in making officers and crews 
pay tbeir proportion of port charges and expenses, that 

tthe enlisting of the mariner's private interest in the suc- 
cess of the whole voyage, through these freighting priv- 
ileges, affected materially all their commercial schemes. 
Sometimes the owners, disputing with these powerful 
skippers, frequently part owners, had recourse to the 
courts to adjust their differences. The case of the sloop 
Recruit, in 1744, to which I shall refer in another connec- 
tion, is an instance. The owners of three quarters of 
vessel and cargo sued Henry Taggert, master and owner 
of one quarter part.* 

Next to fish and vessels, the most important export in 
this period was timber. Parliament freed * the 
colonial export of wood and lumber in 1721. 

> Essex Iiml., i. 86. ' N. H. Prov. Pap., iv. 848. 

* Conanerce de L'Amerique, i. 272. • Newport H. Mag., iii. 260. 

• Buncroft, U. S., ii. 241. 


Staves and other manufactures of wood were moving con- 
stantly. The demand for heavy timber, especially from 
Portugal and Spain, was sufficient to stop much board- 
sawing, and send out the solid trunks. The crown offi- 
cials complained ^ often that the king's enemies received 
the naval stores, prohibited and destined by law for Eng- 
land. Benning Wentworth,^ a very prominent merchant 
of Portsmouth, N. H., had large contracts, about 1739, 
with an agent at the court of Spain for oak timber. 
Weutworth borrowed heavily in London while cutting his 
timber. Meanwhile the contractor at Cadiz lost the royal 
favor, and the new official refused to pay for Wentworth's 
cargoes. Royal courts are slippery and treacherous mar- 
kets, and our speculator was forced to the verge of bank- 
ruptcy by the uncertain Spaniards. 

Ireland was a considerable market, taking rum and 
ifi^ lumber ; ^ indeed, two sloops are noted at once 

importo. bound there with barrel staves in 1719.* Since 
the great agricultural development of the United States, 
we wonder that any one of our States ever drew the fruits 
of the earth from across the seas. But this fact shows 
the relative economical development and power of eigh- 
teenth cfentury New England. Ireland and Gibraltar were 
quite as near, commercially, as Pennsylvania and Virginia. 
Irish duck, and linen of the Azores, were cheaper than our 
domestic manufactures. Irish beef comes often at 50.s. 
per bbl. in 1715, 405. in 1716, with butter at bd.^ Butter 
was a frequent import, and cheese came from England ; 
Cheshire almost constantly, Gloucestershire® sometimes. 
Rhode Island cheese went from the rich Newport and 
Narragansett pastures to Boston ; other domestic cheese is 
hardly noticed. 

1 N. H. Prov. P., iv. 874. « Belknap, N. H., ii. 182. 

■ Amory Letters, MS., 1722 ; and see Caulkins, Norwich, p. 306. 

* Mass. Arch., viii. 262. 

* Bos. News Let., Oct. 24, 1715 ; Oct. 8, 1716 ; April 26, 1720 ; 
May 23, 1734. • Bos. News Let., Nov. 12, 1742, 

1713-45.] BUSINESS OF NEWPORT. 683 

Portsmouth, or Fiscataqua, N. H., was a port of conse- 
quence. A large portion of the wine consumed in our 
colouies came from the Western Islands, and they main- 
tained a steady intercourse with Portsmouth. Mr. Amory 
wrote, while residing at the Azores, " our wines do well 
there, sometimes linen cloth." ' 

Exaggerated statements have heen made concerning the 
relative commercial importance Of Newport in growth of 
the middle half of the eighteenth century. She ""i™'- 
did not attain aH that has been claimed for her, but the 
progress made from the Peace of Utrecht to the American 
Revolution was most remarkable. If her development 
had not been rudely interrupted by the British occupation, 
we can hardly conceive what her commercial rank would 
have been among our Northern cities. The small fleet of 
1713 grew to 120 sail owned at Newport in 1741.2 gyj 
it was the activity of her commerce, rather than her prop- 
erty in ships, which gave Newport her commercial ailvan- 
taga at this time. By 1734 her merchants ira|H>rted so 
much from England direct that dependence on Boston for 
foreign supplies almost ceased.^ Governor Ward re- 
ported that they paid for these goods in " ships of oar 
own building," logwood from Honduras, and bills of ex- 
change taken from West India planters in payment for 
calces sent there. As we have seen in the account of 
the slave-trade, Newport employed Boston capital commer- 
cially, just as Boston used that of English correspondents. 
The Wantons* were sliip builders first, then merchants in 
the West India trade, where Newport gradually led. Mal- 
bone, Channing, Bi-enton, Vernon, Ayrault, Collins, are 
hut few of the long list of names prominent in the busy 

Partridge, tlie agent of Rhode Island in London, led 
the colonies in t)ieir vnin opposition to the British "Mo- 
' Letter Bonk, Nov. 8, 1713. « R. /. C. H.. v. VJ. 


lasses Act " in 1740.^ Imposed six years before, it laid a 
The MoiM- teavy tax on West India products imported into 
■~^*'*' our colonies from foreign countries, especially 
the French Islands. Rhode Island protested that she 
must have those products to reimburse herself for her 
own produce sent there, and thus enable the purchase of 
British goods. Newport distilled rum largely, and inter- 
fered with the trade between the British sugar islands and 
home. Great Britain could not then see that the final eco- 
nomic advantage would be hers, after the products were 
exchanged back and forth, and the resulting trade went 
to her, as the richest market. Rum-distilling and negix> 
importation gave more than their direct profits to New- 
port, great as these were. They gave a tremendous im- 
pulse to more legitimate industry and commerce, and 
compelled the exchange to follow in the wake of '^ rum 
vessel " and slaver. 

The commerce of Providence developed slowly until 
after the Revolution. As early as 1740, Stephen Hop- 
kins, residing there, and afterwards famous in Revolu- 
tionary annals, was said to be concerned in several vessels 
with Godfrey Malbone, of Newport.^ Hopkins had three 
sons and four nephews, all captains of vessels. 

I have mentioned the interesting relations of master 

of vessel with owner or shipper, as a managing 

t»ding agent. In our changed conditions of commerce, 

voyages. ^ 

we can hardly conceive of the complex trading 
conducted by these petty craft, which circulated products 
from one section of coast to another. The sloop Recruit,^ 
for example, loads at Newport in 1744 with bread, flour, 
Indian corn, sugar, molasses, salt, rum, tar, pipe-staves. 
This cargo looks very heterogeneous at first glance, but 
it was nicely assorted for its varied and variable destina- 

1 Arnold, R. /., ii. 124. 

2 Foster's Life of Hopkins, R. I. Hist, Tracts. 
« Neicpori H. Mag., iii. 2C0. 


tioD. Newport was an active mart, a producing or ex- 
dianging poi-t for most of these artick'S. It made rum ; 
took molasses, sugar, and salt from the West Indies, flour 
from New York, coru and pipe-staves from Narragansett, 
and tar from North Carolina. The Kecruit went to New- 
foundland first, where she exchanged her provisions and 
tar with the fishing fleet for " refuse " flsh, which the 
bland slaves of the tropics ate, wliile the Catholics of 
Southern Enrope had the better grades for fast days. 
She made her first southern port at Barbadoes, thence 
Surinam, and in succession Nevis, St. Christopher's, St. 
Eustatius, thence Kingston, Jamaica, Darker's Bay (?}, 
SaTauDah-la-mer, Kingston again, Savannah-la-mer again, 
thence Montecho Bay, all on the Island of Jamaica, 
Kingston again, thence home to Newport, with the mo- 
lasses and other products which cargo and profits of the 
voyage returned. Tins was not the fancied course of any 
Ulysses, but the actual wanderings of Captain Henry Tag- 
gert, as recorded in a court of law. A glance at the 
course reveals the great amount of trading, exchanging, 
and making of merchandise caused by the voyage. 

A shipowner at Antigua ' sends to Boston salt, sugar, 
cotton, small quantity of rum, large quantity of molasses, 
lime juice, indigo, lignum vitie, cordage. He directs his 
captain to bring back codfish, mackerel, herrings, salmon, 
sturgeon, beef, tallow, oysters, train oil, oats, horses. It 
was estimated in 1741 that the trade between Barbadoes 
(meaning all the West India ports probably) and New 
England amounted to X100,000 yter annum; and tliat 
the traflic between Old and New England amounted to 
the same sum.^ 

Naval stoies of all kinds were a good article of export. 

' Mass. Arch., Uiii. 288-291. See, also./fttW., luiii. 2&i. A little 
tobacco went from Cunnecticut lo the West Indies. Stiles, Windior, 
Suppl., p. 15. 

' Oldmixon, Br. Empire in Am., i, 1134. 


There was an excess of turpentine about 1722. From June 
Narai Btoret ^ December 1st in that year, Boston shipped 
and wine., g 3J2 bbls.^ Mr. Amory, writing June 17th, 
states that he is about adding 120 feet to his wharf, then 
70 feet, at the ^' South end," and where his distillery was 
located. He wished to place a distillery *' for rosin '' on 
the new wharf, but could '^ see no way of disposing of the 
oil of turpentine." ^ He began the business in 1724. 

The wines of the Azores and Canaries were consumed 
constantly in New England, and furnished the motive for 
an active commerce with those islands, sometimes called 
the '^ Wine Islands." It was a convenient stopping place 
for the vessels engaged in the larger trade of Portugal 
and Spain. Choice Madeira was at £18 per pipe in 
1718.3 In 1720 Fayal was at £20. Mr. Amory quotes 
at £16 "good payment" in 1721 ; in 1722 he sold Terceira 
wine at £15, and had " old racked wine ". for which he 
expected £25. Later in the same year there was an ab- 
solute scarcity of Madeira and Fayal ; the latter even 
would bring £30 per pipe "readily."* In 1723 the 
price of Madeira was £19 ; in 1725 it had risen again to 
£30. In 1727 Fayal was much poorer in quality, and 
sold at £14 to £15 ; while Madeira brought £26 to £28. 

An interesting feature of this period is in the beginning 
Marine ^^ marine insurance, which has so changed the 
Insurance, coursc of maritime adventure, and has given 
such stability to the extended operations of commerce. 
The pioneer in this business was Joseph Marion, notary 
public, who oj)ened an office north of the court-house, near 
the head of King Street, Boston, in 1724. In 1745 he 
advertises ^ tliat it is " still held " by him for effecting 
insurance, loans on vessels, etc, " affairs of merchandise 
as well as other clerkship." He was a broker or agent, 

^ Mass. Arch., ban. 304. ^ Amory Letters, 1722. 

■ Bos. News Letter, August 18, 1718. * Amory MS. Letters. 
* Bos. Eoe. Post, Dec. 9, 1745 ; Bos. News Letter, Dec. 26, 1745. 


obtaining for the shipper a guaranty of several persons, 
who each underwrote a particular sum, and thus became 
the underwriter of that portion of the risk. The devel- 
opment of the modem corporation, acting for itself and 
assuming tlie wliole risk, was gradual. Marion faik'd in 
the first essay of that kind. He started the " Sun Fire 
Office " in 1724, witliout success.' English insurance 
stocks were quoted in Boston, with South Sea stock, In- 
dia bonds, and other securities. We have Royal Exchange 
Insurance at £4.6, and London do. at .£6.3.8 in 1724.' 
The rates of insurance varied with the chances of war, 
privateers, or pirates. The lowest rate apparently to the 
West Indies was 4 per cent. ; ^ and 20 per cent, obtained 
at times.* I append a memorandum of cliarges in 1739.* 
And we may observe their metho<l of appraising damages 
on goods injured at sea.* Mr. Amory's rule was to ship 

' Mem. HUt. Boa., ir. 179. ' Bos. Gazelle, March 30, 1724. 

* N. H. Pi-ov. Pap., iv. 848. < See above, p. 4C0, 
» Mail. Areh., Ixiv. 219,, 1740-1741 : — 

Messrs. Joshua and Isaac Wiuslow tlicir accounts cmrents. 

To £400 insured on the LeghumGallej and Company . 33 6 10 

To costinsuratiee and charges on lease goods per the 

Milk River 131 18 8 

To £82o insured on the Lcghoru Galley at C.5 per cent 43 8 6 

To £250 msurcil per Success, Snelling 10 4 6 

• Mass. Arch., Uiii. 209, 277. 1719. 

Some goods on board the Ship Patience, from London to Boston, 
being damaged, the c.iptnin asks the goveniment official.i to examine 
them, and make an estimate ai; to how badly they are ilnmngcd. 

The following is their estimate : — £ t. d. 

On one bale of Garlix, tbey being stained, mill-dewed and 

some rotten the damages amount to 45 8 6 

On four casks of shot, two of them broken and all with 

their heads out, tbc damages amount to ... , 30 

On two bales of broadcloth the damages amount to . . 12 4 
Oil a trunk of gloves tbc damage amount to ... . 17 

Total 60 9 6 


not more than £500 in one bottom. When he heard of 
the pirate Low near one of his vessels, he insured £300 
on the risk. 

Foreign commerce, — ship, galleon, liner, mighty craft 
crossing wide seas, carrying and bringing rare 

Importance -. i> -« i • 

of domeatio products. Strange wares, perfumed and spicy, — 
this large movement of trade attracts the notice 
of annalists in all ages. Though these greater exchanges 
stimulate trade and encourage enterprise immensely, it 
is not in themselves or through their own amount and 
weight that they contribute most to a nation's welfare. 
Big trade fosters the little ; it is the immense volume of 
petty domestic exchanges, initiated and impelled by the 
foreign movement, which sends prosperity to all the peo- 
ple and into every district. Mr. Amory, informing a dis- 
tant correspondent of the course of Boston market and 
relative prices, says, in explanation of differing quota- 
tions, '^ Captain Atkinson sells for truck ; which with his 
great business does well." Here was the old barter of the 
meagre seventeenth century, still justifying itself in the 
vastly greater volume of eighteenth century traffic, where 
all the rich wares of all countries crowded the wharves 
and flowed freely through the streets of Boston. Amory 
was a thoroughly instructed merchant, trained in the meth- 
ods of London and other great ports. Yet the swapping 
of " truck " did not inspire him with contempt. He saw 
in it the means of myriad exchanges, reaching out and 
enriching all classes of people. His own words are, " I 
find an inland trade the securest and best." ^ 

We get an occasional glimpse of this barter and retail 
oaknm trade, though the records preserved are sparse 
^'"''^' and scanty. In 1733 and 1734, John Fayer- 
weather 2 dealt at Boston in shipstores and other goods 
associated with shipping and the fisheries. He puts junk 

1 Amory Letters, MS,, 1720. 

^ See Wcute Book in N. £. Hist, and Gen. Soc. 


or "ocum staff" into the hands of Abijah Adams, — a 
tDiddletnan, — who distributes it to parties to be pit^ked 
into oakum ; the price for the service is generally 16^. per 
cwt., sometimes 20«. per cwt. William Owen buys the 
oakum apparently at about 56s. per cwt. for " black," and 
60s. for " white," for he gives a note for X27.7 to Fayer- 
weather, who charges it over to Adams to " discount." 
These small notes of baud play a great part in the traffic 
of the time in these retail transaetions, and in the opera- 
tions of the larger merchants as well. Fayerweather gives 
out "my note for ^ mony ^ goods £6.10" to another 
party. He gives to Adams in another instance "my note 
on Bill & Sewall for ^ mony ^ goods on a shop £.9.6." 
This was a draft for money or an order for goods. He 
receives from Captain Jos. Allen note for X99.02.6 for Gl 
quintals fish at 32s. 6(7., and charges it over to John Wheel- 
wright. Sundry entries cover rum, " Rusha " duck, mo- 
lasses, Spanish iron, and ambergris at 80^. per pound. 
In 1733 there appears eighty ounces of silver at 2ls. Qd. 
He charges, "for the laying in of a horse on board ship, 
£-5.14." He pays to a New London skipper 2s. 8d. for a 
letter received from Joseph Thompson, of New Haven; 
and Is. 2(7. is paid for a letter ti-oin Prudence Island by 
post. Among the curious uses of credit, post^e was 
charged at She general office, and parties were warned by 
advertisement^ each quarter to settle, or their privilege 
would be cut off, 

A large proportion of this traffic, petty in detail, 
but large in resulting whole, was conducted by cnuiiiig 
small coasting craf t,^ ranging from the Carolinas, '™''' 
Virginia, Maryland, Philadelphia, and New York, along 
the shores of New England to Kalmoutb or Portland, in 
Maine. In 1725 the small district of New Hampsliire 

> Bos. NeiM Letter, June 7, 1714. 

• See Scwall'a account of a voyage from New London to Boston, 
6M.H. C.,yi. 43fl. 


alone reported its traffic with Boston in coasting sloops at 
£5,000 per annum.^ It received "English goods," and 
it sent in payment fish and timber. The Maine vessels, 
as early as 1789,^ stretched away to the farther north, 
even carrying cattle to Montreal. Their trade at Canso 
was the most profitable, and we shall see more of that dis- 
trict in Peter Faneuil's operations. 

In 1721 or 1732, as variously stated,^ an interesting 
commercial exchange began between New England and the 
Carolinas, which lasted through the century. It sheds 
light both upon the general development of coasting 
trade and upon the peculiar tendency of early New Eng- 
land enterprise to join capital and labor. Sometimes 
this junction was effected by a common interest, and 
sometimes by specialising the parts of an adventure in 
individual interests. In the winter, when the fishing 
craft, " very small sloops," had no work for vessel or men, 
the owners loaded them with salt, rum, sugar, or molasses 
for the Southern coasts. To these heavy staples they 
added a list of assorted articles, like iron and wooden 
ware, hats, caps, patterns of cloth for breeches, handker- 
chiefs, and stockings. One of these small cargoes aggre- 
gated <£200. Neither master nor men received wages; 
instead, each had a privilege of freight out, and of bring- 
ing home his returns in Southern products. As no fish 
appears in the outward invoices, it is presumed that the 
men carried that article in their private ventures. Corn 
and pork were returned, but pitch and tar soon became 
the leading values. Mr. Amory* expects 1,200 bbls. from 
one correspondent in a season, and quotes a cargo at £721 
from North Carolina. In 1726 he charters the sloop Ad- 
venture for that trade at £60 per month. He sends sixty 

1 New Hamp. H. C, i. 229 ; and N. H. Prov, Pap., iv. 532. 

* Bourne, Wells and Kennehunk, p. 569. 

■ Doc. N. York, v. 609 ; Babson, Gloucester, p. 384. 

* MS, Letters, 1727. 

i^^H '^_v.'~'_'* 

1713-15.] EXTEHDED COASTING. 591 

ewe sheep from Rhode Island to Soath Carolioa, and sur- 
veying instruments, bought at eleven guineas, to North 
Camlina. In 1721 his Charleston eoi-rcspondent, Mr. 
MidcUeton, rejiorts to him a sale of sixteen pieces o£ 
" Negro Cloth." He sends furniture and billiard-tables 
to these Southern ports. Sole leather was one of the 
Carolina exports,^ 

Quantities, in these periods, are poor indicators, but a 
list is given of the importations of provisions at the port 
of Boston in one week. May 8-14, 1741.^ It consists of 
7,700 bu. wheat, 6,650 bu. Indian com, 200 bu. peas, 180 
bu. beans, 534 bbls. flour, 291 bbls. beef, 278 bbls. pork, 
79 bbls. rice. 

The teasing, paternal government in England tried at 
various times to control this nimble colonial Briii>fa 
coasting commerce, with but little effect la i^""^!^ 
1724 the Admiralty Court of Boston advertised'' ™*"*™- 
that all coasters must deliver to the naval officer of the 
respective ports a "true invoice" of cargo, according to 
the act 15 Charles II., etc. ; i. e. the Navigation Acts, 
In 1741 the advertisement* recites — with the usual wail 
of complaint — that "many coasters come into and de- 
part this port without entering," etc., and that in future 
they shall be prosecuted, etc. Like all the colonial reg- 
ulations, the administration was irregular and uncertain. 
Many vessels did enter and received certificates from the 
proper authorities.^ 

Another branch of the paternal administration affected 
the coasting trade more seriously. The impressment of 
seamen, as noticed above,^ was a harsh use of the royal 
prerogative. The transportation along the coast was so 
important in every-day living that, when interfered with, 

1 Bos. Gazetlf. April 13, 1724. 

* Son. Nems Letter, May 14, 1741. 

* Ibid., Nov. 26, 1741. 

* See nbore, p. 677. 


the whole community felt the shock. " Many coasters 
trading with Boston were discouraged from coming hither 
or going thence." Captains of men-of-war, in several in- 
stances, were obliged both to release men already seized, 
and to promise forbearance to all coasters in future.^ 

Coasters were exempted from the port charge of powder 
ught-houie nioney.* The light-house,^ built for the harbor 
aud puoto. ^f Boston in 1716, commuted its fees for coast- 
ers, collecting two shillings each at their clearing out ; 
fishing vessels, wood-sloops, etc., paid five shillings each 
per year ; foreign-bound vessels paid one penny per ton, 
either inward or outward. The keeper of the light-house 
became the pilot by natural selection. But in 1739 the 
business of piloting in the richly-laden ocean-borne craft 
had become important enough to engender competition. 
" Other men would go way out to sea," and cut off the 
advances of Robert Balls, who was obliged to watch his 
lamps as well as breast the seas. Accordingly, Robert 
begged recognition of the General Court, and was ap- 
pointed exclusively " the pilot of Boston Harbor." * He 
was to maintain boats with insignia not to be counter- 
feited, " broad blue vanes " for the bay, and " broad red 
vanes " for the harbor, etc. His fee was to be £8 for a 
hull of 140 to 250 tons, £6 to £10 for 250 to 360 tons, 
inward or outward. 

The coasting trade, knitting together the several com- 
PoiiticaicoD. 'i^wnitiies in different colonies with gossamer 
sequences, ^ebs Stronger than hooks of steel, was the first 
power to control the bimgling legislators of the time, and 
to keep them from constraining and narrowing the grow- 
ing stream of economic intercourse. This intimate inter- 
course and exchange finally developed the American col- 
onies into states, and bound them in imperial bonds. It 

1 Bos. News Letter, April 11, 1745 ; Aug. 29, 1746. 

* Mass. Arch., Ixiii. 424. 

• Bos. News Letter, Sept. 17, 1716. * Mass. Arch., Ixiii. 617. 


waa not without iDterraption that this process went on. 
A whole treatise might be written on the variouB acts re- 
straining trade and intercourse between colonial govern- 
ments, but the life of the people made way for itself and 
grew while the law-makers paltered. The tide of economic 
effort was too strong to be controlled by petty political 

In 1714 Connecticut thought she would export her own 
pipe-staves, and laid a tax of 20s. per thousand 
on barrel and 30^. on hogshead staves.' Rhode ngmuw 
Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, as well 
as other colonies, raust pay these export taxes before 
sending the products to foreign ports, as they had done. 
Then the same colonies were building vessels or exporting 
plank and timber ; hence agricultural Connecticut coveted 
these good things, and in 1715 taxed the outgoing timber 
lOs. per ton, the plank Ss. per hundred feet, the boards 
Za. per hundred feet. These acts were administered strin- 
gently ' for a time. In 1717 she revised her impost of 
12s. 6d. per £100 on all goods not belonging to her own 
inhabitants, and made it more effective.^ 

The excise on liquors touched foreign commerce, and 
was constantly changing in all the colonies.* Rhode Isl- 
and was interested largely in sugar and the traffic grow- 
ing out of it ; therefore she laid a duty on sugar manufac- 
tured in the '* neighboring governments " in 1731.' New 
Hampshire was so incensed by an act of the Massachu- 
setts General Court imposing double duties, double light- 
house fees, and discriminating against her, that she re- 
taliated in 1721.B 

> Com. C. R., 1714, p. 435. 

» Conn. Arch., Trade J Mar. Aff., i, 76. 

• Conn. Coi. Rk., 1717, p. 23. 

• N. H. Proe. P., iii. 819, 827 ; iv. 368 ; Bos. Ntjct Lelter, Dec. 8, 
1737 1 Mast. Arch., Ldu. 485. 

• R. /. C. R., ir. 4Cil. * N.H. Pror. P.. Ui. 827. 


These meddling restrictions occnrred especially iu the 
trade supplying food and provisions. In hns- 
Dotbecoo- banding the necessaries of life, the antique law- 
maker seemed to find a reasonable ground for 
artificial interference and impossible restrictions. Man 
had not discovered that commerce is a better provider 
than the shrewdest political wiseacre or the most active 
ofiicial. In 1713 Connecticut and Khode Island both 
attempted to shut in their grain.^ In Massachusetts 
the matter assumed serious proportions, and opened all 
the questions — political, economic, and social — involved 
in such municipal administration. Sewall records. May 
20 th,^ a riot caused by 200 people or more, who broke 
into Arthur Mason's warehouse on the Common at night- 
time, thinking to find corn. They wounded the lieutenant 
governor and another, cried " Whalebone.'* The imme- 
diate cause of the riot was in Belcher's sending out grain 
to Cura9oa in the time of scarcity. The poor selectmen 
begged the merchant to desist. Captain Belcher replied, 
^' The hardest fend off I If they stop'd his vessel, he would 
hinder the coming in of three times as much." The ex- 
pression is interesting, and marks precisely the passage 
from a sentimental notion into an economic conviction. 
Sometimes the exigencies of war would interfere with the 
movement of provisions.* 

The surrender of Acadia, to be known thenceforth as 
Nova Scotia, by France to England, undec the 
overcomes tcrms of the treaty of Utrecht, has been consid- 
ered the beginning of the decline of France in 
this hemisphere. It was the cod, or dun, or stock fish, 
inhabiting and loving the waters of these coasts, which 
worked the destruction of the French occupation, built 
up with such labor and weary pains by the great Louis. 
Other causes combined to excite and impel both the old 

1 Conn. C. jR. 1706, p. 417 ; R. L C. R,, iv. 159. 

« 5 Mass. H. C, yi. 384. * Mass. Ar<^., Ixiv. 41. 

1713-45.] PROFITS IN COD FISHING. 695 

and new Britain against their Gallic foes transplanted to 
these new districts. But the immediate, active, ever- 
ready cause of trouble between Latin and Saxon, was the 
knobheaded, richly fat, and succulent codfish. Many 
finny fellows have finer tissues and mOre exquisite flavors ; 
few survive time, endure salt, and serve common daily 
use, as well aa the cod. The economic proof is in the fact 
Btated in 1741.' A vessel of 100 tons with twenty men 
fishing on the Banks, then voyaging to Portugal, Spain, 
or Italy, expended ^£1,000. Her receipts, if favorable, 
would be X3,000, showing a profit of 200 per cent. 

At first the Americans did not fully reap the expected 
advantages of the treaty. The best fislieries were along 
the coast, from Cape Sable to the Gut of Canao. The 
country was inhabited by Indians, who sympathised fully 
with the French. The most highly civilised of all the 
European races fraternised most completely with the 
North American natives. Whatever Frenchman or half- 
breed willed, the Indian did. Consequently, English or 
colonial vessels hardly dared venture upon the coasts to 
cure their fish, and in 1721 ^ the French held a prac- 
tical monopoly of the best fisheries. Clandestine trade 
sprang up between the New England ports and Cape 
Breton ; vessels earned up lumber, provisions, aud to- 
bacco, and brought back wine, brandy, linens, silks, as 
well as fish. Thus the movement of fish stimulated all 
trade.^ It was so popular that the collector of customs at 
Salem * vainly tried to induce the legislature to stop it. 

A remarkable change in the course of the fishing indus- 
try was effected after the New Euglanders had chingsin 
established themselves fairly in the more north- f"™""™- 
ern fisheries. In some way they propitiated the Indiims, 
or swarmed so thickly that they bore down native opposi- 

• Oldmiion, Briti»h Emp. in America, i. 19. 

« Doc. iV. r., v. 593, 5M. » Freeman, Cape Cod, p. 389. 

* Felt, iL 254. 


tion. About 1727 Peter Faneuil found his best market 
for dealing in fish at Canso. In 1744 the active Yankees 
had so allied themselves with the friend of their ancestors, 
the cod, that the French could buy fish at Canso cheaper 
than they could cure them for themselves at Cape Breton.^ 
Yet the French had their prey so near and so abundant 
that they dallied not with hook or line, but seized them 
with a " Kind of GrapHng." ^ So the story ran. The 
fishing business was prosecuted at all the eastern and 
northeastern ports. Gloucester alone had seventy vessels 
engaged in 1741,^ and Marblehead competed with Canso.* 
The Province of New Hampshire employed 100 vessels 
about 1725.^ It was the main business generally in places 
where it established itself. When New Hampshire laid 
an embargo on all outward-bound vessels in 1717, she 
excepted the fishermen.^ 

Mackerel and herring were sent to the West Indies ^ 
sometimes, but their chief use was for bait. In the early 
spring the young fry were taken and advertised by the 
barrel in Boston for that purpose.^ The mackerel run 
into Massachusetts Bay both in the spring and the au- 
tumn.^ Salmon, the finny duke, compared poorly with 
Cod, the democrat, in those days. A few families on the 
Connecticut salted and preserved him for common food in 
the early part of the century. The price was less than 
one penny per pound. By 1729 petitions began for sal- 
mon wears in Hampshire ; ^^ this shows the fish was worth 

* Belknap, N, H., ii. 193. ' Donglas, Summaryy i. 6. 

* Babson, Gloucester , p. 381. 

* P. Faneuil, Letter Book, July 15, 1737, at N. E. H. and Gen. Soc. 
6 Doc, N. York, v. 595. « N. H, Prov. P., ii. 701. 

' Bos, News Let., Dec. 18, 1735. 

8 Bos. News Let., Jan. 29, 1730 ; New Eng. Weekly Jour., Feb. 19, 

* See Deane's ScUuate, p. 25, for habits of the mackerel at differ- 
ent periods. ^^ Judd, Hadley, p. 314. 


1713-45] CHANGES IN USING FISH. 697 

The first sale tA shad recorded in Northampton, Mass., 
was in 1733 ; only a halfpenny in good money was paid 
for one fish. Scales were not necessary in ad- 
justing these values. Of all the changes between inmii^ 
old-tune and new-time palates none is more won- 
derful than the relative appreciation of this delicious fish. 
Plump, juicy, savory, and luscious on the breakfast platter, 
he excites au appetite in the epicure, and gratifies the 
hunger of hardy laborer on all the Atlantic shores, from 
his spring coming to his summer going in hia " last run." 
Nothing Illustrates better the economic use of food as it 
is enforced by the conditions of civilisation changing with 
the centuries. Ifow, people both rich and poor value 
most — because they can afford to use — fresh, recent tis- 
sues of flesh and fish, succulent and tender nutriment, not 
staled by processes of cure and preservation. Then, so- 
ciety was obliged to use its forces in the good seasons of 
plenty, to save constantly and carefully against the wintry 
and barren times of scarcity. I have illustrated the prin- 
ciple in the changed values of pork snd beef. It is even 
more striking in the employment of these royal fish, 
wasted then, economised now, and made the common food 
of laborers. Express trains, telegraphs, and telephones 
market all the shad the seas can yield, while thousands 
of men and millions of active capital save the remote sal- 
mon on the Pacific shores, then distribute him over the 
whole world. Invention in saving processes has helped 
the movement ; it did not create it. Society in the eigh- 
teenth century, though desiring fish, had not capital 
enough to pay for the tin can. 

Much thought in legislation and care in official action 
was devoted to tlie fishing industries. They cnringoi 
were appreciated as some of the surest founda^ ^^ 
tions of prosperity in the community, and worthy of the 
constant care of the state. The towns looked after the 
every-day business of locating " flakes," or open platforms 


for curing the fish. Salem ^ in 1714 allowed these privi- 
leges on the shore to her own townsmen at 5^. per annum, 
while a non-resident must pay 208. The General Court 
of Massachusetts policed the whole matter, and heeded 
the complaints coming occasionally from foreign markets, 
that fish were not properly cured, assorted, or packed. 
In 1723 a bill passed for " ye better cureing and culling 
Fish.'' ^ A bounty was offered for porpoises and the oil 
in 1739.8 

Salt was a constant necessity in this business, and it 
formed one of the best return fares in vessels of the ex- 
port trade. The supply came from Spain and Portugal 
largely,^ though four vessels laden at the Tortugas are 
mentioned once in 1718.'^ 

Any recoinl of this important period in our New Eng- 
land commerce would be far from complete which 
should neglect privateering, and its relation to 
the course of general trade. We have separated the 
tangled skein of private war and piracy on the seas, mak- 
ing a positive break at 1713. Then the sudden settlement 
of the War of the Spanish Succession precipitated a swarm 
of discharged fighting sailors fi*om the navies of the Old 
World into the ill-policed waters of the New. These men 
became outlawed pirates, different from the privateersman 
or developing pirate of earlier times. But a more gradual 
change should be indicated. In the beginning of the cen- 
tury, privateering proper was practiced, and it was a legit- 
imate means of annoying an enemy used by all contest- 
ants. I cannot make a suitable history of private war 
upon the seas, — a matter of absorbing interest and a suffi- 
cient story in itself. Ample material exists for a special 
history of American privateering, its daring and endur- 

1 Felt, i. 195. « Proc. Mass. H. S. 1855, p. 124. 

» Mass, Arch., Ixiii. 552. * N. H. Prov. P., iv. 532. 

^5M.H. C viL 216. 

'^v -.'i^-^ 


aoce, its wonderful exploits and occasional disaster, a ro- 
mance of truth ill a field all its own. I must touch this 
great topic here and there as a part of general commerce. 
Scattered facts, also, will be noted, as they may help a 
latter treatment of the especial matter. 

Both the risks and the profits of commercial business 
were affected largely by the movement of these orthodox 
rovers. Established commerce, like that of Salem and 
Boston, suffered moat, while new ports, like Rhode Island, 
received most benefit. The influx o£ ntercbandiae so 
cheaply earned was very profitable, and doubtless all the 
New England ports gained by privateers, while France, 
Spain, or Holland lost. As soon as war opened with any 
of the continental powers, the New England docks bustled 
with busy outfitters, and the boldest venturers from every 
district mustered to the standard of the iuost lucky cap- 
tain. Advertisements would read : " Capt. Peter Law- 
rence is going a privateering from Rhode Island in a good 
sloop about 60 Tuns, and any Gentlemen or Sailors that 
are disposed to go shall be kindly entertained," ' This 
was in Boston, 1704. Two years earlier there had been 
sent out from Newport such a fleet that Bownas, an Eng- 
Ibh Quaker - visiting there, reported the most of the able- 
bodied men "gone off on privateers." The exploits of 
the Quaker, William Wanton, were more than brilliant. 
In that year he brought in three French prizes.' Quakers 
both owned and sailed cruisers. 

Rhode Island had been charged with irregularity in 
commissioning privateers, and in the proceedings for the 
condemnation of prizes, before admiralty courts were 
appointed regularly.* Much dispute appears among the 
officials. As William Ellery, of Newport, received a let- 
tsr of marque about the same time from Prince George, 

' Bos. Nfurn Let., Mny 18, 1701. * Sheffield, R. I. Privatnn, p. a 

• Arnold's HUt. II. I., ii. 9. 

* R. I. C. R., iii. SOS-SIO, 637-540. 


consort of the Queen, we may conclude the privateersmen 
had friends at court.^ France and Spain suffered much, 
as our scattered reports indicate.^ And they retaliated ^ 
as well ; the reports would come, as from Antigua, ^^ the 
privateers are very thick about the Islands/' 

The New England privateer contests gave a distin- 
Admind guished officcr of the royal navy his first oppor- 
wager. tuuity. Charlcs Wager was the nephew of 
John Hull, a Newport merchant. He was with his uncle 
in one of his vessels, when she was threatened by a 
French or Spanish privateer. There is a well-attested 
tradition that Wager, only a lad but high-mettled, pur- 
suaded the peaceful, non-resistant owner to retire to the 
cabin and give him control of the vessel. He mustered 
the crew — they were always armed — and handled them 
so bravely and skilfully that the attacking pa]*ty was 
baffled. The old Quaker's anxiety prevailed over his de- 
corum, and coming into the companion-way he stood tak- 
ing snuff and watching the fight. As he was below the 
level of the combatants, he could well see the effect of the 
firing. Again the man prevailed over the Quaker, and 
he cried out, " Charles, if thee means to hit that man in 
a red jacket, thee had better raise thy piece a little." 
The attack was repulsed, and neither a small trading 
craft or a counting-house could hold such a gallant spirit. 
Through his friends, Wager obtained a post in the royal 
navy, ending his honorable career as Sir Charles Wjiger, 
First Lord of the Admiralty, with a monument in West- 
minster Abbey. He had the sagacity to see that the com- 
mon sailor in private war had an incentive of interest 

* Babson, CloHcestery p. 84. 

2 Mai^s. Arch,, Ixii. 502 ; Proc, M. H. S. 1873, p. 423 ; 5 M. H C, 
vi. 37 ; R. I. C. R., iii. 540, 547 ; iv. 57 ; Sheffield, R. L Privateers, 
p. 1*2. 

» Conn. C. R.y 1712, p. 343 ; Masa. Arch., Ixiii. 234 ; Felt, Salem, 
ii. 21(5 ; Doc. N, Y., iv. 1147 ; v. 61, 4(\i) ; vi. 243 ; Bos. News Let., 
April 26, 1707 ; /?. 1. C. R., iii. 561, 562. 


whicli no navy gave to its men at that time. Accord- 
ingly he instituted the division of prize money,^ which 
gave every man an interest in overcoming the prizes. 
The rich Spanish vessels taken at Porto Bello were first 
dividetl in this way. 

These stirring times, poor in governing powers, rich 
. in individual men, hrought daring spirits to the surface, 
giving scope to their smbitiou and freedom to 
their higlier nature. This partisan warfare uid««i>iD 
suited the independent, self-containing spirit of 
the Rhode Islanders. There was reason for tlie success 
of the Rhode Island privateers, as well as for their num- 
bers. Tlicir merchants and sailors were more than enter- 
prising ; they were bold, resolute, and aggressive. While 
lacking the power of combination and political deference 
prevailing among Massachusetts citizens, they were inde- 
pendent and powerful wherever their individuality could 
make itself felt. Massachusetts, through the General 
Court, sometimes offered extraordinary inducements to 
vessels doing the work of privateers upon the enemy." 
The Massachusetts preacher berated the fisher folic and 
men of Gloucester that they quaked in their beds when 
they might be manning their vessels and cliasing the one 
French privateer tliat held the whole coast in terror. 
Sewall, when he paused in one of his Narragansett jour- 
neys at Bristol, heard of a French privateer in Vineyard 
Sound, but added that the Rhode Island men were after 

In the Spanish war of 1739 and the French war of 
1744, the business of privateering, especially in Rhode 
Island,* attained large proportions. The partisan arms 
forged against France and Spain by the colonists were 

> Sheffield, R. I. Prh-alem, p. 13. 

" See " Prince of Ofangi-." in Bos. Bet. Po>t, Feb. 22, 1742. 

* 5M.H. C, vi. 194. 

* See liaU of vessels and captures in Sheffield, S.I. PnoaUen, pp. 
44, 4S. 


turned against the mother country with terrible effect in 
the greater struggle of the Revolution. French and Span- 
ish prisons had left deep scars in the memory of colonial 
privateersmen, but they retaliated upon property, if they 
did not treat persons with equal severity. In Simeon 
Potter, owner and commander of The Prince Charles of 
Lorraine, of Newport, the Spaniards found a rover as 
greedy for spoil as the old vikings, though not as cruel. 
In 1745^ he ravaged 1,600 miles of territory on the 
Spanish Main, ^' visiting ^' churches and private dwell- 
ings. Ethics change with the seasons. Strangely as 
these exploits sound in our ears, the eighteenth century 
admiralty judge rided that he had not violated civilised 
warfare, and the families of his crew sued the fierce 
privateer for their shares of the prize money. 

The Massachusetts towns,^ as well as Newport, fitted 
vniue of ^"* privateers, which reaped rich harvests from 
P'*^* the enemy's vessels. In 1741 a Rhode Island 

and a Massachusetts privateer went together against a 
Spanish wine vessel. A Massachusetts citizen testified, 
"it was only by luck that the Rhode Islander had taken 
the boat rather than the Boston vessel." ^ In 1740 Cap- 
tain Hull, of Newport, took a prize of greater value 
" than all he had taken before ; " each man's share was 
more than 1,000 pieces of 8.* A few weeks later the 
"Boston News Letter"^ reported that Hull's exploits 
were so extraordinary, his owners "design to have his 
statue finely cut out of a block of marble to stand upon 
a handsome pedestal with each foot upon a Spaniard's 

The Admiralty records® teem with accounts of prizes 
and their condemnation. In 1744 the Spanish snow Lady 
de la Rosara, condemned with a cargo of 2,200 seroons of 

1 Sheffield, R. L Privateers, p. 20. ^ Coffin, Neicbury, p. 21 1. 

« Mass, Arch,y Ixiv. 122. * Bos, News Let,, 1740, Feb. 7. 

» Bos, Newt Lei,, March 20, 1740. • -R. /. Arch,, MS. 

1713-45.] A MISTAKEN HOROSCOPE. 603 

cocoa, 80 do. Jesuit bark, 4,600 pieces of 8, waa a type 
of many captures. The Rhode Islaod court adjudged the 
captures made by its owu citizens and those of other col- 
onies. In 1745 The Dolphin, brigantine, of New York, 
80 guns, with 100 men, commauiled by Kichard Laogden, 
brought in the sloop Amity, commanded by Philip de 
YoDgc, a Dutcbutan. It was attempted to free the prize 
on the score of the commander's nationality. He had 
thrown overboard his papers when the action was going 
against him. This in Itself, according to the king's stat- 
utes in 1664 and 1672, was evidence sufficient to condemn 
a prize. The judge, Leonard Lockman, decided that ves- 
sel, cargo, and slaves belonged to French subjects, and 
was a lawful prize. The private property of De Yonge, 
some linen, holland, hats, cambric, gold frock-buckles, 
knee-buckles, and sleeve-bottons, and a bag of 500 pea. 
of 8, was returned to him, lest tlie States of the United 
Netherlands be offended.' 

The results were not always favorable. In 1745 God- 
frey Mulbone, the lending merchant of Newport, built two 
large privateers for crnifling about the Spanish Main, 
lie manned them with 400 men, and gave the command 
to Captains Cran.tton and Brewer.^ The horoscope was 
cast, — in due custom, — and the forecastle fates either 
knew not their own mind, or warred aj^ainst each other. 
The day of sailin;; fixed by the stars fell on Friday, and 
the ships saileil, seeking luck, on that unlucky day. They 
were never heanl of more. Two hundred families in 
Newport were left each without a head, to mourn their 

Often an interesting story, important enough for a 
place in history, could be made from the adven- b[,.„^„ 
tures of a single vessel, using such records as ™''™*"*- 
have escaped the accidents of intervening years. The 
comet -like courses of tliese privateers, shooting acix>ss, 
» It. I. Arch., MS. * Sheffield, R. I. Privatten, p. IS. 


and entangling the lines of regular commerce, reveal 
many curious incidents, and reflect the true history of the 
time. Things which never would have seen light, or, 
seen, would have escaped notice and notoriety, were forced 
into full view by the revelations of prize courts. 

Malbone's occasional losses were conspicuous, as we 
have seen ; his gains and successes were much more 
striking. The Charming Betty, a privateer sloop, one 
half owned by him, had a romantic career. She was ap- 
praised at .£2,000, Rhode Island currency, in 1744.^ In 
1740 she carried into Newport, among her prizes, the 
ship OratavOf and the proceedings in condemna- 
of The On- tiou ^ opcu a strangc chapter m politico-commer- 
cial history. The Oratavo was loaded at Tene- 
riflEe [" Teneries "] with wine and fruit, the island being 
an alien possession, and traffic with English subjects for- 
bidden during the Spanish war. She touched at Cape 
Cod, putting ashore one Hubbard with some wine and 
fruit. While she was hovering on the coast, waiting the 
issue of her agent^s illegal trading, she was taken by The 
Charming Betty. The voyage was planned boldly and 
skilfully, with every kind of chicanery then known, to get 
the vessel through the weak nets of prohibition spread by 
the British crown. A great profit was expected in Amer- 
ica ; at .£50 paper currency per pipe, Supercargo McCan- 
ick was instructed to sell, reserving at least fifty to sixty 
pipes for Barbadoes. One Lockhart gave the instruc- 
tions for the voya<j;e, having had advice from Boston " of 
my friend Mr. James Bowdoin that wines were rising 
there and like to be in high demand, and that notwith- 
standing our present ruptui*e, as also the reported prohi- 
bition of commerce witli Spain, we could easily procure 
admittance for this country wines under the name of 
Madera, providing were put into pipes of that country^ 

^ 11. L Arch.y Admiralty, MS. 

- IOid,f 1740, James Colliugwood v. Oratavo. 

^^p"m -v^M 

1713-45.] AN AUDACIOUS SCHEME. 605 

Accordingly shifty Mr. Lockhart and his partners racked 
their wino into Madeira casks, aad sent the vessel on 
this illicit though presumed easy course for Boston or 
for Rhode Island. But this scheme was only a small 
part of tlie preparation. A consul's certificate was ob- 
tained hy some means at Teneriffe ; in the words of 
Judge Auchniuty, at Newport, " what Still more Shocks 
me is tliat in this Treasonable Commerce, a Gentleman 
that onue had y* Honour and Trust of being his Majes- 
ty's Consul ill Teiierise, Should be Engaged a partner 
with this Lockliiirt. . . . Certify . . . Corrupt and 
Bribe," etc. This truthful document was "only designed 
if the other should not talce," to impose an entirely 
different tale upon his Majesty's loving subjects, inform- 
ing them that " said wines are tlie produce of effects be- 
longing to mu and other Protestant British Subjects 
which with great hazard have been happily secured from 
tlie Barbai-ous Spanish reprizals." Under this second 
projected course "Captain Williamson must enter his 
Ship at Rhode Island under the name of the Providence, 
Capt. Patrick Mackenna, from Madera, according to your 
colourable clearance from thence." 

It does not appear tl»:it any of the American merchants 
were implicated in tlie (>lan or execution of the voyage. 
A quarter cask of " Madera " was sent to be given to Cap- 
tain liichard Malbone, collector at Khode Island, but such 
gifts were not uncommon. " Ye may inquire for Capt. - 
John Ilidl who if still there [Rhode Island] will bring 
you acquainted with " Messrs. Samuel Holmes, John 
Bennet, Thomas Richardson, and otliers. They were to 
ailvisG, also, with Mr. Bowdoin in Boston. 

The plan, tliougli very sagacious, <lid not contemplate 
the irruption of a privateer seeking a prize, or ready for 
pliimlcr. The defendants set up in the Admii-alty Coiut 
that, admitting all facts, " Loukhart and Company are 
good Loyal Subjects " trying to get projierty out of an 


enemy's country. If the plan was illegal, it was not car- 
ried into efiEect. Judge Auchmuty did not view it in that 
light ; indeed, he charged that Lockhart, with his friends, 
was acting ^^a part, as by papers appears he acted be- 

The judge doubtless crossed his stout thighs frequently 
beneath the splendid mahogany of the Mal- 
iri<mdiy " bones, and often enjoyed the hospitality of the 
Ayraults, Holmeses, and the rest, then equal to 
any cheer on the American continent. His charge testi- 
fies both the severity of judgment and the passion of 
patriotism. He condemns the prize for the benefit of the 
captors; sounding out, in the bulging rhetoric of the 
time, against the ^^most Shocking Scene of Disloyalty, 
Treachery and Corruption." He felt the cause " to be 
of as high Importance as can come in Judgment," and 
important enough to justify the great " Auditory " present. 
Whatever the shortcomings of Khode Island might have 
been in subjecting herself to the maternal government of 
England, this crown official meant to glorify her in the 
eyes of the Newport community of 1740. He descanted 
on the sacrifices of the colony in equipping the war sloop 
Tartar, and on the energy of the merchants in dispatching 
privateers to annoy the enemies of the crown. 

Whatever we may think of the morality or patriotism 
of Mr. Lockhart, he knew his business thoroughly. His 
memorandum ^ is worth studying, for it reveals accurately 
the course of commerce between the Western Islands, 
New England, Virginia, and the West Indies. In these 
poorly regulated times commerce went on, lawfully if it 
could, but they traded. 

We leave the old privateers regretfully. They shot 
some bright threads of adventure through the dull webs 
of trade ; they lighted the growing new commerce with 
an occasional gleam from the dying fires of chivalry. 

^ Appendix C. 



,^ 1723-1742. 

The era of colonial commerce, the raco of colonial 
merchanta, closes properly with tbe career of Peter Fan- 
euil. Louiskiirg was not taken when he died. In the 
assault on that stronghold, tbe colonies girded their infant 
loins against one of the matured giants of Europe. In 
that struggle they first learned how easy it was for a 
young and comparatively weak contestant on the ground 
to beat a strong enemy afar off. Between 1745 and 1776 
the Revolution was gestating, and a new com- 
merce gestated with it. Peter Faneuil, boi-n in «:atioumtur 
1700, died in 1742, in the prime of liis years. 
His outgoing corresponds nearly with this pivot of the 
siege of Louisbui^. It is worth a few pages of detail 
to set forth bis career, and to study his methods, the 
records of which we fortunately possess, though tn frag- 
mentary form. These broken fragments are sufficient to 
picture tlie whole way of commerce and trade while the 
colonies were accumuhiting that wealth which afforded 
force sufficient to challenge and to dare the power of 

This forming process, this nation-building, went for- 
ward by means of institutions and of individuals. Both 
are important, and the origins of both deserve attention 
in the study of either economic or social history. Puri- 
tan New England and Cavalier Virginia have been much 
written about. Im^wrtant as the Puritan-oavalier life 

608 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

and the particular race-growth of these districts are, we 
begin to see that they are parts, and that they are not 
the whole, of the great story of American de- 
DotwhoUy velopment. The local quarrels and constitu- 
""'"^ tioni struggles of England, transferring their 
disjoined members to these new lands, were great moving 
influences here : they were not the sole influences in pro- 
jecting the race and the institutions of America. Parts 
of England did much indeed, but Scotland, Ireland, Hol- 
land, Protestant France, Germany, and Sweden conjoined 
in forming that racial tree, that enormous trunk, whose 
branches spread from Maine to California, with leaves 
spreading and flowering over Apalachian and Rocky 
Mountains alike. 

The history of the Old World — though ancestral and 
important — beclouds the actual story of the vastly larger 
New. This fact most affects our conceptions of institu- 
tions, but my present purpose tends toward the treatment 
of individuals. We forget that the new nation drew its 
members from strong individuals coming from many and 
diverse communities. The abounding social soil of the 
New World germinated and sprouted the incipient or 
budding institutions of the Old, using for seeds and off- 
shoots the strongest individuals of half a dozen races. 

In blood and fibre, in breeding and hereditary training, 
Faueuil was a small epitome of this racial development, 
FaiMsuii's *'^is cosmopolitan experience. His uncle An- 
anceatry. ^vew^ drivcu out iu the Huguenot expulsion, 
married while in Holland, settled in Boston by 1691, 
or earlier. Peter s father settled in Narragansett at first, 
but removing to New Kochelle, N. Y., our subject, the 
eldest son, was born there in 1700. Summoned to Bos- 
ton, he inherited, as executor and residuary legatee, the 
large estate of his vigorous and enterprising uncle in 
173J. We do not know the exact date of his coming, but 
he was a young man. He took up his uncle's methods, 

-.-^^ - 


and conducted the business for some years before he iii> 
herited it. 

He built Faneuil Hail in 1742. It was fitting that this 
institutional pile should have been built by a Franco- 
American cradled among the Knickerbockers, settling 
finally into a solid citizen of the three-hilled town, that 
centre of New England life, that source of so many ideas 
prevailing in American history. 

Some of the old Faneuil account books are well pr^ 
served,^ and they are oases in the documentary Aecount 
wastes made by fii-e, accident, and neglect in our '**^ 
American commercial history. We have a ledger, 1725—32, 
invoice and journal specimens in the same period ; better 
than all, a letter book, 1736-42. The splendid parchment 
page of the old ledger rebukes the soft pulp, the swift- 
whirling rollers of modern paper-mills, "iaus Deo, 
Boston, N. E.," heads the page, inscribed by the portly 
and respectable clerk with a gray goose-feather, new- 
nibbed for tl)c impoi-tant occasion. No haste, no unseemly 
rush of telegraph messengers, no distracting " Helloa ! " 
of telephone, in the presence of that staid functionary, 
inditing the doings anil doing the will of a Boston mer- 
chant. Glory to God ! he put piously in Latin words not 
open to the vulgar. Then he reckoned his L., S., D,, and 
posted his columns, if slowly and methodically, yet in very 
much the same spirit which inspires the nimble and facile 
ministers of Jay Gould or the Vanderbilts in our day. 

These i-econls indicate, in modern tei'ms, a general ship- 
ping and commission business. He received 
goods from many correspondents, English, Por- Honb.™- 
tuguesc, and French, sold them and made returns 
in new ships, fish, or other merchandise. Sometimes he 
ventured vessel and cargo, and these ventures were almost 
always divided in shares with his uncle, brother, friends, 
or correspondents abroad. But the most transactions 
1 la cabinet of N. E. Hist, and Gen. Soo. 

610 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

are upon .commission, When he charges a commission, 
whether upon a lot of fish or oil, or a bag of gold, it is at 
5 per cent. He seems, also, to have imported assorted 
English goods for the account of dealers in Boston, charg- 
ing them at cost, with an agreed advance. For exam- 
ple, December 2, 1732, an invoice of £93.5.2 sterling 
is charged at 350 per cent., the depreciated currency ac- 
counting for much of the high premium. Then these 
dealers reimbursed him in small sums. 

Let us follow his operations in building and dispatching 
A specimen ^^^ ^^"P Providcncc for the account of Mr. 
loiipment. William Limbery, of Bristol, England. January 
12, 1736, he writes Mr. Limbery that Captain Godfrey is 
still awaiting the launching of the vessel, the winter being 
very severe. He was receiving English goods, chiefly tex- 
tiles, constantly from Limbery. Pepperell & Odiome had 
imported goods of their own, and they are mentioned in 
this letter. Moreover, Pepperell would give him but 4s. 
per dozen for Limbery 's codlines, as Kenwood & Co. were 
selling at 4^. 3d. for the single dozen ; the price had been 
5s, the previous year at wholesale. Limbery had 500 
pieces of " Duroys " ready for shipment in the spring. 
But Faneuil would not accept any business upon commis- 
sion unless he could make returns in fish the year follow- 
ing. " It is Impossible to sell goods to raise money out 
of them to Purchase Spring Fish." The fishing was poor 
in that particular season. January 24th, the ship is ready 
upon the stocks, but waiting for the harbor to be freed 
from " y* vast quantities of Ice." He sends an account 
current, showing balance due Limbery X8,965.14.6, made 
from the sales of numerous shipments given in detaiL 
The goods came in ships and snows chiefly from " Exou " 
(Exeter), but occasionally from Bristol or London. 

March 4th he announces Captain Godfrey's ship " Prov- 
idenoe. Exceeding good as well as Beauty full," com- 
pletely fitted and laden, though the weather had been so 


coM ior three months that busmeas had been *' Impossable 
Scarcely." She was to sail in three days for Bordeaux 
with 137 bhdB. 19 bbls. brown sugar, 7 hhds. S66 Iba. 
white do., owned by John Segal, of that port. The freight 
on sugars was to be 2s. Qd. per cwt She carried 2 hhds. 
indigo also. The sugars and indigo were upon a French 
snow from St. Domingo, the vessel having been con- 
demned in Boston. The remainder of the cargo — which 
filled her — was for owner's account, viz. : 11 M barrel 
staves, 11 "Escriptores," and about 8 doz. finished oars. 
He hopes Limberj will order Captain Godfrey back to 
Canso with a cargo of salt ; in that event he will have a 
return of fish ready for the ship. He expects an answer 
from Limbery " by first Ships In the Spring." 

But Faneuil has been forced to one act which vexed 
him sorely. " Thro the Caprice of the Judge of ^be \*w 
the Admiralty here, and it ia in no way founded tbTHtha 
on Law nor Justice," he has given a bond that *"^"" 
the ship will return directly from France to some port in 
America. Godfrey gave Faneuil a counter bond. His 
wrath is outspoken that his movements should be so con- 
strained: " Every person here crys Shame of it. I hope 
you wilt represent this Imposition to some of your memben 
that they may remonstrate this peice of Injustice done to 
the King's Subjects, and Endeavor to get him turned out 
of that post, for he is a Ville man, if you cannot obtain 
that I hope you will get a Letter of Repremand from their 
Lordships to him, which I desire you will send me open 
that so for the future there may be no more such Imposi- 
tions on the faire trader, . . . the same being the needfull 
that OflEers at present I kiss your hand remain " 

It is evident that the king's ministers were awaking to 
the necessity of putting screws on some of the loose doings 
of the king's subjects. 

March 22d, he advises that The Providence actually 
sailed on the 18th. He inclosed all the tradesmen's bills 

612 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

incurred upon her, and noted the whole cost of the vessel • 
at <£4,873 6«. 2(2., with £511 Is. Id. for the small portion 
of the cargo furnished by the owner. He observes that 
the prospective balance due Limbery, £3,582, will not be 
sufficient to pay for a full cargo of fish, when she comes 
for another freight. He says vessels are much cheaper 
in the river Thames than in Massachusetts. In another 
letter he had said : ^^ Wee have 43 sailes of vessells now 
a Building in this Town, and there is nothing but Dis- 
apointm^ to be expected from them." 

It seems that Limbery had consigned some goods to 
Captain Lee, presumably one of his own shipmasters, and 
had apologised to FaneuiL The latter accords heartily 
with his course, not disappointed that he did not receive 
the consignment. ^^ Must allways Expect that the masters 
will have the preferance withe sale of these goods when 
they sell so much under the prisses of the factors." 

He quotes sales of " Dufferen at 14s. 6e?., Baye at 5«., 
Kersey at 25s., fine Whitneye 53«., coarse do at 28«." 

We may perceive the Boston notion of a " fair trader," 
in his relations with the British crown, from other portions 
Contraband ^^ Faneuil's Correspondence. June 7, 1737, he 
bSeT sends Mr. Thomas Lloyd, at North Carolina 
*^***' probably, a box of fine Barcelona handkerchiefs, 

to be sold for his account, and the proceeds returned in 
pork, wheat, or flour; value of 62 doz. at <£7 is X434. 
His instructions read : " Y* M' (Captain) does not know 
what they are & you cannot be insensible that they can- 
not be Imported oppenly therefore I desire y' care in 
gett^ of them on Shoar Immediately on y" Arrival." 

May 16, 1737, he sends an account of the " duroys " 
with a case of shalloons sold ; also a case of shalloons sold 
for another party at 4s. 4c?. per yard. He winds up busi- 
ness with Limbery June 20, 1737, saying he will accept 
no more commission business from any one, and recom- 
mending the captain to other agents. His reason given is 
the '' badness " of trade* 

1725-42.] SHIPS BY CONTRACT. 613 

Collections were slow. He remarks to Jacob Bernall, 
Jr., for whom he had sold rum, and who desires Spanish 
silver in remittance, that the shopkeepers always take 
twelve months and sometimes two years iu payment. 

He has frequent dealings with Miguel Pacheco da Silva 
at Cadiz «nd London. December 2, 1736, he is building 
a ship for Da Silva's account, to be sent to Canso for a 
cargo of Bsh. He reports a portion of the consignor's 
" Linen Drapery " on hand, three trunks of " Callacoes," 
and all the Ts. 8d. " Garlex " and " muslins." Afterwards 
he reships some of these textiles to South Carolina. Da 
Silva sends him sails and cordage to fit the vessel. Log- 
wood was often in great demand. May 16, 1737, the 
market having been cleared by cash purchases for Ham- 
burg, the price had advanced so that he could buy judi- 
ciously for Da Silva. 

It appears tliat Mr. Thomas Quay, of Kingston, Jar 
maica, sent an agent, Charles Pratteu, to contract gupbiUH. 
for building a vessel. June 3, 1737, Faneuil ad- '^' 
vises that be bas put out the coiiti-act to " Benj. Hallowell, 
who will do it eEEectually." Pratteu brought "so small 
matter of effects " that no builder would undertake the 
affair with hitn, and Faneuil was obliged to make it his 
own, and agree to pay the much-dreaded " Cash " for the 
vessel at £12 to £.15 per ton. He quotes subsequently 
800 tons shipping built for him at X12 or X15. "Yon'* 
not by any means neglect to send a sulliciency of effects 
either in Cash or a Quantity of Molasses w*" will allways 
fetch the money." He directs Quay to order canvas, 
cord^e, and anchors from London ; these coming in time, 
the vessel would be launched the next November. June 
8th he sends copy of the above, and reports sales of the 
inadequate " effects," rum at 78. Gd. per gallon, with some 
sugar. He calls loudly for more rum, sugar, or anything, 
" surpriz'd that you sent so small a matter of effects as to 
carry forward such an undertaking and y* by a stranger." 

614 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

More remittance : *^ Should you fail doiug of it, yon may 
depend that I shant go on w*** her." 

Lest good Mr. Quay may not comprehend, he addresses 
him July 22, 1737, with the news that there are five ships 
belonging "to the West India," lying at the wharves, 
which the factors would not let go, for lack of«»payment, 
" so that I hope you*^ Prevent y' being one of the num- 
j ber." 

The fishermen of eastern Massachusetts, especially 
Cape Ann, Marblehead, and Salem, were accumulating 
wealth. Limbery had offered to receive consignments of 
fish, one third part in the interest of the fishermen. 
Faneuil answered that the fisher folk were getting vessels 
of their own. He wrote Da Silva, November 25, 1736, 
"the shoremen have now 6 sail of vessels in the trade 
and they shipt of the last Year 14,000 Q^" 

The merchant must extend his operations, looking east- 
ward and northward for fishermen and customers 
move north- who wcrc uot SO independent. The Gut of Canso 
had now become an important base of supplies 
for the commerce of New England, and Faneuil sends- an 
agent or resident partner to abide there. These mercan- 
tile connections bode no good to the realm of the king of 
France. June 13, 1737, our merchant commits the care 
of his affairs at Canso to Thomas Kilby, going from 
Boston to operate there in joint account with Faneuil. 
Franci% Cogswell was to assist in the business, and a|)par- 
ently be resided sometimes at Louisburg. Faneuil keeps 
Cogswell advised of the eastern Massachusetts market for 
fish. June 13, 1737, he quotes April and May " faires " 
at 455. Kilby is to send Captain Cumby to Bilboa with 
fish immediately, and he notes three more captains for 
cargoes in the near future. Kilby is to offset debts due 
Faneuil there in making purchases; to sell out Captain 
Merritt's sloop and cargo, if practicable; or she must 
^' touch at the Eastward " coming home, for a lading of 


"cordwood." Kilby waa to have a credit, in mooey, at 
Louiaburg also, and to p!ek up indigo, rum, molasses, or i 
any available merchandise. Faneuil desires especially "Ja- 
maica & Refuse fish." The choice fish went to the south 
of Europe, chiefly for fast days, while Sambo took the 
rejected, when he could get it. Kilby was to get as long 
time as possible on the bills drawn on Faneuil. Canso 
was rising in civilisation, for our merchant sent books of 
music there, and a. diauiond ring. June 20, 1737, Faneuil 
consigned Kilby a cargo of provisions owned equally by 
himself and his "good friend Peter Warren," of whom 
we shall hear more in the siege of Louisburg. 

There waa some bitterness between the Maaaachusetts 
fishermen aud the rising Canso people. Faneuil wrote 
Kilby that he gladly commended Bell, Ck^well, and 
Odiome for not over^saltingtbeirfisb, which credits"their 
harbour." The Marblehead " Gentry wants much to here 
of their spoilling of there fish." Marblehead would have 
like<l it destroyed, in Fanenil's opinion. 

In the opposite direction. New York was the port 
which gave him most business. Philadelphia 
appears but seldom. August 2, 1742, he aska wiihNew 
Peter Boynton there for a freight for a good ship 
of two hundred tons then lying in Boston. He quotes 
molasses at Is. 6d. Ilia uncle had maintained corre- 
spondence with Gulian Verplanek, in New York, and 
Peter wrote him frequently. He sends to New York 
small consignments of his English goods, with Barcelona 
handkerchiefs and Florence oil, when he has a surplus, 
and he frequently orders wheat or flour thence for his out- 
going vessels, especially those to Cadiz. In 1736 wheat 
waa 3fl, Sfl. to 3«. 9(1. in New York. lie buys bread tor 
lite of the ships. He buys, also, " inferior " bread, and 
New Jersey and " country bolted " flour. Verplanek in 
turn consigns various articles, sugar among others. Fan- 
euil allows the customary 2| per cent to Verplanek oo 

61G PETER FANEUIL. [1726-42. 

general business, after considerable cross-firing. Boston 
is the larger market, and controls more articles of luxury. 
In 1737 Faneuil is asked for a dozen "red Turkey or 
Morocker Lether chairs." And he sends Verplanck, by 
the " Sloop Boston Packett Josiah Milliken M'," an easy- 
chair costing 14s. 14e^., ordered for a lady. He presents 
his New York correspondent, at the same time, a firkin 
of choice salmon. Some such amenities were needed, for 
there is a critical, even captious tone, sounding through 
Faneuil's letters, which the immediate facts do not war- 
rant, as if there were old scores, irritating in themselves, 
but intangible, and not revealed by the ledger accounts. 

Occasional business drifted in, the Faneuils being 
known to the whole commercial world as responsible 

factors. April 15, 1737, he sends out the snow 
cantue cou- Phenix, P. Mariat, master, for Dartmouth, 90 

tons and 10 men, loaded with 102 hhds. tobacco, 
40 bbls. tar, black walnut, and staves. Her owners were 
French apparently. She was on her voyage from Vir- 
ginia, when, disabled by a violent storm, she was obliged 
to put into Boston and refit. The captain drew on Fan- 
euil for the expenses, and hypothecated the vessel and 
cargo "to answer the bottom bill." The "Impost office" 
forced Faneuil to pay X178 duty on the tobacco, which 
he considers unjust, but the officer could not clear the 
vessel otherwise. He writes the owners that he will pe- 
tition the General Assembly, and try to obtain redress 
for their account. Having this interest in the snow, he 
writes Silas Hooper, in Eup^land, to obtain X260 sterling 
in insurance upon her. He orders from Hooper small 
items, like £30 worth of snuif, pepper, 50 pieces Russia 
duck, 100 doz. "port lines of 18 thread," 200 lbs. sail 
twine. For these two latter items he enjoins writing to 
Exeter for a particular brand. " Those made in London 
wont do here therefore upon no pretence send me any 
other." He sells wines in considerable quantity — one 


cargo brings X2,686 — for Thomas Pendergast They are 
entitled "Videna" and "Malmsey;" some are shipped 
from Teneriffe. When in over-advance fora return cargo, 
he takes security as above from the captain of the vessel. 
Hats were always a good merchandise. He accounts for 
a parcel amounting to nearly £400, in 1736, to Edward 
Dymoke, and promises to remit him in heaver. And in 
1738 he writes Peter Lynch there were no Madeira wines 
in town ; therefore " Vidono " would bring about £50 per 

Those were small affairs thus intnisted in London to 
Hooper. London was the central mart and final ex- 
change for all the commerce circling through 
Canso, Boston, New York, Biiboa, Cadiz, or centimi 
other ports, American or European. The Lon- 
don correspondence was all-important, and the Faneuils 
conducted theirs generally with Loyd & Lane, or Lane 
& Smethurst (also Smithurst). This mercantile honse 
performed the functions assigned to bankers in our time. 
He draws bills of exchange ou them frequently in favor 
of Verplanck and of many other parties ; settles bis Bar- 
celona and Cadiz business through them. He gets one 
item of credit in 1736 amounting to £10,104 3s. 9(2. 
He remits silver often, 410 oz. at one time. He is writ- 
ing them for insurance frequently ; on one account £4,000 
in insurance is noted, probably not all in one risk. Ma- 
pine insurance was becoming common. 

He is constantly ordering tripe, chests of lemons, and 
" Seville oi-auges " and other dainties, by his captains, and 
they are sent to these banking merchants for the money. 
He is very precise in ordering articles of apparel for him- 
self, i. e. " fine large silk hose for my own use." His 
sisters were equally fussy, finding a parcel of goods " to 
their Likeing except the Stock" which was white worsted 
instead of thread." Accordingly the stockings are sent 
back to London to the bankers. In 1736 he requested 

618 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

Loyd & Lane to send from ^^ Christ Hospital a Cleaver 
Bdacated Sober young youth that has had the Small Pox 
udB needed, ^ch ^g fitting to be bro** up in my Counting 
House, one that wrights and siphei*s well." He directs 
them to give the master a fee of two guineas to ^^ bring 
such a Lad Forward/' If Loyd & Lane are prudent in 
the selection, and the lad shall behave well, they can 
promise the parents that Faneuil will advance him in the 
world. Such indications correspond with other facts 
proving that educated men were needed in the larger sort 
of affairs here. There is a marked difference between 
the correspondence of Amory, trained in the Westminster 
School, and that of Faneuil or the Pepperells. 

He commends the collector, John Jekyll, to these bank- 
ers, and is gratified by their expression that they will 
^^ notice" him. The relations of the collectors of the 
royal revenue with the merchants were very intimate. 

We get an occasional glimpse of the larger regions of 
finance. The larger merchants of Boston had accumu- 
lated wealth enough to avail themselves of the solid in- 
inrestmeiits vestmcuts of the mother country. There were 
In England. gQQj rcasous for improving the opportunity. 
Probably the political tinkering with finance and the 
woful depreciation of currency in this generation im- 
pelled conservative property-holders to seek the protec- 
tion of a better system. Bank of England, East India 
stock, and other securities were quoted in the " News Let- 
ter." December 8, 1737, Peter writes Claude Fonnereau 
& Sons, London, that his uncle, Andrew Faneuil, being in- 
dispf>sed, is unable to answer their " agreeable favour of 
the 11 October." The nephew acknowledges Fonnereau's 
advice of dividend received on Faneuil's <£14,800 Bank 
stock, 3 per cent, received on <£1,000 Exchequer annuity, 
and the reinvestment of his balance in £200 " East 
Lidia Comp'' Bond " and £200 Bank stock. And the 
uncle is very well pleased with the agent's management 

■ mm 


in bis affairs. July 27, 1738, after his uncle's death, 
Peter sends a mourDing ring, and acknowledges their 
credit of Banlc dividend X408.7.6, and their debit of 
<£438.1.5, which they had invested in four East India 
bonds. He observed the lo.w prices of stocks occasioned 
by petitions of merchants to the king against Spanish de- 
predations. " It is high Tinae wee should have Satisfac- 
tion from those Villains who are as bad as Pirates." 

October 31, 1738, he had in S. & W. Baker's hands : — 

Old South Sea Aimuitiea £G,531 11 3 

East India £100 Bonds 300 

" Stock 600 

Barcelona was an important market at this time ; prob- 
ably the Bsh for the Mediterranean ports was distributed 
thence. He corresponds with Michael and i>rfewith 
Richard Harris there. In August, 1738, he b»™'™- 
had their commission to buy li^wood at X60. It was 
very scarce in Boston, and not a ton to be had at the 
limit. He reports purchase, for their account, of the 
snow Friend's Adventure, John Cornej, master, costing 
j£3,3'22.6.11, with cargo of merchantable codfish costing 
■£3,826.1.3. Ho was dispatching to them, also, the brig 
Ann, Bennett, master, with a lading of fish. At the 
same time he directs his joint operator Kilby, at Canso, 
to buy 1,000 quintals of fish, consulting with Captain 
Bennett. The Messrs. Harris were of the thrifty kind 
of corresponilents whom merchants like. After making 
these disbursements Faneuil was still in their debt, and 
Bends five drafts for X819.12.7J on Joseph Chitty, mer- 
chant, of London, which he hopes will be duly honorctl, 
for " four hun<lred i>er cent, is the very height of exch'." 

In Septoniber Peter gets news from his brother Ben- 
jamin, visiting London, that lie had met one of the Messrs. 
Hai'ris there, who tohl him that tisli h.ave a good prosjiect 
" up the Streiglits." So Faneuil congratulates himself on 
the dispatch of the snow and cargo. She had been laden 

620 PETER FANEUIL, [1726-42. 

from Marblehead, for account of Messrs. Harris, with ^^ the 
best & strongest mayfish ever shipt out of this Country, 
cost 4«. per quintalL" It seems competitors of the Fau- 
euils, some of ^^our N. E. gent"," had promised on the 
London exchange to make returns, for English goods con- 
signed, in less than twelve months. Peter says it could 
not be done within two years. He enjoins upon Benja- 
min not to undertake business upon such premises, as his 
" character must suffer. Goods of all kinds goes a beg- 
ging," and responsible shopkeepers would not buy, trade 
being sluggish and money very scarce. Peter was scrupu- 
lous in promise, and careful in performance. He had 
drawn on Samuel and William Baker, London, and they 
had accepted <£150 in favor of Verplanck. He writes 
September 7, 1738, expressing great satisfaction : *' I 
would not for <£500 you had not accepted of all those 
drafts for if you had not it would a bin a Slur to my 
Character w** I value more than all the money on Earth." 

This punctilious regard for duty to their fellows, and 
this respect for public opinion, renders the inconsistencies 
of these good citizens more glaring when they dealt with 
the crown. I have referred to Peter's idea of a fair 
trader.^ December 4, 1738, we get another exposition 
of the Boston " fair trader's " methods with the 
dealing with government. One Germain Quienastre had con- 
signed Faneuil five hogsheads indigo and one 
tierce of rum, directing the captain to advise with him 
how to save the duty. Faneuil wi'ites Captain Wilkinson 
to " send it to Providence & from thence to come down 
in Carts that is Provided you can get a certificate for it 
from the Custom house & by that means I could save the 
whole or a great part of the duty." 

September 7, 1738, he writes Silas Hooper concerning 
" the Discount of Q\ p Cent in w** I am satisfyed I am 
sorry it should make you so uneasy my enquiry into it 

^ See above, p. 611. 

1725-42.] A MAIDEN'S EXPOHTS. 621 

when I wrote you about it I did not but that you were in 
Cash iat me and tliat you }iaJ bo' the Pepper at the Sule 
& that you would have allowed me the Diitc'o^, but I find 
it to the Contrary I sball In a little time reiiiitt you a 
bill of Exch' for your reimbursiu' or more." 

This helps to explain his instructions of December Ttli 
following to Lane & Smithurst. He was then making 
another shipment of 1,200 quintals merchantable codfish 
to Messrs. Harris, Barcelona. Tliey were to remit pro- 
ceeds to London to Faueuil's credit. He desires Lane 
& Smithurst to buy therewith a lot of good pepper at the 
"next India Sale" if It is "sold reasonable." He de- 
sires, also, a " Lege " — runlet prohahly, called by New 
Englandersa" rullege" — of good arrack, if not too dear, 
— say %a. to 8s. Gd. per gall. He expects from Lane & 
Smithurst a similar discount to that in negotiation with 
Hooper, " The same advant^e by buying at y' Sale as 
your predecessor Mr. Loyd used to allow deceased Uncle, 
this for your Government." The latter phrase was very 
common with him in winding up instructions or pointing 
an argument. 

Petty affairs, and microscopic, detailed directions for the 
gratification of a fussy bachelor, run through the graver 
matters, as the runlet of arrack moistens a whole invoice 
of pepper. Sister Mary Ann, "that lives with An„;ja„., 
me," a thrifty maiden, packs her discarded '""''"■ 
" snuff-boxes, buckles & Glove Strings " in a small box, 
which punctilious Peter delivers to Captain Gentil. and 
tells his correspondent gravely to sell them and return the 
proceeds in produce to the best advantage. The ladies 
were wont to make commercial ventures in their relatives' 
ships, but this connnercc is upon the smallest scale that I 
have discovered, 

AH sorts of ai'ticles come from London through Hooper, 
the Bakers, Lane & Smithurst, an<l others, — B»p-h,ior 
three gold watches, " my slippers. Knife, Fork ""*■ 

622 PETER FANEUIL. [1726-42. 

& Spoon," one dozen French knives presented, one dozen 
silver spoons, one dozen silver forks >^ with three Prongs, 
with my arms cutt upon them, made very neat & hand- 
some, one dozen cotton caps in two sizes to sample. In 
one bundle was a piece of wax candle, sent ^^ in order to 
gett me two pair of handsome new fashioned Silver Candle 
Sticks. Let em be very neatly made & by the best work- 
man," arms engraved, etc. ; half a do^n razors of the 
best, with a hone in a case ; two pairs spectacles for the 
meridian of forty-five years, and one pair for fifty years. 
In all these personal conveniences, and minute provisions 
for adorning his own person and his female relatives, he 
did not forget the inner man. His palate was never long 
forgotten in the long letters put into prim, crabbed char- 
acters by the staid copyist, as Lane and Smithurst are 
gravely ordered " for the use of my Kitchen the latest 
best book of the severall Sorts of Cookery, w? pray let 
be of the largest character for the benefit of the maids 

When Faneuil was aggiieved by injustice or any lax 
conduct on the part of his correspondents, his Celtic blood 
fired quickly, and his wrath blazed in a flame, whose 
fierceness words could hardly convey. 

Boston the 6 April 1738 
Captain James Greenon — 

Inclosed you have the Coppy of Mess" Thos Tho! & Son's 
Letter to my Uncle & Self as likewise that of Mf Paul Griffen 
to me by w^ you will see what unhandsome usage I meet with 
from your & Mf SigaVs Owner had I ever Imagined of receiving 
such base I would have L' both the ships have rotted by the 
Walls ^ before I would have Advanced my money to fitt them 
to the Seas & to be so used with Ingratitude by all w^ you may 
see what handsome parcell of protested bills I must pay. if 
this be the honf of your (Ragon men) God deliver me from 
them for the future I would not take their word for a Groat nor 

^ He always uses this term instead of " wharves " or '< docks." 

1725-42.] HONORABLE DEALING. 623 

trust them for a Soub markt pray be bo good as to inform Mr 
Sigal of this unhandsome treatment & that by those who call 
themselves Geuf; of honor I presume these pretended Gen'? will 
think that I will sitt down by there unbandsorae usage but they 
will find themselves very much mistaken for in about 3 weeks 
Time my Brother Benj" goes for London & from thence for 
Bochelle & Bordeaux with all AccV of both Ships & Cargoes 
with both the original bills uf sale for them, & if they dont dis- 
charge those bills with the charges of protest &c. I luive given 
bim orders by virtue of the bills of Sale to attach both the Ships 
the moment they arrive & by that means I hope I shall get 
Jus^ce done me. ... 

The style of expression in that period was loose and 
often furious. Faneuil's language is no more passionate 
than the occasion demanded. The action of his Freucli 
debtors was extremely aggravating. Commerc* 
demanded then a certain good faith and prompt Hiuryw 
execution of trusts or it could not proceed. The 
machinery of trade was not organised commercially or 
politically for such speedy execution of the will of buyer 
and seller as we have now. All the more was it neces- 
sary that men trusted in affairs should act justly, and an- 
swer freely to the call of honor. We have seen how 
Faneuil valued his own good name. Many little things 
show his faith in his fellows, and much was done in the 
constant hope that they would answer to his fair expecta- 
tion. The French incident is one of the inverse results 
of these reasonable assumptions. 

There was no harmony between the branches of the 
Faneuil family. When Benjamin was in France Funiir 
Peter wrote bim January 21, 1738 : — 

" I note what you say in relation to my Aunts managem' w'? 
oar Uncles Estate w','' is no more then I expected Know^ her 
to be Bubtill & cuning enough to manage any Affair of that 
Nature the Affair depending with Mr. De la Croix being of a 
peice with the rest I hope you will have finished it some way or 
Other before yon leave Francet" 

624 PETER FANEUIL, [1726-42. 

Their sister Ann married Addington Davenport, her 
legacy of X2,000 from her uncle Andrew being trusted to 
Peter. Another sister, Susannah, married James Bou- 
tineau, with £1,000 trusted as above. Peter made a cu- 
rious mistake, much to his chagrin, October 26, 1738, 
in directing S. & W. Baker to transfer the above amoimts 
to the husbands in fee. How he did it, with his careful 
habits, does not appear. 

We can perceive in the columns of a ledger, and in the 
figures of journal entries, the customs of the community 
and the person's notions of right and honor. Between the 
lines of old letter books there appear, also, some secrets of 
Affairs of ^^^ heart, and something of the experience which 
the heart, ^eut toward the making of the whole character 
of the man. We might wonder that Faneuil was a bach- 
elor, and that sister Mary Ann, turning off her buckles 
and snuff-boxes to the best account, re-dyeing her silk 
gowns with sound thrift, was sufficiently attractive to 
keep the handsome Peter away from the fair, and clear 
of the toils of matrimony. But one learns by what he 
does for others as well as by his own proper experiences. 
We see no trace of weakness or faltering in our merchant 
when he deals with men, or in any merchandise of the 
period. There was a kind of cattle, however, which vexed 
his patience, and that was womankind. What might have 
been his own sufferings through little Cupid the docu- 
ments do not reveal, but he saw enough to know that 
" there is no acco? for the Sex in Affairs of Love." 

He seems to have been sincerely attached to a family 
named Iskyll, who were vibrating back and forth between 
Shipment of Old and New England. He does them many 
maidens. favors, and the business of the brothers appears 
To be a matter for their convenience rather than his own 
profit. Among other commissions he attempts to ship two 
young lady sisters Iskyll, in good order and well-condi- 
tioned, to their brothers waiting in England. He had 



taken passage for both with a servant maid, had paid for 
" the laying in for the voyage," and knew nothing until 
the moi-ning of departure, January 22, 1738, of any 
change of intention on the part of eitlier. Then Mrs. 
Hannah appeared, to sail with Captain Homans, and 
brought the news that Mrs. Mary would not go. 

About a month previously Mrs. Mary had allowed her- 
self " to be published to " an adventurer, one Linnington, 
of St. Christopher's, who had figured in Boston as a false 
lord. Notwithstanding he was worthless, pretending to a 
fortune, etc., Faneuil claims that he would have " inevita- 
bly " married Mrs. Mary had not our trusty bachelor and 
other friends of the family " interposed." 

Faneuil uaturally believed that would be the lady's last 
operation of " that nature for the present." But, as above 
stated, Peter did not comprehend the process by which 
becoming caprices enhance the charming fascinations of 
the fickle fair. Good sense was jilain and open to our 
merchant's understanding; sense, sensation, and 
sensibility were beyond his vision. Accordingly uon.Jivd 
he was surprised if not shocked to learn that 
she had changed her mind on the very morning of sailing, 
by reason of "some New proposalls" made by Colonel 
Saltonstall, of "Haverill." This sudden influence and 
precipitate power of love astounds our stolid burgher. 
That any one could do so much with the sex in three days, 
while he had been nigh twoscore years doing so little, 
filled him with astonishment. A few visits at the last, 
was all the courtship Peter could discover after investi- 
gation. As if three days and a c()loners title were not 
sufficient to carry oft any pretty girl since Roman-Sabine 

The bachelor, the citizen of high social responsibility, 
and doubtless sister Mary Ann, were all shocked by this 
inconsiderate and fearless conduct of maid and swain. He 
is sure that she has been advised " by one and the other," 

626 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

and that these advisers had no wisdom to bestow where 
folly prevailed. He is almost tearful in stating to Rich- 
ard Blacket Iskyll that the lady will surely suffer in re- 
pute and consideration, ^^ being concerned in two such 
precipitate engagements so very soon one after the Other." 

In completing the invoice and dispatch of Mrs. Hannah 
to brother Joseph, he is more formal and punctilious. His 
own I'epute as a perspicacious, shrewd, and dili- 
bacheiorand gcut factor, and sister Mary Ann's benevolent in- 
terest, are involved in these unforeseen incidents. 
" I flatter myself you'l not atribute anything of the Lady's 
(who I cant help call'g unfortunate) conduct to m/a w^ 
Ive endeavored all in my power to hinder, haveing ever 
had a sincire regard for the Family w** shall allways be 
with pleasure shewn as Opportunity presents." 

We see Peter and sister Mary Ann seated at a stout 
mahogany board, the London silver gleaming across the 
soft, shining napery,^ and with the luxuries of all lands 
spread before them : can we wonder that each blessed 
their happy stars that no wiles of love, no uncertainties 
of either sex, vexed their placid stream of contentment ? 

He keeps at his work, turning the products of the At- 
lantic coasts and the islands of ^^ the vexed Bermoothes " 
to the best account. He scans the markets, and watches 
for better courses for his vessels than the common chance 
of voyages gave. He writes Captain Thomas Lithered, 
on receiving news that his ship Hannah had gone to Lis- 
bon, wishing that she had been sent to Newcastle instead, 
to load with coal for Boston. A good voyage would have 
ensued, as only one vessel had come in the summer of 
1738. Consequently coal was at £8 per chaldron '* for 
good pay." 

There is no fixed course in his transactions. The more 
important commerce went through Gibraltar for the sup- 

^ His table linen was manufactared to his order by John Cossart 
& Sons, Bonvers, France. 

172^42.} THE WAY TO SHIP BRANDY. 627 

ply o{ aouthem Kurope with fish, timber, and lumber. But 
BoaiiUer operations m other directions are con- cmmaoi 
Bt^ntly occurring, toward making the round of '<"""'"<•• 
ooiDisunication and exchange profitable. When he wants 
ft negro servant he is his own banker and importer. Feb- 
ruary 5, 1738, he invoices ^ G hhds. fish at 2Gs., 8 bbls. ale- 
wives at 408., amounting with charges to X75.9.2, to Cap- 
tain Peter Buckley, of ship Byam, for Antigua. Neither 
Newport, Boston docks, nor his own vessels ^ offered choice 
enough for his fastidious taste in the selection of a house 
servant The West Indies had the best supply of trained 
negroes. Accordingly he directs Captain Buckley, in a 
careful letter February 3, to sell the fish and buy a 
straight negro lad, 12 or 15 years old, having had the 
small-pox, — if possible. As the slave is to be in his own 
service, he desires as " tractable a disposition " as can be 
found. Any deficit in proceeds of fish would be made 
ap, and if a surplus ensued it wa,s to be invested in mer- 

The " fair trader " is still pursued by pestilent ofBcials 
determined to execute the laws of the realm. March 10, 
1738, Faneuil sends his brig Rochell, 120 tons, Screech, 
master, consigned to Robert Pringle, probably at Charles- 
ton. It was an experimental voyage, to occupy the sum- 
mer, as the vessel had to return to Canso in the autumn 
for a load of fish. He shipped ^1,580.0.7, all in n, „y ^ 
rum ostensibly, and wished the proceeds returned '''''' ™^- 
in the cheapest merchandise, preferring sole leather for a 
part, and silver or gold for a part, though he preferred a 
credit in London to the specie. She might be seot to any 
European port. Bnt he must have "dispatch" rather 
than profit on this small venture. Mark the methods of 
a " fair trader." The captain signed for a given number 
of hogsheads of rum ; neither did the crew know of any- 

' Proc. M. H. S. 1863, p. 419. 

* Sm above, jp. 167. 

628 PETER FANEUIL. [1726-42 

thing else in the cargo. Faneuil writes : " there are two 
casks, viz. No. 1 & No. 2, w^ are Brandy, w^ you'll use 
the necessary Caution in getting safe Landed on Shore, 
so as not to be of any Prejudice to my Vessel & advise me 
if at any time any quantity may be safely imported to 
you & how it will answer." 

The larger commerce continued the custom, noticed so 
frequently in the previous generations, of allowing cap- 
tains a trading privilege for their own account free of 
freight. Faneuil writes Harris, his Barcelona correspond- 
ent, January 7, 1739, that he was forced to pay Captain 
Coleman, just sailing, £5 sterling per month and 100 
quintals of fish " priviledge." The cargo was all fish, as 
Boston afforded at the moment no beans, logwood, or 
" Brazelado." 

The solid men of Boston had newspapers brief and 
seldom in those days, no railway excursions, and few 
public engagements to absorb their time between the ar- 
rival of one vessel and the departure of another. They 
had ample leisure to attend to little personal or domestic 

wants. Sister Mary Ann had a regular account 
Mary's ▼«»> with Lane, Smithurst & Caswell, in London, 

which her brother managed in his ordinary cor- 
respondence. A suit of hers sent over must be dyed a 
particular color, and fashionable, then ^^ watered like a 
Tabby." But thrift alone did not content the Huguenot- 
American maiden, descended from mercantile stock, and 
living in a commercial atmosphere. Her feminine love 
of chance shows itself in a purchase of one half of Cap- 
tain Peter Buckley's two tickets, " No. 42~, 284 & 43» 
223 in the present bridge Lottery." She credits the cap- 
tain <£5.8.6 for the same with Lane, Smithurst & Caswell, 
in London. 

All sorts of articles come from London: four large, 
handsome octavo common-prayer books, in large type, 
with one " in french for my own use ; " six coach-horse, 

1723-42.] OUTFITS AND RETURNS. 629 

town-made bits; six bearskins of tbe largest, with two 
" large fine well pdnted Beaver Coats," for pgrtaaai 
sleighing. He orders a sleigh from Depeyster, """" 
in Albany. A black foxskin is forwarded to be made 
into a handsome muff " for a woman." He sends back 
a dozen silver knife and fork handles to be sold, ordering 
the blades to be made into oyster knives and returned. 
The case for knives and spoons is oi-dered in great detail ; 
the lining to be of red velvet, aa it would stand in his din- 
ing room. His gold watch was to be put in order and 
returned with spare crystals. 

Captain David Le Gallais must bring from Jersey, 
ordering it knit there, a white petticoat of *' fine three 
or four thread worsted." If he could deliver verdigris 
in Boston at 10s. per lb. he could bring 400 lbs., at 12a. 
only 200 lbs. Faneuil's gtin has been abused, and he 
wishes the captain's new one in exchange, paying a fair 
difference. Le Gallais must bring him some singing-birdB. 
The captain is authorised January 21, 1739, to sell "the 
snow," which cost in Boston, very well fitted, j£4,000, also 
the brig Peter ; he hopes they will bring X550 each, to be 
deposited with Lane, S. & C. The " outsett " of Captain 
Peter Buckley's ship Byam is stated February 16, 1739, 
at X10,005.5.2, cargo at ^1,135.14.8. One third interest 
is chaiged over to Lane, S. & C, viz., ^3,403.11.2, and 
je390.19.10. The " outsett " of ship Judith and Rebecca, 
consigned to Miguel Pacheco da Silva, of London, Septem- 
ber 19, 1737, was £5,118.19.2. October 21, 1737, he in- 
forms Silva, " Your ship and the two caigoes of Fish 
amounts to near £11,000." Silva was losing money 
on fish sent to Italy. In 1736 Silva had a cai^o by 

ship Elizabeth. £2,326.11.3; do. by brigantine B 

£3,893.2.2 ; do. by snow Seville, £4,500.4 ; do. by snow 
Hannah, £838.12.11. Silva's credit balance then from 
several cargoes was £9,109.5.7. Captain Buckley's ship 
was a fine vessel, tight and well finished. She monnted a 

630 PETER FANEUIL. [1726-42. 

number of guns, and could make a good defence, ^^ at least 
against any small Pickaroon." But Faneuil would avoid 
risks, and ordered £600 sterling insured on vessel and 
cargo, for his one third part, from Boston to Param, 
Antigua, thence to London. He also insured JC600 on the 
new brig Peter, about 100 tons, Screech, master, from 
Marblehead to Jersey, on the vessel only. 

Faneuil's thoughts were not confined to the enjoyment 
jj,^^^ of his fortune and position, nor did he follow 
*■"*** always in the routine of business which these 

accounts indicate. The following transaction moves into 
a higher sphere and involves larger issues. It exhibits 
clearly the methods of administration, the prevalent idea 
of loyalty, which the loose connection between crown gov- 
ernment and colonial subjects suffered to exist, if it did 
not encourage. Illegal trade was going on constantly; 
when forced accidentally or incidentally on the attention of 
the royal officials, then the good colonial subjects winced 
and cried out against the injustice. 

The sloop Dolphin, Adam Dechenseau, master, sailed 
from Cape Francis, consigned to Peter Faneuil. 
i^coionili The crew mutinied, killed master, mate, and a 
nephew, and carried the vessel into Block Isl- 
and, where she was lost. The cargo of molasses, rum, 
wine, stoics, etc., was saved and carried into Newport, 
September 26, 1738. Peter details the occurrence to his 
brother, adding, ^^ now I have a card to play to secure the 
Cargo for the owner w^ I hope I shall effect the men are 
all in gaol & Irons. I suppose every one of em will be 
hanged Save a french boy." 

October 26th, he writes the men are all condemned to 
be executed, except one Englishman, turned "King's 
Evidence," and John Coupre, the boy, who was proven 
innocent. The authorities libelled the cargo, etc. Faneuil 
engaging Messrs. Read & BoUam, of counsel, " they assure 
me that they cannot take the Goods nor Materialls and at 

1785-42.] RESULTS OF ENGLISH LA WS. 681 

the worst all they could do U to oblige the MoUasses to 
pay the Duty Mr. Bollam goes to the Island (Ifewport) 
upon the affair 1 believe the Judge is much Paahed how 
to manage this affair for I have told his friends to let him 
know that if he does not do Justice in the affair that I 
will carry it Home to England £ w** I am detennined to 
do for the Vessel was not guilty of any acts of Piracy 
nor breach of any act of trade ... it is true the Sloop 
was bound here that is nothing to the purpose she did not 
come a person is not to be banged for design." 

November 9th be writes his brother that " out worthy 
Judge " had condemned all the property. " Such a Peice 
of VUlany no man could be guilty of but himself & all 
the world cries out a Sbamo at such unjust proceedings." 

One third of the value of the condemned property went 
to the king, one third to the governor, one third to the 
collector. Faneuil commended the handsome defence 
made by bis lawyer. He had expended £200 from his 
own pocket, and expected further expenses. He appealed 
the case to the courts in England. February 24, 1738, 
he writes S. & W. Baker, London : — 

..." for I cannot see with w' pretext or Colour of Justice, 
any Vessell bound from a foreign part of the World to this port 
of Boston, after the Crew Barbarously murder the Officers & [»- 
ratically take po^i^ession of tlie Vessel, con be condemned in any 
other p' in his Maj" Dominions, as a perquisite of admiralty 
for an Dlegal trade no such trade being began or Entered apon 
in any manner either by the Officers of the Vcssell or by any 
Factor whatever in behalf of the Owners, to whom, after juBtice 
had been done on the Crew (being hanged) the Vessel and 
Cargo ought to revert." 

The facts are clear ; the law mnst have been equally 
clear, or the jndge could not have rendered a Difflrait*d- 
verdict in tlio teeth of a public sentiment oppos- "ninw^tk*. 
ing him so ficreely. Tlie way of a crown administrator 
was bard. When we consider " the humanity " of Col- 

632 PETER FANEUIL. [1726-42. 

lector Jekyll, of Boston, so much bepraised in connection 
with the firmness of this Admiralty judge, we perceive 
that much was required of public servants, both by the 
masters in England and the mastering neighbors in the 

I pick up some scattering items from the correspond- 
ence. In 1737 the fishing season was remarkably success- 
ful ; in 1742 it had declined very much. In this latter 
year New England rum appears frequently in the ship- 
ments. September 18, 1738, sugar was at <£5 to <£8 per 
cwt. ; iron at £80 per ton in Boston ; fish at 30^. to 35^. 
in Canso per quintal. 

The personal wants are unceasing : tripe and bacon, 
Luxurioui citrou watcr from London: backgammon table, 
Uving. men, dice, and boxes. He ships a pair of gray 

horses to St. Christopher's, the proceeds returnable in 
sweetmeats for sister Mary Ann, with remainder in sugar 
and molasses. He talks much of a gardener from Lon- 
don, being willing to pay <£15 to £20 sterling per annum, 
and gets a chariot ^' and sober coachman *' thence in 1738. 
He had an order with Verplanck for coach horses, but his 
desires are increasing, and he withdraws it to be trans- 
ferred to London. There, he demands four horses " right 
good or none ; " two English were inventoried in 1743. 
He writes in almost childish glee of the coachman, re- 
ported " the Noted's man in England." He pushes de- 
linquent correspondents, being detennined that they shall 
*' Act the Honest and Just part by me," which is one of 
his favorite epigrams. He is severe at times on "Great 
Scrubbs " and " Scrnbb Actions." 

The principal books are kept in doable entry, written in 
Method of ^ large and ek^gant round hand. The names of 
•ccountB. accounts on the ledger are in beautiful letters, 
half Old English in character. The creamy parchment 
and ink like ebony rebuke our modern improvements. 
We cannot arrive at the precise amount of the business, 


as the dooiitnents are fragmentary. "Pro6t & Loss" 
October, 1725, to March, 173^, amounts to X15,069.12.3 ; 
" Commissions " for the same period shows X15,796.14.9 ; 
" Account of Expence," December 11, 1729, to Mai-ch 13, 
1733, is £1^332.1.6. Thereis an account with "Generall 
Wares." " Cash," Apiil- August, 1725, foots £4,430.10.2, 
with balance of ^£1,198.9.5. August -December, 1725, foots 
^£8,688.0.6, with balance of X788.1G.4. December-April, 
1726, foots £11,300.17.8, with balance of £861.11.8. 
July, 1732, to March, 1733, the total was £41,752.9.2. 
Evidently Peter did not allow much more than one thou- 
sand pounds in poor currency to rust in the till. 

The accounts vary in amount and character, being the 
consolidated results of the business I have described. 
Theo. De La Croix, Koehelle, August 1, 1739, to March 
13, 1732, indicates gross transactions £15,769.17.4, with 
a balance of £3,564.7.1. The adventures were divided 
on the journal, generally in quarters or thirds, sometimes 
in ninths, and posted to the ledger. There are many his- 
toric names: James Scollay £433.19, Edward Bromfield 
£1,105.6.5, Edmund "Quinsoy" £388.9.9, Samuel Pem- 
berton £497.16, Stephen Boutineau (Faneuil's brother- 
in-law), £125.16.3, Jacob and John WendcU £104.11.5, 
John Maverick, £181.4.7, James Bowcloin, eight months 
transactions, £2,056.3.8, John Brown, Jr., Ehode Island, 

David Le Gallais was a Marblehead shipmaster, consid- 
erably trusted in Faneuil's operations. August 7, 1730, 
to September 17, bis account foots £6,527.7.3, with bal- 
ance of £91.15; October 6, 1730, to July 25, 1732, it 
foots £4,982.11.7, balance £1,734; July 26, 1732 it 
foots £3,727.3.2, balance £1,638.1.8. Le Gallais had a 
respectable share in tlie ventures. 

With Gulian Verplanck, the account ran in two col- 
umns, one in New York currency. Many of the small 
Euglish wares were sold to women ; Hannah Deming, Bo»- 

634 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42. 

ton, is charged May 8 to December 27, in various items, 
^^f^ amounting to £1,005.0.6 ; again, X664.2.6. She 

traders. p^y^ ^^^^ £^q ^ £IQQ f^,^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^jj^^ 

Quick, Boston, June 8 to September 7, 1731, is charged 
Xl,508. Her payments run from XIO to X60, William 
Downes (" pinman "), Boston, May 27, 1731, owes for 
sundry charges X126.13.6. He pays about £40 in a 
credit. The invoices were numbered, and references made 
to these numbers in the journal entries. The shipping 
charges were given in detail, as in the specimen given.^ 

The main items of his inventory ^ are interesting. The 
amount of his fortune looks small and smaller as we turn 
the telescope of time backward and see the figures on a 
diminishing scale. 

We take leave of honest Peter Faneuil, the typical 
Hii char- merchant of the later days of colonial depend- 
^^' ence. He was a larger type of man than John 

Hull, but not much larger. He did not live to be tried in 
the experience of a generation later, when trading mer- 
chants were lifted into citizens, and citizens into the 
statesmen of a new-bom empire. Many of his class then 
went out as refugees, failing to comprehend that freedom 
is larger than loyalty, and that patriotism must finally 
outweigh the conserving instincts of wealth, as it leans on 
the settled order of government. 

There are indications in the character of Peter that he 
might have grown with that opportunity, and might have 
become one of the founders of the new state, as he did 
found the home of liberty in his adopted city. I have 
traced the course of a careful trader, a conscientious mer- 
chant, ruled by the conscience of the time and the con- 
ventional atmosphere around him. Kissing his hand to a 
consignor, pursuing a debtor, laboring to dispatch pretty 
and capricious Mary Iskyll, chastising a " scrubb," firing 
quickly at a ^^ slur " upon his character , — in all these 
^ See Appendix £. ^ See Appendix F. 

1725-12.] FANEUIL THE CITIZEN. 686 

soenes Faneuil is the same master of affairs. A sybaritio 
lover of luxury, planning every convenience, he reached 
after every tlainty the old or new civilisation could afford. 
But these characteristics did not exhaust the doings or 
satisfy all the capabilities of the maiv 

Allowing something for eulogistic ^ exaggeration, his 
charity must have been abundant, and not put forth in 
any ostentatious manner. The memorial hall bearing bis 
name is a sufficient testimony of bis public spirit, and of 
muniiicence at a time when munificence was almost ni^ 

His theory and practice of " fair " trading with the 
government under which he lived, as described 
above, seems strange in any niulerD conception •yMeuot 
of loyalty and good citizenship ; but it is one 
of the curious revelations of the nature of New England 
allegiance to the British crown. Mr. Lovell, the eulo- 
gist, coupled liberty and loyalty in the peroration of his 
funeral tliscourse u^ran Faneuil given in his own hall. 
Had Faneuil'fi acts and ways of trade been unpopular 
and counter to public sentiment, Lovell could not have 
put such emphasis into his eulogy. Technically, Faneuil 
appears to us to be wrong in construing the revenue laws. 
When he was ordering indigo and rum to Providence, 
thence by land, to avoid duties ; when sending Barcelona 
handkerchiefs clandestinely ; when sending brandy in false 
casks as rum, — lie must have known, and his neighbors 
must have known, that the law wns being broken. Yet 
custom had so dulled the public apprehension that they 
cried " shame of it " when the nfiicials were obliged by 
their plain duty to enforce the laws. 

And now we come to the couHideration of his prob». 
ble attitude had he lived in tlie periwl when in- xjbart* 
dependence was gestating. In TJie Dolphin case, ^"JiuJU*' 
he was acting for a consignor, and paid the ex- ""''•i*"'' 
1 Mem. Hut. Bot., ii. 265. 

636 PETER FANEUIL. [1725-42, 

penses from his own pocket. He was so sure that he 
was right, that a technicality could prevent condemnation 
of a vessel pursuing illegal trade, because the trade had 
not been consummated, tliat he appealed the case to Eng- 
land. It is fair to qpnclude that he was so entrenched in 
his idea of liberty that he would have followed that idea 
when it appealed to arms a generation later. The pas- 
sionate enthusiasm of his race would have carried him 
probably into independence. Loyalty in such a commu- 
nity meant obedience to law, so long as it did not inter- 
fere with their cherished privileges, and those privileges, 
whether open or secret, were respectable. 



The eighteenth century was the first period of history 
when commerce and its dependent industries shaped the 
destinies of mankind. The great French and English 
commercial companies were contending for a mo- i(„jo,„. 
nopoly of trade in India. On our continent the ™"'»"''* 
two powers carried on a series of wars, rising or falling 
with the exigencies of the contest elsewhere. The Great 
Frederic, with liis Prussian sword, was cutting away the 
heart of Austria bit by bit. But the main drift of the 
historic current prior to the French Bcvolution was in the 
play of the new commercial life. War and peace both 
worked out the new commercial desires, and with new 
methods of acquiring wealth through the possession and 
development of new countries westward and eastward. 
Trade was gradually supplanting plunder. 

The period indudltig the years 1745-Sd made a mere 
episode in the great drama, a scene in tlie shift- 
ing world-play of the two great European powers. Eugiind 
But for New England this greater scene became 
a little drama all its own, pregnant with the fate of these 
rising colonies. It was true that the maturing state no 
longer felt the same apprehensions which vexed the in- 
fant colonies. Village and homestead slept quietly now, 
without fear of French, half-breed, and Indian war par- 
ties. Maps and plans projected from Canada for tlie con- 
quest of Boston would excite now only laughter among 
the comfortable burghers of New England, But the Kew 


England men could not rest, could not possess themselves 
or their own country, while mai*tial France held such 
points of vantage. The fishing grounds and coasts were 
under constant menace, while the mighty rivers and lakes 
of Canada might bring down the power of France upon 
the new Anglo-American civilisation at any moment. 
The peculiar genius of New England, its will active in 

putting forth all energies, its adaptive power in 
g "niu« ex- bending these energies to the public business in 

hand, shone out for the first time in the siege 
and capture of Louisburg, on Cape Breton, in Acadia. 
All the power of an empire, as expressed in one locality, 
all the science and rules of warfare, were overturned in a 
few months by a throng — it could not be called an army 
— of fishermen, farmers, and mechanics, officered by vol- 
unteers, commanded by a merchant militiaman. Greater 
than all deficiencies of troops or commander was the as- 
tonishing strategy of William Shirley, governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, the directing genius of the expedition. He 
planned a simultaneous arrival of a hundred vessels, in 
the darkness of night, on a forbidding coast ; an instant 
landing ; a rush and surprise, with an immediate assault 
on one of the best-constructed fortresses in the world. 
These stone walls and moated bastions, with their subor> 
dinate batteries, were defended by 161 guns, 76 swivels, 
and 6 mortars. It was expected that a garrison of two 
hundred could hold the works against 5,000 men. When 
our friends actually brought up their siege train they had 
only 18 guns and 3 mortars ; but they had men, though 
tliey were raw in the besieging of strong forts. A New 
Hampshire colonel, more familiar with saw and plane 
than handy in regimental manoeuvre and ta^ctics, built 
sledges. The privates harnessed themselves thereto, with 
straps over their shoulders, and, knee-deep in mud, dragged 
the g^ns over morasses where wheels never could have 
gone, imtil they brought them into position. The whole 


affair was a picnic ; but it was a festival of '* Ironsides." 
Fomeroy. a Northampton gunsmitli and major, wrote bis 
wife: *'It aeema impregnable. It looks as if our cam- 
paign would last long." The Christian wife, wjtb Spartan 
spirit, answei'Ml : " The wliole town is much engaged with 
concern for the espedition, how Providence will order the 
affair, for which religious meetings every week are main- 
tained. I leave you in the hand of God.*' 

The general was characteristic of his country and of 
the expedition. New England commerce evolved 
but one baronet after Pbipps. Sip William Pep- 
perell was ennobled for bis gallant conduct and success in 
this aiege. The stroke by which his feudal suzerain lifted 
bim above his fellow-citizens was fated if not fatal. His 
son and prospective heir died while the whole district 
around was praying for his life, leaving the baronet a 
helpless mourner. He bequeathed the great Fepperell 
estate, the accumulation of half a century, without the 
title, to a fourth grandson, William, on condition that he 
change the name Sparhawk to Pepperell. It was said the 
baronet could ride from Piscataqua and Kittery Point, his 
residence, to the Saco Biver — nearly thirty miles — on 
bis own soil. He had lai^ possessions, also, in other dis- 
tricts. The estate was confiscated in 1778; by one or 
another cause, large fortunes disappear in our country. 
Two grandsons of his daughters were kept from the poor^ 
bouse by the bounty of strangers.' 

Pepperell is a conspicuous figure in the middle time of 
New England history, the closing period of the colonies. 
As Faneuil was one of the last colonial or de- 
pendent merchants, so Pepperell was a link be- ■ 
tween a decayed feudalism and the new repre- 
sentative or republican life. These feudal shreds and 
tatters, coming from the earlier and differing social con- 
ditions of Europe, affected ua but little. In Pepperell's 
' Puicus, PfppCTfU, pp. 3S7, 328. 


declining days, when the baronet in scarlet coat and gold 
lace sat in Lis barge rowed by black liveried servants, 
his fortune decaying amid these hectic splendors bor- 
rowed from the Old World, he was a feudalist. In his 
youth, when his sagacity improved estates and voyages, 
when his cheery voice of enterprise sounded through the 
inlets of Piscataqua and the far forests of Maine, he was 
a representative New England militia colonel ; he was the 
proper leader of the expedition which was to precipitate 
the new-grown forces of western life against the power of 
old Europe. 

A strong will went hand in hand with a controlling 
judgment, then unswerving tact worked out his purpose. 
His great personal power impressed itself on other men 
through this balance of character. It was said frequently 
that whatever he willed came to pass ; this was because 
he willed in the direction of common sense. His humane, 
sympathetic spirit was as marked as his faculty of com- 
mand. Punctual himself, he exacted full performance 
from others. It was said ^ that he never failed in making 
a promised payment at his stipulated time ; such positive 
and conscientious punctuality was not common then. 

Massachusetts furnished the greatest number (3,000 
men) to the expedition ; New Hampshire sent 500, Con- 
necticut about as many ; Rhode Island embarked 300, but 
too late to participate in the capture. June 17, 1745, 
the city, fortress, and batteries were surrendered. Eng- 
land owed the best success of the whole war to her chil- 
dren in the new land. When the news came, our people 
were overjoyed. The reimbursement of the colonies for 
their expenses in the expedition and siege was made by 
England in specie; this was a great factor in the cur- 
rency problem, as will be seen. 

The burghers of the various seaports now went on in 
the old ways of commerce. I have shown the importance 

* Parsons, Life of Pepperell, p. 322. 

1746-59.] RUM NOW MOVES COMMERCE. 641 

of tlie slave - tra^e.^ In whatever branch of trade we 
fiod ourselves now, we are impressed by the im- 
mense prevalence and moving power of mm. omussrcui 
Negroes, fish, vessels, lumber, intercolonial traf- 
fic in produce, all feel the initiative and moving impulse 
of rum. The movement was at its height about 1750. 

In that year an agent reporting to the ** Lords Com- 
missioners of His Majesty's Treasury"' gave 63 distil- 
leries in Massachusetts turning molasses into rum. It 
was merchandise in Guinea, on the Banks of Newfound- 
laud, in the Southern colonies, to exchange for furs with 
the Indians, and " as store for the consumption of about 
900 vessels eng^ed in the various branches of their trade 
at sea." There were employed annually in the mackei-el 
and other small catch for the West Indies, 200 vessels ; 
in cod-fishing, 400 vessels ; in the pursuit of whales on 
the North American coast, especially in the Gulf and 
River of St. Lawrence, 100 vessels. Kum was the mov- 
ing agent in these various summer voyages ; when the 
vessels came in, they were dispatched again to exchange 
more of it in the Southern colonies during the winter for 
bread, corn, pork, and other provisions for other voyages 
in the ensuing summer. One half of the catch by the 
"Bankers" made refuse codfish, which was shipped 'to the 
West Indies for sugar and more molasses. The better 
or merchantable moiety went to Europe — chiefly to the 
southern part — for specie and desirable goods. Rum 
sent to Guinea brought back gold " to pay the balance of 
trade to England," or slaves sold in the West Indies for 
sugars or bills of exchange ; also used to liquidate bal- 

Governor Clinton reported the character of imports 
and exports for New York in 1749 with much detail. 

' See nbove, p. 461 et seq. 

' Mass. Arek., liiv. 379. In 1749 there were entered «t Botton 
169 veuelB, and 604 were oleued. 1 M. H. C, lu. 288. 


I cite this list in Appendix D, as it indicates equally well 
the course of New England foreign trade. 

Newport kept pace with Boston in the relative propor- 
tion of its distilling business,^ though the amount was not 
80 large. We observe an extension of general commerce 
into smaller ports like Gloucester.^ About 1750 this 
fishing port was sending cargoes to the West Indies, and 
to Bilboa and Lisbon. It was noted that the revenue 
officers connived at smuggling and fraudulent entries. 
Connecticut^ exported little except to the neighboring 
ports. New Hampshire carried on a small foreign com- 

The business of shipping — the industrial movement, 
which, partly on land and partly on water, sent off a ship 
Coarse of ^^^ ^®^ cargo — Created some of these minor 
industriee. ports like Glouccstcr. The industries necessary 
to furnish the compensating parts of a voyage, or succes- 
sion of voyages, could not be concentrated altogether in 
the great central ports, as in our time. Labor and labor- 
ers were needed so constantly that minor communities 
sprang up where they could draw their support from the 
adjacent country. We see an illustration of this in the 
career of Edward Payne.* 

He had been distilling, but lacking capital for that 
business, in April, 1746, he bought a vessel in partnership 
with others, loaded her with " rum, fish, flour &c," and 
sailed in her for Gibraltar. He sent the vessel back to 
Boston with prize goods, remaining himself to dispose of 
his merchandise and buy another cargo, against her re- 
turn. But as she entered the Straits a second time, she 
was captured. He bought a brigantine, Zant, made 

^ See above, p. 458. * Babson, p. 385. 

* Douglas, Summary^ ii. 180. 

^ For the commerce of Newport and Portsmouth, 1747-48, see 
Douglas, Summary f ii. pp. 50, 99. 
» M. H. S. Proc. 1873, pp. 417, 418. 


Philip Payne master, took some pdze goods, and went in 
her to Vill;v Nova, in Portugal. Tliere he loaded with 
salt and some fruit, retuining to Boston April 22, 1747. 

In May, 1748, Peter Chardon furnished him ^1,000 
sterling for a venture in The English Trade,' two thirds 
of the profits going to the capitalist, one third to Paj-ne, 
with the privilege of trausaeting his own business sep- 
arately. " Money growing scai'ee, and that Trade being 
dull, they closed the venture amicably " in 1752. He 
entered iuinit^d lately into equal copartnership with James 
Perkins of Boston, agreeing to settle at Gloucester. Per* 
kins put X1,000 sterling, Payne X5u0, into the capital 
stock. Payne removed to Gloucester March 22d, built 
a store, a wharf, ant] fish flakes, a number of fishing ves- 
sels, carried on fisheries and a foreign trade, in which 
he " succeeded beyond expectation," After nine years 
of satisfactory business, they divided the stock, closed the 
copartnership, and Payne returned to Boston. 

Here Boston furnished the capital and the skilled en- 
terpriser or capitaliscr. Gloucester furnished the field 
of operations, with the mechanics, fishernken, and sailors, 
which made the business possible and successful. 

Whenever a political change in the foreign relations of 
England opened a, port, or admitted comuierce 

. f * ..111 -1 IntTurtloii 

with any country, it quickened the commercial of Engiwi 
movement along the whole New England line. 
Wines of the Azores, Madeira, and the Canaries^ were 
always an important factor in our trade. But a new 
privilege of trade between Madeira and Brazil took effect 
at once in increasing the exports of Salem. 

In 1748, Soott, Pringle & Scott,^ of Madeira, writing 
.lohn and William Brown, Benjamin Gerrisli, Jr., Samuel 
Cumin, of Salem, advise that the island has had some 
supply of " Bacalhao," but not enough for the season of 

1 For the course of vcMcls here, see Bos. Nrm Lei., Deo. 22, 1748. 
■ Mau. AnA., liv. 37S. * Curwin MS., Am. Ant Soe. 


Lent. Wines were £36 per pipe. Grain was needed 
and rice was scarce. Again, in the summer, wines had 
advanced to ^^40 to X46 {)er pipe," rice, train oil, and 
butt staves being in demand. But the significant state- 
ment was that Madeira had been licensed to export ^^ fish 
& other foreign provisions " to Brazil, ^^ which in course 
will open a larger & more beneficial commerce between 
this & your Colony." 

The West Indian trade proper, always of consequence, 
Wert Indian increased in relative importance in the periods 
trade. when rum, molasses, and negroes were in the 

greatest demand. The poor or ^^ refuse " codfish paid 
for the inferior molasses pouring northward into the dis- 
tilleries of Boston and Newport The embargoes of the 
French War interfered necessarily with the easy progress 
of the trade."^ It was estimated in 1755 ^ that Barbadoes 
took from New England annually merchandise amounting 
to X100,000 sterling. The Boston newspapers reported 
the prices current of Jamaica^ and other markets in the 
West Indies. Horses and lumber eked out the exchanges 
of fish, as in former years.^ Honduras logwood was a cov- 
eted article, and cargoes of provisions went to pay for it.* 

War makes as well as destroys commerce. The " Frencli 
"French War of 1755 " was a positive force in making 
couJiiiMiur commerce for a time in our colonies. It was 
commerce, g^^^ ^^ ^^iQ authority of Dr. Fraukliu that the 
imports into the Northern colonies in the i>eriod 1754-58 
were doubled over those of 1744-48.^ The increase was 
caused by the shipment of military supplies and kindred 
articles. Embargoes interfered with the ordinary course 
of trade, and the provisions usually exported were taken 

1 Masn. Arch., Ixv. 159 ; R. I. C. R., v. 442. 

2 Hist, et Commerce Cols. Angleterre, p. 129. 
» Bos. Eve. Post, May 29, 1749. 

* Mass. Arch., Ixv. 365 ; Bos. Eve. Post, Feb. 18, 1754. 

* Mass. Arch., Iz. 224. « Pitkin, Statistics, p. 13. 


for the colonial and £oglisli troops. All exports of pro- 
visions except fish, to English ports, were forbidden.' 
Massachusetts and Bhode Island each took stringent 
measures to prevent tlie illegal supply of provisions from 
going to the enemy.^ The genei-al embargo was modified 
enough to allow vessels with provisions from the Southern 
colonies^ to return home. The Newport merchants rep- 
resented by Godfrey Malbone, WilUam Vernon, Metcalf 
Bowler, and others made an ingenious rcmonstrajice * 
against the Act of 1756 prohibiting trade with the neutral 
ports. The great Pitt was inflexible, and kept the porta 
closed. Monte Cristo was closed in 1757, and opened 
again in the following year by act of the Rhode Island 
colony.^ Some of the circumlocution in the reports con- 
cerning illicit trade is very curious.* 

Notwithstanding these legislative eEEorts, the futility of 
embargoes and paper blockades appears plainly in the 
commercial movement of the period of the Spanish and 
French wars.'' The demand for provisioDs in the French 
colonies, especially in the West Indies, must be met by a 
supply. When it failed in one direction, being checked 
by vigorous administration, it appeared in another. When 
Boston was under control, Narragansett Bay and the la- 
goons of Connecticut and New Jersey spread too many 
outlets to be stopped. When the risk became too great 
there, as tlie patriotism of New England rose to the 
height required by tho impending conquest of Canada, 
then Ireland sent the needed food across the seas to the 
West Indies. The prohibition of trade was hardly be- 
gun before it began to oppress trade witli friendly ports, 
which could hardly be distinguished from that intended 

> E. I. C. R., Y. 442. 

^ Ibid., pp. 439, 44G ; nnd Mais. Arch., Isv. 100. 

• Bos. Newt Ltt., April 7, 1758. 

• Newport Hist. Mag, ii. 143, 144. • R I. C. R., vi. 147. 

• Doc. N. York, vi. 511. ' Meu. Arek., liiv. 212. 


for illicit supply of the enemy. Parties exporting to Su- 
rinam and to North Carolina gave bonds for a faithful 
execution of their published intention.^ A party, though 
proclaiming that he would carry his provisions to legiti- 
mate ports, was suspected and pursued.^ 

Then another practical difficulty intervened. Merchants 
shipping to West Indies, thence to Honduras, thence to 
Leghorn, and so home, were accustomed to feed the long- 
shoremen of the ports while their brigantines were ex- 
changing cargoes. They obtained the privilege of taking 
out extra beef and flour by giving bonds." 

The Massachusetts embargo was reinforced by another 
act in 1756.* But in the same year Governor Hardy,^ of 
New York, complained to the Lords of Trade that prohi- 
bition of trade with the French Islands could not be made 
effectual unless all the '* Provision Colonys " should unite 
in the action. Then he would need small cruisers to po- 
lice the coasts and enforce the embargo. At the same 
time he stated that five Irish vessels carried cargoes to St. 
Eustatia at once. 

In 1758 the governor of Massachusetts was obliged to 
allow all provision sloops and schooners to pursue their 
voyages to Nova Scotia. Vessels under sixty tons were 
limited to five men, larger ones to six men, and they gave 
bonds to bring back a certificate of their unlading at 
Nova Scotia.^ 

In 1757 the crops were so bad in Great Britain and 

Ireland that they were obliged to lift the em- 

bargo, allowing an export of provisions from the 

colonies.^ The Irish market for grain was of sufficient 

importance to Boston to cause a publication of lists of the 

course of trade in it.® 

1 Mass. Arch., \xv. pp. 120, 152. « R, I. C. R., vi. 627. 

* Mass. Arch., Ixv. 131. * Mass, Arch., Ixv. 236. 

» Doc. N, York, vii. 117, 163. • Mass. Arch., Ixv. 449. 

7 R. L C. R., vi. 11. « Bos, Eve. Post, Nov. 25, 1764. 




1742' had put its light-house fees at one half- 
penny per ton for vessels outward or inward on 
foreign voyages. Coasters to Canso, or south- uidiiuin 
ward to North Carolina, paid one shilling for 
each voyage inward. In 1751 ^ a iire damaged the light- 
house very much, and the General Court obliged every 
vessel sailing from any port in the Province, for two yeai-s, 
to pay from 2s. to 4s. toward the reparation. 

Naval officers' fees^ at Boston in 1751 were 3s. on each 
vessel outward or inward on foreign voyage ; 2s. to or 
from Connecticut; Is. to or from New Hampshire; Is. 
for coasters to or from ports within the Province. New- 
bury in 1759 was attached to the " Port of Piscataqua,** 
and one "William Jenkins writes to Mr. Curwin, the col- 
lector at Salem, that the masters of vessels could not go 
to Salem to enter and clear for Piscataqua. Jenkins 
offers to collect all the fees on vessels coming from Hal- 
ifax or elsewhere, " till its other ways ordered." * 

An excise was granted his Majesty in 17&0,'' viz. : 12d. 
per pound on tea, 2rf. on coffee, 28. 6rf. per gallon for ar- 
rack, Gd. per pound for snnff, 5 per cent, ad valorevi on 
chinaware, gold and silver lace, French cambric and 
lawns. These duties were enforced, and committees ap- 
pointed to farm them, together with those on wine, spirits, 
lemons, limes, etc., met from time to time.° New Hamp- 
shire in 1756 laid an escise of 20g. per hhd. on mm, 
20s. per pipe on wine. Is. per hbl. on cider, 2s. 6t2. per 
lb. on green and " Boha " tea, also a tax of one penny 
per acre on land.^ 

Connecticut in 1747 made one of the few spasmodic 
efforts to interfere with inter-colonial trade. She comHcUcnt 
entertained an act Icvj'ing five per cent, duty for t»de. 

' Mass. Arch., Iriv. 182. » Ibid., Ixiv. 434. » lUd., Uiv. 434. 
• Curiein MS., Am. Ant. Soc. ' Mcui. Arch., crit 429. 

: • Bos. Ei-e. Post, May 23, 1752 ; Jan. 20, 1735. 
' N. H. I'rov. P.. vi. 473. 


citizens, or seven and one half per cent, for foreigners, on 
imports from neighboring colonies, and the same from 
Great Britain. It lasted but a shoi*t time, and an export 
duty on lumber shared the same fate.^ 

Joseph Marion ^ advertises in 1746 that his insurance 
underg- ofBcc, kept siucc 1724, is still at work, insuring 
'"**^ risks, lending money on " the bottom of vessels," 

and transacting other business of a maritime nature. 
When there was a partial loss, as in the case of the snow 
Union, and a part of the shippers were insured, they 
advertised ^ for the claimants to come together and take 
their share of the goods saved. Then the insurance was 
adjusted for those shippers who held policies. 

The business of underwriting was very hazardous when 
the European powers were at war, which included a large 
fraction of the time. In the French War, in 1757, rates 
from the West India " Sugar Islands " to London ad- 
vanced to 80 guineas per cent. ; for the return voyage, 3 
per cent, for convoy " cleUr of the islands," or 10 per cent, 
for " convoy the voyages," was cliarged. From all parts of 
the continent of America to London, without convoy, the 
rate was 30 per cent. ; between the " Sugar Islands " and 
America, either way, 20 per cent. It was claimed that 
the underwriters were losing money at these extraordinary 

Stephen Hopkins, at Providence, engaged in under- 
writing as early as 1756.^ Whether he wrote on voyages 
from Providence or from New])ort does not appear. 

The great trade made from rayriail articles exchanging 

Coasting along the Atlantic coast went on so silently that 

its constant progress was hardly noticed. In 

1 Conn. C. R. 1747, pp. 283, 293. 
a Boston Gazette, Feb. 11, 1746. 
« Bos. Eve. Posty May 17, 1756. 
* Bos. News Let., July 28, 1767. 
^ Foster's Life of Hopkins. 

1745-59.] DAilAGE BY RUM. 649 

these eloops, brigaotiDes, and Bmall schooners, the great 
ebb and flow of cohinial industrial life tided up and down, 
in and out, with au unceasing current of commercial ac- 
tivity. We have seen the interchanges with Virginia and 
the Carolinas. The trip of The Bathias in 1755 ^ from 
Philadelphia to Boston, thence to Newfoundland, Is an 
example of these lively currents in the exchanges. She 
brought into Boston 1^ tons bar iron, 2G1 barrels flour, 
250 bushels corn, 1,500 staves, 10 barrels 5 kegs and 
397 pounds bread. She took out for the fishing grounds 
the corn, staves, and the odd S97 pounds of bread. The 
flour was reduced to 195 barrels, and the chinks in the 
cargo made by reduction of the edibles wei-e filled by 12 
hogsheads 2 barrels of rum, and G hogsheads of molasses. 
Honest Jack FalstaS, the aristocmt, with his dlmiDishing 
bread and his intolerably increasing sack, found bis coun- 
terpart in the poor commoner hooking cod on the Banks 
of Newfoundland. j 

There is little doubt that this substitution of rum for : 
food affected the whole busiuess of commercial ^_j,„ '' 

exchange in this period. Between the derange- ^ ""■ 
ment of an inflated currency and the diversion of produo- 
tive industry to distilling and its collateral slave importa- 
tion, the building of vessels and the catch of 6sh fell off. 
The waste of the Louisbui^ and Canada wars helped, — ' 
as we see from the rates of insurance and losses by un- 
derwriting, — but the main cause of the decline in these 
important industries must be found in rum. 

Cod -fishing was a great factor in every industrial 
movement on the New England coasts. It was ■n,, 
watched over in the legislatures and always pro- a^"!"- 
tected with jealous care. In spite of their interested co- 
oi>eration in the catch, the fishermen were not invariably 
contented. Desertions, while on the voyage or " fare," 
troubled each generation more or less. In 1755 the Mas- 
1 Mais. Arch., liv. 90, 100. 


sachusetts General Court ^ enacted that no man should 
receive any share unless he continued for the full term 
he shipped for. Douglas ^ cites the figures of the " two 
custom-house districts " of Massachusetts Bay to prove 
his allegation that the export of codfish fell from 120,384 
quintals in 1716 to about 53,000 in 1748. Salem shipped 
in 174J to Europe 32,000 quintals, and to the West 
Indies about 20,000 quintals of refuse cod for negro con- 
sumption.^ In 1748 ^ there were 55 fishing schooners at 
Marblehead, 20 at Cape Ann, 8 at Salem, 6 at Ipswich. 
There were twice as many a few years before according to 
Douglas. The fifty-ton schooners ran out into deep water ; 
the deeper the water the larger and firmer the cod. Ac- 
cording to Felt ^ the fishing was done by schooners alto- 
gether. Only eight sailed in 1749, — less than usual, — 
about fifty tons each, carrying seven hands, with an 
average catch of 600 quintals per annum. They made 
^^ five fares " each season, two to the Isle of Sable, three 
upon the Banks along Cape Sable shore.® 

To classify Douglas's ^ list of 174 J roughly, there were 
cianes of niorc than three sloops to one schooner ; more 
^•■•^* than two schooners to one each of the other 
types, — ship, snow, brig. The proportion of schooners 
was larger at Salem, which cleared in the proportion of 
one vessel to four from Boston. The latter cleared from 
Christmas, 1747, to the next Christmas, 540 vessels. It 
entered only 430, while Salem cleared 131, and entered 
96 vessels. These were foreign craft, exclusive of coasters 
and fishermen. The larger proportion of clearances con- 
firms a movement towards larger vessels noticed by Mr. 

1 Mass. Arch.y Ixv. 69. ^ Summary , i. 539. 

« Summary, I 538. * Ibid., ii. 537. 

'^ An. Salem f ii. 218. 

^ For full details of the method and movement of the cod and 
mackerel fisheries see Douglas's Summary, i. 301-303. And for divi- 
sion of each fare to each man, see Babson, Gloucester, p. 383. 

' Summary, ii. 538. 


AmoTj a quarter century earlier. They sold out the 
smaller craft, and it was profitable to bring borne ooly 
the larger classes. The New London list, 174g, shows tba 
same disproportion.^ 

Douglas states that the business of shipbuilding main- 
tained "above 30 several Denominations of v^jt ^ 
Ti-adesmen and Artificers," This fact shows jJ^pJ^llSl'" 
how our ingenious and industrious people di- ^' 
vided their labor, and combined it again in producing 
a ship, the noblest mechanism of that time. He shows 
a great decline or "gradual decay" of the business in 
Boston by the comparative numbers of topsail vessels on 
the stocks : ^ In 1738, 41 vessels ; in 174B, 30 vessels ; in 
1746, 20 vessels ; in 1749, 15 vessels. He docs not allow 
for the increase of shipbuilding through the growth of 
smaller ports like Gloucester noticed already. Haverhill 
became, before the Revolution, one of the most " impor- 
tant interior commercial towns." ^ Its rise in commerce 
and shipbuilding dates from 1751, when there "was quite 
a msli for lots " to build wharves. Providence * was be- 
ginning to follow Newport with slow steps, and York * in 
Maine had twenty vessels with five more fishermen afloat. 
Portsmouth, or Piscataqua, was an active port, and Ben- 
ning Wentworth sent Daniel Blake into Connecticut in 
1766 to survey masts and spars." Notwithstanding the 
*' decay " of the industry claimed by Douglas at Boston, 
it was stated in 1755 that the New England vesseb were 
cheaper and better than those of other colonies.^ 

Governor Wentworth, at Sir William Pepperell's re- 
quest, appointed Jothain Odiome, Joshua Pierce, and Mark 
Hunking Wentworth a commission to appraise the value 

• Caulkin-i, tf. London, p. 243. * DoDglan's Summary, i. 539. 

• Chase, Haverhill, p. .IW. * Foster's Life o/HopkittM, 

• Bniimc, IVcllx and Kennebunk, p. 570. 

• Conn. Arch., Trade and Mar. Aff., i. 41. 
' H«(. tt Comm. CoU. Ang., p. 121. 


of a frigate the baronet was to build for his Majesty's ser- 
vice in 1747. They awarded £9 per ton for the vessel 
completely fitted and equipped with forty-four guns.^ 

In 1752 Josiah Quincy ^ built the ship Fearon, receiving 
£2,250 9«. 4rf. '' To send her to sea," £141 7s., and for 
master's bill £60 was paid. Her charges at Jamaica were 
£150, at Thames River, £60 ; portage bill, £270 ; insur- 
ance on vessel, £240 ; her freight for " Lumber Cargo at 
Jamaica " was £500 ; freight home, £1,000. 

The shipmasters conducting this commerce were vigor- 
The ship. o^s men, who often went from the decks of these 
"**^'"* little vessels to important positions on shore. 
Generally they settled as merchants, but sometimes be- 
came men of mark in other vocations. Robert Treat 
Paine,^ afterward a lawyer of eminence and one of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence, was a school- 
master at Taunton for one year, about 1749-60. Then 
he made three voyages to North Carolina, becoming a 
master on shipboard, and finishing his last trip via Fayal 
and Cadiz. Then he commanded a whaling vessel upon a 
trip to the coasts of Greenland. 

Captain Richard Derby,* of Salem, had a conspicuous 
and eventful career on the seas. In 1739 he made suc- 
cessful voyages in The Ranger from Salem to Cadiz 
and Malaga. In 1742 he was master and part owner 
of the Volant, for Barbadoes and the French Islands. 
Here he had some great difficulties to overcome. Finally, 
in 1757, he retired from the seas and became a merchant 
in Salem. 

New England was never altogether without furs in 
Fiirs and In- "lakiug its cxchangcs. The towns at this time 
diau trade, g^ye bouuties f or foxes, even as near Boston as 
Beverly.^ Faneuil mentions beaver at times in his remit- 

^ Parsons, Pepperelly p. 161. ^ Mass. Arch., liv. 223. 

8 Hist. Taunton, ii. 309. 

* Hunt, Amer. Merchants, iii. 20, 21. * Stone, Beverly, p. 318. 




taDces to Eui-ope. Probably he obtained furs in his trans- 
actions at Causo, as tlie Indians had tbeni on that coast. 
But the trade was now at a comparatively low ebb, which 
situation changed after the conquest of Canada. The 
Hudson Bay Company was summoned in London for 
" non-user " in 1749. Their enormous privileges had 
dwindled under their hands to the possession of four ur 
five foi-ts with 120 regular emphjyees. In 1755 the Hud- 
son Bay Company's beaver (winter) sold in London at 
Is. Qd. to ds. -id. per pound. A bale of 120 pounds con- 
tained 130 to 160 skius.i 

The French struggled hard to confine the commercial 
advantage of their furs to Canada and to their home 
correspondents. A "great penalty"^ was exacted in 
Canada for carrying furs to the English. But the laws 
of trade were stronger than the absolute edicts of the 
French officials. Indian goods were cheaper in Albany 
than in Canada. The Franch traders smuggled their furs 
by Indian carriers to their corresjiondents at Albany, thug 
sending trade away from " the flag." 

Massachusetts had a balance of £18,324 6s. 4d. old 
tenor in the hands of the commissary for the truck-bouses 
in the Indian trade in 1746.^ As the beaver were more 
numerous in tlio northern districts, so their fnr was of 
better quality and the staple longer. In the South the 
skin contained more hair relatively. In the northern parts 
of America the pound of beaver was often a unit of value 
in the ciurrency, while in the Southern colonies the same 
office was performed by a pound of deerskin.* 

The whale fishery, now an imjiortant constituent of our 
general commerce, according to Douglas, lau- ^i.^, 
guishod somewhat about 1748. But the second "^'t- 
Act of Parliament of this date encouraging the business 

• Uhl. cl Comm. Coi". Aii/f., 
' Kikliu, Trip into N. A., ii. 

* Douglna, Summary, i. ITG. 


■ Douglas, Summary, i. 538. 


was felt in New England the following year.^ This act 
added another 20^. per ton bounty to the 208. granted 
properly equipped vessels by 6th Greo. II. Foreign Prot- 
estants serving on whaling vessels had the privileges of 
naturalised citizens. American vessels were to be licensed 
on inspection, and if they touched England during their 
voyage, they would receive the bounty. 

The increased use of lamps in Europe had made the oil 
a necessity.^ Prices of whale oil in England were £18 
ISd. per ton in 1742, £14 8s. in 1743, £10 in 1744, £21 
in 1753.3 

The business had concentrated in Nantucket by 1746. 
In 1745 the skilful fishermen of that port sent 10,000 
bbls. of oil to Boston.^ The low prices affected the pur- 
suit, and the amoimt fell off. Only three or four whales 
were caught near Cape Cod in 1746 ; they were leaving 
our colonial coasts. Attempts had been made to send 
vessels as far as Davis's Straits in former years, but now 
they persevered with six or seven vessels, and established 
the fishery there. The craft were sloops or schooners, 
each carrying two boats and a crew of thirteen men.^ In 
1751 ® they voyaged about the Island of Disco, at the 
mouth of Baffin's Bay. In 1756 they cruised about the 
Western Islands. They enlarged their vessels now, fit- 
ting some of 100 tons or more, and occasionally a square- 
rigged craft. Nantucket lost twelve of its finest ves- 
sels by French captures in two years, — a severe catas- 

An important industry, growing out of the whale fish- 
Manufac- ®^y» ^as foundcd in the manufacture of sperm 
i^^' candles, by or "a little before" 1750. Benja- 
candies. ^^^^ Crabb, an Englishman, obtained the exclu- 
sive right of manufacture for fourteen years in Massachu- 

1 Mass. Arch., Ixiv. 315. » Starbuck, Whale Futhfry, p. 36. 

■ Macy, Nantucket, p. 64. * Douglas, Summary , i. 59. 
* Douglas, Summary, i. 296. • Macy, Nantucket, pp. 62, 54. 

1745-59.] SPERMACETI CANDLES. 655 

setts in 1750.' It does not appear that he improved the 
privilege. His factory above mentioned was started in 
Xewjjort, and burned in 1750 or 1751.^ In 1753 Oba- 
diah Brown built another at India Point, in'Providence, 
and engaged Crabb to conduct the business. He would 
not or could not give the necessary skill, and Brown was 
obliged to learn the secret of refining the spermaceti by his 
owu experiments. He succeeded so well tliat 300 bbls. of 
head matter was manufactured that year, consuming all 
that was kept from the body oil and not exported to Eng- 
land. Moses Lopez began at Newport in 1754 or 1755, 
and several others ^oou followed. By 1761 there were 
eight factories in New England and one in Philadelphia. 
Privateers were much employed by both contestants in 
the Spanish and French wars. They were the gu„;,ajni 
most effective means of annoying the enemy. p^'»'«'in«- 
The business of fitting and dispatching them became, for 
the time, the most im))ortant element iu commerce at the 
port of departure. All the New England seaports took 
part in tliis private war and commercial speculation. Bos- 
ton ^ aiul Salem were well represented, but Newport led 
ill the number and enterprise of its vessels.* In the war 
beginning in 1703, which resulted in the capture of Que- 
bec, many of the old privateers^ cruising in African or 
West Indian waters were called home, and refitted for 
service against Canada. Officers and men trained in the 
partisan warfare of the seas fought on land also, at 
Ticonderoga and upon the Plains of Abraham. 

Captain John Dennis, of Newport, was a noted and suc- 
> MaM. Arch-, Vix. 370. " Macy. Nanfiictel, p. 60. 

* See A/ass. Arch., Ixv. 380, for form of certifiente given the ship 
Kilby, 200 tons, 12 carrliti^e, 18 swivel gmis, and 30 mnn (crew not 
complete, prolialily). Tlic privntcers were (lenerally armed witL 
citiiiioii mid sn'ivcU, iiiiiskets, cutl.isses, pistols, and grenades. 3Ia)t. 
^re*.,liv. 2G8. 

* Sec Sheffield, R. I. Privaleeri, pp. 21, 51. 

* IliiJ., pp. fl'i, 56, for liitU of vessels. 


ceBsful commander. He won his reputation in the brig- 
antine Defiance,^ as early as 1746. In 1756 he sailed in 
The Foy, a large new vessel, never to return. 

We may eonceive the inflammatory effect on the New 
England imagination when the meagre newspaper an- 
nounced a great capture, as in 1746. Dennis^ had taken 
a rich Spanish prize, liaving in specie alone 22,500 pieces 
of eight. In one cruise, 1759-60, Abraham Whipple, 
of Rhode Island, captured 23 prizes, valued at 11,000,000 
or its equivalent in paper.^ In a land where money was 
scarce and the people brave and venturesome, such 
sudden acquisitions of. riches — though the prizes might 
be few in number — must have drawn the bold and reso- 
lute spirits to the privateer flag. 

All sorts of questions in maritime, civil, and interna- 
tional law arose in the prosecution of this half-trading, 
half-plundering business. In 1748 a prize proceeding to 
Boston was alarmed by the great numbers of French and 
Spanish privateers cruising on the coast. The master 
ran into Newfoundland, the weather likewise compelling 
towards that course. His cargo was condemned thei^e, 
but he saued to Boston without disposing of any portion. 
The Boston custom house attempted to collect duties, 
but on petition the cargo was released.^ 

Providence and Bristol,^ R. I., were beginning to appear 
in general commerce. In 1747,® Stephen Hopkins and 
other citizens sent out the privateer Reprisal from the 
former place. She captured 160 hhds. 40 bbls. sugar 
and 12 bbls. indigo, which were sent into Newport, and 
Deputy Collector Wanton sued the owners of the priva- 
teer for the duties under the Sugar Act. 

In a curious case the brigantine Providence, Jon. Shel- 
don, master, with a cargo of molasses, valued at £20,000 

1 R. L C. R.y V. 170, 177. » Bo$. News Let., Jan. 2, 1746. 

8 Sheffield, R L Privateers, p. 29. * Mass. Arch., Ixiv. 328. 

* Bos. New,, May 19, 1757. • R. I, Arch., Admiralty Court. 

1716-59.] PRJVATEERINQ TRICKS. ' 667 

New Englaad paper currency, was captured by the Spaa- 
lanls iu 1T47,' and put under command of 
Franuiaco Yudice, lieutenant. He alleged that l>uti« t't 
tbti master agreed to i-anaom the vessel by giving 
600 bbb. flour and a sloop. On arriving in Providence, 
Slieldon, " not having any regai-d to justice or the Rules 
to bo observed among Nations iu Time of war for their 
mutual advantage," denied all eatisfactiun. The Spaniard 
brought suit for libel, but William Strcugthfield, judge 
in the Admiralty Court decided that Yudice, being an alien 
enemy, could not bo heai-d, and dismissed him liable for 
coats. It would seem that it was the custom to ransom 
vessels, and if so, it must Lave been done u^ran honor. 

^11 the privateersmen were prolific in tricks. In 174G 
the Spanish sloop Pearl was condemned a law- ^^ 
ful prize by Judge Strengthfield ' to The Folly, 
Captain Helm. The Pearl was commanded by a Dutch- 
man, and it was attempted to clear her by a Dutch pass- 
port issued for another vessel in the West Indies. It was 
proved that the fraudulent use of Dutch passports by 
Spaiiiaixls and Frenchnien was common. The cargo had 
neither " Bill of Lading, Loquet, or certificate ; " the 
vessel's papers had been tlirown overboard. This, iu 
itself, would have condemned her. 

Many slaves were taken in the prizes ; 96 are noted iu 
one vessel. The business seems to have interfered with 
slavery at home, for Rhode Island passed an act in 1767 
to prevent privateers from carr^'iog slaves out of the col- 
ony, under a penalty of jESOO.^ 

Xotwiihstanding the profits of plunder taken from the 
ennmy. Newport Inst mneh more commercially than sliu 
gnincd by the "ohl French war." Her citizens protested 
against a tax in 1759, because the town had lost more 
than "two millions of money," while tlie agricultm'al 

> /?. I. Arch. Admimltg Court. 

" .idmii-altj/ Court Ret. m R. I. Areh. ' R. I.X!. R., tl 6i. 


commuDities were benefited correspondingly by the high 
prices received for their produce, and which were the re- 
sult of the war. Providence took part in privateering, 
which, in the words of Moses Brown, made ^^ many Rich 
and some poor," The commerce of this port 

Commerce , • • . 

at Provi- first becomes important in this period. James 

denco. V^ 

Brown, the father of Obadiah, Nicholas, John, 
and Moses, had eight vessels under his management, ^^ all 
West india vessels some to Surinam with Horses, &c." ^ 
Moses Brown found on his father's books the names of 
vessels belonging to different owners, viz., from 1730 to 
1748, 15 vessels ; from 1748 to 1760, 60 vessels.^ Stephen 
Hopkins, Daniel Jenckes, Nathan Angel, and others were 
joint owners with the Browns. One cargo of ship timber 
floated down the Blackstone and loaded in the Seekonk 
for London, about 1751, he mentions especially. Colonel 
Edward Kinnicutt took out vessel and cargo, sold them, 
and brought back goods, which supplied " 3 shops," 
Daniel Jenckes's, Obadiah Brown's, — where Moses was 
brought up, — and Kinnicutt's. Before the opening of 
these shops, the county was furnished by a shop in Prov- 
idence, owned by parties in Newport. 

One of the most instructive as well as the most curious 
lines of study growinff out of historical records 
changes witii is in tracing the different kinds of morality pre- 
vailing in the transactions and customs of a 
particular period or locality. The English Navigation 
Acts, and their outgrowth in illicit colonial traffic, furnish 
a fruitful field for tliis social development in eveiy genera- 
tion. We have seen how representative merchants like 
Faneuil shipped foreign brandy in false New England 
rum casks, and smuggled Barcelona handkerchiefs, as 
coolly as they took snuff in the stt'eets of Boston. The 
trade at Cape Breton equally defied the law. 

* Moses Brown, MS. Letter on Commerce, R. I. H. S. 
^ Ibid.f p. 18, a list of vessels in detail. 



In 1746 ^ tbe French at Cape Breton, though prohibited 
by treaty from trading intercourse, were supplied with 
English or colonial products in such quantities that the 
markets were glutted, and prices fell below the cost of 
tbe produce at home. About 100 sail of vessels were 
employed each season. After the French fisheries were 
supplied, the surplus weut to the French West Indies. 
These prices, though thus reduced, were not ruiuous. 
For the brandy, wine, oil, sailcloth, cordage, iron, mm, 
molasses, sugar, coffee, iudigo, drugs. East India goods, 
and other exports of France and her colonies, paid so 
well in the English colonies that tbe first loss was made 
up in the large p^fits of tbe return. In 1753 ^ the same 
traffic is noticed. 

In 1748, " rum, cotton, molasses and other goods " * 
were carried into Boston by land from the connaoiii- 
neigLLoring colonies, and these goods had not i^»i''»"«- 
been entered at any custom house. In 1751 * " a settled 
course of traffic " had been carried on many years, in de- 
fiance of tbe law, from the North American colonies to 
Marseilles and Toulon. The New Englanders and other 
colonists took out naval stores, timber, lumber, train oil^ 
logwood, furs, etc., and returned the European, East and 
West India goods, as above stated. The returns did 
not pay the duties imposed by the Act 6 George II. 
The trade was so large that " vessels have been purchased 
for and fixed in this commei-ce only." A similar trade 
was conducted with Holland. 

The Dutch trade was " carried on to Rhode Island & 
Connecticut and thence through the sound " ^ to New 
York. The merchants of Newport and of New York 
were all engaged in it. This clandestine trade could be 
done so advant^eously in small porta that outKif-the-way 

' Doe. N. York, vii. 273. 


places like East Greenwich, B. I., entered into the bus- 

In the illicit trafBc with the French, the ofBcers and 
crew were interested in the venture of the cargo. In 
1747 the brigantine Victory,* owned by Joseph Whipple, 
a merchant of Newport, was captured by his Majesty's 
sloop Hind. She was libelled as a lawful prize concerned 
in illicit trade with enemies of the crown. The libel was 
lost, but the case was appealed. Meanwhile Cooper, the 
master, shipped at £20 per mo. New England currency, 
Downer, the mate, at £14, Yickers, a mariner, at <£12, 
ConckUn, a mariner^ at £10, all sued Whipple for their 
wages. Whipple answered that he had received nothing 
from the vessel, and that ofBcers and crew were concerned 
in the cargo, having " goods of great value on board." 
Judge Strengthfield decided that, the vessel having been 
released on bond, the mariners could have their wages 
on giving bond to restore them if the vessel and cargo 
should be condemned finally^ Whipple paid the amount 
of wages into court under this decree. 

The existing records of original transactions are few 
and scattered, yet enough remain to show clearly that 
Deaire for ^^^ Commercial business of New England went 
^ongtT forward under different forms in the several 
uuntheUw. governments, but always toward one end. That 
end was money and profit, parliamentary law and crown 
administration to the contrary notwithstanding. The 
interesting letter ^ cited from Gilbert Deblois, a Boston 

* Greene, East Greenwich, p. 23. 
« R. L Arch,, Brig. Victory, 1747. 

• From Anu Ant. Soc. MS, :^-- 

Bos. Aug^ 6 1759 
Sam*- Curwtn Esq'* 

S*. I shall Esteem it afav. yonl take an Opp' to Inform all 
your Merch*'. & others, ConcemM in Shiping np Wine, Oyl, Olives, 
Figs, Raisins &c. that I am Determine! Pnblickly to Inform the Col- 
lector of this Pbrt, of any those Articles I can find out, are on board 


official, to Samuel Curwiti, a prominent mercIiaDt of 
Salem, reveals the practice of Boston and Salem in hand- 
ling imported merchandine which had escaped the king's 
duties. The " honest " candor of the energetic Deblois 
in risititig vengeance on Captain Ober — who had of- 
fended the ofGcial — is as astonishing as it is naive. 
Here a public officer deliberately warns a community of 
respectable law-breakers that they will suffer the penalty 
due any and all transgression, if they presume to ship 
their goods by a particular and proscribed captain. 
" They must not (after such notice of my Design) think 
hard of me, as what I may do will be to puni^ s^ Ober 
& not them." Debauched public sentiment and corrupt 
official practice was never more plainly manifest in an in- 
dividual action. If we had Ober's counter idea of hon- 
esty and cheating, then eighteenth century public morality 
would stand out in full relief. As it is, these silhouettes 
are instructive. Interesting parallels might be found 

fuiy Vessell CommBnded bj, or under the Cure of Cap'. Ober, in 
order they may be Seii'd, I shall not Coaceru my self ab' any other 
Coaster, let *ein bring up what they will, but this Cap' Ober hu 
Chented me in such a msoner, (tho to no great Value) that I *m de- 
tertnind to keep a good look out on him, therefore would have all 
those Concem'd in that Trade, Regulate themselres accordingly, & 
if they will Bisque any such Prohibetted Goods in e' Ober* Veasetl, 
they must not (after anch notice of my Design) think hard of me, M 
what I may do will be to punish s' Ober & not thetn — I have jut 
told s' Ober that I w' send thia notifacation to Salem St w* CertaiDlj 
get his Vessell Sc Cargo Seizd Sooner or I^ter. 

Your fable Ser" 


F. S. I 'm a lover of Honest 
Men, therefore, dont be 
Surprii'd nt the above, 
as X look upon Ober to 
be a great Cheat 

Pray Distroy this when done with. 
Anaweied Ang* 13'^. 


in the attitude of fche public mind toward slavery leg- 
islation in the United States prior to the war for seces- 
sion. Ethics differed according to the latitude of the 

The business of evading the Navigation and Sugar 
Rhode i5i- Acts was douc Qiorc openly in Rhode Island. 
ADdcustoiDB. rpi^g Massachusetts governors appointed by the 
king enforced a certain conventional observance of the 
laws. But the Rhode Island executive, elected by the 
people, found methods of interpreting the laws in a popu- 
lar way. 

Robert Robinson,^ in a letter to Francis Brinley at 
Newport in 1749, gives a graphic sketch of the circum- 
locution in high places which embarrassed any effort to 
collect duties. On Tuesday, July 18th, one John Clarke, 
one of Mr. Whipple's shipmasters, informed Deputy 
Governor EUery that a French ship was seen going by 
Conanicut, through the west passage. Our old friend 
Whipple and his captains seem to have had sharp eyes 
for detecting illicit goods on an alien and competing ves- 
sel. Deputy EUery was not over-hasty, nor did he give 
information to the custom - house officers. He sent for 
Governor Greeu, of Warwick, who went to Newport and 
called a council. The council, " on mature deliberation," 
found they could not act in the affair. The next day, 
Wednesday, Mr. Wanton, the collector, being informed, 
got ready with his aids at 4 P. M. and sent to Robin- 
son to " carry the colours, which I sent him." On Satur- 
day morning Wanton told Robinson that he had been up 
the river as far as Warwick, and that the Frenchman was 
gone. The governor's warrant was not given to the col- 
lector, but to one Bennett, a constable. He was to assist 
the king's collector, but would not part with his warrant. 
" By this management, Sir, you may see how the power 
of the King's officers is eclips't and what hopes there can 

* Newport Hut. Mag., ii. 123. 

1745-69.] TRADE YIELDS TO WAR. 66S 

ever be of prerenting illicit trade while the constihition 
contains thus." 

Vessels were dropping into Newport almost daily from 
tlie " Straits," nominally laden with salt, but it was an 
open secret that valuable goods were smuggled in, Rob- 
inson says that he is weary of complaining, for every 
governor since 1738 had refused him assistance. " I have 
not yet seen or been present at the swearing of one Master 

that eQter*d , or to one hogsh'd of molass's ahipt off 

from here, tho' several of both sorts have been done since 
the instructions were sent." 

Laws thus executed must have trained the -subject in a 
rude self-government, the beginning of the way of inde- 

The activity of smugglers, the paltering impotence of 
ofiicers executing unpopular laws, are forgotten p^gf 
for the moment. All bureaucratic work and *'*'™- 
the greater work of trade and commeree are overwhelmed 
now in the flames of the great tragedy blazing across the 
Canadian border. An empire was being consumed and 
was wanting to its end. War had solved destiny. Trade, 
lawful or unlawful, waited while the state, mustering its 
whole energy, ])iit forth its arm and struck down the power 
of France in the Sew World. Quebec fell in 1759. 

The genius of the elder Pitt, " England incarnate," had 
found at last a fit instniment in the intense energy, the 
magnetic cliivaliy, the high soul, of Wolfe. After a weary, 
failing campaign, before defences supposed impregnable, 
with infei'ior forces, sick and worn, — his gallant soul chaf- 
ing his weak body, — this hero had moved his forces in the 
night and sprung a battle, which is one of the finger-posts 
of Fate iu her dealing with the modem civilised world. 
With admii'ahle wisdom, adopting a plan not his own, 
nsing the best skill of sailor and soldier alike, Wolfe 
landed his columns under the ru^cd Heights of Abraham : 
these steady men, animated by their leader's valiant and 


impetuous spirit, tugged at root, twig, and branch, climbed 
and ran, until the English power faced the French in equal 
position on the plains commanding Quebec. Montcalm, 
outgeneralled though he was, met his assailant with un- 
flinching courage, and both these brave men fell in this 
memorable battle. 

It was not that Montcalm was altogether inferior to 
Wolfe, or that the victorious legions of the great 
English Louis had lost their valor or their skill. The 
power of feudal and military France had met 
the power of commercial and politically organised Eng- 
land with inevitable results. The spirit of the seventeenth 
century yielded to that of the eighteenth. The English 
race, uncontrolled, untrammelled in individual action, 
germinated in thousands of settlers' homes along the 
Atlantic coast. France, a better organised military power, 
seized the points of vantage, occupied the fairest interior 
regions, and controlled the savage warriors who made 
those regions inaccessible. Pitt, the great commoner, was 
a fair exponent of this overwhelming force in his race. 
He was a proper genius of the eighteenth century, an in- 
terpreter to the aristocratic ruling classes of the mighty 
social and political force heaving in the classes below. He 
brought a greater number of common men and women into 
larger life and freer action, and thus multiplied the power 
of the state. When he marshalled the forces of England 
and America against feudal-tied and priest-ridden France 
at Quebec, the result was inevitable. 

The mother country furnished the leaders and the dis- 
ciplined skill necessary for a campaign. The colonies fur- 
nished many of the men, the supplies, the solid forces of 
civilisation, which alone can sustain prolonged warfare. 
England, expecting defeat, went mad over the news of 
decisive victory. And New England I Her joy expressed 
itself by all the loud methods of tumult. Bells, fires, gun- 
powder, meetings, popular exultation, inspired by hered- 

1745-59.] FORE-OLEAMS OF EMPIRE. 665 

itaiy hatred of the French inyader, sounded, blazed, and 
shouted everywhere. Senate, pulpit, press, all joined in 
the psalm of victory. Here and there a deeper tone 
vibrates through the shrieking clamor, and calls our at- 
tention to the mighty possibilities of tbe future. 

The Swede Kalm, travelling here a few years earlier, 
had reported that America expected at sorae day Fn,pbetio 
to be freed from the sovereignty of Great Brit- •"■"="'<"»■ 
ain. It is known that cool observers in the mother coun- 
try did not alb^ether relish the prospect of abolishing the 
new France when English expeditions were mustering. 
Victory, yes, but not amiibilation. The immanent power 
of France was needed to keep the growing colonies in 
order. The political spirit of the vigorous children must 
be kept in leading-strings, in order that the commercial 
markets might remain open. These colonial markets 
were necessary receptacles of British goods, which the 
growing wealth of these communities might create for them- 
selves. Jonatlian Mayhew, a young minister of Boston, 
wlio was to become conspicuous in the Revolution, shows 
that the mystic hand of Destiny had been laid upon him in 
his Thanksgiving discourse. "With the blessing of Heaven, 
tliese scattered colonies would become, " in another century 
or two, a mighty empire." Then the deep voice of the 
seer sounds through bis exultant psalm, Uiough its out- 
ward expression is in^e form of.a negative, when he says, 
" I do not mean an independent one." 




Much patriotic ingenuity has been expended in liter- 
ary exposition of the causes leading to the revolt of the 
American colonies. In both England and America the 
tendency has been to exa£r&:erate the importance 
tion of of individual mistakes, the ultimate consequence 
of particular events, issuing from the conflict of 
parties, or the exigencies of administrative action, espe- 
cially in England. American historians have magnified 
the loyal disposition of the dependent colonists seeking 
only the full privileges of Englishmen, while the advocates 
of the Loyalist cause and of crown rule have dwelt upon 
the idiosyncrasies of patriotic agitators intent on misrule. 

It has taken a full century to clear away the fogs of 
technical attack and defence. Modem historians cannot 
escape altogether the mists of the old disputes. Even the 
candid and fair-minded Lecky ^ has overdrawn the power 
of agitators and ambitious young lawyers in Boston, when 
initiating the " Writs of Assistance '* resistance, " Stamp 
Act " agitation, and other measures culminating in acts of 

Neither Grenville nor Lord North, James Otis nor Sam- 
Tiie inevita- ^^^ Adams, did nuich toward creating or retard- 
bie conflict, jj^g |.jjg series of movements resulting in the Bev- 

olution. Larger Europe put forth colonial settlements ; 
the inevitable outgrowth was an empire bounded by the 
two greatest oceans, swept by all the breezes and lighted 

* England in the Eighteenth Century. 


by the forest skies of our temperate zone. Legislation 
wise enough, bureaucratic administration energetic enough, 
to contain this tremendous and impending creation, was 
impossible in the Europe of the early eighteenth century. 
England half succeeded, France and Spain failed utterly, 
in their attempts to control the destinies of the New 
World. Representative government, not yet fully devel- 
oped in the shires of England, could not stretch federal 
arms across wide seas, nor could it embrace varying social 
systems in its control. On the part of the colonists in 
the future Unit«d States, it was impossible for them to 
develop a system of obedience to distant rulers, to make 
harmonious response to ignorant and ill-regulated statutes. 
Their actual life had bred them to the practice of self- 
government, and was fast opening to them the methods of 

I have shown that the colonists — especially those of 
New England — went forward steadily, snbduing the 
earth and multiplying wealth, through naviga- 
tion and sugar acts alike. Whether ministers ecoDamis 
were strict or lax, whether customs officials were 
active or lazy, public opinion in New England sanctioned 
a tacit nullification of parliamentary statutes, and indi- 
vidual greed, with ingenious enterprise, secured nearly all 
the advantage of open and free markets. 

Now, after the capture of Louisburg, a new field was 
opening to these illicit, excluded merchants and 
producei's, — more prosperous than their ruling nmiioT 
competitors protected by Pai'liament, — these 
triumphant militia hci-oes, more successful as soldiers than 
the ]>ett«d aristocrats sent from the dawdling court life 
of London to impose their l>ctty dilettanteiem on grow- 
ing colonial strength and manhood. Leaders had been 
forgc<1 out of this rude colonial life, this contact with the 
widening spheres of America ; leaders with force sufficient 
for the impending crisis, with a mental grasp enabling 


them to comprehend the opportunity of the continent. 
Their ambition would drive out the French ; their con- 
scious strength would possess the privileges of English 
citizens, with the possibilities of American empire. 

In truth, this state-making force was but incipient and 
in the germ. Yet the new-bom manhood, the conscious- 
ness of power within the freeman, looking toward larger 
and better government, began to manifest itself. A larger 
organism of state, a better cooperation, an autonomy which 
should articulate into itself the town or parish meeting 
and the rude colonial assembly, began to work in the 
minds of men. This sentiment found its first political 
expression in the remarkable assembly at Albany in 

Over and beyond this industrial expansion by agricul- 
ture and by productive commerce bringing wealth, this 
political expansion through the growth of a colonial 
planter into a citizen and governor, there was a negative 
force which enormously increased the action of these pos- 
itive elements in state development. Each and 
Kuiararro. cvcry American of worth and intelligence was 
made to feel definite and positive inferiority 
whenever he was brought into contact with any English- 
man. There was a social essence of divinity clinging to 
the proud islander which benumbed the colonist of similar 
stock and heredity. The colonist had been subduing the 
rude' earth, and the far-away islander would fain enjoy 
the best results of the effort, the firstfruits of colonial 
labor. The superior would possess the better results of 
the toil of the inferior. 

This insular pride, this over-conscious, unfeeling Eng- 
lishry, oppressed our present generation of Americans es- 
pecially. Their pride was broken, their latent loyalty was 
grieved by their arrogant elder brothers, the representa- 
tives of the crown. A remarkably clear manifestation of 

^ HatchinsoD, Massachusetts^ iii. 20. 


1745-62.] HALE'S INDIGNANT VOICE. 669 

the effects produoed in the sensitive colonists by this kind 
of depreciation appears in the letters of Robert 
Hale,' of Beverly, about 1755. He was a prom- 
ineut citizen of Massachusetts, and commanded 
one of the regiments in the first siege of liouisburg. Al- 
together he was a man whose opinions were worthy of 
consideration. He breaks out in sorrowful remonstrance : 
" A strange prejudice possesses ye minds of those of our 
mother country agiiitist ye Americans." Yet, as this pre- 
T^ls especially against those of Now England, he claims 
there must be a particular reason for it. He finds it in 
the fact that our colonists are dissenters from the national 
church. The insularity of our cousins fills liim with won- 
der. " I scarce ever cou'd light of an Englisliman who 
wou'd admit that we had anything in this Couutrey com- 
parable with wliat Uiey have at home of the same kind." 
Yet tlie " Gentleman's Magazine " could say at the same 
time that Boston was a finer town than any in England 
except London.^ His pride is not so much wounded as hia 
patriotic love of his country and of tlie king's interests. 
" For my part I cou'd be content they might always enjoy 
the satisfaction of y' own Sufficiency & oven in war, if it 
were not ruinous to his Majesties Service & our own 
welfare — but Experience shows their perseverance most 
always has proved fatal to us." He charges directly that 
commanders would " take the wrong path prefarably to 
any an American wou'd point out." In their arrogant 
self - BufBciency they could see nothing but inferiority 
around them. In proof, he cites the well-known instance 
of Admiral Walker's running the vessels of the Canada 
expedition on the rocks rather than listen to the expostu- 
lations of the New England pilots. 

In England itself, at the mother's own hearthstone, he 
finds no better appreciation of the absent children, toiling 
in the wilderness, and buffeting the French and Indians. 
> MS. Letten, Am. Ant. Soc. * Narr. and Crit. HitL Amer., t. 162. 


London magazines informed him that ^^ Cape Breton was 
taken by y® British Fleet, tho' every one who was there 
knows that they never fir'd a Gun against it, nor lost a 
man, except by Sickness — so impossible does it seem to 
be to our nation that a N. E. man can be good for any- 

He pays a just tribute to Governor Shirley, who, though 
an Englishman, had been twenty years domesticated here, 
and had acquired a knowledge of the necessary conditions 
of American warfare, and a due understanding of the 
temper of our people. 

England may have had the right to found colonies on 
the " mercantile system." She could demand the 

England*! , _, _ i» i • • i 

right and immediate advantages of their prosperity — by 
taking their products home to herself — rather 
than the indirect advantages coming to her, more slowly 
but more certainly, through the expansion of these affili- 
ated and contributing communities. That was the way 
of states in those times, and none can dispute her right. 
But the right involves the duty of a thoroughly success- 
ful execution of the purpose. Having proceeded in this 
direction, she was bound to make laws she could sustain, 
and when made, she must put them into execution. The 
colonies suffered by lax and poor administration, but 
England suffered more. She lost the opportunity of link- 
ing the growing American nation to herself by the ties of 
constant interchange and intercourse. 

Laws to the contrary notwithstanding, the American 
colonies had developed interests in every country and 
across every sea ; had accumulated wealth more speedily 
than almost any other people. They felt their strength. 
When to this course of inefficient legislation and weak 
administration there was added the insolence of incom- 
petent soldiers and bureaucrats, one result, and only one, 
could ensue. The interests of the incipient state were 
growing too large for the rickety hoops of parliamentary 

1745-^.] THE TROUBLES BEGIN. 671 

legisIatioD ; the personality of the citizens was over- 
toppiog that of the insufficient agents of the crown and 
the feeble representatives of English pride. Waning de- 
pendence, in the course of nature, must give birth to a 
new independence. 

The first serious eruption of this latent disease in the 
colonial body politic we have been ..^nti of 
ifested itself in resistance to " Writs of Assist- *''''**"™'" 
ance " in Boston in 1761. The lax methods of government 
could not go on forever, and the crown was proceeding to 
pick up and enforce its neglected and half-forfeited rights. 
The writs were search-warrants for smu^led goods, unre- 
turnable and liable to great alv4se.^' They had been here- 
tofore used sparingly — it is asserted — without exciting 
much discontent. Fifty-eight leading merchants had joined 
in a memorial against them iit»17C0.^ 

Now, under the lead of Chief Justic'e Hutchinson, after 
a fierce resistance in the courts on the part of James Otis, 
the question was referred to England. Tlie home author^ 
itiea ordered their issue, and they were freely employed in 
collecting the revenue from goods which had escaped the 
royal tolls in the first half of the century. Boston waa 
inflamed and irritated in every nerve. Pocket and pride 
sympathised in a spirit of resistance, slow and stubborn, 
yet ardent from the latent forces I have described. The 
passion of Otis, the learning and audacious course of 
John Adams, the scheming tenacity of Samuel Adams, all 
met ample response in the angry and resolute citizens, 
whose interests in production and exchange were now 
being fettered, 

Loyalty to the sovereign was something more than 
allegiance to the person- of the king, even in xj^jh, 
the crude political development of the eighteenth '■'•"'• 

1 Nar. and Crit. Hist. Amer., v. 155; Bancroft, HUt. United SlaU$, 
a. 531, 547. 
> Snow, Hi§t. Boibm, p. 24& 


century. There could be no abiding loyalty without a 
solid basis of law, justly enacted, firmly administered. 
When Navigation and Sugar Acts emanated from the 
British legislature, and were placed in the hands of 
the king's representatives, they carried inherent political 
growth or decay. If the vital chord of loyal administra- 
tion carried the king's power into the subject's daily 
doings, then a good citizen was either created or assisted. 
Contrariwise, if for a century subjects grew and prospered, 
subduing the land, prevailing over seas, in daily disregard 
of plain parliamentary statutes and feeble crown admin- 
istration, then decay of loyalty must and did follow. A 
new citizen was being evolved, who was to become neither 
colonist nor subject. For many reasons this last period 
of colonial dependence is interesting, both in its economic 
and its political aspects, ^m 

The mid^entury acts of the towns show more and more 
Qfg^gf^ of ^^ *^^^ rising spirit of nationality. The crown 
tiMtowiu. oificials could not comprehend the latent force of 
the bodies of freemen in town or province assembly. In 
their eyes, they all consisted of "ordinary Farmers & 
Shop keepers of no education or Knowledge in pnblick 
Affairs, or the World." ^ If these common people had not 
been out into the world, they soon brought the world home 
to themselves. Newbury, Mass., in 1764, considering the 
proposed act for granting his Majesty an excise on wine 
and spirits distilled or retailed and consumed in the Prov- 
ince, voted that the part relating to consumption of spirits 
in private families "i» an infringement on the natural 
rights of Englishmem^ ^ 

The towns passed on every kind of municipal business. 
Town ad- f^om a haugmau's bill^ to the assessment of 
minutnttion. ^^gg j^ Salcm, 1750,* they assessed " Estate 

1 Doc. N. York, vi. 462. « Coffin, Newbury, p. 221. 

• Narragansett Hist. Reg., i. No. 1, Sheriff Brown Paperit 
^ BerUley MS., copy of old record. Am. Ant. Soc. 


& Stock of Creatures" accordiDg to law, and a " Trading 
Stock and Sbipps as one fifth of value." They assessed 
the interest of money loaned, provided the principal bad 
not paid a tax. CommisBious received, where oo trading 
stock had paid assessment, rated at one fifth of value. 

Boston kept up its paternal function of supplying gnun 
in times of scarcity to its citizens. The Louishurg ex- 
pedition had deranged the local markets for food, and in 
1746 the town supplied wheat " for the benefit of the in- 
habitants of the Province." ' Xot more than 20 bushels 
nor less than 5 bushels, at 278. old tenor, could be had in 
one parcel. The quantity of grain pressing on the millers 
caused delay in grinding, and they were warned ^ carefully 
that they must deliver the grists in three days at least, 
according to the law of 1728. 

Boston suffered from a fire in 1760 ; a worse accident, 
even, than that of 1711. The newspapers claimed dam- 
f^s of j£300,000, and the governor committed himself to 
"at least jEIOO.OOO."* 

The old restrictions on the admission of freemen to the 
municipality, and on the sale of land to outsiders, do not 
appear to have been relaxed generally. They were so 
active in Norwich, Ct., in 1751,^ that the selectmen were 
directed to " prosecute with vigor " all who sold land to 
strangers. Such sales were declared void. Applications 
to remain there a limited time were often refused, or 
laden with burdensome conditions. These regulative acts 
continue as late as 17G9. 

Norwich enforced its statutes against moral delinquent 
cies pretty stringently. Fines were collected for drunk- 
enness, for not attending publiu worship, and for pro&ne 
swearing. Sabbath-breaking by labor or vain recreatioD 
was prohibited, and laughing during worship was fined 5t. 

> Boi. GaselU, Dec. 1.^, 1746 ; Bon. Eit. Post, Dec. 15, 1746. 
■ Bo*. Nrirs Lei., Oct. 23, 1746 ; Bo*. Eet. Pott, Oct 27, 1746. 

* Hutchinson, MasnachMetU, iii. 84X 

* Caalkiiu, Noneick, pp. 270-^78. 


New Hampshire regulated carefully the salmon aud 
shad fishery in the Merrimac River, at the petition of 
Londonderry^ in 1759. They allowed no fishing from 
Saturday at sunset until Monday at noon. Seines 
could be used only three days in the week. 

New Hampshire^ affords much interesting matter at 
this time in the settlement and management of half-set- 
tled towns. "Proprietors" of new towns were much 
hindered in the business of settlement by those who could 
not or would not pay their proportion of the necessary ex- 
penses. The indifferent thought their wild lands would 
be raised in value by the efforts of more public-spirited 
neighbors. A general act enabled all proprietors to as- 
sess and carry forward the work of settlement. Weak 
settlements appealed for release from taxes, and the Prov- 
ince loaned the selectmen of Bow XIOO. 

In our discussion ^ of the inflated paper currency, we 
left Massachusetts filled to ovei*flowing. The absorbing 
The cur- powcr of the pcoplc haviug ceased, the Province 
JS^hu- ^^ forced to resort to a lottery for raising a 
'^'^ paltry £7,500. The ordinary circulating me- 

dium had broken down hopelessly. Massachusetts, indeed 
all New England, owes much to one man at this crisis, 
whose pathetic downfall in later years, marks these shin- 
ing services by significant contrast. The political genius 
of Thomas Hutchinson was far too weak for the stormy 
times on which he fell. While governor in the fatal 
years of the Stamp Act agitation, his mistaken course 
covered his name and memory with shame. In another 
Sagacity of ^^1^ aud iu the period we are treating, his 
Hutcbimon. ^oursc was entirely different. In economic in- 
sight, in sound practical judgment of the measures of 
economic administration, he was much before his time. 
Let us duly commend the poor, exiled, broken, and dis* 

1 Town Pap, N. H., ix. 619, 620, « Ibid., ix. pp. 11, 66, 126. 

* See above, pp. 473-491. 


pitited loyalist — finally execrated by his friends and 
neighbors — who in his earlier years brought his country 
out of bankruptcy, and plauted her on solid economic 

In 1748 Hutchinson moved in the House of Representa- 
tives that the specie expected from the royal exchequer, 
in reconipeuse for expenses in the capture of Louisbnrg, 
should be applied to the redemption of the treasiu-y notes. 
The House at first refused utterly, then adopted the plan. 
There was much difference of opinion, even among the 
advocates of specie redemption, one with another. The 
historian Douglas, though opposed to a continuation of 
paper, thought the redemption too sudden, and dreaded 
the shock to trade. Merchants in England also depre- 
cated the impending changes. Massachusetts tried with- 
out success to induce her neighbors, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, and Kew Hampshire, to adopt a joint plan of re- 
demption. She completed her own act of redemption, and 
forwarded it to William BoUan, her agent in London, for 
the royal approval. 

In 1749' the specie arrived from England, with the 
condition that it be applied to redeem the Province notes. 
It consisted of £183,649 steriing, or 653,000 oz. of silver 
and ten tons of copper, — a huge mass of coin, more than 
Massachusetts had ever possessed at one time. The 
royal proviso proved a necessary restriction. The people 
had talked about redemption, yet in their hearts they be- 
lieved in it but faintly. Now the worst of all fears, dread 
of money famine, oppressed their imagination. True, the 
money had been poor enough ; — 

" The coantiy maids with sauce to marltet come, 
And carry loads of tattored mone; home." 

A common experience in all seasons of depreciated coi^ 
rencies. But the poorest money is very much j.**™ of 
better than no money. The doggerel-writers """r- 
» Felt, Jfow. Currency, p. 124 


pictured also the horrid void which might come in the 
shifting of the exchanges : — 

** To foreign lands they 1 be conyey'd. 
Then what 's our fate — the silver gone, 
The paper burnt — and we undone." 

Bills were hoarded in 1750 in anticipation of the re- 
demption, when it should accomplish itself. The legisla- 
ture fixed the relative value of coins and paper on the 
basis of 6«. for the Spanish milled dollar, or ^^ piece of 
eight," viz., a guinea, 288. ; shilling, la. 4d. ; a double Jo- 
hannes in gold of Portugal, £4.16 ; moidore, 36«. ; pistole, 
22«. ; 3 English farthings. Id. ; old tenor bills, 45«. for 6^ ; 
middle and new tenor, ll^. &d. for 6«. 

While the tide was turning, there was much distress.^ 
In 1751, petitioners asserted that they could not get either 
paper or coin for labor or produce, and asked for remis- 
sion of taxes. An effective riot act was passed for the 
first time. One party claimed that the bad trade was 
caused by the break in the exchange of paper money with 
the neighboring colonies. 

The Massachusetts commissioners substantially finished 
the redemption in 1751. They accounted for <£50,705.6.8 
in old tenor, X38,431.7 in middle, £1,703,099.11.5 in new 
tenor.2 Scattering bills appeared for years after. The 
rate of redemption was about one in specie for ten in 

Rhode Island ^ lost still more in her commerce and bus- 
iness at home. Her bills depreciated about one half at 
once. This broke down her whole system of 
land hard trade f or thc time. She lost a large portion of 
her active West India trade, and Joseph Whip- 
ple, one of her largest merchants at Newport, failed. She 
passed her first act in bankruptcy for his especial relief, 

^ Mag. Am. Hist., ii. 627. 

3 Felt, Mass. Currency ^ p. 131. 

* Potter's Currency, R. I. H. TracU, viii. 68. 


!t being Uie first failure of consequeoce the oolonj had 

The Lard way of transgression was fully exemplified 
in the experience of Kbode Island.' She had iasned 
paper more heavily than Massachusetts, she had leas 
property as a basis, and she received a smaller relative 
proportion of specie from England. Massachusetts bad 
issued about £112 paper per capita ; Rhode Island, abont 
£165. To complete her payment of one tenth, Massa- 
chusetts required a tax of £3 58. per capita. It was 
claimed that Rhode Island should have received from 
England £16,467, whereas she got £7,800 sterling, and 
with this she redeemed £88,725. To have redeemed the 
remainder, £461,275 outstanding, would have required a 
tax of nearly £14 per head. Probably this large snm 
could not have been collected. 

The circulation of all the paper money from colony to 
colony did not cease altogether, though govemmenta tried 
to prevent it. 

I gave a list of the appraised rates of one ounce of sil- 
ver in bills to the year 1727.' Subsequently I b,,^o< 
can quote ^ for 1728, 168. &d. to I89. ; 1729, """"■ 
19a. to 22«. ; 1730, 21s. to Ifls. ; 1731, 18s. &d. to 198. ; 
1732, 19«. 6d. to 208. 6rf. ; 1733, 2l8. to 238. ; 1734, 
248. to 278.; 1735, 278. 6rf.; 1736, 278. to 26s. ^d.; 
1737, 26s. 6d. to 27«. ; 1738-40, 288. to 298. ; 1741^3, 
288.; 1745,358. to 378.; 1746-48, 378. to 408.; 1749- 
52, 60s. 

The inventories* indicate greater fluctuations in the 
latter years than the above list. In 1746 we have valua- 
tions of silver at 3ds., 368., 388., 428., and gold at £27 ; 

> R. I. Hilt. Tracts, viii. pp. 66, 67. * See above, p. 473. 

■ Felt, Mais. Currency, p. 13S, and for table and values, we N. 
Hamp. H. C, i. 273 ; An. King', Chapel, i. 622. 

« Siifolk P. S.. inTiii. 622-624 ; nni. 117, 160, 298, 480, 638 ; 
xl. 99v 269 ; xli. 268, 437 ; slii. 414. 


in 1747, 455., 46«., 55s., 60«. ; in 1748, 55s., 57«. ; in 
1749, 605. 

A clergyman ^ in 1747 gives the advance in a long list 
of household supplies, in forty years, by his accounts. 
The same quantities costing <£1 10a. 10c?. had advanced 
to £lb 2s. 6c?. in paper. There is no regular rate of ex- 
pansion. Wheat went from 5s. to 25s., Indian corn 3s. 
to 20s., beef 2^c?. to Is. 6c?., while men's shoes went from 
5s. to 60s. 

In view of the disputed gold and silver standards of 
our day, and the low esteem in which silver is 
ferred to held, it is curious to read in Hutchinson ^ of the 
disputes in 1762. There was a fierce antipathy 
to gold when it was proposed to make it a standard equal 
to silver. Gold had been current, but not a legal tender ; 
it was finally made a tender, after much opposition. Sil- 
ver had been current at 6s. 8c?. per oz., and was exported. 
It fell to 5s. i3c?. in England, which decline checked the 
export. Hutchinson opposed the admission of gold to an 
equality with silver, claiming that it would be " the first 
step of our return to Egypt." 

But the financial troubles of Massachusetts and New 
England, after the capture of Quebec, consisted 
scarcer tium rather in a lack of wealth than in any new ar- 
rangement of the currency, in either or both 
standards. Governor Pownall might have exagger- 
ated when he pictured the colony, not, as represented 
to him, " rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprizing,'' but as 
a community " ruined and undone." The exhaustion and 
lassitude surely succeeding paper inflation depressed colo- 
nial energies, while the sacrifices and losses of the Cana- 
dian conquest were scored deep in the wasted resources 
of the people. 

Manufactures proper, during our present period, show 
little that is new or interesting in their development. 

1 Bos. Eve. Past, Dec. 14, 1747. ^ Massachusetts, iiL 98, 99. 

1745-*^.] MANUFACTURES. 679 

They range in importance from woollen faomeBpun, through 
rum and iron to flaxen fabrics and a few at- m„„j«, 
tempts at making various necessaries. The man- •""*■ 
ufaeture and use of homespun woollen cloth — such a 
prime necessity — was so thoroaghly iocorparated in the 
domestic habits of the people, that its relative industrial 
importance escaped" in ucll~espccial notice. Written testi- 
mony does not indicate the large amounts certainly pro- 
duced by this diffused' industry. We have seen the pres- 
ence of spinning-wheels and looms in most farmsteads 
and many village homesteads. Dorchester altered its old 
powder-mill* into a fulling-mill, and a mill had been 
located in almost every hamlet.^ The greater part of 
these cloths was consumed at home, or in the petty bar- 
ter of neighboi-hoods. The governor of New York, in his 
report to England about 1746, says the country made and 
had made " their homespun, so termed, of Flax and Wool 
to supply themselves somewhat with necessaries of cloth- 
ing." ^ Statements of this kind were always couched in 
the most modest terms, not to offend British manufac- 

There are evidences that enough cloth was produced in 
this way to export some to the frontier districts, not yet 
able to produce for themselves. In a cargo of assorted 
goods sent from Boston to Albany in tlie sloop Sea Flower,* 
175G, among the shoes, stockings, shirts, caps, and gloves 
there appear 200 liuincspun jackets. " White and striped " 
homespun appe.irs in nicrchiints' stocks in 1747 and 1748. 
The price was from 14*/. to IStl. j)er yard.' There was a 
social interest and cxeittiuieut concerning this homespun 
production, which confirms its economic importance. At 
the fourth anniversary in 1751 of the Itoston Society for 
promoting Industry and Frugality, 300 "young female 

> filsl. DoTcheitfr. ]i. fi'll. « Bishop, Hist. Manuf., L 341. 

» Doe. N. • Mom. JrcA.,liHii.K. 

* S\^oU: Frob. RtQ., xL 2H 285 ; xU. 196, 197. 


spinsters " spun at their wheels on the Common. Weav- 
ers were at their looms also. Advertisements 

Sp inning , 

called for yam to be woven at the "Linen 
Man* House in the Common" in 1750. Offers were 
made to purchase yam at the same place.^ Kev. Samuel 
Cooper,^ a prominent divine, preached to the society in 
1753, and £453 was collected on the occasion. In the 
same year Charlestown voted to turn its *' old town-house " 
into a spinning-school.® 

All this reveals a popular instinct for home production, 
groping about to increase its means and its stores. This 
crude social force was not yet formulated into the desire 
for economic independence ; we shall see a manifestation 
of this powerful social factor ten to fifteen years later. 
The present movement went so far beyond its natural 
sphere that it was nicknamed the " spinning-craze." An- 
other straw revealing the popular breeze is in the notice 
given by the " News Letter " to a deputation of 150 wool- 
oombers in Cirencester, England, ^ who waited on the 
Prince and Princess of Wales journeying to Bath through 
their district. The men were " adorned with proper col- 
ors of combed wool." The purveyors of news in our col- 
onies gathered but few facts from the European world in 
those days, and only such as most interested their public. 
Wool and cotton cards were made and sold by Joseph 
Palmer in Boston in 1746.^ 

This homespun manufacture employed hemp and flaxf 
as well as wool, in its fabrics. Many influential citizens 
of Boston were enlisted in forwarding the movement for 
home production, which was expected to cut off impor- 
tations of linens. One statement is to the effect that 
£15,000 ® was granted by the General Court for erecting 

1 Bos. Eve. Post, Dec. 17, 1750. « Mem. Hist, Boston, ii. 462. 

* Frothinghaiii, Charlestown, p. 263. 

* Bos. News Let., Nov. 29, 1750. 

» ibid., Dec. 4, 1746. • Mass, Arch,, lix. 381. 

1746-62.] WOOLLENS AND LINENS. 681 

the spinnmg-liouse, and it was proposed that one person 
should come from each town for iustraction. Certainly in 
1757,' instead of a direct grant of money, the linen promot- 
ers obtaiued the assignment of a tax on coaches, chaises, 
chairs, and other carriages for the benefit of their indus- 
try. Douglas notes that the' business employs a '^ variety 
of People, pulling the Flax, watering of it, breaking, 
swingling, hackling, spinning, weaving, &c." ' 

These " linen " homespuns were probably flaxen warps, 
frequently filled with cotton weft. Cotton was i^osBm^ 
constantly imported in small quantities from the '*"■ 
West Indies. It is said that no fabrics, of cotton entirely, 
were made in England before 1760.^ Even the British 
manufacturers were obliged to get their best linen yams 
from the more thoroughly drilled spinners of the conti' 
nent. Pi-obably the great efforts made in Massachusetts 
to educate spinners were designed to promote the pro- 
duction of yarns and fabrics of a higher grade, which 
should outrank the homespun. But in this ultimate ob- 
ject they failed. 

Rhode Island encouraged flax and wool, — which she 
had always produced freely, — with their manufacture into 
fabrics, in 1751. Connecticut in 1753* granted Hamlin & 
Chauncey a monopoly for fifteen years for a " water-ma- 
chine " for dressing flax brought from Scotland and Ire- 

Leather was still in use for garments. Joseph Calef," 
a leather-dresser of Charlestown, was robbed in 
1747. The burglars took a variety of sheep- 
skins dressed for clothing. Some were "cloth-coloured 
for breeches, very much upon the red ; " others were 
** cloth-coloured thin skins for glores." Among the cnri- 

1 jUhm. Arrh., lix. 247. ' Douglas, Summary, ii. 181. 

• Bishop, Hill. Manu/., i. 309. 

• Col. Ree. Conn., 1753, p. 231. 

• Boa. Ettt. Poll, Oct. 12, 1747. 


osities of manufacture we cite, '' To be let, Two Fulling 
Mills for the fulling of leather." ^ 

It was easier to kick leather back and forth in a fulling- 
mill than it was to control its movement in value, its 
changes in price. The makers of this necessary article, 
the trusty old tanners, held meetings in 1747 at the 
" Greyhound Tavern," in Roxbury, " to prevent the fur- 
ther rise of hides and consequently of leather." ^ 

Shoemaking has been in our century one of the most 
important industries of New Enc^land, of Massa- 
chusetts especially. Our generation has seen its 
evolution from a simple literal handicraft into the most 
complex system of machinery and organised manufacture. 
This array of machines, this organism of human skill 
working through mechanism which fairly imitates thought 
itself, would have perplexed the brain of Vulcan, — it 
would have palsied his demonic arm. Shoemaking began 
very early to locate itself about Essex County, Mass. But 
it hardly developed beyond other domestic manufactures 
until the middle of the eighteenth century. A few shoes 
were sent beyond New England to New York^ Phila- 
delphia, and other ports. When Lynn began to export, 
only three manufacturers employed journeymen. The 
father, his sons, and apprentices worked in a one-storied 
shop, twelve feet square, a chimney and fireplace in one 
corner, a cutting-board in another. 

In 1750 ^ a Welsh immigrant named John Adam Dagyr 
brought the best skill of his craft from England into the 
expanding market of the New World. The lift and im- 
pulse immediately given to the business was equal to the 
moving power of a new invention. Others learned or 
imitated his methods, which were celebrated throughout 
the land. In women's wear he was particularly accom- 

1 Bos. Ere. Post, Feb. 8, 1748. 

2 Bos. Gazette, Dec. 29, 1747. 
' Newhall, Lynn, pp. 90, 91. 

1746-62.] INDUSTRIES IN IRON. 683 

plialied. It was claimed id a few years that pretfy feet in 
Lynn went prettier shod, and that the cotnuion sort trod 
in stronger soles, than any to be found in London. 

The finer qnalities were made with " white and russet 
rauds, closely stitched with white waxed thread. The toes 
were very sharp and the heels were of wood, covered with 
leather." These seem to have been imjtortant in defining 
the fashion of the shoe ; they were half an inch to two 
inches high, and were called " crosscut, common, court, 
and Wurteniburgh." The wooden heels were manufac- 
tured separately, like lasts. They kept in use through the 

As I have touched upon the manufacture of mm in its 
larger relations to outward commerce, we will 
turn from the creation of wearing apparel to the 
iron industry, next iu consequence. Our colonies had 
been making some progress since 1731 in the secondary 
manufacture of their native iron. The chief branch of 
this manufacture was in tlie conversion of bars into nail- 
rods, at the " slitting mills," as they were called. Then 
the " tiH-bammers " worked bars into anchors and various 
forgings, much needed in shipbuilding. Nailroda were 
dovetailed into domestic manufactures, so vital in our 
home economy. Small nails could be imported cheaper 
than they could be made in the toilsome handwork, but 
ordinary nails and spikes were the common offwork of 
blacksmiths. Old diaries show many days spent in mak- 
ing nails. Moreover, any farmer with a skilful hand em- 
ployed his winter evening leisure in shaping rods into 
nails by the ingleside. To supply these secondary manu- 
factures, there were in 1650 two slitting or rolling mills in 
Middleboro', Mass., one in Hanover, one iu Milton ; and 
Massachusetts had one plating forge with a tilt-hammer, 
and one steel furnace. 

Into this network of productive industry — not laige aa 
yet, but growing and affiliated to the thrifty rays of the 


people — the bureaucrats of Whitehall plunged their au- 
BritishiD- tocratio mace, to break and destroy it. The 
terforence. measurc was in the line of their policy, but it 
was rasping, and well fitted to increase the irritation of 
the Sugar Acts. The people had grown and increased 
under a loose administration of the mother country's im- 
perial control, and they liked it. 

The Act of 1750 stated expressly that it was to encour- 
age the importation of American bars and pigs, and to 
prevent erection in the colonies of any rolling-mill, etc.^ 
And Great Britain was to be further benefited by the ex- 
change of her " wodlen and other manufactures " for the 
bars and pigs she would import. It is true that compen- 
sating advantage was expected to result to the colonies 
from the removal of duties from American bars and pigs 
going into England. But the New England men did not 
like the political barter. Their feeling can be understood 
when we read the advertisement * in 1753 of the slitting- 
mill in Milton for sale, with all its appurtenances for the 
manufacture of " Rod-Iron." 

Massachusetts was the chief offender in the possession 
of these mills, though the other colonies had been taking 
steps to introduce them. New Hampshire had a forge 
for bar iron at Rumford in 174J.* Connecticut* gave a 
monopoly of slitting iron for fourteen years to Jos. Pit- 
kin in 1747. All the colonies responded promptly in 
proclamations and acts for carrying into effect the will of 
the crown .^ 

Anglers have been the butt of wits rather than the 
Fishing i)romoters of industry ; but the rod and line of 
for iron. Joseph Holmes, of Kingston,^ Mass., brought 

1 Masx. Arch., xx. 521 ; JR. /. C. R., v. 314. 

2 /?05. Eve. Post, Dec. 24, 1753. « N. H. H. C, iv. 254. 
* Conn. Col. Rec. 1747, p. 329. 

s Bos. News Let., Aug. 30, 1750 ; R. L C. R., v. 315; Conn. C. R, 
1747, p. 329; Prov, Pap. N. H., vi. 7. 

« Dr. Thuchep in Ist Ser. M. H. C, ix., x. 255. . 

1740-62.] EDGED TOOLS ARE MADE. 685 

fortnue to his neighbors, as well as endaring fame to him- 
self. While fishing in 1751, he discorered a deposit of 
bog-ore, from which 3,000 tons were soou taken, yielding 
25 per cent, of iron. It became famous as "Holmes- 
iron" in anchors, and during the Revolution was cast into 
patriotic cannon-balls. Carver, near the same Plymouth 
district, was famed for its excellent cast-iron work. Cast 
tea-kettles were first made there about 1760. 

Perhaps the most conspicuous worker in iron in the 
eighteenth century — hence a pivot fienre in 
American industry — was Hugh Orr, a young 
Scotchman, settled in Bridgewater. He was the pioneer 
in one of the best fields of subsequent American inven- 
tion, the manufacture of edged tools. Ship-carpenters 
and other mechanics came to him from distant points for 
tools. With the versatility of the early artisans, be 
turned bis fertile brain and ready band to almost any 
work in metals. He introduced the trip-hammer. Scythes 
and axes followed from bis creative work. He put those 
weapons of peace into the hands of the busy husband- 
man, who cut and slashed the garment of his bounteous 
mother Natui-e, yet left her smiling through her wounds. 

He began at Bridgewater in 1738 ; ^ in the year 1748 
he made 500 stand of arms for the Province. Unfortu- 
nately for us, when the Britifih evacuated Boston, they car- 
ried away nearly all these muskets. Destiny was cheated 
of a proper issue when these earliest fruits of colonial 
enterprise were missing in the volleys that rattled down 
the slopes of Bunker Hill. Orr did much in casting and 
boring cannon for the Revolution. 

Lumber is an important indnstr}-, though its relative 
importance has lessened with the improvement j^,^ 
of the country. It is interesting to remark that 
New Hampshire and Maine could still afford a sufficient 
supply. A few rafts of boards came down the Connec- 
> Bishop, Hitt. Mana/aetvrti, L 486. 


ticut at Hadley before 1755. After the Peace of Paris 
in 1763, the Indians were freed from French influence, 
and the upper waters of the Connecticut afforded safer 
fields for industry. The business of lumbering then in- 

A spirited attempt at extending the manufacturing en- 
Enterpria* tcrprisc of Massachusetts was made at Brain- 
aturoiutree. ^j.^^ about 1752 bj Josiah Quincy, assisted by 

General Palmer and others. A colony of German immi- 
grants ^ was imported.^ Chocolate mills, spermaceti, and 
glass-works, stocking-weaving, salt-manufacturing, were 
all undertaken. Such heterogeneous industries could 
hardly thrive, and so suddenly. According to Hutchiur 
son ^ they failed. 

The making of pot and pearl ashes was stimulated and 
improved. Moses Lopez, a merchant at Newport, ac- 
quired the " true mystery " of the first, and obtained a 
monopoly for ten years of Rhode Island in 1753 ; James 
Rogers was granted the same privilege for pearl ashes in 
1754.^ Massachusetts, in 1755,^ established an assay and 
standard of these articles. Samuel Blodgett began the 
manufacture at Haverhill '^ in 1759. 

With the distilleries went sugar " bake-houses : " sev- 
eral grades of sugar, as '* double refined, middling, and 
single refined loaf," " sugar candy, brown sugar." ® The 
curious may find a barrel-maker^s or cooper's equipment 
in Nathaniel Hayward's inventory.^ 

Ropewalks had long been in Boston ; one appears at 
Newbury in 1748, the town granting land.'^ 

Bounties were common for new enterprises : the Gen- 

1 Judd, Hadley, p. 306. « Bos. Eve. Post, Nov. 15, 1751. 

8 Pattee, Braintree, pp. 476, 486 ; Proc. M. H. S. 1858, p. 43. 
* Hist. Mass., iii. 11. 6 R. 1. C. R., v. 375. 

« Mass. Arch., lix. 410. ' Chase, p. 338. 

8 Bos. Gazette, May 31, 1747. • Suffolk P. R., xliii. 92, 93. 
w Coffin, Newbury, p. 218. 


era] Court gave one for making stoneware,' and allowed 
12t/. per pound to an expectant manufacturer of indigo. 

Various attempts are recorded, with varied success : 
glass-making revived in 1750,^ bayberry caadle-making in 
1751,3 gi„e in 1752,< bleaching yam or cloth in 1753.* 
Enoch Noyes, a self-taught mechanic at Newbury,^ began 
making horn buttons and coarse combs in 1759. In 1788 
he secured the services of a trained artisan in the person 
of William Cleland, a desert«r, who came from Burgoyne's 
army. From these beginnings came many comb factories. 

The general condition of agriculture probably had fallen 
to its lowest ebb in the first half of the eighteenth century. 
The natural fertility of the soil had been ex- 
hausted by a century of constant cropping. Ee- "*" 
inforcing by manures was but little practised in the in- 
terior districts, the cattle droppings being economised in 
a very slovenly way. Fish-planting, learned from the 
Indians, had aided the resources of tlie earth, but it pre- 
vailed only on the coast. Travellers like Kalm,' in 1748 
and 1749, were loud in their denunciations of the colonial 
system, slovenly and careless, as it appeared to them. 
The Americans conid learn nothing of " English, Swedes, 
Germans, Dutch, or French." Cornfields and meadows, 
cattle and forests, were equally condemned in their econ- 
omy. Worm fences, especially, drove him wild by their 
waste of land and wood. " Wood is squandered," and the 
great winter fires, by day and by night, would soon con- 
sume what the fences left if the people did not change 
their habits. So little have Europeans understood the 
methods of Americans in extracting comfort from mother 

This superficial view — o£ observers used to diEFerent 

1 Mnts. Arch, lii. 332, 395. 402. * Ihid., lix, 366. 

» Bo$. Eve. Post, Jan, 7, 1751. • Mass. Arch., lii, 373. 

• Bwi. Eve. Post, July 2, 17r>3. • CofiSn, p. 226. 

I TraveU in N. A., ii. 66, 7% 193. 


conditions of land tenure and social organisation — went 
beyond the truth ; yet there was reason in it, and the 
country was waking up to its wasteful courses. The mi- 
nute clearing and careful tilth of European fields would 
not pay where land was always cheap, labor always dear. 
Jared Eliot, a more sagacious authority than 
Kalm, saw that the first efforts of our colonists, 
when they bent themselves ^* to stubb all staddles," were 
mistakes ; that is, the good farmers were mistaken when 
they cleared the ground literally, grubbing out every sap- 
ling, shrub, and root which encumbered the virgin soiL 

A wealthy and intelligent people would not long endure 
a losing and decaying agriculture. There are many indr- 
cations that farming began to improve about the middle 
of the century. Applicants for the master's degree at 
Harvard laid their theses in the question,^ ^^Is agricul- 
ture a greater benefit to the state than commerce ? '' in the 
years 1742, 1751, 1753, 1773, 1785, 1786, 1787. They 
invariably answered the question in the affirmative. No 
one did so much in this awakening as Kev. Jared Eliot, 
the grandson of John, the Indian's friend. Bom in 1685, 
dying in 1763, he spent the most of his valuable life in 
pastorate at Killingworth, Ct., from 1709 until his death. 
Few lives mark more useful results. Science and the 
humanities worked together in shaping his daily life. A 
member of the Boyal Society in London, he excelled in 
the philosophy of nature. No physician in New England 
was consulted so much in difficult cases — especially in 
insanity — as this parson and working farmer. Consid- 
ering the difficulties of travel, the doctor's trip to New- 
port or Boston, sometimes taken by him, shows the ur- 
gency of the demand. 

He travelled in Europe, — even as far as Russia ; 
Eiiot'gwide brought home the knowledge and practices of 
experience, g^^ agriculturc, published essays ; better than 

1 Proc, M. H. S, 1880, p. 125. 


all, bent Yaokee aptitude and invention to the improvd> 
ment of common farming. He found the secret of Na- 
ture's economy that stored black mud in the swamps and 
low fens ; dragging it out, he gave new life to the worn 
soil. Clover-sowing for recuperation, just beginning in 
England, was introduced here by Eliot. In silk-culture, 
which has crazed New England several times, he was not 
so practical, as he committed himself fully to it. After 
t^al he stated that silk could be produced as easily aa 
linen ; evidently he did not perceive the satire involved, as 
both have vexed New England. He claimed that the 
mulberry-tree was fit for firewood, with good fruit, equal 
to cedar for timber, excellent for shade. About the same 
time one Phillips was bringing eggs from Philadelphia to 
Charlestown, Mass., and producing silk there.^ 

Clover, tl]us introduced by Eliot, made its way in farm- 
ing economy very gradually. The western Massachusetts 
men bought it for the first time in 1757, sending to Boston 
for it through a Northampton neighbor.^ The price in 
Hadley was Is. 4d. per pound in 1762. In 1765 foul 
tueadow seed was Id. per quart, and herdsgrass lOd. per 
pound. Foul meadow, herdsgrass, and clover seed were 
sold in 1765. Grass seeds, clean or in chaff, were thus 
used about these dates ; but Mr. Judd, a high authority, 
thinks the use was not general in the river towns until 
after the War of the Revolution. These towns were hardly 
behind other rural parts of New England in agriculture. 

A severe drought in 1749 made a great scarcity in that 
year and the one following. Kalm^ said the scmity 
worms left so little grass that New England was °* ""^^ 
forced to import hay from Pennsylvania, and even from 
Great Britain. " English Hay " was quoted in Dorches- 
ter at X3 to £S lOs.* old tenor per hundred. This may 
have been hay from England, but in view of other facts, I 

• Frothingham, Chartestoam, p- 260. ' Judd, HadUy, p. 371 . 

* Trav. N. A., ii. 79. * Hitt. DorekeiUr, p. 315. 


think it the old descriptive term still in use to define cul- 
tivated grasses, in distinction from native. Butter was 
78. 6d, at the same place and time. The ships from Ire- 
laud brought a little choice butter^ occasionally, and 
Cheshire cheese,^ as always, varied the Bhode Island sup- 
ply in Boston market. Welsh butter also appears. 

Massachusetts wished to restore her wheat product, 
which she had enjoyed in the first generation or two. 
Lookiug toward this she made, in 1754, one of the few 
futile attempts at limiting intercolonial traffic by put- 
ting a duty of 9d. per hundred on flour, lOd. on ship's- 
bread, with other bread in proportion. It was to be paid 
as a bounty to growers of wheat. The duty could not 
counteract climate and soil, nor feed the fishermen. 

While flax was almost a necessity, — used in all linen, 
and in the warp of so-called ^' cotton " fabrics, — it could 
be cultivated in our colonies. Outlying districts, like the 
Maine coasts, raised it with com and their grass crop.' 
Ehode Island was continually tinkering her flax bounties, 
making and repealing them.* 

Horses were grown and exported. Probably they still 
ran on the commons of the remote towns, thoueh 
they are not mentioned, as in the seventeenth 
century. Bennett noted the poor kind and condition of 
the common draught-horses of Boston, though there were 
good ones for carriage and saddle. Sir Peter Warren 
sent through Sir William Pepperell to Massachusetts, in 
1750, two horses " to mend the breed." ^ A committee 
received and assigned them in the Province. At this 
time the common price in Hampshire County was £7 to 
£32 ; a few brought £40. Parson Williams, of Hadley, 
owned the best of his region ; value in 1754, £66|. 

The inventory of John Walworth, of New London,® in 

1 Bos. Eve, Past, Dec. 4, 1758. - Ibid., Jan. 21, 1754. 

■ Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk, p. 647. 

* n. I. C. /?., V. 100, 318. « Mass, Arch., i, « Caulkins, p. 345. 


1748, shows the arrangement of a well-to-do farmer's es- 
tate, and the proportions of a stock farm at the same time. 
He bad four negi-o servants, 77 ounces silver plate, about 
50 head of horned cattle, 812 sheep, 32 horses, mares, and 

Oxen and horses were hoth used in farm labor. The 
farmers plaited collars of straw and of com busks for 
their horses. When .Tared Eliot brought the "horse hoe" 
from England, he drew it with oxeu. He spread their 
yoke so that the pair bestrode one row of com. 

Premiums were ofEei-ed in Pennsylvania in 1753 for 
draining marsh lauds, for the most clover from a meadow,' 
for weaving linen and spinning thread. The example was 
commended for Massachusetts.^ Gardening and the cul- 
tivation of small vegetables was generally conducted by 
the skilful and industrious women of New England. Hot- 
beds were used in 1759.* 

I mentioned tlie extra value of salted beef, and the 
difficulties in disposing of fresh beef, in the Litter part of 
the seventeenth century. A slaughter-house is noted at 
Salem in 1748.3 

Bears and wolves had not ceased to plagne the hus- 
bandman. Beverly, Mass.,* had the latter, and BruLL' 
was hunted in the upper Narragansett country." 

Social economy wan much influenced in the eighteenth 
century by lotteries. They prevailed before and 
since, but schemes were more active in this pres- 
ent period of colonial life. The idea was not newer locaL 
Italy, ancient and modern, delighted in it ; the Germans 
quickly adopted such easy gaming. The state formerly 
coquetted with it everywhere. This semi-barbarous mode 
of taxing individual passion to benefit the public excheq- 
uer prevails largely now in continental Europe. The 

» lins. Nfm Let., Jan, 2.1, 1753. ' Boa. Eve. Pott, Feb. 12, 1759. 
» Felt, An. Salem, ii. 20<i. • Beverlg, p. 318. 

' Neicporl H. Mag., i. 123. 


United States has expelled it, except in one or two South- 
em States. 

The lottery was in essence not ours ; the genius of our 
colonies was opposed to this method of making money. It 
has been defined as the only method by which laziness 
and avarice — those opposite and contradictory emotions 
— can combine and satisfy each other. It is lazier than 
gaming, that deep-seated human passion. Morally, the 
genuine New Englander disliked this dealing in chance ; 
intellectually, he was not convinced that he could make 
money with the chances against him. Even if his con- 
science could be silenced, he was too shrewd to play with 
dice which were loaded against him. A calculation re- 
corded ^ by one of the Curwins — sagacious Salem mer- 
chants — in 1757 shows the drift of this intelligence. 
He says " Boston Lottery No. 7," an average scheme, puts 
the buyer at 50 per cent, disadvantage for all prizes under 
^50. Consequently he must buy 164 tickets, or 5 tickets 
per year for 32f years, to get an even chance of drawing 
X50. In another illustration, his chance of drawing £50 
or more with one ticket is 5^^, which is the chance *' y* a 
Man of 48 years has to die in 2 m^, or one of 21 years in 
5 months. 

Yet the lottery played an important part when the busi- 
ness of taxes and the art of carrying public burdens was 
crude and ill-defined. Probably the course of Great Brit- 
ain in legitimating the lottery in 1709 promoted its growth 
in this country. Whenever a road or bridge was to be 
built, street paved, or any uncommon public work under- 
taken, the tickets flew plenty and fast. Debts were 
lifted,^ fire losses liquidated,^ every kind of public indul- 
gence * was granted in the form of this " snare laid for 

* Cuncin MS., Am. Ant. Soc. 

a Conn, Col. Rec. 1755, p. 431 ; R. I. C. R., vi. 161. 
» Conn. C. R. 1759, p. 217. 

* Conn. Col. R. 1753, p. 218 ; 1761, p. 600 ; 1764, p. 307 ; R. /. 

1746-62.] ROADS AND CARRIAGES. 693 

the people." They were univerea] ; Bhode Island had at. 
tempted to eupprees them in 1733, but she Had some 30 
schemes afloat in twelve years, 1757-69.' Massachu- 
setts advertised three in one newspaper.^ The small 
schemes generally paid $1,000 to $2,000 profit. Faneuil 
Hall, into whose walls much of the good and evil of New 
England has been cemented, when burned in 1761, was 
rebuilt by lottery. 

Little change appears in the improvement of roads or 
the conveniences for travel. Connecticut opened Kotdiuid 
a toll-bridge over the Housatonio at New Mil- t"""^ 
ford in 1756,^ and in 1761 allowe<1 county courts to lay 
bridges between any two towns. Chaises and their coun- 
terparts, open " cliairs," were in common use in the towns 
and older districts. The tax list for 1753 showed 1 char- 
iot, 13 chaises, 71 chairs in Charlestown.* In the lists of 
" several years," the same town had 6 coaches, 11 chariots, 
326 chaises, 970 chairs.^ But Haverhill ^ had no chairs, 
or chariots, with 1 chaise, in 1753, 7 calashes in 1753, 
9 do. in 1754, 18 do. in 1765, IS do. iu 175G, 15 do. 
in 1757. The calash roust have been popular to have 
increased so rapidly. It was a rude vehicle, a very clumsy 
open seat set on a low and clumsy pair of wheels. The 
chaise was large and square-topped, set on heavy wheels. 
The women still rode on horseback to the villages for 
" trading." In the far.away districts, chaises were a cu- 
riosity. Judge Paine passed through Wells, Me., in one 
in 1755. All the village thronged to " Kimble's " tavern 
to see if 

King's Chapel was built of stone in Boston, 1749. 

C. n,, T. 304 ; Newport H. M., \L 2.10 ; iii. 190 j Nem Hamp. H. C, 

iii. 617, 708, 743 ; Mass. Arch., Iraviii. 62 ; JV. E. Weekly Joar., Oct. 

2, 16, 1732. 

1 R. I. C. R; iv. 478 ; vi. 618. ' Boa. Neu^ Let., Deo. 27, 1759. 

* Corm. C. R. 17GC, jip. 405, 570. • Mem. H. Bot., ii. 322. 

* FFothinglmm, CAarUiloion, p. 263. <■ Chase, p. 333. 
^ Bourne, Welh and A'., p. 061. 


When we think of the present achievements in building 
of granite, and the enormous industries quarrying and 
working granite all about New England, this pioneer en- 
terprise has a peculiar interest. The great quarries which 
shake and stir the bowels of Quincy began in the boul- 
ders of Braintree pastures, or South and North Commons. 
To get broken stone for the walls of King's Chapel they 
heated these boulders by large fires laid on them, then 
smashed them by large iron balls dropped from above.^ 

The manners and customs of the people moved upon the 
General Hncs struck out a generation earlier. Houses 
customs. changed very little, common dwellings not at all ; 
while the ample style of family mansions prevailing at 
Boston and Newport in the first quarter of the century, 
described heretofore, was continued in the large towns.^ 
According to Drake,® there were more of these built about 
1750 by wealthy individuals than the prosperity and gen- 
eral condition of the community would justify. 

The same general statement would apply to the dress of 
the time. Wigs had become almost universal, 
and we drop a tear to Judge Sewall's memory 
as we perceive how little his precept and opposition availed 
in combating the fashion. Yet an occasional purist held 
to the old paths and his own natural locks. In 1752 the 
Newbury* brethren disciplined one for refusing commu- 
nion " for no other reason but because the pastor wears a 
wigg and the church justifies him in it." This they thought 
altogether too independent, and " contrary to that humility 
which becomes a christian." 

Marblehead had its own peruke-maker in the person of 
Thomas Coes.^ His shop was broken open in 1755, and 
eight brown and three gray wigs stolen. One of the gray 

* Pattee, Braintree^ p. 498. 

^ See Mem. H. Bos., ii. 521, 627 ; Mason, Rem. Newport, pp. 365, 
391 ; Parsons, Pepperelly p. 196. 

« History of Middlesex, p. 316. * Coffin, p. 220. 

• Bos, Eve, Post, Jan. 20, 1765. 

1745-62.] DRESS. OF ALL CLASSES. 695 

ones had a " feather'd top." Some were " bordered with 
narrow red ribband, some with purple." There were " silk 
cauls." James Mitchell ^ in Boston had white wiga and 
" grizzela " of any fashion ; £20 old tenor for the beat, 
" light grizzcls at X15, dark grizzels at X12.10." 

The complete wardrobe of a gentleman may be seen iu 
the inventory * of Colonel Job Vassall, at Cambridge. Ho 
had many suits : velvet coats with gold lace, flowered silk 
coats, scarlet coats and breeches to match, white ribbed 
stockings, laced hats, a variety of arms, with a watch, were 
necessary parts of such equipment ; in this case there was 
a " watch and silver watch." Gold watches are often re- 
corded. The dress of the ordinary solid citizen was sim- 
ilar, without the gold lace. Suits are valued in the cur- 
rency of 1747 and 1748 at £20 to £50, in one case £60.3 
A Norwich, Ct., dame liad gowns of striped and of plaid 
stuff, of silk crape, of blue camlet; scarlet and blue 
cloaks ; a satin . flowered mantle ; hoods of all sorts, in- 
cluding velvet ; caps and aprons in great number ; a silver 
girdle and a blue one. In jewelry, with the inevitable 
rings, were a gold necklace and locket, gold sleeve-but- 
tons, silver "hair peg," and coat cla8i>s.* 

Almost all the runaways, negroes, " white men servants," 
"Irish lads," and other fugitives wore leather breeches,* 
lu one case a "runaway Indian girl"® wore smoked- 
leather Ifreeches. Tow cloth and homespun appear in 
the costumes of these waifs and strays, though the dress 
generally consists of cast-off garments of better material. 

Indentured servants were a constant factor in the social 
system. Tiiey were coming into the conntry i,^ntn„d 
under one or another form of service. In 174G """•'*■ 

" Ba>. Eve. Po<l, Jan. 28, 17.74. « Proc. .»/. H. S. 1858, p. 65. 

* Suffolk Pr-fb. Her., il. 2Xi ; ili. 274 ; ilii. 170. 

* CiLiilkins, Nnrifich, p. XSi. 

» Bo*. Gaifiif, -Inly a*, 1716; Dec. 13, 1747; Feb. 16, 1748; 
April 12, 1748 ; liof. Eve. Post, Oct. 7, 1751. 

* Bo$. Gaulle, Nov. 11, 1746. 


Robert Galton advertises in Boston, with various goods, 
^^ a few boy servants indentured for seven years, and girls 
for four years." ^ In 1750 a number of Irish servants are 
^^ to be sold ; " the men are mechanics, the women fit for 
either town or country.^ Unexpired service under in- 
denture was offered for sale,^ like any other article of 

The few paupers existing under the favorable conditions 
of life in our towns were made comfortable and supported 
carefully at the public expense.* 

The chief source of entertainment, in the monotonous 
lives of these people, was in the general training-day. 
All classes mustered, and, in fulfilling a public ^mu^e- 
duty important to the citizen, each in his own *"*"'*• 
way managed to derive considerable enjoyment for him- 
self. Dancing was taught occasionally, and the manners 
of the better classes felt its softening influence. Plays 
were acted in Boston at times.^ The actors were chiefly 
British subordinate officers, who eked out a scanty income 
by these efforts. Their superiors rather encouraged the 
practice, as it varied garrison life and made the soldiers 
more contented. But the old Puritan spirit took alarm. 
In 1750 the General Court passed an act prohibiting 
all theatrical entertainments, supported by stringent pen- 

In such a dearth of public amusement we cau appre- 
ciate the particular attention given to those exceptional 
persons whose gifts enabled them to entertain their fel- 
lows. There were battles of wit and humor, engaging 
whole communities as interested spectators. In 1756® 
two contestants, Jonathan Gowen, of Lynn, and Joseph 
Emerson, of Reading, met by appointment at a tavern in 

1 Bos. News Let.y March 7, 174G. 

2 Bos. Eve. Post, May 14, 1750. « Ihid., March 9, 1747. 

* //w/. Poiclei/f p. 406. * See Mag. Am. // i^^, iii. G38, 

* Newhall, Lynn, p. 331. 

1745-62.] WIT OF THE OLDEN TIME. 697 

Saugna. The audieDCe througed, and they were obliged 
to adjourn to au open field. After a doughty fight, 
Emeraoa went home, in the despairing depths of chagria 
which only beaten wits know. The recorder says that 
Gowen's wit was " beyond all human imagination." The 
uiuisters were frequently hiuooi'ous, and always had a 
ready audience for a good saying. One Fast-Day morn- 
ing Joseph Moody, an old member of the profesaiou, 
went under the window of a young candidate, crying 
out, " Daniel ! Daniel Little I The birds are up and 
praising God, and you are hero asleep. You have the 
sins of a whole nation to confess to-day aud yet are 
asleep." ' 

Tea-parties were gradually establishing themselves. At 
first tho gossiping dames each carried her cup, saucer, 
and spoon, but soon tho husbands began to bewail the 
investment of the "enormous sums of 30 or 40 shillings 
in tea equipages." ^ Futber Flynt, a bachelor tutor at 
Harvard, records an interesting journey in a chair from 
Cambridge to Portsmouth, N. H,, in 1754.' When in- 
troduced to lira. Kogers, a daughter of President Levcr- 
ett, be gallantly said, " Madam, I must buss you," and 
gave her a. hearty kiss. His hostess asked him if he 
would have tea strong or weak. " He answered, *' Strong 
of the tea, strong of the sugar, and gtrong of the cream." 

In the dull round of cvery-day life, the young people 
sought excitement iu the experiences of courtship, always 
new and - interesting to the parties concerned in every 
generation. In 1760 one William Tyler writes Andrew 
Pepperell, at Kittery Point, of the doings of Joel Whitte- 
more * on a visit to Boston to seek favor iu the eyes of 
a certain "Miss Hannah." He stayed a week, sighing 

> Boume, Wells and Kennehimt, p. 708. 

* Smith, NemhurnpoTt, p. 44, ' Pnic. Man. H. S. 1878, p. 5. 

* Pnrxons, Life of Pejiptrell, p. 220 ; aud see StilcB, B'int/mtr, p. 
131, for curious luvi^-lettcr iii 1759. 


and seeking, though it does not appear that he obtained 
speech with the lady. His ^^ wig was powdered to the 
life." The point of the letter was in the fact that any 
swain could go through so much, obtaining so little. 

The manners of the time were more or less influenced 
by deeper currents of social force proceeding from the 
very springs of belief, and affected by the formal offices 
of religion. A faith — half trust in the living 
preation'of God, half blind superstition fearing an unseen 
power ever meddling in human affairs — moved 
the sluggish mental atmosphere of this period. The Pep- 
perells had an only son, Andrew, their heir and hope. He 
was to continue the exotic baronetcy planted in the wilds 
of New Hampshire, and was to rear the estate founded 
by the sturdy pioneers and shipbuilders into a feudal 
manor. Attacked by typhoid fever, fatal in the end, 
he lay at the point of death. It is pathetic to read the 
frantic appeals of father and mother seeking to avert the 
coming event. They sent a swift messenger bearing an 
open letter to Rev. Dr. Sewall, Mr. Prince, Dr. Chauncy, 
and other ministers of Boston,^ ..." the holy, just and 
good God is come out against us in his holy anger." 
They beseech them " to pray ! pray ! pray for us." And 
the messenger was to communicate the urgency of the 
case to "Christian friends along the road." It was 
generally held in New England that the mighty fortress 
of Louisburg was delivered into the hands of the faith- 
ful in direct answer to their prayers. The same belief 
asked. Why should not one poor life, a life so much 
needed to perpetuate human glory, be granted to these 
half Puritans, these half-feudal aristocrats? 

Manners always responsive to every touch of grief or 
joy sympathise with this mournful event. Old England 
gave social laws to New, and the hearts of grieving father 
and mother must have been soothed when they learned of 

* Parsons, Pepperell, p. 233. 


the excellent form in which the London ladies mourned 
vitli them in the loss of this only son. Sir William 
Pepperell sent La<ly Warren — wife of Sir Peter — and 
Mrs. Kilby, in Xiondon, each a inouming ring. Mr. 
Kilby accepted "that melancholy token of y' regard to 
Mrs. K. and mytielf, at tlie expense of four guineas in 
the whole. But, as it is not unusual here on such occa- 
sions, Mrs. K. has, at her own expense, added some sparks 
of diamonds to some other mournful ornaments to the 
ring, which she intends to wear." ' 

The practice of seating the congregation in the meeting- 
house, so important in working out the social 
•oocngfr organism of former times, hecomes rare in this 
period. Indeed, in the older districts, we lose 
the traces of it. Groton in 1755 ' erected pews and 
granted them '*unto tliirty-seveu of the highest payers, 
excluRire of polls." The pew-holders paid X133.6.8 in 
return. Brinifield, a frontier town of Hampden County, 
Mass., settled in tlie second quarter of the century, seated 
the congregation in 1757.^ It was done elaborately, in 
the old nmnner, by a committee, and the results were ac- 
cepted by a vote of the town. Two years later, six women 
obtained leave to erect a pew at their own cost, " because 
we are bo crowded," and because it would " beautify " the 

Education * was not neglected in the general advance 
of comfortable living and expenditure. Yale College^ 
extended its facilities in 1746 by erecting a building 
100x40 feet, three stories, of brick, the best in Connecti- 
cut at the time. Abraham Redwood founded the library 
hearing his name, in 1747, at Newport.'' Others eon- 

1 Parson:!, Pepperell, p. 238. > Butler, Groton, pp. 148, 149. 

» Hist, lirimlietd, p. 304. 

* Fur lint of Buliuol-bouka, see Felt, SaUm, i. 48C 
» TnimlHilI, Conn., ii. 313. 

* Uoiiglas, Stanmars, ii. 100 ; Newport Hut. Uag^ it. 67. 


tributed, but he gave £500 sterling in books. Stephen 
Hopkins helped to found a library at Providence in 

The social development of our history in the eighteenth 
century was much affected by two master minds. The 
fame of these minds went far beyond their own country, 
and they would have been remarkable in any time and in 
jonathftn ^^Y country. Jonathan Edwards lived from 1703 
SJj^iT* to 1758 ; Benjamin Franklin lived from 1706 to 
''*°^°* 1790 ; and they were in a limited sense contem- 
porary. The metaphysician died early, having confined 
himself to one vocation, — the study of theology and the 
treatment of moral issues. The philosopher lived long 
and wide, dealing with all the issues of practical living. 
The deep and subtle thinker sought for the source of Be- 
ing itself in its relation to mankind. The large thinker 
found the outcome of Being in the relations of men one 
with another ; through the genius of common sense he 
sought for that organism of society which is the track of 
Being among human kind. Edwards preached and wrote 
from 1727 to 1758 ; Franklin published "- Poor Richard " 
from 1732 to 1757. This tract of every-day philosophy 
circulated 1 0,000 copies sometimes in a single year. That 
was an immense number for the time and circumstances, 
and the positive influence was correspondingly great. 

Born of the best native stock, at East Windsor, Ct., 
Edwards was graduated at Yale College in 1720.^ lie 
continued his studies for a time, then i)reached some eight 
months in New York. Returned to Yale and became a 
tutor for two years. Commenced his pastorate at North- 
ampton, Mass., in 1727, continuing it until 1750. Then 
he spent about eight years as pastor in a small church, 
and also as missionary to the Indians in Stockbridge. He 
was installed as President of the College of New Jersey, 
at Princeton, and died about five weeks afterward. 
^ £dwards*s Worka, Memoir in, i. 19 et seq. 

174S-62.] GENIUS OF EDWARDS. 701 

Genius is always ori^nal, but here was onginality of 
tbe most subtle kiud.^ Id a new country, with q,^„ g, 
comparatively poor opportiiuities for iHaming, ^""^ 
be soon outstripped old scholars siiid dwellers iu the great 
universities. His uiiud took in the largest ideas and held 
them firmly. Keading Locke at fourteen, he could grap- 
ple with the mature philosopher and overttirow bini in 
some of his positions. There was precocity, and some- 
thing beyond mere precocity, in his thought. Taught from 
boyhood to read anil think, pen in band, he wrote his way 
through thickets of tliouglit, astonishing in a youth of any 
time. He was a keen observer in natural science in his 
youth, and reasoned out many principles afterward dis- 
covered by experimeut. A profound mathematician, so 
far as he went, he suppressed a keen wit and a potential 
imagination under the iron bands confining the preacher 
of his time. Before he attained his niajonty he worked 
out a system of idealism in philosophy on lines ])arallel 
to those of Berkeley, and it seems to be well established 
that he moved in complete independence of Berkeley.^ 

In his youtii he wrote out a series of resolutions for 
practical guidance in his daily life. Tbe moral insight 
revealed here, tbe heroism at work in subduing his own 
self into harmony with the Divine Will as he conceived 
it, — all this is as remarkable as the intellectual disci- 
pline above described. " To live with all my might while 
I do live ; " " Never to do anything out of revenge ; " " To 
examine carefully and constantly what that one thing in 
me is, which causes me in the least to doubt of the love of 
God, and to direct all my forces against it," ^ — it is not 
in any one of these hold sentences, but in tbe spirit shin- 
ing through all of them, that we discover the true nature 
of tin- man. Occasionally — very rarely — some puerility 

1 Soo Prof. Tvlur'M adiiiirabk' sketcli of Kilwanls, IlUt. Am. LU., ii. 
" Tyler,fl«(. Am. Lit., u. 183. » Edwards's Work*, I 68, 69. 


of the seventeenth century exegesis crops out, as, " I think 
Christ has recommended rising early in the morning by 
his rising from the grave very early." ^ We should con- 
sider the littleness of the literature that went before him, 
in estimating the greatness of his ascent out of it into 
a higher and purer realm. 

Of feeble body and delicate health, Edwards kept at 
work by rigid temperance. He worked with unflinching in- 
dustry, spending about thirteen hours a day in his study. 
He was a very productive writer, and economised his men- 
tal force in every possible way. As I have mentioned, he 
read pen in hand, not merely to acquire knowledge, but to 
create new thought out of his own teeming mind. So, as 
he rode out for recreation, he pinned a bit of paper on 
his coat to mark a line of thought, and another and 
another; when at home again, he recorded the results, 
following these tags of his memory. In the evening he 
took genuine recreation in cheerful converse with his fam- 
ily, rising between four and five in the morning for work 
in his study. 

Shortly after his settlement at Northampton, he mar- 
ried Sarah Pierrepont, descended like himself from the 
best clerical stock. It was a very happy union, and their 
children numbered eleven. She was an accomplished wo- 
man and a most capable wife. She conducted the affairs 
of the family, leaving him free for his professional work. 

The preaching ^ of this veritable apostle was powerful. 
His preach- ^ ^^ might cxpcct. He was in the presence of 
*"*• Deity itself, and he brought his hearers into that 

presence with him. Remorsely calm, leaning on the Bi- 
ble and holding his small, close-written notes in his left 
hand, he made hardly a gesture with his right except to 
turn the leaves. But what horrors have men witnessed 
done in the name of God ! This clear logician and kind 
father could say, " The God that holds you over the pit 

1 Edwards's Works, i. 106. « Ibul, pp. 604-007. 



of hell . . . abhorB you, and is dreadfully provoked. . . . 
You liang by a slender thread, with the flames of divine 
wrath flashing about it, and ready every moment to eingo 
it aud bum it asunder." ^ *' If you cry to God to pity 
you, He will be so far from pitying you in your doleful 
case, or showing you the least regai-d or favor, that instead 
of that, He will only tread you under foot." 

His ministry at Northamptou lasted about twenty-three 
years, and after a controversy with the parish he was dis- 
missed. The difficulty began in a point of morals^ and 
ended in a point of doctrine. In the latter, the commn- 
nion had been administered by Edwards's predecessor, his 
grandfather Stoddard, as a " converting ordinance." The 
church had opened wide its doors, and welcomed all it 
could help. This freedom did not accoi-d with the ideas 
of our severe follower of John Calviu. Edwards preached 
against the practice, and his congregation turned against 

It does not appear that his ministry was successful, on 
the whole. The enthusiasm of his biographers causes 
them to blink the obvious facts as thoy occuired. Tlie 
majesty of Edwards's nature and character was such, his 
fame was so lustrous, that the narrators have assumed 
that he must have been right. The business of a parish 
priest is to malie his flock into better men and better 
women. If he fails to adapt his preaching to tlie wants 
of these men and women at that time, his mission is a fail- 
ure. Other men and other conditions may derive olher 
results from that mission, but that does not change the 

Edwards flashed like a meteor through the theology and 
through ttic mental development of that time. The light 
he shed has not faded yet. But the power of transfns- 

' Mwnnls's MWk'i, vii. 171. 

' It U hardly credible thnt tbe facts in this afFuir of momU ft 
■tated, or correctly stated. 

I all 


ing his own exalted life into the lives of other and lesser 
persons was not in him, as his experience with his parish 
after twenty-three years of teaching shows. Men do not 
accomplish final success unless the whole man works to- 
ward the successful end. That balance of mind and char- 
acter we call judgment was lacking in him. 

As was to be expected, he saw visions or " views," as he 
His my»- terms them. " The person of Christ appeared 
ticitm. ineffably excellent, with an excellency great 

enough to swallow up all thought and conception — which 
continued, as near as I can judge, about an hour. ... I 
have several other times had views very much of the 
same nature, and which have had the same effects.'' ^ 

When other people had trances and visions, ho some- 
times thought Satan took the advantage of them.^ 

Miracles appeared in orderly succession ; not only in 
the general course of great affairs, as on " God's so ex- 
traordinarily appearing to baffle " ® the French at Cape 
Breton, or " the dreadful hand of Heaven " ruining the 
French East India trade, — these were far-off Providences, 
— but Northampton had its own special ones. The social 
atmosphere there was so surcharged that it welcomed 
miracle as the murky air of an August afternoon opens 
to the thunderbolt. In the crowded church, the over- 
strained or rotten timbers of the gallery gave way, burying 
the congregation in a terrible crash. Nobody was killed. 
The shaken matter did not follow the common la^s of 
gravitation; our author saw the facts and knew, as he 
supposed. " It seems unreasonable to ascribe it to any- 
thing else but the care of Providence in disposing the 
motions of every piece of timber, and the precise place 
of safety where every one should sit and fall." * 

Devils and angels were almost equally nimble in their 
attendance upon our worthy forefathers. Satan took pos- 

» Edwards's Works, i. 133. « Ibid., p. 164. 

» /6m/., p. 231. 4 /Wrf., p.l40. 


BessioD of most revivals before they were concluded. But 
tlie angels, as boiuo compenaatiou, would possess the soul 
of a child uf four years, and make a " true couvert," as in 
the case of Phebe fiartlett.^ 

Edwards's first publication was a sermon printed in 1731. 
He printed others fi-om time to time. But the hj, ^y,^, 
chief sources of his iaiiueuce were iu his occa- ""°°^ 
aional preaching, as the churches always welcomed him, 
and in his direct contact with the clergy. His more elab- 
orate and formal treatises were not published until the 
very last of his life, or after his death. But ho became 
a great influence during his life and through his preach- 

Though his preaobing was great and his written thought 
was powerful, the man was greater than all he did. Two 
kinds of great men take hold of human affairs. In the 
one, Kapoleon Bonaparte seized upon the movement of 
his time like a Titan, and bent it to his will. But the more 
we know of him, tbe less the roan appears to have been. 
In the other, like Edwards, times change and systems fall, 
but the man, being near to God, grows higher and larger 
as knowledge enlarges. 

Edwards thought and wrote in a time when very crude 
ideas of nature and the external world prevailed. H],(dsoi 
Science had not then developed those great """^ 
categories into which worlds, and oven a universe of 
worlds, fall in divine order. Yet his conception of the 
order of nature was very high and lai^. In his diary he 
said : " There seemed to be, as it were, a calm, sweet cast, 
an appearance of divine glory, in almost everything. . . . 
And scarce anything among all the works of nature was 
so Rwect to me as thunder and liglitning ; formerly nothing 
had been so terrible to me." 

Tims he brought his conceptions of nature into harmony 

witli his own soul. In a similar manner bo brought his 

> Edwudt'a Workt, x. 123. 


ideas of the sovereignty of God in the human soul into an 
ordered dependence which was peace itself. Writing in 
his diary of his matured sense of God's sovereignty, he 
said : " I have often since had not only a conviction, but 
a delightful conviction. The doctrine has very often ap- 
peared exceedingly pleasant, bright, and sweet. Absolute 
sovereignty is what I love to ascribe to God. But my first 
conviction was not so." ^ 

This brings us to the main motive in treating the work 
Hia poiiticid ^^ Edwards in this connection. He did not 
i^^^ touch politics directly. What he might have 
done twenty years later we cannot know. As it was, he 
kept aloof from political surroundings. But consider the 
effect of this pulpit teaching on the political develop- 
ment of the generation following him. The men who were 
to meet Grenville and George III. were bred in this high 
conception of the individual man. An absolute sovereign 
ruled in every heart that was touched by Edwards's sub- 
lime humility. Were individuals bred in this way likely 
to submit kindly to absolutism of the human and tempo- 
ral sort ? Would subjects ruled directly by the Almighty 
train readily in the harness of any vicegerent on earth, 
even though he might wear a king's crown ? 

The facts of Benjamin Franklin's life are very well 
known. Attention has been concentrated on his 
romantic boyhood, his philosophical career, and 
the diplomatic distinction of his later years. Beyond all 
this, I would consider his remarkable sagacity in the con- 
duct of aflfairs, — little as well as great, — and his influ- 
ence in educating the common American citizen. While 
his manhood was spent outside New England, he was born 
and bred here, and probably could not have been bred 
anywhere else. He is the most illustrious example of the 
transplanted and elevated Yankee, so many of whom 
have gone from our district. Born in Boston in 1706, a 

^ Edwards's Works, i. 60. 

17«-e2.] FRANKLIN, IN AFFAIRS. 707 

family quarrel drove him to Philadelphia in 1723. Ad 
episode, which reads like tlie "Arabian Nights," sent him 
to London in IT'24, to buy a printer's outfit.' Deceived 
and disappointed in the help promised him, he worked 
there at bis handicraft for eighteen months. If deceived 
by others, lie could deiwnd on himself, and returned ac- 
complished in his art. In 1727 he commenced business 
for himself, and was succe^ful, attaining first competence, 
then wealth. In 1730 he appears in general politics. In 
1742 he invented the Franklin atovc, and in 1746 began 
experiments in electricity. In 1753 he was appointed 
postmaster general by the British government, and in 
1757 went to England as the agent of Pennsylvania. 

No one ever worked more thoroughly from his own 
centre outward, or brought himself into closer contact 
with his fellows thereby. He knew little of the training 
of scliools. Books he devoured passionately. Then he 
assimilated their lessons o£ experience to the life within 
himself, and to the life of those around him. Everett 
said he was "master, not of arts, but of the art of arts." 
Like all men out of the heart of New England, his na- 
ture was essentially religious. He " never doubted the ex- 
istence of a Deity ; that He made the world and governed 
it by his providence ; that the most acceptable service 
of God was the doing good to man ; that our soule are 
immortal ; and that all crimes will be punished and virtue 
rewarded either here or hereafter. These I esteemed the 
essentials of every religion ; and being to be found in all 
the religions we had in our country, I respected them all, 
though with different degrees of respect." * These prin- 
ciples should be considered, not only for their effect upon 
Franklin, but for their power in affecting his influence on 
others. Working by his " singular felicity of induction," 
he found from these principles that " truth, sincerity, and 

' Autobiography, Harper'a edition, p. 69. 

* /«rf., p. 128. 


integrity in dealings between man and man were of the 
utmost importance to the felicity of life." ^ On these 
foundations, together with industry, clear vision of his ob- 
ject, imaginative power leading himself and others to it, 
and courage in pursuing his conviction, was reared the 
great fabric of Franklin's life. 

His lucid and agreeable style was formed on an odd 
m« wonder- volume of the " Spectator," ^ during his appren- 
luiBtyio. ticeship in Boston. His solid studies of this 
classic affected all his writing afterwards. Socrates, in 
Xenophon's rendering, affected his method of thinking as 
well as his expression. His newspaper was an essential 
part of his printing business, and afterwards of his polit- 
ical career. But the novel literary engine that brought 
up^r him into close contact with the common people 
Bichani.»» ^^^ 44 Poor Richard's Almanac " ; with its annual 
circulation of ten thousand copies for about sixteen years. 
In the year 1757 he gathered the proverbs and senten- 
tious maxims and printed them together. ^^The piece, 
being universally approved^ was copied in all the news- 
papers of the American continent ; reprinted in Britain 
on a large sheet of paper, to be stuck up in houses ; two 
translations were made of it in France." ^ 

Many of them« have become ingrained in the common 
thought and speech of New England by a century and a 
half of use. All move like rifle-shots. " We are taxed 
twice as much (i. e. as by the government) by our idle- 
ness, three times as much by our pride, and four times as 
much by our folly. . . . But dost thou love life ? then do 
not squander time, for that is the stuff life is made of. 
. • . Drive thy business, let not that drive thee. . . . He 
that hath a trade hath an estate. ... A fat kitchen makes 
a lean will. 

^ Autobiography y Harper's edition, p. 98. 

« Ibid., pp. 23, 26. « Ibid,, p. 149. 

* Franklin's Worksy Sparks's edition, ii. 95 et seq. 

1746-62.] mS SCIENCE OF ECONOMY. 709 

"Man; estates are spent in the getting. 
Since women for tea forsook spiuuing and knitting, 
And men for punub forsook lie wing and splitting." 

"Many a little makes a mickle. . . . Lying ridea upon 
Debt's back. . . , Experience keeps a dear school, but 
fools will learu in no other." Industry, temperance, fru- 
gality, all the virtues, move together in concrete excellence 
through this homely calendar. The author says these 
maxims contain the wisdom of many ages and nations. 
They reveal not simply the economy and sagacity of Ben< 
jamin Franklin ; he adapted the experience of others to 
experience of hia own ; out of the whole he drew maxims 
for wise action. We sliall see in his political career the 
same facUity of leading and following in the affairs of the 

It was not by accident that Franklin selected for his 
example of Poor Richard, in hb analysis of its purport, 
the following: '■ It is hard for an empty sack to stand up- 
right." This sagacious observation and its kindred prin- 
ciples gave him great influence over the New England 
mind. He was profoundly convinced that in wealth 
there is weaJ. It was not power or comfort, but virtue, 
that inbered in economy. When a poor man, twenty-three 
years old, publishing the " Pennsylvania Gazette," some 
of his patrons complained of the conduct of the joumaL 
He invited them to supper, and provided water and two 
coarse meal puddings, commonly called *' sawdust." The 
diet was too coarse for them, and he said, " My friends, 
any one who can subsist as I can on sawdust puddings 
and water, needs no man's patronage." ' 

But I would consider the political career of this phi- 
losopher, not in diplomacy and the larger statecraft, but 
in legislation and active citizenship. Journal- ^i^^iti. 
jsm lea<1s naturally to political life in America, """^ 
and in 1736 he was made clerk of the Assembly of the 
* AxOahiograpk;/, p- 106. 


Province. He was a controlling member of the " Junto," 
an affiliated association of clubs, admirably arranged for 
disseminating political ideas.^ The city watch was a 
miserable affair of village constables. He reformed that 
and gave it order. He organised a fire department. 
There was in Pennsylvania, in 1744, "no provision for 
defence, nor for a complete education of youth ; no 
militia, nor any college." He established the "Philo- 
sophical Society," a permanent institution. The most re- 
markable public service he rendered was in beginning 
the volunteer movement. The Quaker Assembly, though 
repeatedly urged by the governor, absolutely refused to 
enact a militia law ; while the Spanish and French war 
was actually going on. 

Franklin began a subscription for volunteers ; the num*- 
ber soon swelled to 10,000, who armed themselves as they 
could, then organised and drilled. He was offered the 
colonelcy of the Philadelphia regiment, but declined. 
With a committee he went to New York and borrowed 
18 eighteen-pound guns, with their munitions, which 
were soon mounted in batteries. The same executive 
power in leading a people was shown a few years later, 
when Braddock's expedition was being formed. The 
general could obtain only 25 wagons, declared " his ex- 
pedition was then at an end," and inveighed against the 
ministry that sent him to such a country without trans- 
portation for his army on land. Franklin procured him 
150 wagons with teams and 259 carrying horses in a few 
days. After Braddock's defeat it was the printer, editor, 
and nascent philosopher alone who could command upon 
the frontier of Pennsylvania, and restore order to that 
frightened region. He raised troops and built a line of 

It would be easy to multiply these details. This phi- 
losopher was before all, a man of action. This high priest 

^ Autobiography f p. 161 et seq. 

1745-62.] ARRAIGNED BY THE PEERS. 711 

of atilitariauiam was a passionate youth. AVbile hiB youth 
was romantic, his maDhood and old age were devoted to 
the most serious and weighty business of his fellow-men. 

He was au honest man. It may be doubted whether 
honor, the pearl of great price, can be evolved from the 
system of Poor Kicbard. But whatever Frank* Ha>wtT und 
lin did under pressure of circumstance, he did ""'^ 
for his country, and not for hia own advancement. It has 
been charged that he yielded too much and too often to 
expediency in dealing with others. We must consider 
the occasion. He was constrained by a great political 
neeeseity, and forced to yield in parts that be might main- 
tain the whole of his country's larger interest. The most 
striking proof of his integrity under the grip of circum- 
stance is in bis account of his appearance before the 
Privy Council of England. He was arraiguod before 
this august tribunal to answer for his conduct of colo- 
nial affairs in 1773. He was both the subject of the 
crown and the representative of the crown's dependen- 

We must remember the characteristic features of the 
occasion. The majesty of the throne inhered in this 
council ; the dignity of all the great ofiBcca of the state 
was concentrated there. Thirty-Bve lords, the largest 
number ever assembled, met to frown down this world- 
renowned citizen ; too proud for a subject, not yet en- 
lai^d into a rebel. Abuse was intended and was fully 
administered by Wedderbum, a master of invective. 
He called Franklin a man of three letters, the Roman 
joke for thief. The great lords laughed frequently and 
cried " Hear." Directly after, he was publicly removed 
from hi^ office of postmaster-general for America. The 
next day after this dramatic scene Franklin told a friend 
that he lia<I " never before been so sensible of the power 
of a goo<l conscience ; for that, if he had not considered 
the thing for wliicli he had been so much insulted as one 


of the best actions of his life, and what he should certainly 
do again in the like circumstances, he could not have sup- 
ported it." ^ The very simplicity of truth, the excellence 
of integrity ! A man given over to expediency would have 
crumbled under the shock. 

It was through the mastery of himself that Franklin 
maintained the integrity which enabled him to stand be- 
Hu mastery ^^^ kiugs. His philosophy of ccouomy — so 
ofaeu. j^jy. ^ ^jjg people — tended toward subjection 

of self. Desires of all kinds were subjected to a higher 
control, and that was outside one's self. 

The contrast is immense between the idealist Jonathan 
Edwards and the realist Benjamin Franklin. But they 
worked toward one and the same end, the elevation of 
the individual man in himself and through himself. The 
greatest possible idea — God — was brought by Edwards 
within reach of the common mind. He transfused his 
"delightful conviction" into the desire of the common 
people. Franklin, th« ready man of affairs, lifted every 
common thing into importance, illuminated common sense 
with inspiration, and left the commoner a higher and 
better man. Institutions of government, kings, and min- 
isters might go astray. But the e very-day citizen, whom 
Franklin had taught, would rely on his higher self, though 
his instituted supports might fail. These thoughts — this 
rendering of the ideas of Edwards and of Franklin into the 
common education of the common people — necessarily an- 
ticipates the coming of another generation. That genera- 
tion belongs in its development to our next period. 

We leave this present period, sluggish, prosperous in 

material things, — the last days of economic prosperity 

in the eighteenth century. Its interest lies not 

lost days of . . • -i " i i 

economic 80 uiuch in ccouomic development or change as 
in the smouldering political forces that under- 
laid the common business of every-day life. The depend- 

^ Autobiography f p. 446. 


ent burghers and burgesses were straiDiDg at the hard 
shells of custom, and preparing unconsciously for the in- 
evitable outburst into the larger life of American citizens. 
The new generation is pressing in. We shall soon see 
the farmers, erect on their own soil, rising into proud 
freemen; and we shall welcome the trading burgesses, 
growing under their new responsibility into the thews 
and sinews of a mighty state. 



1763-1776. i 

The Peace of Paris left the New England colonies with 
the same people which had enlisted in a war lasting nine 
years, but that people was changed by a knowledge of its 
own strength and resources. The common effort and sac- 
rifice taught the people by the war had sent them for- 
ward a long distance in the path of self-government. In 
the words of a late English commentator : ^^ A people of 
strong fibre and high morals, strictly Sabbatarian, rigidly 
orthodox, averse to extravagance, to gambling, and to 
effeminate amusements, capable of great efforts of self- 
sacrifice, hard, stubborn, and indomitably intractable, 
they had most of the qualities of a ruling race." ^ 

But this graphic picture, discriminating as it is, does 
not render the whole story. Our nineteenth century, ac- 
The power custonied to the use of liberty, breathing the 
of liberty, unchartered air of freedom, — beclouded, too, in . 
the atmosphere of imperial combination and empire, — 
often forgets the original spirit of freedom, that divine 
impulse in the people which made possible all this liberty 
and well-ordered modern living. The eighteenth century 
burst the swaddling-bands of civilised institutions, and 
gave the individual citizen new movement and capabilities. 
Only the eighteenth century mind can appreciate that 
mighty change in all its power and consequence. Burke 
knew Europe well, and America better than any of his 
fellows. The philosophic master of rhetoric built even 

* Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century^ iii. 303. 

^^^^^^^^m __, ^^H ' ■ .' '' '^' _!l_^^^B 

1763-75.] THE SPIRIT OF LIBERTY. 715 

better than he knew when he uttered this pr^naat bcd- 
tence: ''From theae six capital sources — of descent; of 
form of government; of religion in the NorUiem prov- 
inces -, of manners in the Southern ; of education ; of the 
remoteness of situation from the Brst mover of govern- 
ment — from all these causes a fierce spirit of liberty has 
grown up. It has grown with the growth of the people 
in your colonies, and increased with the increase of their 
wealth." ' 

Tlie same comprehensive observer saw the vital point, 
the creative centre, of the matter involved. The English 
observers and expositors of to-day, after a century of his- 
toric development, often grope about without seeing the 
truth as Burke saw it England, after stru^ling pan,,^ 
half a century with reform, did not fit her insti- fjfJSjJj,"" 
tutions to her people as well in 1832 as America "'•""^ 
fitted hers in 1776 and 1789. The petty critics of Chat- 
ham and Burke cried out with high and silly glee in the 
House of Commons, that the colonies, if taxe<I without 
representation, would be represented as well as was the 
lot of Manchester and the other great and growing towns. 
This was an ailment niiglity in its destructive conse- 
quences. The mother's politival incapacity was the child's 
opportunity. A great nation, a mighty empire, was born. 
Strange that any one in these days should wish it other- 
vrise! The unity of the Knglifih race might have been a 
goo<l thing. A better thing was the unity of an imperial 
republic, moulding institutious to its destiny, and fusing 
all races into one race, into itself.^ 

Burke saw this dimly, but he saw it, " The colonies in 
general owe little or nothing to any care of ours, . . . but 

' From liis great hjmsccIi on Conciliation. Works, iii. 257 (Rit- 

' Tlie iiilicrcnt diflic^iitlics in {rnTornin^r tlie Ampricnn colonies 
from fingland are well stated in Narr. and Cril Hitt. Amer., vi. '1% 


through a wise and salutary neglect, a generous Nature 
has been suffered to take her own way to perfection." 
This process toward perfection was to be rudely inter- 
rupted now by a man great in little things, accomplished 
Grenviue'a ^ ^ ^^^ burcaucratic faults pertaining to Eng- 
▼irtues. lishmcn. George Grenville, chancellor of the 
exchequer, had extraordinary capacity in making virtue 
do all the evil which vice might have done. Bred a law- 
yer, fond of details, inflexible in routine, he had not the 
mental grasp of a statesman, or the practical tact and sa- 
gacity of a good executive. It was reported that he " lost 
America because he read the American dispatches, which 
none of his predecessors had done." 

This bureaucrat went forward cheerfidly, confident of 
success where Chatham might have failed, pi*obably would 
have failed. He started to enforce strictly the Trade and 
Navigation Acts ; to permanently place a British army in 
America, and to raise a part, at least, of its support by 
parliamentary taxation in the colonies. These three meas- 
ures, the seeds of the Revolution, affected the fate of both 
hemispheres. Had they been administered successfully, 
they would have put money into the English treasury, and 
would have widened the prerogatives of the crown, but 
they would have fatally checked the growth of America, 
especially of New England. Grenville found an immense 
deal of smuggling in the colonies, it is true. The whole 
revenue from customs in America brought in <£1,000 to 
£2,000 annually, at a cost to the exchequer in collecting 
of <£7,000 to £8,000.1 

Not by care but by " wise neglect " did the colonies de- 
velop toward empire. The French West Indies produced 
many things needed by New England, and craved in re- 
turn her timber and fish. To stop this exchange, and 
force it toward the English Sugar Islands, Parlia- ^he sugmr 
ment had imposed in 1733 the prohibitory duty ^*^ 

1 Lecky, Eighteenth Century^ iii. 303. 


of 6d. per gallon on molasses, 5^. per cwt. on sugar when 
imported into British plantations from foreign colonies. 
If this act had been obeyed, it would have produced com- 
mercial disaster. It scarcely affected the tide of com- 
merce which ran eagerly through the illicit channels which 
were undermining the authority of Parliament and crown. 
In 17G3 it expired, and the colonists begged hard that it 
might not be renewed. So in the tea trade : out of a mil- 
lion and a half of pounds consumed annually in America, 
not more than one tenth came from England.^ 

Grenville began to administer the old as well as to 
prepare for new legislation, and in 1763 H. B. M. ship 
Squirrel was stationed at Newport "for the encourage- 
ment of fair trade by the prevention of smug- 
gling." 2 Though this severity of administra- utSto pre- 
tion vexed the colonists, accustomed to the old 
easy-going customs, it was trifling in comparison with the 
new measures to be expected. Rumors of the impending 
Stamp Act #liich the colonial agents discussed and dis- 
puted in vain with Grenville, filled America with vague 
alarm. Meanwhile the hated Sugar Act was renewed in 
17G4, the duty on molasses being reduced from the prohib- 
itory sixpence to threepence per gallon. It was expected 
that the smaller rate would produce a revenue. The col- 
onists found ways to reduce the tax still more. In actual 
practice they paid only about three halfpence per gallon.^ 
The news of this act and the prospect of further measures 
created intense excitement. Committees of correspond- 
ence between the colonies were appointed to agitate the 
repeal of the new Sugar Act, and to oppose taxation of 
every kind by Parliament. 

The Stamp Act prescribed that all bills, bonds, leases, 
insurance policies, marriage certificates, vessel 
clearances, newspapers, broadsides, and legal 

1 Bancroft, U. 5., iii. 59. « Arnold, R. /., IL 246. 

' Hutchinson, Mass., iii. 109. 


docameDts bf all kinds, should be written on stamped 
paper. Stamps at varying prices were to be sold by pub- 
lic officers, and the proceeds, through his Majesty's treas- 
ury, were to be expended for colonial protection and de- 
fence. The law passed Parliament February 27, 1765, — 
'^ one of the most momentous legislative acts in the histoiy 
of mankind ; " yet the House of Commons hardly listened 
to the discussion, and voted listlessly for the government 
measure. The Walpoles and other wiseacres of London 
society thought the doings of and about Wilkes were of 
much more importance. This act began the breach that 
rent the empire, swallowed millions of British money, and 
took away millions of vigorous subjects from their alle- 
giance to the British crown. 

Never did legislation fail so completely in its antici- 
pated effect ; never did the effect achieved reverse and 
oppose so completely the purpose of the administrators. 
The people to be governed bent every individual will in 
absolute opposition to the government. In^ain England 
expected the *' money to be received " from the colonies ; 
not a stamp was to be seen in America. The American 
dLstributors disappeared as if by magic : some resigned ; 
some were forced out of their places by the popular 
wrath. The law courts were closed, and business was vir- 
tually suspended. Then the colonial governors assumed 
to make the law anew by issuing letters allowing noncom- 
pliance with the act because stamps were not to be had. 

But the ardent citizens, now verging toward political 
rebellion, did not stop or content themselves with these 
negative forms of resistance. Economically, 
n«J"auceto thesc subjccts fclt independence before in any 
^ ^* form of association they dared to breathe of 

non-allegiance. Let it be remembered that, as the ship- 
money tax crushed the crown at home and founded a new 
kingdom, so an economic principle crushed the crown in 
America and founded a new empire. Whether Parlia- 


meat could tax was a mooted question ; whether colonists 
would buy wares of the constituents behind Parlianieot 
was a question quite within colonial control.^ Merchants 
agreed not to import;^ rich as well as poor dressed in 
homespun, ate no lamb to save the wool, while orders for 
British goods were cancelled, and ruin faced Britlsli man- 
nfacturcrs as well as factors. 

Petitions poured into Parliament from the merchants of 
• From Correspondence of J. j" J. Amory. 

BoSTos Nonember 13th 1766 
Uesskb Bond & Smith, 

We are very apprehensive that if the Stamp Act be not repealed 
there will be a general determiiuition, not only bere but throughout 
the continent of America, not to make nse of any English inanufaC' 
tures other than what absolute necessity requires, which will reduce 
the importations to a mere trifle of what they have been, and must 
entirely put an end to our trade with yon. If this Aet is forced upon 
US we shall consider oumelves as slaves without anything we can call 
our own. It must render disaffected to the tinglish government 
above a million of people who till now were prond of being English- 
men, and as flrraly attached to the interest of England as if they 
were bom there. After being deprived of our natural liberties as 
men, and our privileges granted our ancestors by Royal Charter, we 
■hall be very indifferent who our foreign masters are. And perhaps 
we may like them the least whom we once liked the best. 

Boston December 20 1765 
Mess" Barnard & Harrison, 

We cannot tliink the merchants who deal to America will find it 
their interest to Increase their debts here by farther eiportations un- 
less the Stamp Act be repealed. The resentment of the people is at 
a very high pitch, but will be much higher if not soon relieved. 
There will certainly bo a general combination of all ranks of people 
to throw off every sort of luxury in dress, which you must know will 
take off two thirds of our imports from Great Britain. People be- 
gin to clothe thomselvea in our own manufactures. We are at pres- 
ent in a state of anarchy, hut we are [letitioniug our Governor & 
Council that our courts may be open, and this we think tlicy must 
come into, as people seem determined to pay no taxes to government, 
if we arc deprived of the benefit of it. 

' Hutchinson, Mau., iii. 116 ; and see Nar. and Crit. Amer., vi. 50, 


London, Bristol, and other places. The colonists owed 
them several millions for goods delivered. They would 
not order new supplies, nor could they pay for the old 
ones. Trade arrested always impairs the ability of the 
debtor, even when he desires to pay. The expectation of 
credit creates new credit, with a corresponding ability to 
turn the account. Artisans in Manchester, Leeds, and 
elsewhere lost their employment. The kingdom was con- 
vulsed by the economic resistance in America to a polit- 
ical act. Even the king saw the danger threatening the 
foundations of his authority before his immediate council- 
lors waked to the occasion. 

Chatham opposed the Stamp Act, and defended the col- 
onies with his magnificent eloquence, while Burke brought 
solid knowledge to his support. It was repealed Febru- 
ary 22, 1766, and at the same time a Declaratoiy Act was 
Repeal with P^sscd affirming the right to tax America. This 
o^ri^tito <lid ^0^ attract much notice in America at the 
*"• moment, in the extravagant joy over the repeal^ 

which, according to John Adams, hushed " almost every 
popular clamour." But the new act proved in the end to 
be another tug at the lid of Pandora's box. In 1767 
Charles Townshend, then chancellor of the exchequer, 
put his nervous hand to the work. The opponents of the 
Stamp Act, Pitt particularly, had made a distinction, 
^^ more nice than wise in its application to the colonies, 
between external and internal taxes." ^ The brilliant and 
foolish Townshend, following this, proposed to raise a 
revenue by a small duty on glass, lead, paints, and paper. 
With this the export duty of one shilling per pound on 
tea from England to America was remitted, and an im- 
port duty of threepence was laid in America. This was 
in the line of Grenville's logic, but straight across the 
lines of existing economic development in America. One 
shilling export was four times larger than threepence im- 

1 Arnold, R, /., ii. 275. 

1763-76.] ENOLANiyS OWN CONFLICT. 721 

port ; but the small threepence was a tax, and the colonists 
had learned how to resist and beat down a tax. This was 
their political action ; in economic management they smug- 
gled their tea, — from the Dutch chiefly. It was said 
that not one tenth of the American consumption had paid 
any English duty. So little did the English statesmen 
know of the enormous political forces they started into 
action when they meddled with these habits of the people. 
If we would comprehend the rapid and strange growth 
of rebellion ripening into revolution after the repeal of 
the Stamp Act, we must consider the principles involved 
in the whole English polity, as it was applied to ivounet 
the regulation of the colonies. Two theories of Jdmffi^ 
administration interplaying — sometimes cross^ tration. 
ing and entangling themselves — were being worked out 
in England. One ruled the dependencies in the interest of 
the old mercantile system, which was about to fall under 
the blows of Adam Smith, who was aided somewhat by 
the French economists. This policy w^as ably represented 
by Grenville. The other, culminating in the rule of Chat- 
ham and the philosophy of Burke, would have made the de- 
pendencies into essential parts of the empire, would have 
modified parliamentary representation by some method 
allowing the colonists to take part in their own taxation. 
The sovereignty of England through Parliament — the 
king its executive head — was the principle dear to the 
greater Pitt. The ideal of this warrior-statesman was to 
enable the power of England, working through chathMn'i 
every fibre of colonial life, every possible inch of ^^^^ 
territory, to beat off every other European, and to triumph 
over every obstacle. This ideal was actually moulded by 
Chatham into much accomplished fact. He cared little 
who paid if England and the English race won ; in this 
he led his willing country so long as it could move under 
such high motives, and bear such exalted strain. Gren- 
ville, laboring at the old economic policy, attempted to pay 


the bills. A conscientious king of narrow mind could 
only injure and derange these jangling elements of polity 
Theking'i whcn he brought •the personal factor into the 
•"^- conduct of affairs. George the Third could not 

make his way through the clashing of imperial sovereignty 
and freeman's right, through the economic development of 
taxation under new conditions of citizenship. Clutching 
hard at the tattered shreds of prerogative, he made yet 
worse the jangling discord. 

This is not the place to show that Chatham's ideal of 
British sovereignty could not have been rendered into 
practical politics by any legislation or administration in 
that day. England had to set her own house in order be- 
fore she could extend her parliamentary system over de- 
pendencies then fast growing into states. After more 
than a century of enlightened development she governs 
Ireland, South Africa, Australia, by methods which jus- 
tify themselves in political philosophy only by their prac- 
tical success and general good order. It is the business 
of this chapter to show that the economical development 
of New England — and collaterally of the other American 
colonies — led the people into rebellion, then into revo- 
lution and independence. This was an orderly develop- 
ment out of the bad political administration of a bad 
economic system, which has been described heretofore. 

In theory the colonists could not export the chief prod- 
Bconomic ^^ts of their industry ^ except to Great Britain. 
restriction*. ^ foreign ship could not enter their ports. Salt 
could be imported, and wines from Madeira and the 
Azores, under duties collected for the royal exchequer. 
Food, horses, and servants could be brought from Ireland. 
Lest they should increase wool, they could not weave their 
own cloth, nor transport wool from one colony to another. 
A British sailor could not buy more than 40s. worth of 

1 See Bancroft, U. S., iii. 107, 108 ; and Nar. and Crit. Hist Amer^ 
vi. 7, 64. 

17(13-76.] BUSINESS MUST CONTROL. 728 

woolIeD clothing In their markets. The manufacture of 
hats from furs was limited in the same way. Iroa-making 
was limited and crippled. The slave-trade was encour- 
aged. The British statesmen diffei'ed much, but they 
agreed on the one point of colonial control. Chatham 
would not tax the colonial subjects witliout representation, 
but in tlie matter of subjecting colonial development to 
" British interests," he went to the extreme. " If this 
power [('. e. absolute sovereignty] were denied, I would 
not permit them to manufacture a lock of wool, or a 
horseshoe, or a hobnail." 

Yet the things forbidden in theory were done by the 
colonists in subistance. It is true tliey did not manufac- 
ture textiles or iron largely, because the labor 
was worth more for otlier affairs. But they had «« "^tuh 
grown up doing the things they found profitable, 
whatever the British law had been. When the Grenville 
ministry thought to puzzle and silence Franklin by their 
question, "Suppose the extern.-il duties to be laid on the 
necessaries of life?" they were amazed by his prompt 
answer, " I do not know a single article imported into the 
Northern colonies but what they can either do without or 
make themselves. The people will spin and work for 
themselves in their own houses." The British ofBciala of 
the bureau fancied that these self-managing people were 
subject to the power and the administration of the crown 
and its officers. But the subjects readily evaded edicts 
they did not like- This fact cannot be presented too 
often, for its manifest bearing on the whole controversy is 
everlooked by many historians. Hutchinson, arguing for 
the royal cause, says that it was a great mistake that the 
new sugar duty was laid at 'id. : it should have been a 
penny or three halfpence. He adds naively, the mer- 
chants wished to pay a small duty " rather than be at 
the charge and trouble of clandestinely importing foreign 
molasses." ^ 

> Hntchiuon, AToti., iii. 108. 


The spirit of independence — however it may have 
been stimulated or restrained by minor causes and the 
Beroitiner- work of individuals — was surely and fatally 
lubie. impelled by one overmastering cause : that cause 

was in the English polity, which was badly conceived 
and worse administered. The proposition laid down by 
Burke, that peoples should never be led to scrutinise the 
sources of sovereignty, had been neglected or traversed 
by the English rulers when the storm broke at Lexing- 
ton and Concord. ^^If you sophisticate and poison the 
very source of government by urging subtle deductions, 
and consequences odious to those you govern, from the 
unlimited and illimitable nature of supreme sovereignty, 
you will teach them by these means to call that sover- 
eignty itself in question." The wisdom of the paradox 
is complete. The kingly power is illimitable, yet lim- 
ited essentially in the very nature of the governed, and 
those limitations can be made effective by the unwise ac- 
tion of governors. 

Hutchinson dates the revolt of the American colonies 
Exact data ^ ^om the year 1766. The exact date will never 
QDcertain. y^e fixcd. lu 1768 Massachusctts addressed a 
dignified and temperate letter of remonstrance ^ to the 
king's ministers. This community had been agitating 
some time for the non-importation of British goods. When, 
the prospect was assured that troops would be sent over to 
enforce the king's mandates, the movement for non-im- 
portation gathered strength rapidly. In August, 1768, 
the merchants of Boston signed an agreement not to im- 
port merchandise from Great Britain, excepting some few 
necessaries, during the year 1769. The troops landed in 
Boston October 1, 1768. The political development forced 
on the economic, and vice versa. There were some vio- 
lations of tlie agreement by individual merchants in the 
various colonies, but public opinion was directed against 

» BaDcroft, U. S., iii. 272-276. 

1763-75.] TBB GREAT COMMITTEES. 725 

the offenders bo forciblj, \>j publishing lists of names and 
by votes in town meetings, that the agreements were in 
substance enforced.^ The English exports to America 
dropped from ^2,378.000 in 1768 to £1,634,000 in 1769 ; " 
and to New England alone they were £430,807 in 1768, 
and £223,690 in 1769.^ In the next year, 1770, the 
agreements were virtually terminated, and the colonists 
concentrated their efforts on the prohibition of tea. 
Hutchinson noted that the power of the new economio 
and social government was greater than that of the old 
political one.* Committees of correspoDdence compelled 
a certain uniformity of action equal to ordinary political 

In 1772 and 1773 these committees of correspondence 
were working silently through the colonies, and 
virtually doing the business of legitimate gov- oicom- 
ernment. The daring attack on the Gaspee 
man-of-war in Narragaosett Bay,^ resulting in her destruo- 
tion, in June, 1772, liad inflamed the authorities against 
Khode Island. It was proposed to annul her charter. 
Samuel Adams recommended union in anticipation of any 
such movement : " An attack upon the liberties of one col- 
ony was an attack upon the liberties of all." 

The Massachusetts towns corresponded through their 
principal citizens. Gradually the revolutionary heat, thus 
engendering iu individual breasts,'^ burst forth in the posi' 
tive resolutions enacted by various town meetings. The 
spirit of resistance in the colonies, rising gradually, was 
preparing the minds of the citizens for overt acts. The 
burning of the Gaspee having positively defied the crown, 
an opportunity for a similar and even more dramatic act 
of rebellion was at hand. The tea tax of Townshend had 

} Hutchinxon, M<u>., iii. 257 ; Arnold, R. I., ii. 303. 

^ Leckv, England, iii. 404. ■ Bixhop, Hift. Manuf., i. 374. 

* Hutchinson, Mast., iii. 261. * Arnold, R. J., ii.SlB. 

* Hutohioun, Matt., iii. 86. 


been thus far a mere political farce. In the three years, 
1770-1773, not one chest in 500 had been seized for non- 
payment of duties.^ Yet the East India Company claimed 
that the annual consumption in America was <£3,264,000. 
Now that powerful corporation needed colonial custom, 
and was about to send its teas direct to America, free of 
duties in England. Townshend's tax of Sd. was to be 
collected. In the words of Lord North, ^Hhe king means 
to try the question with America." 

Three ships loaded with the questionable stuff arrived 
Bot)um''Tet^ ^" Bostou harbor. Their entry was easy; but 
^*^y** if the coast had been lined with jagged reefs, or 
swept by all the highest waves out of the ocean's lowest 
depth, the entry of the tea into the economy of New Eng- 
land life would have been no more uncertain and dan- 
gerous. The country glowed like a tinder-box. Neitlier 
committees of correspondence, citizens of Boston, nor 
the interior towns would hear of any peaceable landing. 
Away back in Leicester, the committee wrote, " Do not 
suffer any of the teas already come or coming to be 
landed, or pay one farthing of duty. You may depend 
on our aid and assistance when needed." 

The body politic was hastening to an issue. In the dim 
Kght of the evening of December 16, 1773, the Boston 
patriots lifted their hands against the government of 
George the Third. Three hundred and forty chests, the 
whole importation, were emptied overboard without dam- 
age to other property.^ They did not covet the value of 
the innocent Bohea, they struck at the symbol of sover- 
eignty embodied in the tax. Rebellion was rife and revo- 
lution near at hand. Said John Adams, " This is the most 
magnificent movement of all. There is a dignity, a maj- 
esty, a sublimity, in this last effort of the patriots that I 
greatly admire." 

B,ebellious Boston first felt the heavy hand of British 
1 Snow, Hist. Boston^ p. 290. « Barry, Mass., ii. 473. 

1763-78.] PUNISHMENT OF BOSTON. 727 

power. Tbe trttops had been a menace of authority. Nov 
the punitive blows fell thick and fast The Act v ^,.t.„,^^. 
of Parliament closing her port arrived in Boston "* "•'•''^ 
May 10, 1774. Two daya later — while her committee of 
correspondence were considering tbe situation — Bowler, 
Speaker of the Rhode Island Assembly, gave them the 
welcome news that all thirteen colonies had responded 
favorably to the Rhode Island circular calling for common 
union against Great Britain. General Gage bad been ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief for America, and governor of 
Massachusetts ; tbe military arm of the crown, stretching 
across the seas, was taking to itself all the local and civil 
powers of government. As Gage, tbe feeble exponent of 
despotic power, was sailing into Boston harbor, ^lay 14th, 
Samuel Adams, tbe most commanding personality in New 
England, at that moment the incarnation of the American 
Revolution, was presiding over a large town meeting. This 
assembly of freeholders, nothing daunted by the shock of 
encounter with king and Parliament, pronounced the Port 
Bill "repugnant to law, religion, and common uense." 
They appealed to "all the sister colonies, inviting a uni- 
versal suspension of exports and imports." In three weeks 
after the receipt of the Port Bill, the colonies were prac- 
tically as one in resistance to it.' 

This non-interconrse was practically adopted through- 
out tbe country. The " sublimity " John Adams found 
in the action of tho tea-party is much more 
manifest to nio<lern eyes in this calm, resolute, irfiimti^ 
self-denial of whole communities. In mercan- 
tile correspondence from day to day, we can detect tbe 
very movement of tbe popular pulse. J. & J. Amory, of 
Boston, mercliants who bad done much toward the repeal 
of the Stamp Act, belonging to the moderate party, de- 
siring peace, yet express^ this drift of the popular will. 
May 30th they say : " Trade is almost universally here re- 
» Bftocrott, U. S., iv. la » JIfS. Letten. 


garded as necessary to the good of both' couDtries ; but 
we conceive no suffering will induce the colonies to ac- 
knowledge a right in Parliament to tax us at pleasure." 
July 5th they '' find already an almost total cessation of 
business." September 3d they write to London, ^^ as all 
Law is now at an end, we are left at the mercy of those 
who are indebted to us to pay us at their own time. We 
are satisfied with the honor and integrity of most of 
those with whom we deal, but how far they may be ren- 
dered unable to pay us from their debtors availing them- 
selves of the times, we are unable to say." 

Politics are the essence of the main current of history, 

but history is not mere politics. The social con- 

pracedM dition of a people expresses itself outwardly in 

poUUcaL , . 7 . f . , , ^ ^y 

the great activities of industry and trade ; then 
it is formulated in the ways of political action. Statutes, 
edicts, administration of law directed and adapted to the 
common life of the people, make politics. If the law 
and its administration does not formulate actual living in 
this way, then trouble and revolution must follow, until 
government fits itself to the wants and ways of the 

The largeness of the political principles involved in the 
small movements of these obscure citizens, in a little com- 
munity, was not apparent even to the near-by observers of 
these events, as they occurred. A curious misconception 
of the springs and causes of colonial revolt possessed 
England then ; she has not altogether recovered from it 

It was said that, just after the battle of Lexington and 
Concord, the local courts were long occupied in taking 
testimony to prove that the militia were right and the royal 
trooi)s were wrong. Even the logic of rebellion could not 
convince these German - descended English freemen tliat 
they were in revolution against lawful authority. The 
technical points of this process of law were as nothing, 

1763-75.] ORDER IN REBELLION. 729 

but the orderly spirit of auch courts was everything. Not- 
withstanding this orderly conduct of disorder, English- 
men could see nothing wrong in their owu administration. 
Mackenzie, a British officer stationed at Boston, though 
bom in Vii^nia, and knowing George Washington, preju- 
diced him by correspondence against the Boston leaders. 
When WaahingtoD met the Massachusetts delegates at 
Philadelphia, he tested tbem for himself. "Instead of 
noisy, brawling demagogues, meaning mischief only, be 
found plain, downright practical men, seeking safety from 
oppression." * 

New England developed itself partly by a polity, and 
more by a lack of polity. A growing people, accumulat- 
ing wealth through evasions of Navigation and Sugar 
Acts, through neglect of excise laws, found an easy way to 
open resistance of tlie Stamp and Tea Acts. In resisting 
constituted authority that oppressed their daily living, 
they learned to establish a constitution of their own. 

The evolutions of town government in New Hampshire 
are wortliy of study. A curious instance may Townind 
be found at Dunstable in 1762.^ A meeting of """""J- 
the proprietors adjourned and came together again with- 
out the moderator or clerk. A part of the proprietors 
joined in electing a new clerk. The new officers sued the 
old clerk for possession of the records, but the court found 
"many Bifficuitys" in a decision. Therefore tlie House 
of Representatives, on petition, appointed a commission 
with authority to organise the meeting of proprietors. 
Taverns were controlled by license.^ 

In the present district of Maine, communities were push- 
ing out to found new settlements, as at Machiaa in 1763.* 
Twenty-five persons, mostly from Scarborough, including a 

> Proe. M. H. S. 1858-60, p. 69. 

* Toimi Pap. N. H., ii. 207. 

» Ibid., ii. 432 ; Felt, SaUm, i. 422. 

* Smitb, Machiat, p. 20. 


millwright and a blacksmith, made the basis. The towns 
would not repair roads by a general tax, but each man 
turned out to do his portion.^ 

While these primitive steps were being taken in the far 
districts, Boston, the ^' metropolis,'' was adorning herself 
in 1774 with 200 or 300 street lamps.2 

Haverhill, Mass., organised a fire club. The basis of 
government is in taxation, and the tax list of Haverhill is 
interesting enough to eite^ in detail. Perhaps no com- 
munities, before or since, have so thoroughly distributed 
and adjusted the burdens of state as these carefully regu- 
lated towns. 

^ Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk, p. 671. 
« Bos. News LeUer, March 3, 1774. 
« Chase, Hist. HacerhUl, p. 426 : — 

Valuation of HaverhUl, 1767. 

478 Polls ratable, 27 Polls not ratable. £ ,. d. 

281 Dwelling Houses @ £5 each 1405 00 00 

44 Work Houses @ 40s each 88 00 00 

2 Distill Houses @ £23 each 46 00 00 

3 Warehouses @ 80s each 12 00 00 

3320 superficial ft wharf @ 30^ p. 1000 ft . 4 19 5 

19 Mills @ £6 each 114 00 00 

10 Servts for life at 405 each 20 00 00 

£4768.13.2 Trading Stock® 6 pr cent. . . 268 2 4 

242 Tuns of Shiping @ 3jf pr tun 36 6 00 

£3855.12.2 Money at Int @ 6 p ct 231 6 8| 

186 Horses @ 4« 9rf 4436 

252 Oxen at 4s 60 8 00 

716 Cows @3sed 107 8 00 

1315 Sheep &c@3d 16 8 9 

59 Swine @ 12d 2 19 00 

1040 Cow Pastures @ 12* 624 00 00 

13765 bushels grain @ Ss 458 16 8 

2736 barrels Cyder @ 3s 410 8 00 

916^ Tuns English Hay @ V2s 549 18 00 

946 « Meadow Hay @ 65 283 10 00 

£4791 13 4} 

1763-75.] MANUFACTURES. 781 

We must now consider the direct economio results of 
the changes in the political condition of the col- xcoqoqi, 
onies. While the various manufactures devel- ™'''"- 
oped steadily, it eeemB quite certain that they did not keep 
pace with the increasing capital of the country gained 
from other sources. The " Kews Letter " cited from a 
Loodou writer ehowing that the export of British goods to 
America increased faster than the population.' He stated 
that working braziers, cutlers, pewterers, even hatters, 
settling iu the colonies, would soon drop the working part 
of their business, and import their goods from England. 
Burnaby ^ states that the rise of labor caused by the French 
war hindered manufactures in Massachusetts, especially in 
the linen industry. He says that all the colonies 
were trying to make woollens, but not '^ to any muuiu. 
degree of perfection." His critical opinion in 
this department was not worth much; he condemns the 
wool as coarse, and too short iu staple, only seven inches. 
He did not know that this staple was better for carding 
and ftilting in the goods generally made in Massachusetts 
than the twenty - two incli Leicestershire wool which he 
commends. In 1760 " Governor Moore reported for New 
York that there were two kinds of woollen made there ; 
" one coarse of all wool, the other Linsey woolsey of linen 
in the warp and wool in the woof." Nearly every house- 
hold carded and spun, employing its own inmates, includ- 
ing children. Then itinerant weavers wove the yams on 
tile household loom. Tlic custom was the same in New 

After the troubles caused by the Stamp Act, we note a 
growing dcsii-e for American goods, with a con- 
stant social prcssui-o to encourage the use of muufM- 
tliom, and the manufacture on a larger scale. In 

^ Bos. Newt LelttT, August 7, 17C0. 
» TravfU in N. A ., pp. 137, 138. 
» Doe. N. York, vii. 888. 


1766 ^Hhe Daughters of Liberty" had sessions all day 
long for spinning ^ in Providence. As one result of this 
movement, the president and first graduating class of 
Rhode Island College, at Commencement in 1769, were 
clothed in fabrics of American manufacture.^ In North- 
boro\ Mass., forty-four women spun 2,223 knots yam, 
and gave it to the soldiers.^ In 1767 one ''small country 
town" of Massachusetts manufactured 30,000 yards of 
cloth, and Peter Etter & Sons, of Braintree, made wool* 
len and worsted stockings and other hosiery, selling their 
product at wholesale.^ In 1768 Boston revived the old 
linen industry, and Brookfield started a woollen manufac- 
tory, proposing '' to keep a large number of looms con- 
stantly at work." ^ Young ladies at Newbury ® imitated 
their sisters of Rhode Island in spinning. The towns 
geuei*aDy* recommended '* economy and manufactures." 
At Newport, R. I.,® families made from 600 to 700 yards 
of cloth each in a year. Windham, Ct., moved in the 
same direction.* A "blue-dyer" went from Boston to 
Norwich, and could dye cotton, tow, or linen in indigo. 
He had extraordinary versatility, — took " genteel board- 
ers ; " had a handsome chaise to let ; and ladies' gauze 
caps, " flys," handkerchiefs, and aprons, " ready made in 
the newest taste," were to be found at his house.^^ 

"North American manufactured mens and womens 
wear," including blue, black, claret broadcloth, was of- 
fered for sale in Boston, or it would be received in ex- 
change for English goods.^ Premiums were offered to 

1 Arnold, R, /., ii. 266. « Ibid., ii. 299. 

• Essex Inst.^ xiv. 263. 

* Bos, Eve. Post, Nov. 2 and 23, 1767. » Ibid., Oct. 10, 1768. 
6 Coffin, p. 234. 

' Butler, Groton, p. 116 ; Morse, HoUiston, p. 329. 
8 Bos. Neips. Let., Jan. 21, June 2, 1768. 

» Ibid., Feb. 11, 1768. w Caulkins, Norwich, p. 360. 

" Bos. Eve. Post, May 8, 1769 ; Bos. Netos Let., June 1, 1769 ; 
Jan. 26, 1770. 

1763-75.] SPINNING AND WEAVINO. 733 

encourage the growth of raw materiab and their manu- 
facture.' One person had spun, chiefly by children, in six 
months, in Boston, 36,680 skeins of " fine worsted yarn, 
which will make about 7,320 yards of fine women's ap- 
parel."^ Ebenezer Hurd, postrider to Saybrook, Ct., 
made in the year 1767, by the help of his wife and 
children, 500 yards linen and woollen cloth, '*the whole 
from wool and flax of his own raising." ^ The senior 
class of 1768 at Cambridge were much commended for 
agreeing to graduate " dressed altogether in the manufac- 
tures of this country." * Mr. Henry Lloyd, of Charles- 
town,^ had his clothes, linen, shoes, stocking, boots, 
gloves, hat, " wig and wig call," all of Kew England man- 

It is very interesting to the modem reader to study the 
arrangement and the methods of a worsted mill,^ as pro- 
jected in those days. 

The production of textile fabrics was stimulated in 
every way. The ladies' meetings for patriotic spinning 
wore continued. In 1771 as many as seventy linen 
wheels were employed at one gathering.' Clothiers' 
shears* were made here, and it was claimed that they 
were supenor to those imported. Woollen and worsted 
weavers came from England, and followed their vocation 
in the " manufactory house " * at Boston."* 

Gloves, a necessary adjunct of funerals, were matle at 
home. WiUiam Pool, of Danvera, advertised them es- 
pecially for *' friends to America." 

> Bn!<. Ne<c3 Let., Feb. 18, 1768 ; July 27, 1769 ; Oct. 5, 17C9 j 
May 10, 1770. 

« Bos. NefBn Letler, Dec. 28. 176ft • Mag. Am. Hitt.. u. 123. 

* Bo». News Ltt., Jan. 7. 1TG8. • Frotbingham, p. 283. 

* See Appenilix G. » Boi. News Letter, Juno 20, 1771. ' 
» aw. Ere. Pool, Oct, 7, 1771. 

* Si« nccount of tbis factory-houM id Bubop's Hist. Manufaetura, 

>° Mast. Arth., olxzx. 181. 



Potash, which was made about 1753,^ was now an article 
of some consequence. Kettles, cast from Salisbury iron ore, 
were sold for the manufacture.^ It was claimed in 1771 
that over thirty tons were often made in a single kettle 
before it was worn out. Potash was applied to soap-mak- 
ing in Boston in 1767.^ American steel is advertised in 

1774, ^^ Equal to German," and suitable for edged tools.^ 
The production of metal buttons ^ at Boston, and of cop- 
peras and other chemicals at Brookfield,^ are noticed in 

1775. Powder mills spring from the atmosphere of the 
time, at Stoughton, Andover, and Bradford. 

The manufacture of iron was virtually checked but not 
Effect on entirely suspended by the parliamentary prohi- 
^^' bition of our last period. Some trip-hammers 

were set in motion. The slitting-mill '' in Milton, Mass., 
was advertised for sale in 1765. A new mill ^ of the same 
character was erected in Dorchester in 1769. The busi- 
ness was not profitable, and was continued only a short 
time. An '^iron factory" was started a little after 1771 
in the Kennebec district.® Of more importance was the 
noted Salisbury furnace in Connecticut, begun in 1762 
and rebuilt in 1770.^^ The products of the Salisbury 
mines, especially the " charcoal coal-blast iron," were long 
regarded as the best in the United States. We shall see 
the iron playing an important part in the ordnance of the 
Revolutionary armies. 

In the various manufactures I note a paper-mill at Mil- 
ton, Mass.,1^ and two at Dorchester.^ The latter place ^ 

^ See above, p. 686. 

a Bos. Eve. Post, Nov. 18, 1771. « Felt, An, Salem, IL 174. 

* Bos. Eve, Post, Sept. 26, 1774. 

* Mass. Arch., clxxx. 117. • Ibid., clxxx. 238. 
' Bos, Eve. Post, May 27, 1765. 

^ Hist. Dorchester, p. 623. • Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk. 

^^ Trumbull, Conn., ii. 109 ; Bishop, Hist. Manufactures, i. 512. 
" Bos, Eve, Post, Sept. 8, 1760 ; Mass. Arch., xxv. 330. 
" Hist, Dorchester, p. 623. " Ibid., pp. 602, 627, 635. 

1703-75.] AGRICULTURE, 735 

was active in its industries, and included a snuff-mill and 
one or more chocolate mills, which began in 1765. John 
Hamran, from Ireland, made the first chocolate in New 
England. Pottery of superior quality was made in New 
Boston,^ and " cordial spirits," like orange - water, etc., 
were distilled at Newbury .^ The making of women's 
shoes, previously noticed, continued and increased at 

Abel Buel, a goldsmith at Killingworth, Ct., made good 
type in 1769. Several fonts of this were in practical use. 
He was a self-taught mechanic, and an illustration of the 
power and adaptability shown in New England in meet- 
ing the absolute needs of the time.* 

In agriculture the changes were few. In 1762 the pio- 
neers found that they could plant corn among the stumps 
and half- burned logs of cleared fields without plowing. 
The virgin soil res|X)nded buoyantly, and the 
process was very successful.^ " Heardsgrass " 
or timothy was coming into general use. The sowing of 
it is remarked at Dorchester in 1771.^ The first buck- 
wheat was raised for animals."^ 

The attempt to revive the growing of wheat In Massa- 
chusetts was continued, and the bounty increased to 8c?. 
per bu. in 1763.® The harvest at Hartford, Ct., was re- 
markably good in 1768.® A little hemp was imported 
from London to Boston in 1762. The governor in his 
speech in 1765 advised the production of potash and 
hemp, with the transport of lumber to England, as the 
best industries for the colonies.^^ This opinion was partly 
political and partly economic. 

" To the honor of Pomona," one Hingham apple-tree 

* Box, Eve. Po.<fty Oct. 30, 1769. « Mass. Arch., cxx. 393. 

« Newhall, p. 334. * Thomas, Hi^t. Printing, i. 27. 

» Belkuap, N. //., iii. 137. « Hist. Dorchester, p. 362. 

' Judd, Hadley, p. 364. « Mass. Arch., i. 381. 

» Bos. News Let., Aug. 18, 1768. ^ Mass. Arch., Ivi. 404 ; ex. 192. 


showered down 87 bushels of apples, ^^ in number 28,295 
choice fruit." ^ 

The patient industry, minute skill, and resource of judg- 
ment in these New England farmers has been the theme 
of many thoughtful men ; it can never be over-estimated 
or praised. Occasionally we get a concrete illustration 
of these lives of cheerful toil and steadfast devotion to 
duty. In 1774 James Burnam, of Norwich ' Ct, brought 
into the village market a sledload of wood, making 2,500 
loads in twenty years. All but 50 loads from his own 
land, and the greater part was cut by himself.^ This 
work was done without breaking a wheel or sled, bruis- 
ing a finger, or injuring a single ox or horse. The whole 
sales amounted to £820. He had also subdued and 
fenced two acres of land in 500 days of his own labor. 

The currency underwent but little change in this 
period. Massachusetts had much the better system and 
The cur- ^^^ trade profited by it. Connecticut had main- 
««"'y- tained her paper money fairly, and had raised 

liberal taxes during the French War, when her farmers 
were selling produce at high prices and could afford the 
taxes. Rhode Island had a very poor currency. 

Massachusetts had not dispensed entirely with paper 
money. She paid interest on treasury notes in 1762 and 
renewed them in 1765. Paper to the amount of <£157,000 
fell due in 1767, and there was a party still clamoring to 
make paper a legal tender.^ 

Though trade was embarrassed by the resistance to 
Stamp Acts and by the non-importation movements, yet 
Massachusetts was prosperous, especially in 1771-74, the 
years just' preceding the Revolution. Hutchinson, the 
most competent observer in economic matters,^ affirmed 

1 Bos. News Let., Jan. 6, 1763. ^ Caulkins, Norwich, p. 359. 

• Felt, Mass, Currency, pp. 150, 154, 156, 158. 
^ See the excellent observations on currency in Governor Bernard's 
Letters on Trade, pp. 50, 51. 

JM tm,.^^ 

1763-75.] PAPER CURRENCY AGAIN. 737 

this, and vith reason. He attributed the prosperity to 
the specie circulating in the " silver money colony." 
Massachusetts was drawiug specie from her neighbors, 
and from Jamaica, Spain, and Portugal.' 

Massachusetts had refused the bills of New Hampshire, 
Connecticut, and Rhode Island; in 17T2 she proscribed 
those of New York, New Jersey, and Nova Scotia,^ also. 
Rhode Island^ was struggling with her wretched load. 
She sunk her old tenor in 1770.* But now, in 1775, 
Massachusetts opened her packet, as well as her heart, 
to the armed freemen of Connecticut and Rhode Island 
hurrying to her aid after the assault at Lexington. An 
act then sanctioned, in terms quite pathetic, the circu- 
lation of the paper of the poorer colonies. This was 
quickly followed by an issue of her own bills for £100,000 
to meet " the exigencies." ' Rhode Island ^ began her 
Revolutionary issues by jE20,000, followed soon by 
XI 0,000 more. 

Lotteries ' were as popular as ever, and many schemes 
both public and private, were promoted by the sale of 
tickets in these ventures. Some tweuty -seven were 
granted by Rhode Island in five years. Losses by fire 
and through foreign privateers were recompensed by 
this means. Harvard College received a benefit in 1778. 

The general condition of the roads was improved and 
improving about this period. The rapid rally of the 
militia in 1775 to Cambridge, from all parts of 
Massachusetts and from Connecticut and Rhode 
Island ; their subsistence there iai^ly by voluntary con- 

> Hutehinson, Mass., iii. 350. 

' Sea Haliburton, Nova Scolia, p. 261, for a curious currencj of 
furs aod other merchnndiso bnsed on beaver at St. per lb. 

' See detailed accounts, R. I. C. R-, yL. 328, 407. 

* R. I. C. R., vii. 24. » Man. Arch., ciiiviii. 188. 

» R. I. C. R.. vii. 321, 353. 

' Bm. News Lei., April 4, Juno 12, 1760 ; April 22, 1773 ; JV. 
ffomp. H. C, iii. 743 ; R. I. C. fl., vii. 250, 263, 271, 636. 


tributions of provisions, — all shows that communication 
was easier and more certain. 

In New Hampshire ^ ox teams were still used for family 
traveUing as well as for hauling loads. In winter, sleds 
were often drawn by hand. But from Poiismouth along 
the shore to Boston a stage communication was opened 
in 1761 by John Stavers.^ His " curricle " on two wheels, 
drawn by two horses, and carrying three persons, laid 
over Monday night at Ipswich, passed through Salem, 
and arrived at Charlestown ferry next day. On Thurs- 
days and Fridays it made the return trip ; fates 13s. 

The trotting -horse has incorporated itself so thor- 
oughly in American civilisation that it is interesting to 
notice the first dates when its gait was appreciated. 
About 1770^ they began in eastern Massachusetts to 
trot with the natural step. Previously they had trained 
for an artificial ^^pace," strapping the right and left 
feet together on either side. This is another indication 
that roads were better, and that vehicles were becoming 
more common as the exclusive training of horses for the 
saddle was going out. 

The mail went eastward from Portsmouth about 1760, 
and by 1775 our present Maine had three post-offices.* 
Governor Hutchinson in 1770 ^ recommended the con- 
struction of a road to Quebec, or from the Kennebec 
Kiver to the Chaudiere. If made, it would have saved 
the poor patriots of the Canadian expedition in 1775 
from much weary toil. 

Newspapers were delivered by carriers on the main 
routes of travel. In 1774 " Silent Wilde," ^ whose name 

1 N H. H. C, ill. 190. 

* Adams, Portsmouth^ p. 204 ; Newhall, Lynrif p. 333. 
8 Felt, Ipswichy p. 31. 

* Willis, Portland, pp. 584, 685. * Mass. Arch., ex. 363. 

* Bos. News Let,, May 5, 1774. 

1768-75.] SOCIAL CHANGES. 789 

in Dowise harmonised with his vocation as " news-carrier," 
performed this office from Boston, through Lancaster, 
" Rutland &c. to Northampton, Deerfield Ac.," collecting 
one dollar half-yearly for his service. 

The customs in daily life have chan^d little since our 
descriptions of 1740. The ladies and gentlemen of Bos- 
ton are not unlike those described by Bennett, 
while the manners of the seaports affect the in- 
terior districts more and more. Social distinctions in 
rank were yielding somewhat. I have remarked that 
the elaborate arrangement and seating of the congrega- 
tion in the meeting-houses was given up. It is note- 
worthy that the cataloguing of students according to BO- 
cial condition was abandoned at Yale College in 1768, 
and at ilai-vard in 1773. 

Among the lower classes the standard of both manners 
and morals was not advancing. The literary hero of this 
sort of people was Timothy Dexter, of Newbury, who 
made his mark on the social history of the period. He 
hated the " larned " people, and was offended that the 
town had been divided through their influeuce, which lie 
bewails thus : " Fite thay wood ; in Law they went to the 
Jinrel Cort to be sot of, finely they got. there Gands 
Answered, the see pert caled Newburyport, 600 Eahers 
of Land out of 30,000 Eahers of good land, bo much for 
mad, people of Laming." ^ 

" Bundling," certainly an unpuritan custom, had crept 
in, and was extensively practised in Connecticut and 
western Massachusetts.' Possibly it was not as immoral 
as this age would think, but from any point of view it 
revealed a very coarse taste. Jouathan Eklwards raised 
his powerful voice against it. 

Marriages were contracted in early years, the brides 
often being only fifteen or sixteen years old. Many in- 

■ CofHn, Newbury, p. 229. 

* Stiles, WindK>r, p. 495 ; Judd, HadUg, p. 247. 


cidents show coarse yet innocent manners.^ An amusing 

Meeting mnd ^^^® ^^ ^^^® ** ^^^ sight occuiTed at Hopkin- 
courtahip. i^Q^ jf jj jjj ^jjQgg ^^^ districts, religious ex- 
ercises mingled all the excitements of this world and the 
next, as they existed in the imagination of the swains and 
damsels, who flocked to the meeting. An occasional or 
extraordinary meeting was even more attractive, and an 
ordination was a most exciting occasion. A youth, los- 
ing sight of the preachers and dropping the threads of 
the ponderous discourses, had fastened eye and mind on 
an unknown damsel, whose beauty ravished every sense 
throughout his uncouth being. Text and prayer, hymn 
and sermon, passed over him, until at last the congrega- 
tion broke up. In his agony, he rushed through the 
crowd, sei^d the maiden in his arms, crying out, " Now 
I have got ye, you jade, I have, I have I " ^ And from 
this rude beginning of intercourse a marriage followed. 

About this time the men and women began to sit to- 
gethtjr in the meeting-house.^ The rigid observance of 
Sunday was still enforced in Connecticut. A party of 
youths and maidens in Norwich were arraigned in that 
they did, on " Lord's Day evening, meet and convene to- 
gether, and wulk in the street in company, upon no reli- 
gious occasion." 

The economy enforced to avoid importations from Great 
Britain brought in sensible changes in the management 
of funerals and their attendant ceremonies.* The full 
suits of black worn by all the connections were dispensed 
with, bands of crape for gentlemen and black ribbons 
for ladies being substituted. The gloves, formerly distrib- 
uted generally, were now only presented to the " pall- 
holders." ^ I mentioned that so kind-hearted a man as 

^ Bumaby, Travels in N, A.f p. 141. 

2 N. Hamp. H, C, iii. 191. » Judd, Hadley, p. 320. 

* Adams, Portsmouth, p. 247 ; Drake, Roxbury, p. 98. 

• Diary of Gov. Hutchinson^ p. 350. 


Sewall evidently accounted his rings gained at funerals as 
merchandise coming in and to be husbanded. A curious 
illustration of this way of thinking is in the language of 
Abigail Kopes's will,^ in 1775. She gives her grandson 
^^ a gold ring that I made at his father's death." Another, 
" a gold ring made when my bro. Wm. Pickman died." 

In the dearth of amusement and natural social excite- 
ment, any novel incident furnished occasion for g^^,^ ^^y^ 
large gatherings of people. A commission ap- •'*'*^ 
pointed to adjust a dispute concerning an individual's 
lands in New London ^ was followed to the scene by forty 
mounted men. This cortege, growing as it went, found a 
concourse of people on the ground, and the farmhouses 
near overflowed with guests. Common gayety and mirth, 
repressed in every-day life, burst forth on these occasions. 
We noticed an accidental courtship at an ordination ; 
sometimes an ^^ ordination ball " ^ wound up the festivities 
at the settling of a minister. 

If the sermons were long, the jollities were serious. A 
^^ Drum or Rout " in Boston broke into the Sabbath at 
2 A. M.^ At a wedding dance in Norwich more elaborate 
than usual, with 92 guests, there were recorded 92 jigs, 52 
contra dances, 45 minuets, 17 hornpipes. The practice of 
stealing the bride, previously described, was continued in 
western Massachusetts until after the Revolution.^ Tripe 
suppers and " turtle frolieks " were in vogue, the latter 
in Newport especially. Dr. Solomon Drowne notes one 
there in his interesting joumaL^ And the beautiful gar- 
dens at Newport interested him, with their oranges, 
lemons, pineapples, and exotic flowers introduced from 
the West Indies. The Jews were of importance commer- 
cially and socially at Newport, the rules of their social 
club being noteworthy. No talk concerning affairs of the 

1 Essex Inst., vii. 34. » Caulkins, p. 326. 

» Caulkins, Norwich, p. 332. * Proc. M. H, S, 1864, p. 323. 

* Judd, Hadletjy p. 245. « Newport Hist. Mag., i. 67. 


synagogae was allowed.^ If members should be unruly, 
^^ sweaar or offer to fight," they were fined ; some penalties 
exacted four bottles of wine. They must have been sober 
drinkers, or the remedial forfeits would have aggravated 
the offences. Notwithstanding these social pleasantries, 
Khode Island could not admit theatrical entertainments, 
and fined them £60 each in 1762.^ 

Though this century differed much in culture from the 
ways of the first settlers, the habits of the earlier gener- 
ations were not all chan&:ed. The readin&r of 
Scripture kept its place in the life of most well- 
disposed people. Robert Hale, of Beverly, records in his 
diary ^ his 134th reading of the Bible. But the new hab- 
its of thinking showed themselves more in the formation 
of clubs and ^^ social libraries." I have alluded to this 
kind of society at Newport. Salem ^ was represented and 
afterwards Hingham^ in these institutions. Scientific 
lectures were instituted at Salem, and the same had been 
carried on at Newport. Burnaby bestows faint praise on 
Harvard College, yet he approves it : " not upon a per- 
fect plan, yet it has produced a very good effect." ® 

In dress gentlemen were gradually becoming more 
sober, while the ladies were moving in the opposite direc- 
DreM and txou^ and arraying themselves in more luxurious 
fftahiona. ^^^j varied apparel," before the enforced econ- 
omy began. Men still wore more or less silk, with gold 
or silver lace, and embroidered waistcoats for full dress. 
But the more substantial cloth coat with high collar was 
coming in ; knee breeches and stockings remained. Full 
ruffles were worn at the shirt front. The hair was 
craped, curled, and powdered when wigs were not worn. 

1 Newport Hist. Mag., iv. 58. « R, L C. i2. vi. 325. 
8 MS. in Am. Ant. Soc. < Felt, ii. 31, 38. 

• Lincoln, Hingham^ p. 13. • Burnaby, Travels i\r. -4.,p. 141. 

^ Caulkins, Norwich, pp. 334, 337 ; Essex Inst,, vii. 34 ; Hawthorne, 
Amer. Note Books, p. 277. 


The belles attached long trains to their gowns of rich 
brocaile; the skirt opened in front, was trimmed, and 
sometimes there was an embroidered stomacher. Almost 
all latlies, old and young, had ruffles at the elbow. In 
walking, the beUes threw their trains over the arm, dis- 
playing dainty silk stockings, sharp-toed slippers, often 
of embroidered satin and with high heels. Out of doors, 
clogs were added. Old ladies had the gown of brocade, 
but in sober colors ; a nice Igwn handkerchief and apron ; 
close cap of linen or lawn edged with lace ; black mittens ; 
hood of velvet or of silk. 

Sometimes the hair was dressed over a silk cushion 
stuffed with wool. This artificial enlargement in the top 
story of our lovely charmers involved a strange and un- 
natural head-gear called a calash, of silk, ribbed, round 
and enormous, bulging in the wind like a yacht's spin- 
naker. It swayed and bobbed like a balloon as the lady 
moved. The inherent beauty of the sex is the only power 
conceivable that could give grace and symmetry to many 
of the hideous fashions time and caprice have laid upon 
their wearers. 

Parasols or umbrellas were "unknown or rare" in 
Norwich, Ct., about 1775. Immense fans were carried 
there, for sunshades as well as for flirting — the air. But 
" umbrilloes " ^ were made and used in Boston in 1768, 
the frames of mahogany, "Persian compleat at £6.10 
and in proportion for better silk." Ladies, also, bought 
the sticks and frames and covered them for themselves. 
All these were doubtless used as parasols. 

Runaway slaves or servants ^ bring down the costume of 
the poorer people. An Irish servant, a weaver, gemnu' 
wore jacket and coat of serge, breeches of pur- ^^•'*^«- 
pie serge, linen shirt purple and white worsted stockings, 

1 Bos. Eee Post, June 6, 1768. 

^ Bos. News Let., Sept. 14, 1769 ; Bos. Eve. Post, July 18, 1774 ; 
Bailey, Andover, p. 41. 


and a beaver hat. A negress went in a striped homespun 
gown, " ozenbrigs " apron, and old camlet coat. A negro 
wore a blue serge coat, flowered flannel jacket, and leather 

In evidence that feminine dress was becoming more 
elaborate and costly, we may cite the wardrobe of a board- 
ing-school miss at Boston. General Huntington's daugh- 
ters were sent up from Norwich to be " finished," as the 
custom was, and they went ^nto the best soidety. The 
outfit of one comprised twelve silk gowns, but her chap- 
eron wrote for another of a " recently imported rich fab- 
ric," which was procured that her appearance might corre- 
spond with " her rank." 

But the women of New England were now turning their 
thoughts to things other than gowns by the dozen, whether 
silk or homespun. The town communities, those mutual 
associations with common aims, had worked their way by 
economic living, under the inspiration of common religious 
faith, into political organisms which were fast forming 
a national life, and developing the whole power of a state. 

The Women did their full part in making tliis 
tain the re- life, and lu building up these masterful citizens 

for their conflict with King George in their 
struggle for independence. On the lUth of April, 1775, 
the brave but ill-organised militia at Lexington were sim- 
ply murdered in the first shock of the British attack. A 
few hours later the " embattled farmers " at Concord met 
death with death, and organised war was begun. Isaac 
Davis, captain of the minute-men of Acton, was the first 
victim in the Concord fight. Thirty years old, father of 
four children, he had parted from his wife three hours be- 
fore his death with the words, " Take good care of the 
children I " 



The French War sdniiilated commerce, especiaUy that 
portioa of it carriod oa through illicit channels. The 
French islands in the West Indies needed intercourse 
with the northern countries — New England above all — 
for that natural iuterchan^ of commodities which nour- 
ished the complementary districts. Some communication 
was allowed for exchange of prisoners and goods made le- 
gitimate by the Navigation and Sugar Acts. Under cover 
of this regular commerce, many of the colonial 
governors issued permits, which were stretched torrmch 
beyond their proper limits. Rhode Island was 
the most implicated, and was sharply rebuked by Pitt.' 

All this was only the inevitable intercourse and ex- 
change which the economic necessity of a people must and 
will have. The fierce will of the great Pitt could control 
armies, and incite them to wondrous feats in beating down 
the opponents of England in all parts of the world. He 
could not manter a crowd of hungry stomachs ; nor could 
he check the silent movements of natural products back 
and forth, by the currents streaming in and out of the 
warm southern and the cooler northern seas. The 
Frenchman, Du Chatclet, told his government that *' the 
wants of trade are stronger than the laws (t. e. political 
statutes) of trade." 

The great whale fishery was the branch of navigation 
immediately and most affected by the opening of the 
» R. I. C. It., H 383. 


Straits of Belle Isle, the St. Lawrence, and other waters 
previously dominated by the French. Louis 
ingsUmu- XIV., notwithstanding great care and effort, 
had hardly been able to possess himself of the 
finny monsters swarming in those cold waters. The Nan- 
tucket burghers had more skill in fishing if they had not 
imperial power. They did not wait for the roi*mal assent 
of the Treaty of Paris. The guns and musketry of Wolfe 
were summons enough and warrant sufficient for the 
hardy harpooners of the New England seaports. In 1761 
Massachusetts sent up 10 vessels of 70 to 90 tons bur- 
den ; in 1762, 50 vessels ; in 1763, 80 vessels or more.^ 
The quantity of oil imported into London was 8,245 tons 
2 hogsheads 28 gallons in 1759, and it increased to 5,080 
tons hogsheads 12 gallons in 1768.^ Of this anK>unt 
nearly three fifths belonged to '^ owners of America." In 
the petition to the Lords of the Treasury cited above for 
the number of vessels, it is stated that 40 tons of bone or 
" whale fin " was sent into London in 1761 and 1762, 
which paid a duty of £81 10s. per ton. They asked relief 
from the duty, especially as the price of Dutch bone had 
been reduced from £500 to £350 per ton since the devel- 
opment of the English and American fisheries. 

We shall soon see Grenville, the British minister, be- 
coming the disturber of American society by the imposi- 
tion of the Stamp Act. But in doing this in 1764 he in- 
directly encouraged our whale fishery. He abolished the 
bounties paid to British fishermen, and relieved their 
American competitors from the discriminating duty, ex- 
cepting an old subsidy of less than one per cent. 

Under the new impulse the pursuit was extended. New 
New ports Bedford entered it about 1760 ; Warren, R. I., 
engage In it. j^^ jygg . ^^^^ Provideuce in 1768. In the latter 

year Nantucket maintained 80 sail, and there were prob- 
ably fully as many more from Cape Cod, Dartmouth, 
1 Mass. Arch., Ixvi. 243. « Ibid., IxvL 247. 

1760-75.1 THE WHALE FISHERY. 74T 

Falmouth, Boston, Providence, Warren, and Newport.^ 
But in 1768 a Boston writer bewails the neglect of this 
" beneficial branch of trade in this province." ^ The same 
authority mentions particularly the fitting out of a sloop 
by Murray and Franklin. 

The range of waters voyaged over extended as the busi- 
ness increased. Mr. Macy gives the dates when the new 
and more remote fishing grounds were opened up by the 
Nantucket fishermen as follows : ^ Davis's Straits in 1746 ; 
Island of Disco, at the mouth of BaflBn's Bay, in 1761 ; 
Gulf of St. Lawrence, as above stated, in 1761 ; coast of 
Guinea in 1765 ; eastward from the Banks of Newfound- 
land in 1765 ; coast of Brazil in 1774. Some of these 
periods do not agree with scattered facts as we have them 
in other authorities. Spermaceti oil, '" melted on the 
Banks, and called white Bank Oil," also oil " melted on 
the shore," was advertised in Boston in 1760.* The coasts 
of Guinea and of Brazil are mentioned as good fishing 
grounds in 1754.^ The cruisers to the Western Islands 
made successful voyages at this time.^ 

In Nantucket and the ports best organised for the pur- 
suit, the business was now a manufacturing exchange as 
well as a fishing voyage. Owners in the vessels were often 
officers, or held the more responsible posts among the 
crews. On shore, the owners or members of their house- 
hold were engaged as coopers, blacksmiths, carpenters, 
ropemakers, or in kindred work. The stores for an outfit 
were cliiefly produced at home. If the voyage yielded 
only moderate returns, it afforded a fair exchange for 

» Starhuck, Whale Fishery, pp. 43, 49. 
2 Bos. News Let., April 28, 1768. 

* Macy, Nantucket, p. 54. 

* Bos. Eve. Post, Dec. 29, 1760. 

^ See 1 M. H. C, iii., iv. 161 ; also Macy, Nantucket^ pp. 64, 72, 
details of catch and prices for many years. 

« Bos. Eve Post, Aug. 24, 1767 ; Bos. News Let., Aug. 10, 1769. 


Almost all the ports from Boston around to Connecti- 
cut ventured more or less in this fascinating enterprise. 
Connecticut stimulated the business by freeing both cod 
and whale fishermen from taxes.^ Three vessels were 
fitted from Middletown with poor success.^ Nantucket 
was the main centre, and in 1775 had more than 150 ves- * 
sels, of 15,000 tons, afioat; these included some large 
brigs.^ Eight vessels were constantly bringing the neces- 
sary supplies into Nantucket. 

The men of the New World, of New England chiefly, 
in their hazardous ventures, had now carried this 
land excels bold iudustry far beyond all possible effort of 
Europeans. The sagacious management, the 
courage and solid audacity, of these fishermen, drew from 
Edmund Burke a fine tribute to the splendor of their 
achievement : ^^ Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor 
the activity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sa- 
gacity of English enterprise, ever carried this most per- 
illous mode of hardy industry to the extent to which it 
has been pushed by this recent People." 

This productive business was never a more important 
relative factor in the whole commerce of the countrv than 
in these years, 1774-75, when the Boston Port Bill took 
effect in restraining the energies of our colonies. The 
amount directly involved was not very large, but it in- 
cluded most desirable articles of merchandise, which stim- 
ulated the whole current of commerce through their pos- 
session and exchange. The estimated quantities produced 
by the fishery were 45,000 barrels of sperm, 8,500 barrels 
of right whale oil, and 75,000 pounds of bone.* 

In preparing to resist the mother country, Massachu- 
setts ^ was obliged to forbid all free sailing of vessels on 

1 Conn. Arch. J Maritime Aff.y i. 93. 

* Starbuck, Whale Fishery, p. 42. 

* Macy, Nantucket, p. 68 ; Pitkin's Statistics, pp. 89, 90. 

* Stsirbuck, Whale Fishery, p. 67. 

* Mass. Arch., cxxxviii. 217 ; clvii. 17, 33, 92. 


whaling voyages. Then the Council gave permits for 
those who dared to attempt voyages under the changed 
conditions and risks. Bonds were given that all oil 
and bone should be brought back and landed in Mas- 
sachusetts. This restriction would deprive an article of 
export of its chief value when the home country was at 
war. Under these limitations, the venturesome merchants 
and gallant fishermen of Nantucket ^ moored their return- 
ing vessels, stripped them to their masts, and waited for 
the dark commercial horizon to lift its overshadowing 
clouds. They occupied themselves in the common and in- 
ferior work of catching cod and mackerel in the nearer 
waters. The scarcity and high prices of salt took away 
the profits here. They tried making salt from the Atlan- 
tic sea-water, but the fogs around their island gave them 
a too infrequent sunlight. As the war developed, West 
India produce became dear, and the whalemen engaged in 
this commerce. W^th salt at #2 to $4 per bushel, and 
molasses at $1 per gallon, it was necessary to follow the 
spouting leviathan througli far-away seas for a profitable 
return. This resource failed, as the British occupying 
New York and Newport sent out smaU privateers, and 
soon stop{)ed or hampered this commerce. 

Picturesque and fascinating as the immense leviathan 
and his captors were, the homely cod and the hook-and- 
liue men were more vitally important in either 
the household or commercial economy of New 
England.^ Massachusetts found itself in new difficulties, 
as soon as hostilities broke out, through the working of 
the fisheries. She allowed the export of " Jamaica fish " 
in particular instances, the Committees of Safety overlook- 
ing that " no other provisions " should be exported.^ This 
was the inferior fish fit for negro consumption. 

1 Macy, pp. 80, 83. 

^ See Pitkin, Statistics, p. 83, for detailed figures. 

" Mass* Arch^f exxxviii. 164. 


The renewal and increase of the sugar duties in 1764 
was a sore trial for the cod and mackerel fishermen. 
The easy exchange of the products of cold Northern 
waters for the rich products and delicacies of Southern 
climes and teeming lands had become so natural and 
essential that the colonial subjects were aghast when it 
was checked or even constrained. The cod-fishery was 
the main element in this wholesome trade. We can see 
the relative importance of the West Indian demand, sup- 
plied as it was by the inferior qualities not desired in the 
home market or for export to Europe. In 1763 Massar 
chusetts ^ took, in 300 vessels, 102,265 quintals merchant- 
vaiuesof a^lc cod at 12«., value <£61,359.0; and 137,794 
**'®^* quintals unmerchantable or " West India Cod " 

at 95., value £62,007.6. Her 90 mackerel vessels took 
18,000 bbls., at 18s. value £16,200. She sent out in 
"shad, alewives, and other pickled fish " 10,000 bbls., at 
10s., value £5,000. The poorer part .was larger in quan- 
tity and value than the best portion. Without a free ex- 
change of the poorer part for the sugar and molasses of 
the West Indies, they could not push the business of ex- 
porting the good grades to Europe.^ In 1764 New Eng- 
land employed 45,880 tons of shipping and 6,002 men 
in fishing.^ 

There are cod and cod; shoals of one sort feed near 
rocks and ledges, while others swarm over the Newfound- 
land Banks. But the highest of all the grades in market 
was the " dun fish," most esteemed in southern Europe, 
where the shrunken Lenten ascetics ought to know the 
characteristics of fish. It was generally caught in the 
winter months, and in the open sea, far from shore. It 
was not fit for use until August, having undergone a fer- 
mentation which changed its color, especially the back, 
and gave its distinctive name.* 

1 1 M. H. C, vii. and viii. p. 202. « See Felt, Salem, ii. 220,221. 

• Star])uck, Whale Fishery, p. 59, from English An, Register, 

* Adams, Portsmouth, p. 260. 

lY6a-76.] THE WAY OF COD-FISBING. 751 

This fermentation, according to some accounts,^ was 
produced artificially in curing. The "Spring fare" of 
large and thick fish, split and salted on ship- Method, of 
board, were rinsed in salt water on land, then ^^^^«- 
spread and dried on the " flakes " of boards or hurdles, 
raised three or four feet from the ground. In wet or 
damp weather the fish were housed, for they must never 
touch water after curing commenced. After drying, the 
largest and finest fish were kept alternately above and 
under ground until they " became so mellow as to be 
denominated dun fish." The heads were generally thrown 
away at sea, or fed to hogs on shore. Sounds and tongues 
were pickled in small kegs. The oil expressed from the 
livers — now a valuable tonic medicine — was then used 
in currying leather. 

The craft of this period were generally schooners ^ of 
20 to 60 tons. Each crew consisted of six or seven men 
and one or two boys. A good catch was 500 or 600 
quintals stored in bulk.^ They made three trips to the 
Banks in the season lasting through spring and summer. 
Fishins: near the shores was done in boats, which re- 
turned home at night. But the business had concentrated 
more and more at Canso. Between the French War and 
the Revolution, it was active and profitable. There was 
a steady export of provisions in exchange for fish from 
Boston * to the ports on the northeastern coast. 

The quantity of alewives, etc., cited above, shows that 
the river fisheries were of some consequence. All the 
interior districts protected the rivers by carefully regu- 
lating the fishing on their banks.^ More interesting to 

1 Belknap, N. Hampshire^ in. 213. « Ibid., pp. 214, 215. 

8 Gloucester had 80 fishing vessels in 1775 (Babson, pp. 382, 383). 
One vessel made two trips to the Banks, taking 550 quintals, which 
sold for £302. 

* Mass. Arch.f Ixvi. 431. 

6 Town Pap. N. IL, ix. 426 ; Hist. Framingham,Tp, 61 ; /?./. C. /?., 
vi. 573. 


the modern palate is the history of the oyster, uncouth 
and rough on the exterior, but succulent and delicious 
within. Rhode Island began to fear his extinction as 
early as 1766, and passed an act to prevent '^ dragging." ^ 
In 1774 enterprising cultivators began to ^^ plant" the 
bivalves at Wellfleet, onjCape Cod.* 

In the above list of vessels and values of fish, the grow- 
ing pursuit of the mackerel appears. In 1770 more than 
30 vessels fitted from the one port of Scituate ^ 
" * in the Old Colony. The Indian testified to his 
luscious relish for the juicy fatness of this dainty fish by 
melting a flood of syllables into the name Wawunneke- 
seag. But civilisation drove the mackerel farther and 
farther from the shores. The romance of the old-time 
fishing — the seine-haul by moonlight, when the silvery 
creatures, barred and striped in blue, tumbled in the nets 
as they were lifted through sparkling water into the 
moonbeams — was generally abandoned about 1776. The 
smacks then saile<l slowly and steadily through the schools 
of fish ^^ drailing " long lines and baited hooks. The nim- 
ble fish were capricious, and often played with these tempt- 
ing frauds, though in wet and cloudy weather they would 
bite greedily. 

The whale and other fisheries — important in them- 
selves — constituted only partial factors in the great cur- 
rent of foreign commerce, now to be interrupted 
nowbede- and disturbed by the startling administrative 
changes of the British government. Liberty, 
freedom, self-government — as we have seen — soon be- 
came the controlling influence in the daily life of the 
American people. Trade, commerce, the getting of gain 
through generations of peaceful intercourse, were the 
positive goods and possessions which the new-developing 
citizen would defend and would possess in his own right. 

1 R, 1. C. R.J vi. 508. a Freeman, p. 399. 

* Deane, p. 22. 

1760-76.] RESULTS OF THE SUGAR ACT. 763 

The irregular commerce of dependent colonists had grown 
into the solid possessions of wealthy proprietors, when 
Grenville and his fellow-ministers attempted to embar- 
rass them by new modes of taxation. 

The renewal and the new enforcement of the Sugar Act 
in 1764 was the most powerful cause in exciting j.^^^ g^^j^y 
the discontent of the colonies. The old Act of ^^^ 
1733 had levied Qd. per gallon on all molasses imported 
from ports other than British. The chief import into 
New England was from the French and Spanish islands 
of the West Indies. This duty, if collected, would have 
been prohibitive. It was simply evaded ; hence sugar and 
molasses came in freely. The new duty was 3c?., and the 
colonists knew that it was to be actually collected. The 
prohibition of the exports of lumber ^ to ports other than 
English, in 1765, was a heavy blow to commerce. But 
the Sugar Act cut off commerce at its sources. 

It is true that the Stamp Act was more dramatic, and 
that it concentrated against itself a more direct and posi- 
tive resistance. It brought the heavy hand of the royal 
tax-gatherer into every shop and every home ; it was the 
symbol of loss of personal freedom and political degrada- 
tion, as the colonists conceived it. But the Sugar. Act 
swept away the foundations of trade, and threatened the 
whole economic structure of New England. 

Whatever we may think of Francis Bernard's character 
as a man, or of his achievements in the effort to rule Mas- 
sachusetts in those troublous times, he gave the 
British colonial administrators some excellent Bernard's 
lessons on the economic situation as it existed. 
Certainly he was not prejudiced toward colonial interests 
or views. In his " Letters on Trade,'' he shows the au- 
thorities at home what would be the assured result of se- 
vere taxation. lie advises lid, per gallon on molasses 
as the rate which would yield most revenue. The utmost 

^ Mciss, Arch.f lix. 502. 


he would recommend was 2d, He sees that the current of 
trade had formed permanent channels which neither leg- 
islation nor the power of empires could control. ^ There 
has been an indulgence time out of mind allowed in a 
trifling but necessary article ; I mean the permitting Lis- 
bon Lemons, and Wine in small quantities, to pass as 
ships' stores." ^ 

The wines and fruits of Portugal,^ Madeira, and the 
Western Islands were chiefly consumed here, and these 
articles of import, trifling in themselves, helped the out- 
flow of flsb, timber, and home-built ships. But much 
larger in effect was the ^^ well-known indulgence " in the 
Molasses Act, which had ^^ never been duly executed." 
In fact, in the year 1763, 15,000 hbds. of molasses came 
into Massachusetts, all excepting 500 hhds. from ports 
which were not British. The value of this molasses, as 
sold by the merchants at an average of l8. 4td. per gallon, 
was X100,000. The import was paid for in fish and lum- 
ber, or by values created by the home industries, while 
the £100,000 finally went to Great Britain to purchase 
her wares. Bernard well argues the economic question. 
"It is really a contest between The West Indies and 
Great Britain ; for in the latter will the profit and loss 
arising from the result of this question be determined." ^ 

Franklin placed the discussion on yet broader foundar 
tions when he told Parliament it mattered not to Eng- 
land whether the same property was acquired by an Eng- 
lishman living in an American colony, or in an English 

Collateral figures* show that Governor Bernard was 
correct in claiming that Great Britain gained more than 

^ Gov. Bernard, Letters on Trade^ p. 2. 

2 According to the report of Brit. MS. Commission for 1872, the 
Lansdowne MSS^ v. 25, 135, have an account of the trade between 
Portugal and New England. 

3 Letters on Trade, p. 7. * Bos, News Letter, August 7, 1760. 

1760-75.] THE TRUE BRITISH GAIN. 755 

the West Indies by this interchaaging commerce with the 
" Northern Colonies " (i. e. New England chiefly). Be- 
tween two periods of five years each, 1744-1748 and 1754- 
1758, the increase of exports from Great Britain to the 
West Indies was £404,504.2.1, while to the Northern 
colonies it was £3,927,789.3.1. In the one case the in- 
crease was about 12 per cent., in the other it was about 
112 per cent. This was in the full tide of the French 
War, when commerce was certainly profitable. 

An accomplished English traveller, Burnaby, waa greatly 
impressed witli the general comfort of America, where no 
one begged. But he made one of those rash prophecies 
which tempt superficial observers : " America is formed 
for happiness, but not for empire. I saw in- butmIii'i 
superable causes of weakness which will necessa- "^"^ 
rily prevent its being a potent state." ^ Bumaby * visited 
Massachusetts in 1759-60. He represents Massachusetts 
as suffering then from the effects of the French War in 
heavy taxation. Paper money had injured hei iT^'^j not 
only with " Connecticut, but other parts of the continenv 
Fisheries had declined, and the foreign demand for ships 
had fallen, because the quality had deteriorated. Yet tt 
was a " rich, populous, and well-cultivated province." 

He give!! the routine of the domestic and foreign com* 
merce of Khode Island at the same time. This colony 
produced only rum for Africa ; flaxseed, oil, and a few 
home-built ships for Europe; lumber, cheese, a little grain, 
and horses fur the West Indies. But through their ex- 
changeable goods of various kinds they levied considerably 
on Connecticut and the other colonies for provisions and 
other articles of export. Spermaceti candles were manu- 
factured there freely. 

The course of commerce was in this wise ; Vessels took 
out provisions to the West Indies, and rum to Africa ; 
brought back negroes to the West Indies. They carried 

■ Burnaby, Traveh in N. A., p. 165. ■ Ibid., pp. 146, 147. 


West India dugar to Holland, selling it for money, which 
they paid to account in London. These credits afforded 
European goods, which were exchanged at home for prod- 
ucts of the neighboring colobies. There were cleared in 
1763 at Newport some 184 vessels in the foreign trade 
with a regular line to London.^ 

Burnaby ^ contemns the Rhode Islanders for their lack 
of ^^ arts and sciences and public seminaries of learning." 
Officials ^^ from the highest to the lowest are dependent on 
the people," and neither their character nor abilities find 
favor with this English observer. But if we study the judi- 
cious and calm remonstrance against the Sugar and Stamp 
Governor Acts ' Sent by Govcmor Hopkins to the Lords 
^Jjjjj^'* Commissioners by request of the General Assem- 
■*'~*'*" bly of the colony, we find that these " depend- 
ent " burghers knew the business of life quite as well as 
tiie English scholar who despised them. 

The remoiistrance states that about 150 of the Rhode 
Island vessels went to the West Indies annually, and 
bi^ught into the colony 14,000 hhds. of molasses ; of this 
not over 2,500 hhds. came from the English islands, nor 
was their whole product equal to two thirds of the Rhode 
Island consumption. It will be observed that the little 
colony imported within 1,000 hhds^ as much as her Mas- 
sachusetts sister. From this time to about 1769, Newport 
commerce was at its highest prosperity. Rhode Island 
had thirty distilleries. American rum had driven the 
French brandies from the coast trade of Africa. The 
price of molasses was then \2d. sterling per gallon, at 
which rate distilling was profitable. The co![pny remitted 
about £40,000 to Great Britain annually. The document 
argues at length, and with great force, that the interchange 
helped Rhode Island, the British West Indies, and finally 
Great Britain. 

1 R. I. C. R., vi. 379. ■ Travels in iV. A., pp. 126, 127. 

• R. I. C. R., vi. 378-383. 


Moses Brown ' etateB, on the aathority of the committee 
of the General Assembly in 1764, that Providence had 
fifty-four vessels afloat, " 40 sail of which Used the West 
India and other Trade, and the 14 are coasters. Of the 
10 sail 24 vessels Used the foreign Trade as the Dutch, 
Danes, French, and Spanish ports, the other 16 to the 

They brought returns in salt, molasses, sugar, mm, 
coffee, cotton, pimento, etc. Spermaceti candles' were 
made largely. 

Connecticut employed 45 vessels in 1761,' and after the 
Peace of Paris increased her West India trade consider- 
ably. The returns thence overstocking her market, she 
sent some of the molasses and sugar to England.* The 
merchants of the larger towns bad always imported more 
or less goods from England direct.^ 

The West India commerce went in single-decked ves- 
sels : horses and oxen were tethered on deck ; comwotkot 
luiuber, shingles, staves, and hoops were stored ^liu^^j^ 
in the hold ; occasionally the cargoes included '°'^'*^ 
some fish, beef, pork, or corn. Vessels also went into the 
Mediterranean, disposed of their cargoes in the Spanish 
ports, and bought mules in Barbary for the West Indies. 
They took out provender for the animals on tlie voyage. 
Insurance to Great Britain was about two per cent in 
ordinary times, and 15 per cent, to 20 per cent during 
the wars. 

The cruise of the brig Two Brothers * to Dutch Gui- 
ana was a specimen of these Conneoticut voyages. Her 
cargo was 76 bushels of oats, 25 tierces tobacco, 28 bbla. 
flour, 60 bundles oak staves, and as many brioks M 

1 Letter on Comn^nt, MS., R. L H. Soe. 

■ Bm. Nemi LeU, June 8, 1769. 

■ CaulkinB, Norwich, p. 314. * CanlUns, IT. Limdm, p. 481 

* CaulkiDB, Nonakk, p. 311. 

* MS. Jounat in Hartford CamvrU, Apiil 26, 1681. 


she could stow in two days at Rocky Hill. Ropes of 
onions were included. The culture of onions at Weathers- 
field dates from 1710. She wefit around to New London, 
took on horses, and sailed for Surinam, thence to Para- 

The commerce of Connecticut increased from 76 vessels 
of 6,790 tons in 1762 to 180 vessels of 10,317 tons in 
1774,^ all to the West Indies, excepting " now and then 
a vessel to Ireland with flaxseed, and to England with 
Lumber and Potashes, and a few to Gibraltar and Bar- 
bary." The import of British manufactures, including 
those brought through Boston and New York, was £200,- 
000 per annum. The average exports to England were 
about X10,000, and all exports were about £200,000 per 
annum. ^^ Stores for muling " appear in the items of 

The commerce of New Hampshire ^ was similar, as it 
was carried on with the West Indies. In addition there 
was a considerable export of timber, masts, and ships to 

To comprehend the changes initiated by Grenville, we 

must &:o back a full century to the modifications 

■Mtutedby of the old British Navigation Acts made under 

OrenTille. ^ 

Charles II. In the legislation of 1660-63, the 
intention was to bind the colonists in two ways: First, 
the colonies must get their European merchandise in 
English bottoms navigated by Englishmen ; second, they 
must produce only those commodities which Great Britain 
did not produce, and send them to her ports. Commodi- 
ties of no consequence to British trade might be ex 
ported to European ports south of Cape Finisterre. 

To secure this latter issue, the classification of " Enu- 
merated Commodities " was made ; that is, " sugar, to- 
bacco, ginger, indigo, cotton, fustic and other dye-woods 

* Connecticut Arch., Census, p. 5. 

* For details, see Belknap, N. H., iii. 204. 



could be transported only to countries belonging to the 
British crown, under penalty of forfeiture. To the list, 
molasses and rice were added in 1704 ; rice was set free in 
1730. Furs and copper ore were added in 1721. At 
various times tar, pitch, turpentine, hemp, masts, yards, pig 
and bar iron, pot and pearl ashes, whale fins, hides, and 
some other articles were added. By the 6th of George 
III., 1766, the non-enumerated commodities were limited 
to the same lines which included the enumerated. The 
British ministry intended to stop the vigorous illicit ti'ade 
which had been conducted through eveiy generation of 
colonial life. In this attempt they hampered all trade as 

This adverse legislation in Parliament produced an im- 
mediate and positive effect on the actual com- Economie 
merce of New England. There can be no ques- *^^^ 
tion of this. We have seen its effect on the lumber in- 
terest ; ^ but wherever we get a glimpse of mercantile 
correspondence, it shows positive changes induced by the 
mother country's new grip on her half-dependent children. 
Richard Derby, of Salem, writing in 1768,^ said it was 
" out of the people's power to pay money for the necessa- 
ries of life, because the duties arising by the late act have 
almost deprived us of our silver and gold currency al- 
ready." And he limited purchases of wine, in return for 
molasses exported, to three fourths of the previous cost, by 
reason of sluggish trade at home. In Lisbon, too, Amer- 
ican grain was in sale " so delatory and precarious by some 
late laws, injurious to the trade of Great Britain and her 
colonies," ^ that it required a year to turn a cargo of 6,000 
bushels. Such hindrance in a warm climate was a virtual 
prohibition of trade in the article. J. & J. Amory,* at 
Boston, write their London correspondent : " Goods of 
all kinds are a drug, quantities selling every day to the 

^ Mans, Arch., lix. 502. ^ Essex Imt.^ viii. 159, 160. 

* Bos, News Let, July 6, 1769. ^ MS. Letters, June 18, 1768. 


destruction of the trade. Money has become scarcer than 
ever, and collecting of debts, even from among the most 
opulent people, extremely difficult. This will lead us to 
import but a trifle for a considerable time." 

William Samuel Johnson, in a letter to Jonathan Trum- 
bull, stated that English exports to New England, which 
were X419,000 in 1767-68, fell to £207,000 in 1768-69.1 

The natural reaction following all great economic move- 
ments came after the Grenville acts, and before the out- 
break of the Revolution. April 20, 1771, J. & J. Amorj 
write : ^ *'*' There never has been a time within our know- 
ledge when there was so great a rivalry in business as 
there is at present. Each one is striving to undersell his 
neighbours, and engross as much of the trade as possible." 
The profit of the British shipping merchant at this time, 
on goods sent hei'e, was from 10 to 15 per cent.^ 

When the Revolutionary struggle fairly commenced in 
1775,^ exportations of all provisions to the British fish- 
eries were prohibited. Exports were definitely forbidden 
to Nantucket, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Quebec. 
In the South, only the parish of St. John's in Georgia was 
allowed ; ^^ East and west of Florida " was a forbidden 

The coasting trade ^ continued the marvellous develop- 
ment which was ever a chief element in the making of 
c^jj^gting *^^s Western empire. Rarely did any colony 
''**^ break the coarse of this magnificent inter- 

change by any foolish acts of legislation. Georgia fur- 
nished an instance in 1765, when the General Assembly 
laid import duties on provisions, fish, spermaceti candles, 

^ 5 Af . //. C, ix. 424 ; and see Pitkin's Statistics, p. 19, for detail 
of English conimeroe to New England, 
a MS. Letters. 

* Hutchinson and Oliver, Letters, p. 24. 

* Mass. Arck.f cxxxviii. 157. 

* See a cargo, Mass. Arch., Ixvi. 221. 

17ea-76.] THE COASTING TRADE. 761 

etc., brought from colonies north of South Carolina.^ Lit- 
tle Rhode Island alone had 352 vessels coasting from 
Newfoundland to Georgia in 1764.^ In 1762 two sloops 
started on weekly voyages from Newport to New York, 
making a line of packets. Cabin passengers paid one 
pistole, and those in the steerage two dollars each.^ 

Among the petty annoyances which the British minis- 
try inflicted on the colonies at the eve of the Revolution, 
in their new regulation of American commerce, perhaps 
the most vexatious, mischievous, and futile was in their 
interference with the coasting trade. A British naval 
officer of the olden time was not too humane or concilia- 
tory at his best. Give him the enforcement of a harsh, 
imperious system of police inspection, and all the exac- 
tions of tyranny must follow. The espionage of the 
coasters and fishing boats on the Piscataqua was espe- 
cially vexatious.^ Worse than this occurred which never 
went upon record. The traditions along the coast, of the 
common acts of British officers and sailors against per- 
sons and property, would cause shame to any civilised 

Nantucket, exposed to the temptation of supplying the 
enemy, and necessarily constrained by the home govern- 
ment, suffered much in the Revolutionary derangements 
of commerce. She was constrained by her friends and 
plundered by her enemies. A feeble and dangerous com- 
munication was maintained in open boats with the ports 
on Long Island Sound.^ These boats could steal by the 
British cruisers off Newport, in places where sailing ves- 
sels would have been captured. 

Friction and ill-feeling followed from all the efforts of 
the British revenue officers to collect from the i)eople. 

1 Bos. News Let, April 25, 1765, » R. I, C. R., vi. 379. 

* Bos, Eve, Postf Aug. 2, 1762, has list of prices for freight. 

* Adams, PorUmouikt p. 254. 

* Macy, Nantucket, p. 84. 


In Newport, they charged more than the customary fees 

as allowed by law. The merchants made a pub- 

in enforcing lic rcmonstrancc,^ bound themselves not to pay 

the extra charges, and to assist each other and 

all strangers in resisting payment. 

Seizures were made occasionally, and some illegal com- 
merce was stopped, but enforcement of laws^ was not 
easy, in the condition of the popular mind. Information 
given against smugglers engaged in evading the revenue 
would cause a riot, and one informant at Newbury ^ was 
tarred and feathered. An importer at Newport had 
sworn to his cargo of molasses at 50 hhds. The count 
showed more than 80, though some had been landed al- 
ready. The cargo was seized; but a mob in disguise 
came at night and took away all the cargo except the 
60 hhds. which had been regularly entered.^ Vessels 
were generally brought into port after dark, their cargoes 
being discharged and secreted under cover of the friendly 
night. All kinds of tricks served to divert and foil the 
officers of the crown. In Gloucester,^ half a cargo had 
been secured, when morning came and with it the royal 
officer from Salem. The town at tliat time maintained 
a watch-house, during a temporary alarm concerning 
smallpox, where strangers were stopped and fumigated. 
McKean, a stout Irishman, kept watch and ward. Duly 
inspired by Colonel Foster, the owner of the offending 
vessel, he seized the inspector of customs, kept him 
through the day, and dismissed him after nightfall, 
freed from all infection. The moral infection of the 
irrepfular cargo remained unchanged, however. 

While the favored whites of Englidh and American 

1 Bos. News Let, Sept. 21, 1769. 

2 Felt, Salem, ii. 261 ; Bos. News Let., J uly 13, Sept. 1 1, Nov. 
9, 1769. 

« Coffin, p. 235. * Newport Hist, Mag., i. 126. 

» Babson, p. 387. 


descent were preparing their great struggle for political 
freedom, they busily plied the dark commerce whitefree- 
for bringing their black brethren out of per- w^klluT- 
sonal liberty into the hard manacles of slavery. ^^' 
The trade to the coast of Guinea for negroes was under 
full headway in all this period. A writer in the " News 
Letter " claimed that, ^^ upon examining the imports of ne- 
groes," ^ 23,743 were " brought into this province " from 
1756 to 1766, or an average of 2,374 for each year, ac- 
cording to his statement. I think he must have included 
the Newport importation in his sum total for ^^ this prov- 
ince." No other figures show such immense dealings 
as this would give to the mart of Boston. The main dis- 
position of the New England cargoes was in the West 
Indies. The greater part of the blacks never touched 
our soil. They were advertised freely in Boston, but 
there could not have been two thousand and more sold 
in Massachusetts in every year. In 1762- a ''number 
of prime Goree and Senegal slaves " were just imported 
and for sale. In 1761 the thrifty descendants of the old 
Puritans could trade off, in this naive and interesting 
manner, lean morals and brawny muscles in bulk for 
more muscles in little, with undeveloped souls, untainted 
except by their original sin : " A parcel of likely negroes, 
cheap for cash. Also if any persons have any negro men, 
strong and hearty, tho' not of the best moral character, 
which are proper subjects for transportation, may have 
an exchange for small negroes." ^ Is not that a delicious 
and artless mixture of the casuistry of culture with rude, 
impassioned humanity, — a commingling hash of Satanic 
civilisation and simple, savage nature? 

Connecticut imported a few Africans. Samuel Willis, 
at Middletown, advertised in 1761 "several likely Negro 
Boys and Girls : arrived from the coast of Africa."* But 

1 Bon. News Let,, Aug. 10, 1769. » Bos, Eve, Post, June 14, 1762, 
• Bos, Eve. Post, Aug. 3, 1761. * Hist, New Haren, p. 64. 


the great market for this traffic was at Newport. The 
trade seems to have been especially stimulated about the 
time of the Peace of Paris. Newport had engaged in 
1763 some 20 sail of vessels, with a capacity for 9,000 
hhds. of rum ; ^^ too much for the coast." ^ The common 
price of a slave on the coast had risen to 200 gallons of 
rum, and Barbadoes even gave 270 gallons in one in- 

The educating power of a great popular and national 
movement took effect at last and influenced this traffic. 
The Association of the Colonies in 1774 agreed 
gnduftUy to prohibit it. Rhode Island, in forbidding the 
further importation of negroes into her own 
territory, stated as a reason that those ^^ desirous of en* 
joying all the advantages of liberty themselves should be 
willing to extend personal liberty to others." But with 
curious inconsistency! she did not regard this principle 
as extending so far as the West Indies ; for the traffic 
there was not interrupted. So difficult it is for ethics to 
prevail over commerce I 

While our colonists were bringing in the black savages 
from Africa, the copper-colored prototypes native to the 
i^{^ soil were moving backward and fading away. 
*'^*' The Indian trade either went to Canada or 

concentrated itself at Albany. Furs had become of 
slight consequence in the New England exchanges. Soon 
after the Canadian conquest, the Americans were much 
impressed by the magnitude and importance of the trade 
in furs there. Probably the conviction^ that there was 
much profit in the great Northwestern Indian trade did 
much in promoting the unfortunate expeditions to Canada 
attempted during the Revolutionary struggle. 

The shipping for our home trade, and for sale abroad, 

^ Nexoport HisL Mag., v. 76 ; see Sheffield, R. I. Pvimteers, p. 56, 
for list of slavers. 
■ See Bos. News Let,, Dec. 17, 1772 ; and Doc, Col. N. Y., vii. 964. 

1760-76.] VBSSELS MOVING ON LAND. 765 

was built chiefly in northeastern Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire. Those two colonies built rather shipbuud- 
more than one half the American tonnage from ^^' 
1769 to 1771, or from 10,000 tons to 12,000 tons.* 
Along the Connecticut Kiver, lumbermen felled trees in 
the winter to be floated down in the spring, and out into 
lumber at points below. But the virgin forests on the 
streams flowing eastward and southeastward were birth- 
places for vessels. Shipbuilding in the large way had not 
gone east of the Piscataqua as yet. The largest vessel 
launched in Wells, Me., by 1767, was a schooner of 88 

The older ports could not compete with the new settle- 
ments amid the timber. When the great trees had been 
exhausted on the river bank, gangs of shipwrights went 
a mile or two into the forests, seeking to join the naiad 
and the dryad nymphs. Here on the upland they would 
build a vessel of 100 tons or more, mount her on strong 
sledges of timber, hitch in a team of 200 oxen, and drag 
her in triumph over the snow until she rested on the 
frozen surface of a navigable stream.^ When the ice 
melted she abandoned this unnatural elevation, and the^ 
water nymphs took her to their own home. Fishing 
schooners and whaleboats could be easily handled in 
this manner. At seven and eight miles from the stream, 
vessels were built, taken in pieces, and then carried by 
common teams to the launching place. 

These monster teams of oxen were organised at first to 
bring the great mast trees * — often 1 20 feet long — out 
of the forest to the river brink. It was ex- 

i* 1 i>ivt 1 * 1 Great teanu. 

ceedingly difricult to start so many inert beasts 

into a living, moving team ; it was called " raising them.'* 

The work once done, the listless and restless, the active 

* Macpherson, An. of Commerce, iii. 670. 

2 Bourne, Wells and Kennebtmkf p. 570. 

» Belknap, N H., iii. 209. * Burnaby, Travels N. A., p. 162. 


and lazy, mass, fairly started into harmonious action, 
nothing must stop. If an ox was ill — as sometimes hap- 
pened — his lashings were cut, and another forced into 
his vacant place, the team not losing its headway. 

In felling these immense trees used for masts, they 
were obliged to exercise great care. Often the trunk 
was bare for 80 or 100 feet, and it would shatter and 
break unless protected in its fall. On the side where 
they proposed to lay it, the workmen would bring small 
trees, or fell any standing there. The process was called 
*^ bedding," and on this natural mattress the mighty shaft 
of pine was stretched without injury. The largest were 
three feet in diameter.^ They generally cut for a mast 
three feet in length for each inch of diameter ; the yards 
and bowsprits were shorter in proportion. 

These building operations were carried along every 
branch of the Piscataqua, and brought out not 
•hire Ship- less than 200 vessels per annum.^ Newbury- 
port ^ had seventy-two vessels on the stocks at 
one time. Among the curious municipal functions there 
was a shipyard located on her common land, and she 
charged threepence per ton for the privilege of building. 
Some merchants in Portsmouth each built a dozen vessels 
in a year, generally of 200 tons to 300 tons burden. The 
building was profitable ; it was a large barter. The Eng- 
lish merchants contracting for the vessels sent out cord- 
age, anchors, canvas, etc., the year before the building. 
Moreover, Portsmouth * was exporting to the West Indies, 
and would ship the produce received there to England for 
liquidating debts ma<le for European goods used in con- 
structing vessels, or in paying laborers employed on them. 
Smaller vessels, taking the West India returns, would dis- 
tribute them in the Southern colonies, then bring com, 

* See lists in Belknap, iii. 103. 

* Bupnaby, Trav, N. A., ^> 160. 

* Smith, pp. 61, 65. * Adams, p. 258. 

1760-75.] £055 AND GAIN, IN LARGE. 767 

rice, flour, pork, tar, pitcli, etc., homeward to the Fiscat- 
aqua. The best cordage came fmm abroad, but three 
Topewalks were producing in Portsmouth. 

It is said that solid rafts of timber aud lumber were 
rudely shaped into hulls, with small spaces left OMMtim. 
in the centre, where the crew and provisious '™-"''* 
were kept. Rigged with ingenuity, and navigated with 
great skill and courage, they made their way across tlie 
seas to England. Captain Ro.<te, of Ncwburyport,' carried 
one to London iu twenty-six days from home. A " tow 
of masts " was taken up at Salter's Beach, Duxbury,^ 

Light-houses were erected 176S-17T1 at Plymouth Har- 
bor, Thatcher's Island, the latter in preference to Cape 

The commerce, which had grown from sach small be- 
ginnings in the seventeenth century, was soon shattered 
and nearly destroyed in the punishment administered by 
the mother country to her rebellious child. Mankind 
made great gains by the American Revolution. 
All that was destroyed weighed little as against ■«>, poiit- 
the mighty creation of that epoch. A develop- 
ment of representative institutions on that broad basis 
which included the play of the individual freeman on the 
one side and the local autonomy of great states on the 
other, all interlocking together by a marvellous distribu- 
tion of political power, the whole regulated by that great 
legal tribunal, the Supreme Court, — that was a world- 
triumph. The whole world gained by such an exposition 
of government on the ample field of the new Americas. 
But it was a purely political gain, carrying with it the 
social blessings good politics always convey. Commerce 
lost, while liberty, law, and government gained. Both 
England and America lost wealth on the high seas, until 

' Smith, p. 65. 

" Sot. Neuit Letter, April 18, 1762. 

■ Mau. An^., Izvi. 129, 486, 494. 


the youngef and poorer commtmity replaced her ahat- 
tered vessels by larger ones with better cargoes. Both 
nations lost at first, and probably England never recov- 
ered commercially the resnlts of her mistaken political 



The words indicate safficientlj tfae tremflndona changes 
brought iDto the commercial life of our countiy by her 
struggle for independence. Under the sharp neceseitf of 
the time, skippen were soon passing into captains of fleets ; 
fishermen were yielding the stuff of heroes ; trading mer> 
chants were converting their ships into arsenals, 
their merchandise into munitions of war. Priva- 
teers were well named the " militia of the sea." Captain 
Mugford, in the schooner Franklin, from Marblehead, iA 
June, 1776, took the British ship Hope, with 1,500 half- 
barrels of powder and other stores. General Ward reco^ 
nised the great value of the exploit in his report ; ** Th« 
country owes in some degree its independence to him." * 
Trade was blocked or interrupted so that legitimate Ten- 
tares could not hope for success ; but the commerce of 
" our unnatnral enemies," as the timely phrase ran, WW 
subjected to the enterprising grasp of the peaceful fisher 
folk and sailors, now turned into fighting Tritons. 

Private war npon the seas became a cheerful pastime to 
the bold and ingenious crews, a fascinating series of ven- 
tures for the owners on shore. At first profitable, after 
Newport and New York had been occupied and the coasts 
thoroughly patrolled by the royal navy, the business soon 
became much more hazardous. Seamen left the British 
service, changed their names, and enlisted in the Yankee 
1 Pne. Mtm. H. S. 1791-1835, p. SSS. 


privateers.^ At this period the Loyalists retaliated, also, 
. ^^ with great effect, upon our commerce, and upon 
the French, after the British government loos- 
ened the seardogs of war against his Christian majesty.' 
Lord George Germain and Governor Tryon, of New 
fork, mutually congratulated themselves that they had 
secured the issuing of letters of marque against opposition 
at home. Tryon reported, June 29, 1779, that the priva- 
teers' crews from New York numbered more than 6,000 
men, " many of whom are Converts from the Rebels, and 
others persecuted Loyalists." ^ Within five months 142 
prizes were carried into that port. 

Our ventures were at their lowest ebb about 1777 ; 
later on, as the French fleet supported our forces and the 
British became less active, the American privateers made 
good headway again. The business was then profitable* 
the prizes frequent, and the New England ports bustling 
with the activity it occasioned. Britons could not believe 
that the injuries inflicted on their commerce came from 
the natural resources of America. Lord Sheffield, the 
best informed of the English writers on American com- 
merce, claimed after the peace that three fourths of the 
crews in Amencan privateers were European sailors. So 
little could insular prejudice comprehend of the inherent 
forces working in the Bevolutionary contest ! The parti- 
*8ans of the seas were generally of native growth, and their 
spirit was all American wherever they were born. 

Boston* had, according to the lists of the Massachu- 
setts Archives, 865 vessels^ commissioned during the 
term of the Revolution in this international piracy. It 

^ /?. 7. Arch,, James Watson's affidavit. 
« Doc, N. York, viii. 746, 748, 754, 756, 761. 

• Ihid., p. 772. 

* Menu Hist,, in. 118. 

^ For the whole list of Massachusetts privateers see Preble's ao- 
connt in N. E. H. and G, Reg., xxv. 362^369 ; xxvi. 21-29. 

ins-aa] brisk privateering. 771 

was legitimate warfare,' because the nstioas had not yet 
ODtgrown this form of barbaric private war, as they had 
gradually risen above other forms of it. No contests in 
all history better brought out the qualities of individual 
meo, or yielded such immediate results to enterprise and 
valor. It was a border region of human experience, 
containing the wealth and prizes of civilised order, yet 
admitting tbe wild encounter and fierce bravery of bai>- 
baric life. 

Boston probably sent out vessels owned wholly or in 
part by merchanta living in the other ports not jiiti„«rt. 
as favorably situated as she was after the evacu- "•?«** 
ation. Salem had a large number of vessels ; Felt^ puts 
it at 180, mounting from six to twenty guns each. The 
number recorded in 1782 was larger than in any other 
year. Felt's list of prizes for the whole war was 445, 
though he said it was incomplete from the nature of the 
case. The hazard to British commerce was felt imme- 
diately. The rate of insurance from West Indies to Eng^ 
land rose to 23 per cent, in 1776. 

ShefReld claims that Rhode Island issued nearly two 
hundred commissions.^ In the latter part of the war her 
ports were lively, and her admiralty judges were busy in 
condemning prizes. Poor Newport I Her open port and 
advantage of situation proved ber ruin. The royal fleets 
and armies could not hold Boston, but they secured New 
York, and for nearly four years Newport was held hard 
and fast under the lion's claws. She lost her commerce 
forever. Her wealth was wasted, and the opportunity of 
privateering afforded by the Narr^ansett inland sea was 

1 For the "reeolres" of Congress, and coniequent methoda of 
privateering, tee R. I. C. R., vii. 481, 635-637. 

' AnnaU Salem, ii. 267, 268, 277 : and lee Proc. M. B. S. 1881, 
p. 21. 

■ Sheffield, R. I. PrivaUen, p. 29. See list ^ pritei, p. 63 ; also 
Naoport Hist. Mag., iv. 106. 


checked and half destroyed. As it was, these fascinating 
ventures on the high seas, so dear to the Rhode Island 
individual independence and courage, absorbed much of 
her energy and public spirit. The little state furnished 
her quotas of regular troops, and they were good in quality. 
Her large infusion of Quaker blood never lowered her 
fighting spirit. 

Privateering was so popular that the Assembly ^ checked 
it in 1776, and found it necessary in 1780 to limit 
XaUndiB the number of officers and men at twelve for 
each vessel. The ^^ Intendants of Trade,'' who 
had direct control of the movements of privateers, were 
directed to require from captains positive proof that the 
towns had furnished their quotas of enlisted men, — towns 
from whence the privateering crews had come. John Paul 
Jones, starting on his splendid exploits, was fortunate 
enough to get away in The Alfred before Admiral Parker, 
with his overwhelming fleet, came into the Bay. Jones 
stopped at Martha's Vineyard to overhaul one privateer 
Eagle, Isaac Field, master, taking from her by force 
twenty-four men for his own crew.^ 

Connecticut sent vessels from New London ^ frequently, 
with a few from Hartford and New Haven.^ Between 
March and June, 1779, nine ** New York or Tory " priva- 
teers were captured and carried into New London. This 
port was so closely watched by the British fleet that its 
operations were made very uncertain. It is doubtful if the 
business, as a whole, paid much profit. 

Newbuiyport, Mass.,^ sent out twenty-two vessels, with 
varying success. Her business suffered severely, early in 
the war, by the non-importation, and the suspension of 
shipbuilding for export. She recompensed herself and 

. ^ R.L C. iJ., Tiii. 434 ; ix. 144 ; Arnold, R. /., ii. 388. 
5» Sheffield, R. L Privateers, p. 30. 

* Caulkins, pp. 540-545. ^ Hist New Haven^ p. 91. 

* Coffin, Newbury, p. 407 ; Smith, Newburyport^ pp. 104, 106. 


nearly made up ber losses by tbe prizes. CrlouoeBteT * 
and Marblehead embarked a great many privateers. The 
euperstition of the seventeenth century crops out occa- 
sionally, and an instance occurs in the loss of tbe ship 
Tempest. A severe thunderstorm overtook her, and she 
was lost at sea. The religious feeling — as it was termed 
— of the community was much shocked that is ber name 
her owners bad dared to brave the elements. 

The commerce from Nova Sootia, Annapolis, and Hali- 
fax to the West Indies, also from Liverpool to these points, 
also the Portugal ventures from England, — freights which 
New Englanders once carried for themselves, — they now 
followed with privateers. Wherever a keel could be laid 
Bnccessfully, or be floated beyond reach of tbe British 
cruisers, the Yankee shipwright and bold rover of the seaa 
started bis little craft. Often under one bundre<l tons, 
they carried heavy ^ns, brave warriors, skilful and dash- 
ing sailors. All the scattered literature ' of the Revolu- 
tion contains traces of their work. 

All the archives in New England contain many original 
documents of interest relating to this subject. 
These are in themselves an abstract of the com- in pn^- 
merce, fettered and interrupted by the great 
wars, but continued through all the hazards these wars 
occasioned. To tbe greater romance of war was added 
every possible vicissitude of commerce on the high seas, 
as when tbe schooner Le Comite, from Nantz in France 
for Virginia, was taken by the British armed sloop Hibeiv 
nia in 1780.^ She was recaptured by an American priva- 
teer and condemned, one h^ to the captors, one half to 
her friendly owners, the French. An invoice of thirty- 
one pages covered a great variety of merchandise, dry 
goods, broadcloths, medicines, etc., in great det»L The 

1 Babson, pp. 73, 86, 99, 125, 399,410-414, 417, 423. 

3 See Proc. M. H. S. 1791-1835, pp. 317, 353 ; ftlao 1860, p. 347 ; 
Hunt's Amer. Merck., vols, i., ii. 

* B. T. Arch, at ProvideDce. 



Philadelphia schooner Molly ^ bad a similar experience. 
The Diamond,^ owned by Nicholas and John Brown, of 
Providence, captured in 1776 The Star and Garter, of 
Exeter, England, last from St. Christopber*s. Her papers 
show the list of enumerated commodities in actual prac- 
^ tice, viz. : " Any Sugars, Tobaccos, Cotton- Wooll, Indico, 
) Ginger, Fustick, or other Dying-Wood; as also Rice, 
Melasses, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, Hemp, Masts, Yards, 
Bowsprits, Copper-Ore, Beaver Skins or other Furs, 
Coffee, Pimento, Cocoa-Nuts, Whale Fins, Raw Silk, 

1 R, L Arch, 1119 1 — 
Invoice Sundries ship' by Stephen Crooio on board of the Sloop 

Molly, Capt McKeever for Phila on Account & Risque of Mess. 

Matt* Irvin & Co Merchants there and consigned to them. 

6 Hhds Brown Sugar 

1,100 Tare at 11 p ct 

8,900 Nettat33p . . 
Coopering the Same 25 p 

12 Casks of Saffia £96 . 
2 " " £90 . 

12 bbls Coffee 2089 Nett 10/6 
Cask & Coopge £3.15 . . 

£2,937 00 00 

150 00 00 £3,087 00 00 

£1,152 00 00 
180 00 00 

£1,096 14 6 
45 00 00 

1,332 00 00 

1,141 14 6 

£5,560 14 6 

£24 00 00 

211 8 7 

2 5 

237 13 7 


To JajTun Flat having to carry 
Sng. on board 

To Cash pd Duty cus. h. Sug. Cof- 
fee & Saffia ....... 

Carting Coffee to whf .... 

£5,798 8 1 
Built at Bermuda 1772 
Cleared Nav off Phila Nov 10, 1778. 
Taken prize by Privateer Brig Dunmore. 

Retaken, carried into Warren to unlade on account of ice at Frov. 
and into John Foster's Maritime Court. 
^ R. L Arch, at Providence. 




Hides and Skins, Pot and Pearl Ashes ; of the Growth, 
Productioa or Manufacture of any BritiBli plantation m 
America, Asia, or Africa." She gave bond to deposit 
any such goods " on shore " id some port of Great Brittun 

Generally the owners of the privateer took one half the 
prize money, as in the account of the Gamecock;' the 
ofBcers and orew took the remainder in varying proper- 

Brilliant exploits, courage, skill of the highest order, au- 
dacity beyond measure, ihine through the records of these 
paitisan heroes. The damage inflicted by this warfare on 
the older and richer combatant was incalculable. As Dr. 
Hale has shown,' England was injured in her resources 

• From AfUler Papen at Newburgb, N. Y. Miller, of Hartford, 
maiiAged seveisl privateers, — sloop Raven, schooner lteven|^, aad 











c«d> of Cbe OiiDO- 
c«.k'» proportion 


Bjr bdf tbs HtU 
Procwd, or tbs 
Scboomt Bawud 




To A B»]. due Joon- 1 

llun WiMnn . . | 

To f, B.1I. du« Alton ) 

To 1 Bil. dno Abi»- 1 
luun UUler ... 1 

21G. 18.31 



Hartford, Sept 27th 1779 
Errors Excepted 

Miller & Olmbted. 
'. and Crit. Hist. Araer., vi. 684, 686 ; and see ootes, pp. 


more upon the seas than in her actual losses on the 

It is proper that especial mention be made of Elias 
Eiiu Has- Hasket Derby ,^ of Salem, for his achievements 
ket Derby, jjj ^j^jg warlike commercc, and because he was 
a type of the period. Of a maritime lineage, his father 
Richard, captain at the age of twenty-four, was an excellent 
specimen of the resolute, self-possessed shipmasters and 
owners of the middle eighteenth century. Elias was bom 
in 1739, and from 1760 to 1775 was his father's account- 
ant and confidential manager, while he steadily built up a 
business of his own. He owned seven sail, ranging from 
60 to 100 tons, and was worth $50,000. The outbreak 
of the Bevolution swept away a large part of his earn- 
ings. At the end of the first year, he faced a ruined 
trade, and there was no opportunity of recovery through 
the old channels. 

On the other band, new channels were opening. Bos- 
ton, New York, Newport, Philadelphia, were occupied or 
soon to be occupied, by the powerful enemy. Salem, and 
the little fishing ports roundabout, offered comparatively 
safe ground whence privateers could fit out and attack the 
British commerce. Derby was prominent, and generally 
the chief owner, in fitting out the Salem fleet of ^^ at least 
158 ai*med vessels mounting more than 2,000 cannon.'* 
They brought in more than 445 prizes. 

He was not content with the small type of vessels 
which constituted the first letters of marque. The British 
were sending large private vessels, and the naval cruisers 
made short work of the " Yankee privateer " when they 
could catch him. Derby established shipyards, studied 
plans for himself, and projected larger, swifter, and finer 
vessels than had prevailed. In speed they could outsail 
the sturdy but slower Englishman, and in weight of ar- 
mament they could cope with the i*oyal sloops of war. 

1 Hunt's Merck, Mag., v. 36, 155 et seq. 

1776-83.] DERBY THE MERCHANT. 777 

Derby's Grand Turk, Astrea, Light Horse, and Hasket 
& Jolin, were ships raoging from 300 to 360 tons. In 
brigs he owned three, — Henry, Cato, and Three Sisters. 

These seven vessels, superior in their size, form, and 
quality, represented his property at the end of the war. 
At the beginning ])e had seven small sloops and Typiuiei- 
Bchooners. His experience is a fair type of the ^^^ 
adventures of America iu private war with £ng- ""^'^ 
land. The Americans lost their first commerce ; they re- 
placed it with better vessels of larger burden. They 
could carry larger cargoes, and they had the property to 
fill them. The old merchants — the Tories — were gener- 
ally driven out ; they were replaced by a new order of 
men, not as cultured but more adventurous and vigorous 
than the exiles. After the United States accomplished 
its final union, these men led in opening the great Chinese 
and India trade. 

Elias Hashet Derby died in 1799, worth about one mil- 
lion dollars. He was of true constructive genius 
in affairs. Occasional instances are recorded uidiKtrioug 
illustrating his sagacious comprehension of his 
fellow-men. He was cheated once by a man who wore 
nankeen breeches. He then told his clerks : *' Never trust 
a man again who comes here in January dressed in nan- 
keen : if he cheats) himself he will certainly cheat us." 
Like all hasty generalisations, this did not work. A rich 
Boston merchant came to Salem in Derby's absence, and 
was refused croilit on account of the interdicted costume- 
He went away in high dudgeon. But when the yellow- 
breeched magnate learned all the circumstances, he joined 
in laughing at the joke, which told as well against Derby 
as i^inst himself. 

In keeping a model farm he showed the same adaptive 
skill that built the successful privateers. He was of large 
))ublic spirit. At the time of the battle of Lexington he 
loaned "the government a lai^ proportion of the sup- 


plies for the army, and took their obligations for so much 
specie." This debt was unsettled in 1790. He supplied 
the boats for Sullivan's expedition to Rhode Island. He 
furnished the French fleet with coal, and was among the 
sufferers on whom our government inflicted the famous 
^^ French spoliations." He was tall, finely developed in 
his person, and of elegant manners. Grave and careful, 
bold in projecting, exact and methodical in conducting his 
enterprises, he may be considered a model merchant. A 
good husband and father, a sound citizen, few men have 
left a more fragrant memory. . 

I could give most interesting details of adventure culled 
from these scattered records, but it would extend far 
beyond my limits. We should have a well-digested his- 
tory of privateering, from the French and Spanish wars to 
the gallant encounter with our English cousins 
lost, but not in 1812. We have lost our natural place on 
the seas, but not necessarily forever. The de- 
scendants of the vikings will return again to their native 
element. The deeds of privateers and whalemen should 
be cherished by our generation, for the benefit of the 
grandsons of those who built the clipper merchantmen. 
Those strong-winged gulls in timber put swift girdles about 
the earth in the days when the new gold made nimble 
commerce everywhere. Our American race, which has 
mastered the seas so often, has not weakened its fibre nor 
lost its invention. When it fairly takes in hand again 
ocean navigation, it must win anew the wide-reaching seas 
our sires loved and occupied so well. 

Illicit trade was carried on from Long Island and 
Block Island with the mainland, and our government 
watched those shores constantly.^ The privateers, also, 
often seized vessels which were convicted or suspected of 
irregular commerce.^ The British were charged with un- 

1 R, I. C. R., ix. 367, 369, 692 ; Caulkius, New London, p. 523. 
* See case of sloop Fancy, in i?. /. Arch, 


lawful use of the commissions of officers and crews, or 
the papers taken from American privateers. Congress 
prescribed ^ especial forms of commissions which could not 
be converted to any unlawful use by the enemy. 

The former commerce of the country was largely super- 
seded by this trade in irregular but abundant 
supplies of wares taken from the rich commerce re^iar, but 
of the enemy. Articles actually needed for the 
comfort of a household were generally to be had in the 
marts of trade, and luxuries were not wanting. '^An 
assortment of very fine and beautiful Patches, also Ger- 
man flutes and best Roman violin strings," as advertised,^ 
shows that all tastes were reasonably well satisfied. New 
England felt occasional but not constant privation. 

A large majority of the merchants of Boston, Salem, 
and Newport being Loyalists, their business was broken, 
their estates generally were confiscated, and many of them 
fled into exile. A new order of men came forward, and 
transacted the business incident to the new conditions of 
the country. Moreover, as the chapter on the internal 
affairs of these states indicates, the people, during the 
Revolution, had paused for the moment in their 
natural commercial development, and had be- taiidng 
come an industrial community almost self-sus- 
taining. This result was achieved very soon. Boston, 
and through her the district of Massachusetts, was much 
fettered and hindered by the outbreak of revolution, and 
by the hostilities of the first year. But in less than a year 
Massachusetts had recovered all her losses. April 4, 
1777, a merchant could say : " Though our money has de- 
preciated, the internal strength of the Country is greater 
than when the war began; and there is hardly a town 
that has not more ratable polls than at that time. And 
though many individuals suffer, yet the farmer and the 
bulk of the people gain by the war ; and Great Britain 

1 R. I, C. R.f ix. 322. « Bos. Eve. Past, June 29, 1781. 


therefore ought not to think of ever getting a peace with- 
out allowing independence." ^ Salaried men, and the few 
persons living on capitalised incomes, suffered, but the 
producers gained steadily. 

Among the foolish economic expedients^ attempted by 
the authorities in the beginning of the struggle, was a pro- 
posed limitation of trade between one part of 
£^^ Massachusetts and another. Also the export of 
lumber to foreign ports was proposed. These 
measures produced no positive effect, and December 31, 
1776, Congress formally removed the old restrictions of 
the Navigation Acts on the export of lumber to ports 
other than those of Great Britain.^ Some trade was car- 
ried on with France direct,^ especially to Bordeaux and 
Nantes. The State of Massachusetts sent there two hhds. 
of furs, chiefly otter and beaver ; a shipment of oil, at 
£3.10 per ton of 252 gallons for freight to Bordeaux, 
was proposed. The shipments also included rice and 
West India products. But the chief business was done 
with the West Indies, as in the old and regular times. 
The cargoes included fish, lumber, cooperage stock, and 
sometimes bricks, with the usual returns. Permits were 
granted for this intercourse, as it was overlooked by the 
authorities.^ Congress was tinkering constantly with 
commerce,^ trying to get the control, which the states as 
yet meant to keep for themselves. 

The cash disbursed by the French forces gave consid- 
erable impetus to trade. It made a direct demand for 
merchandise, and afforded a good medium of exchange. 
One party, Mr. Amory, of Boston, remitted more than 
100,000 livres in a short period during the year 1781.^ 

^ J. and J. Amory, MS. Letters. ^ Mass. Arch., ccx. 114. 

* Mass. Arch.f ccxi. 453. 

* Ibid., cxxxviii. 360, 361 ; clvii. 20, 27 ; cli. 2. 

» Ibid., clvii. 2, 8, 62 ; clxvi. 282 ; cUxxii. 311 ; ccx. 36 ; N. H. 
State P., viii. 562 ; Stone, Beverly, p. 319. 

* Pitkin, Statistics, p. 28. '^ J. and J. Amory, MS. Letters, 

1776-88.] • FASHIONS STILL PREVAIL. 781 

European goods were in good demand then, and those 
from the East Indies especially so, — linens, calicoes, 
gauzes, pins, needles, cutlery,, etc. The wants in these 
latter years of the war were such as a people experience 
who are living, in comfort. French silks, cambrics, etc., 
are called for. ^^I would observe that people dress as 
much and as extravagantly as ever. The ladies lay out 
much on their heads, in flowers and white gauze ; and 
hoop petticoats seem crawling in."^ The belles of the 
Hub at Boston and those of distant, ocean-bound and 
cruiser- watched Block Island, had the same wants for 
^^ gauze '' and at the same time. 

The trade to the Salt Islands in the West Indies was 
important, and the scarcity of salt at times, occasioned by 
its inteiTuption, was a hardship. The papers of the brig 
Nancy, sent out from Wiekford, R. I., in 1776,^ are inter- 
esting, as showing the method of the voyage and of hand- 
ling small brigs at that time. Probably they had more 
time, in a small port on Narragansett Bay, to consider 
affairs seriously, than sailors and shipping masters had in 
larger Boston and New York. The sailors signed a cu- 
rious agreement, binding them to thorough obedience, on 
penalty of forfeiting their wages, especially if absent 
twenty -four hours iu any port without leave. Method of 
Moreover, "Every Lawfull Command of the ^®J^"«^ 
Commanding officer of S^ Vessell in Suppressing Immo- 
rality Sin of all Kinds" was to be enforced under the 
penalty. It is not recorded whether or not the good Nancy, 
Captain Baker, achieved a moral and sinless voyage under 
such excellent provisions. 

The price of a brigantine complete with her stores, in 
the same year, at Providence, was <£318.^ 

The fishermen did not cease throwing hook, line, and 

^ J. and J. Amory, MS. Letters, 
^ See Appendix 11. 
• li. I. a R., viiL 103. 


seine, though their industry was fettered, and their mar- 
kets were precarious. I have memoranda of four distinct 
cargoes to the West Indies from Massachusetts in 1777,^ 
including, considerable quantities of codfish, as well as 
some salmon and mackerel. 

Trade was liable to constant interruption, but commod- 
ities were produced, and the advertisements ^ show that 
they were moved outward to meet the foreign demand. A 
person having either vessel, lumber, or fish would adver- 
tise for partners who could furnish the elements lacking 
for a foreign shipment. 

War had frequently been a disturbing hazard in our 
Undar- commcrcc, but a civil war increased all the ad- 
writing. verse chances. The business of insurance, op 
imderwriting, grew in consequence. After the evacuation 
of Boston, Edward Payne — one of the adventurers in Eu- 
ropean commerce — came home and established an office 
ft>r insurance. He concentrated the most of the business 
in the town,^ continuing it until his death in 1788. The 
practice was to open a policy guaranteeing the risk ; then 
any responsible parties would underwrite their names for 
fixed sums, each receiving his apportioned part of the pre- 
mium. Newburyport had an office of its own, opened 
about the same time.^ 

The intercourse by coasting vessels, always so positive 

an element in the prosperity of New England, 

tioosiu was much affected by the war and the vexatious 

coasting. , , *' ^ ^ 

interruptions of the British fleets. Occasionally 
rice from South Carolina,^ tobacco from Virginia, with 
some naval stores and the agricultural products of the 
Southern States, came thi'ough to New England. West 
India products were in constant demand, and were carried 

^ Ma!*s. Arch.y clvii. 2, 8 ; clxvi. 282 ; ccxiii. 375. 
» Bos. Eve. Post, Nov. 27, 1779. 
« M. H. S. Proc. 1873, p. 418. 

* See Smith's Newburi/port, p. 72, for form of the old policies. 

* Mass. Arch., clvii. 17. 


from the seaports to the interior. When the king's cruis- 
ers were not in the way, the coasters took them by water ; 
rum, sugar, and molasses being the chief necessaries. A 
cargo from Boston to Great Barrington and Williams- 
town contained 11 hdds. and 6 tierces of rum, 3 bbls. of 
wine, 2 do. of brandy, ^ bale of cotton, and 1 small cask 
of indigo.^ The proportion of " wet goods " to the small 
quantity of cotton and indigo is significant, and indicates 
the prevailing appetites. Another vessel carried 3 hhds. 
of rum, 2 of sugar to Connecticut, and returned 4,000 lbs. 
of flax.- 

As we have seen in the early days, the great internal 
trade between our colonies was occasionally in- 
terrupted by brief spasms of legislative inter- "tate legjaiA- 
ference. One of these occurred between the 
states of Massachusetts and New Hampshire in 1777.^ 
The first named prohibited the export of rum, molasses, 
cotton, or woollen goods, wool, leather, and many neces- 
sary articles. New Hampshire laid the same restrictions, 
and searched vessels going out of Portsmouth to enforce 

In this account of a commerce that was revolutionary, 
we may fitly consider the destruction of the great 

1 ir .1. ri 1 Prerogatlre 

mast trade, or the lurnisning of the royal navy over masts 
with masts and spars. The romance of the 
primeval forests of New England had centred itself in 
these imperial trees. Wherever a lofty pine lifted its 
head above its common fellows, the crown surveyor had 
found his way and had marked it with the broad arrow ; 
after this royal appropriation, it could not be felled for 
common uses. These favorites of Nature had been monu- 
ments of proper prerogative, and in many instances land- 
marks of the bureaucratic insolence which often ministered 
between that prerogative and the loyal subjects. I have 

* Mass. Arch. J cxcvi. 284. * Ibid.f ccxiv. 176. 

» N. H. H. C, vii. 80. 


described the great occasions when all the country's oxen, 
and all the country's men, worked together in behalf of 
the king in conveying these monstrpus trunks of timber to 
their places of embarkation. ' 

Very early, the intuition of the people taught them that 
these symbols of sovereignty must be stopped in their 
course to the naval arsenals of Britain. Even after Lex- 
ington, a large minority of people hoped for some com- 
position of the unhappy differences. The royal busi- 
ness of securing the masts went on, in halting fashion. 
May 17, 1775, a brig from England came into Ports- 
mouth on the usual errand. A ship just built at Casco 
Bay arrived at the same time in Portsmouth ^^with an 
intention to load masts which are now ready for her.'' ^ 
But the local authorities took alarm, and waited for ^^ the 
opinion of the Congress touching the Propriety of ship- 
ing the Masts." The capitals of the old-time spelling 
sometimes emphasised the right words. Now events 
shaped opinions very fast. Early in May there had been 
a naval conflict on the south shore of Massachusetts. On 
the 12th June, the former subjects dwelling at Machias, 
Me., seized his Majesty's sloop Margaretta. There was 
no more question of sending the mighty sticks across the 
waters, whence they might bring back ships, guns, and 
men to chastise the king's rebellious children. If any 
were taken away, it was in the illicit commerce of timber, 
which the French tried to stop in 1778. Their minister, 
with the approval of Congress, offered a reward to any 
vessel taking or destroying a " vessel of the enemy loaded 
with masts or spars, and destined to the ports of Halifax, 
Newport, or New York." ^ The broad arrow-marks re- 
mained in their places of abode. Many of these trees 
took new growth from republican soil. They even served 
in equipping the stout cruisers of 1812, in which the chil- 
dren of Revolutionary sires fairly beat the great navy that 
1 Prov. P. N. H., vii. 461. « /j. /. q. R., viU. 493. 


bad once absorbed all the imperial trees of tbe subject 

We part with genuine regret from the royal arrow and 
the towering pine, — monuments of Nature's original do- 
minion over theee lands of Kew England ; they became 
the high marks of royal assertion, the silent proclamations 
of kingly control and administration. New England did 
not overcome her royal all^iance, nor give herself over to 
untried ways of government, without severe agony. We 
may well partake of her mental struggles io that crucial 
time. A king I if the man could embody and represent 
the power of the iosUtutioD, what one of as would not 
render a subject's gratitude to the imperial ruler? Such 
was not to be the outgrowth of modem governmental 
ideas ; yet while the idea changed in form, little was lost 
in substance. The arrow mark was outgrown, and en- 
veloped by the abounding life of Nature. The pine did 
not halt, but continued its upward sovereign course. The 
towering masts of the republic, though stripped of the 
romance of royalty and the glamour of prerogidiive, 
stepped themselves firmly in the solid heart of the people. 




In the seventeenth century, we found the impelling 
purpose of the colonists who settled these lands, organ- 
ised living, and formed an orderly society, to be a pro- 
found social impulse, religious, political, and economic, 
Towns and which manifested itself in the rapid development 
''~^^"~- of numerous towns, perhaps the most consistent 
instruments of government the world knew at that time. 
These towns formed partial assemblies or colonial legisla- 
tures, then graduaUy put forth powers trenching on those 
of Parliament, and seriously affecting the free exercise of 
the royal prerogative. 

In the Revolution, that social impulse underlying the 
New England town as a political entity, forming 
ties and a the community, as 1 have termed it, was put- 
ting forth a larger organism, — a union of the 
colonies, which ultimately worked out the imperial unity 
of the United States of America. This does not arro- 
gate too much for the town. That was simply the best 
medium of a governing spirit which was deeper than any 
town, or than any one part of the American i>eople. New 
England never could have accomplished independence 
alone. Virginia gave the larger motives which finally 
brought empire; and Washington, the god - descended 
individual who made a nation possible and brought 
in the state, was not and could not have been of New 


The great master of American history has said that 
the Declaration of Independence gave the American peo- 
ple "a single and inspiring purpose."^ That Birth of the 
purpose changed the people from an aggrega- ^^^^^^ 
tion of fellows — male and female — into a vigorous, ag- 
gi'essive society, which never rested until it became an 
organised body politic, a state. The individual citizen 
fighting in the Louisburg trenches, then bringing sugar 
from the West Indies in defiance of law, then suppress- 
ing stamps and collectors in defiance of the crown, — this 
citizen had come to regard himself as a political as well 
as a trading animal. He cried out. Where is my state ? 
The family, church, nation, all are here ; where is my 
government, — the seat of power, the throne, whether 
royal or representative, to which I shall bow down in 
respectful and enduring allegiance ? The economic and 
social life that had been working itself upward for two 
generations, creating political grievances by the way, now 
burst the shackles of grievance and sprang forth from the 
Jove of Nations, — a spirit of liberty and of empire. 

It is true this spirit had to content itself with such 
earthen vessels as it found. Then, as always in our 
history, the spirit of the people was essentially larger 
than any persons or coteries which it embraced. Many 
times in the war, the inferiority of statesmen and the in- 
competency of generals seemed about to overwhelm the 
high genius of the people, and to consign the country to 
disaster. But the same high pui'pose and impulse that 
started the country upon its mission prevailed over every 
mischance, doubt, and defeat, until triumph was assured. 

In fact, so little of this deeper purpose and stronger 
impulse, this fibre of a community, appeared on the sur- 
face, or affected the common acts of individuals, patriotism a 
that observers had denied its existence. I have »*«* ff'^'^**- 
cited 2 Burnaby, the learned and generally acute traveller, 
1 Bancroft, U. <S ". 3. ^ See above, p. 755. 


He saw, as he thought, '^ insuperable causes of weakness " 
which must inevitably prevent the growth of a great 
state on these shores. Once emancipated from British 
control, there would be civil war from " one end of the 
continent to the other," while the Indians and negroes 
would exterminate the surviving combatants. James 
Otis was sure that independent America would be "a 
mere shambles of blood and confusion." Patriotism was 
not created in a moment. The passion was boiii; but 
patriotic strong-doing, — the transmutation of the grand, 
heroic forces into the small change of petty, popular ac- 
tion — this, like all good work, had to be worked out with 
much hardship and minute detail. 

England had believed during the agitations begun by 
Grenville that the civilised needs of the colonists, so to 
speak, — the wants for clothing, luxuries, and refine- 
ments, — would compel the rebels to return speedily to 
their wonted allegiance. In vain Franklin and the class 
of European observers like Burke told Parliament and the 
extreme advocates of royal prerogative that these ex})ec- 
tations were fallacious. A rich country, an ingenious and 
capable people, were not to succumb, enervated by the 
wants their own development of civilisation had created. 
Out of the patriotic impulse of the rising state, there was 
to come new invention and ready enterprise for supply- 
ing the yawning necessities of a civilisation sundered by 
the rebellion from its natural supports in Old England. 

In manufactures the new citizens began at once to 
make the munitions of war. Clothing had been in- 
Manufac- crcascd Considerably by the homespun efforts 
***"■• for several years, as we have seen. Gunpowder 

and its constituent saltpetre were made in many towns.^ 
Families were encouraged to preserve nitre in every pos- 
sible way ; though the legislatures did not go as far as 
the early colonists who appointed " conscionable men " 

^ Bliss, Rehoboth, p. 147 ; Smith, Newburyj)ortf p. 82. 

1776-83.] SOCIAL INDUSTRIES. 789 

to superintend these processes of gathering saltpetre out 
of the domestic economy. Massachusetts offered boun- 
ties on sulphur^ to bo extracted from native ores; and 
powder mills* were erected at many points. Bhotle Isl- 
and ^ regularly inspected the powder made and encour- 
aged by bounty within her Ijordera ; she forbade the ex- 
portation by land or water. 

General Howe thought "Linnen and Woolen Goods 
much wanted by the Rebels " * when he was preparing 
to evacuate Boston, and he ordered them carried away. 
But be knew as little of the industrial resources as his 
superiors knew of the political strength of the country. 
In the chapter describing the agitation caused by the 
Stamp Act, I noted in much detail the movements for 
producing textile fabrics for ordinary clothing. These 
impressed the popular mind exceedingly, and turned tbo 
skill and industry of the women of all classes to the pro- 
duction of clotb as a domestic business. This social 
movement was so effective that it ceased to be a matter 
of particular record.* The people were now clothed in 
their own garments as naturally as they were fed by 
their own Indian corn. We see that here and there the 
stimulus was occasionally applied to extraordinary pro- 
duction, either in quality or quantity. About 1776, Miss 
Holt, in Andover," Mass., was paid 18s. for spinning 72 
skeins, and 7». llif. for weaving 19 yards of cloth. At 
East Greenwich," R. I., in 1777, Miss Eleanor Fry spun 7 
skeius 1 knot of linen yam in one day, a large product, 

' Mass. -4rc*,, ccviii. 179. 

» Hist. New Hacen, p. 88 ; N. Hamp. S. Papers, viii. 98. 

• R.I. C. ;i.,viii. 19,428. 

* Howe's Proclamntion, Mem. Hi»t. Bo»., iii. 97. 

* See Mem. Hat. Bon., iii. LW, where the socinl condition at Bos- 
ton is described. Worcester had an nsNocintiun for H|)iiiiiing and 
weaving cotton in 1789. A jenny was hoiiglit bj subscription and 
eardiiroy was woTen. 

• Bailey, p. 578. ' Greene, pp. 47, 55. 


as the usual quantity was two skeins ; it would weave 
one piece of 12 lawn handkerchiefs of as good quality 
as those imported from England. The council of East 
Greenwich fixed the prices to be allowed in the depart- 
ments of manufacture at this time, and the details are 
very interesting from various points in the economic per- 
spective. Spinning linen or worsted, "6 or 6 skeins per 
pound," should not exceed " 6d. per skein of 15 I^nots,'* 
with finer work in proportion. Carded woollen yam 
should be 6d. per skein of 15 knots. Weaving " plain 
flannel or tow or linen should be five pence per yard ; 
common worsted and all linen, one penny per yard ; all 
other linen, like proportion." The difference in prices 
seems incomprehensible. 

The changed value of cotton since the Whitney gin 
Ttetflesin ^^^ introduced is a marvel in the history of 
^***^' manufactures. The prices fixed by law in 1779 

in the Anti-monopoly Acts, though unstable as against 
inflated currency, show the relations of values to one an- 
other. Cotton was 3s. per lb. by the bag, or 3«. 8d, per 
single pound. Plain dinners were Is. 6(?., supper or 
breakfast 1«., lodging 4(Z., shaving Sd. One pound cot- 
ton would buy two dinners, one lodging, " once shaving," 
and leave a penny over.^ The New Hampshire settle- 
ment with her troops in 1782 ^ shows the kinds of cloth, 
etc., made for the use of the army. " White woolen cloth 
well mill and sheared once J wide 7s. per yd., 8-quarter 
blankets for soldiers 21s. per yd. Cotton or cotton and 
linen cloth J wide 25s. per yd. Tow and linen cloth one 
yard wide Is. 6c?. per yd. Linen cloth ^ wide for shirt- 
ing for officers 5s. per yd. Good felt hats 5s." These 
prices were at or near specie values, as beef ranged in 
the same list at 2ir7. to Sid. ))cr i)oim(l, according to the 
season. Governor Greene, in a letter to the Rhode Isl- 
land delegates in Congi'ess December 22, 1781, cnumer- 

1 Coffin, Newbury, p. 266. « N. H. State P., viii. 927. 

1775-83.] MANUFACTURE OF CARDS. 791 

ates the domestio manufactures. " Coarse woolens, blan- 
kets, stockings, shoes and linen are roanufactiiretl here." ' 
Probably tliis indicates the condition of manufactures for 
any district in New England. 

Contingent to clothing was the manufacture of wool- 
cards,^ their use being almost the mainspring of home- 
spun industry. Bishop^ says the making of them by 
hand began in Boston beforo the Revolution. 
Connectiuut loaned £300 to Nathaniel Niles, of 
Norwich, for four years, and he began the making of wire 
for card-teeth, continuing it through tlie Revolution. It 
was the importance of these articles to the domestic in- 
dustries which prompted the O-onnecticut Assembly to 
this action. Jeremiah Wilkinson manufactured tliem at 
Cumberland, Khode Island. And K. Mathcwson em- 
ployed horse power in the manufacture at East Green- 
wich * during the Revolution. Massachusetts granted in 
1777. XlOO bounty for the first 1,000 lbs. "good mer- 
chantable card-wire" made before January 1, 1779, by 
a water-mill within her own territory, out of iron made 
in any " of the United American States." ^ The grant 
was made to any one who has erected or shall erect 
"such a mill." Rowley^ had a mill for drawing wire 
run by the Spoffords " at the commencement of the Revo- 
lutionary war." 

Massachusetts fixed the price of bloomery iron at 30«. 
per liundred weight in 1777, on the petition of "Middle- 
ton " manufacturers, claiming that they had made 
iron since 1728 equal to " Philadelphia refined 
iron." " They brought evidence to prove this. The price 
was deemed so exorbitant that dealers petitioned for its 

» R. J. C. if., IX. .TOS. 

' See bniiiities given, New Hampshire S. P., viii. 777. 

« Hiac. ^fa>l^f'trlurea, i. 497. 

* Greene, p. 57. * jl/os". Arch., clnxii. 77. 

« History, p. 413. ' Masi. Arch., cluxii. 147 ; ocxiii. lOa 


reduction. Rhode Island ^ in the same year fixed '^ refined 
iron " at 50^. per hundred, ^^ bog or brittle " iron at 39iu 
She gave £60 bounty per gross ton for '^ good German 
Steel " made within the state. Some attempts at mining 
and refining lead — a metal so necessary and timely — 
were made in Connecticut. At Stafford, in Connecticut,^ 
a new furnace for casting hollow ware, etc., was started 
by John Phelps in 1779.3 It produced 80 to 120 tons 
per year, of excellent quality, by the end of the century. 
Away onward to Maine the impulse to make iron«» 
the circulating blood of industrial life — extended itself. 
The legislature granted in 1778 j£4o0 to Kev. Daniel 
Little, to aid in ei'ecting at Wells a building 35 X 25 
feet to be used in manufacturing steeL There was a 
furnace and a forge also. The attempt failed, but the 
town made iron in 1781, as they could not get it from 

Gun factories sprang up. One at Sutton, Mass., was 
converted, after the peace, to the manufacture of scythes,' 
icanufactura axcs, ctc. Such was the general course of the 
of arms. ghops for making arms after civil wjir. Leices- 
ter had a ^^ famous gunsmith, Thomas Earle," claimed to 
be the equal of any in the country. Springfield, long 
kept in fear of Indian raids, had now become a safe 
inland post, convenient of access for New England and 
the Middle States. It was well adapted for an arsenal 
and place for manufacturing arms. Artisans began this 
work in private shops, until in 1778 or 1779 the Con- 
gress established works on their present site. Cannon 
were cast and forjj^ing was done there. Small arms wei'e 
not made until after the peace. The present national 
armory was established there in 1794, and has affected 

1 R. I. C. /?., viii. 1.33, 240. 

^ It was said (Bishop, HisU Manuf.y i. 516) that tinware was made 
at Berlin in 1770. « TrumbuU, O., ii. 87. 

* Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 544, 717. 


favorably the industries and prosperity of the region 

Waterbury, Ct., — since become an important metal- 
working place, — took its start in the manufacture of 
small arms. Lieutenant Welton made them by hand 
during the Revolution, and furnished some to the national 
government. Connecticut had offered in 1775 a bounty 
of 5s. for each complete stand of home-made arms to the 
number of 3,000, and Is. 6d. for each gunlock. 

In Rhode Island Stephen Jenks, of North Providence, 
made arms for the local companies as early as 1776. Sev- 
eral other persons engaged in the same business, and a 
considerable number of muskets were made in the colony. 
The same persons engaged in making arms or munitions 
of war often turned their ingenuity to new devices and 
products needed by themselves or their neighbors in that 
dire time. The Wilkinsons, a most capable family of me- 
chanics, who afterward did much in developing Slater's 
cotton machinery, were especially stimulated to these ef- 
forts. It was claimed ^ that the first cold-cut nail in the 
world was made in 1777 by Jeremiah Wilkinson, of Cum- 
berland, R. I. He made tacks, cutting the forms with 
shears from an old chest lock ; he then headed them in a 
vise. Sheet-iron and Spanish hoops were then taken into 
the shears, and the process was extended to small nails. 
Pins and needles he made from his own wire at the 
same time. Forging wrought nails was a common pro- 
cess among blacksmiths and farmers. Thomas Hazard, in 
his minute diary, frequently notes his nail-making. He 
forged the tools and then made the nails. He mentions 
especially "nail tools and hammer," also " shingle - nail 
tools " and " planking-nail tools." ^ 

As the seaports suffered in foreign commerce, so the in- 
land towns ^ increased by these rough-and-ready industries, 

^ Arnold, R. /., ii. 69. '"^ Narragansett H. Reg., i. 92. 

' See decline of New London and rise of Norwich. Caulkins, 
N. X., p. 536. 


instituted by the changes and necessities of war, and often 
Cornstalk Stimulated by bounties. Among the enforced 
moiuaea. expedients, the scarcity of sugar compelled the 
manufacture of molasses from cornstalks in 1776 and 
1777. Apparently, after the privateers cut into the West 
India commerce with a frequency next to regularity, this 
poor substitute for sweets of the cane was abandoned. 
But it was tried in all parts of the counti7.^ Colonel 
Samuel Pierce notes his experience. They grouud the 
stalks, then boiled the juice to a thick molasses. It was 
also distilled into rum. The best report was " tartish," 
and ^^ better for puddings than for any other culinary use," 
a moderate comparative negative. The maple-tree was a 
better competitor with the sub-tropical cane. A man and 
boy could collect sap for 500 lbs., a man with two boys 
700 lbs. of sugar in a season, and the boiling was done 
by women.^ This has been a permanent article for con- 
sumption and commerce. 

Rhode Island fixed the prices ^ of sugar in 1777 at 
Is. 6c2. per hundred for refined loaf, and Is. Sd. by the 
single loaf. Colonel Pierce quotes the price 7«. per 
pound in 1778. Other prices cited by the garrulous col- 
onel are interesting.* He sold hay at $6 a hundred, — 
" intolerable ; " in February, 177|, at $9 ; again, in No- 
vember, at $20. The upward flight of the currency had 
now exhausted his adjectives. In 1780 he sold English 
hay at <£33 per hundred, and bought a new clock for £21 
"hard money." In 1778 lime was $30 a hogshead; in 
1776 the Rhode Island kilns sent it by the cargo from 
Providence to Boston.^ 

We note a paper-mill in New Hampshire, a snuff-mill 

1 Hist. Dorchester^ p. 368 ; Hist. New Haveriy p. 91 ; Felt, Ipswich^ 
p. 100. 

2 Belknap, N. H., iii. 113-116. » R. I. C. R., viii. 133. 

* Hist. Dorchester^ p. 369. 

• Mass. Arch.f ccv. 135. 

1776-83.] POWDER AND BULLETS. 795 

in Rowley, Mass., and a chocolate - mill in Dorchester ; ^ 
and salt bounties in Massachusetts for home production. 

The business of our citizens, after supplying immedi- 
ate necessities from their home products, drifted supplying 
almost insensibly into efforts for supplying our '^® t'ooi*- 
troops directly or indirectly. Patriotic adventurers and 
merchants brought in gunpowder early, before the colonial 
assemblies were ready to act on any general plan of resist- 
ance. Mr. Shaw, of New London, in December, 1774, 
offered a fast-sailing vessel of his own to the legislature 
for this purpose. With the legislative order he obtained 
600 half-barrels of powder from the French West Indies.^ 
John Brown, of Providence, the hero of the Gaspee affair, 
sent out his own vessel to the West Indies and brought in 
powder. Some of this importation, it was said, reached 
our army during or directly after the action at Bunker 

On the other hand, the king's friends plotted as well as 
fought. Governor Try on, of New York, paid three Eng- 
lish gunsmiths thirty guineas for their passage to Eng- 
land, twenty guineas additional, and promised them em- 
ployment in the king's armory. He persuaded them 
against " the execution of purposes contrary to the feel- 
ings of their natures, as Englishmen, in the present un- 
natural rebellion." ^ The governor was told that there was 
only one more workman in America capable of " gun- 
welting," but he was misinformed probably. 

The towns turned everything available into army sup- 
plies. Lead weights in the meeting-house windows * were 
taken from the tabernacle and run into bullets to be fired 
against the king's mercenaries. Stockings,^ so much 

1 Prov. Pap. New Hamp., viii. 721 ; Hist. Rowley j p. 413 ; Hist. 
Dorchester^ p. 623 ; Mass. Arch.y ccxiv. 387. 

2 Caulkins, New London ^ p. 508. 

» Doc. New York, viii. 647. * Butler, Groton, p. 259. 

6 /?. 7. C. R., viii. 332. 


needed, by poorly supplied troops, would be apportioned 
to towns on requisition. Collectors bought or impressed 
them as opportunity offered. ^^ Good yard-wide, whitened 
tow cloth " was obtained in the same way. 

A specimen order given a vessel from Boston to St. 
Eustatia in 1777 ^ calls for 500 firearms with bayonets, 
500 soldiers' blankets, 50 barrels gunpowder, 200 pieces 
raven duck or tent cloth, 800 pounds twine, 60 casks nails. 
If these articles were nut to be had, then Russia duck or 
cordage would do ; this would fit a privateer, and she 
woidd bring in everything desirable. 

Large ventures in commerce and manufacture were on. 
Armybuii- dertakeu, based on the constant needs of the 
"^^ government and its armies. Barnabas Deane & 

Co.^ was a typical firm. The principal partner was a 
brother of Silas Deane, while General Nathanael Greene 
and Colonel Wadsworth, commissary general of the United 
States Army, were silent partners. There is no evidence 
that official position was used in any illegitimate way. 
Greene and Wadsworth furnished most of the capital em- 
ployed, and the firm operated largely in Philadelphia, as 
well as other places. They were general operators, though 
dealing chiefly in staples and manufactures needed for 
the army, or which could be exchanged for provisions and 
forage. They bought or bartered wool, grain, homespun 
fabrics, etc. They had distilleries for domestic rum and 
^^ Geneva;" failed in running saltworks, and succeeded 
with gristmills. They imported salt from the Bermudas, 
and were interested in one or more privateers. 

The business of the struggling states would have been 
difficult enough if they had known how to convert their 
actual resources, and to apply them in consolidated ef- 

1 /?. /. C. R., ix. 634. 
* Mass. Arch.f ccv. 179. 

^ J. H. Trumbull's account in Mag. Am. Hist., July, 1884, pp. 


fort by definite fiscal methods to the work iu hand. But 
financial science was not matured then, while Biidfl«»i 
such methods as were known found little favor '^®*^**^' 
in the sparsely settled districts of the United States. The 
work of the Revolution was immensely aggravated by the 
wretched administration of the currency, — the enforced 
travel on the quaking bogs of paper money. The doings 
of the individual states in paper were bad, those of the 
United States were worse. 

At the outbreak of the Revolution the New England 
governments had issued paper money, as we have seen, for 
immediate use. Massachusetts proposed a convention iu 
1776, and, at the call of Rhode Island for a " council of 
war," committees from all the New England States met at 
Providence ^ on Christmas Day to consider the cui'rency.^ 
This convention undertook to regulate prices, to encourage 
taxation and loans, and strongly recommended that the 
states issue no more paper " unless upon a critical contin- 
gency." These resolves had little practical effect, and 
another convention, with New York in cooperation, met at 
Springfield in the following year. It proposed to sink all 
paper money, and to provide for both local and war ex- 
penditures by quarterly taxes. This action did not bring 
the required money into the public treasuries. 

The pressure of public sentiment was brought to bear 
for enforcing the circulation of paper. A coun- pureed cir- 
tryman was beaten in the streets of Salem ^ for *^"^*^<*"- 
refusing paper in exchange for his hard-earned meat. 
Neither individual nor social despotism can control the 
pocket. By 1778 the whole system of currency had 
broken down hopelessly. People looked to Europe and 
foreign alliances for loans which would bring in currency, 

1 li. I. C. n., viii. 97. 

2 The exchange on London, October 9, 1775, was at 15 per cent. 
Amory Letters in MS. 

• Felt, ii. 193. 


and enable them to do business through the new supplies 
of expected money. 

But the foreign money did not come soon enough, nor 
freely enough, for the economic wants the void in the pub- 
lic credit had created. Continental as well as state paper 
flooded the land, debtors paying their obligations in bills 
worth hardly five per cent, of their face value. Tirade, 
when not in the form of barter, became mere chance* 
Shrewd creditors waited long for their debts until the con- 
tinental bills should lose their quality of legal tender. 

By 1780 ^ the towns were voting " hard money " to the 
soldiers, and in some instances taxes were collected in 
beef or silver money, at the option of the payer. Con- 
tinental money was now forty to one, as shown in the rent 
of the Vassall house,^ at <£2,600 in that paper, equal 
to £65 specie. But Haverhill^ did not stop receiving 
paper for taxes until 1781. It then had over ten thou- 
sand pounds in the treasury, valued at seventy^five for one. 
Mr. Jonathan Amory * says, December 16, 1780 : " Every 
body asks silver or Gold or paper, as they please, paper 
having been for a considerable time at 75 pr ct ; goods 
bring three for one." Bancroft ^ gives the value of the 
dollar, " buoyed up by the French alliance," in 1778 at 
20c. It fell to 12|c. in January, 1779; to 6c. in April; 
to 2^c. in December. 

The United States opened loan offices in the four New 
England States which received continental bills at par, 
and issued debt certificates bearing six per cent, inter- 
est.^ But the interest was not paid. At first they circu^ 
lated at par.^ 

1 Barry, Hanover, p. 127 ; N. H. S, P., viii. 128. 

2 Proc. Mass. H. S. 1884, p. 324. 

• Chase, p. 434. * MS. Letters. 

» H'i»t. U. S., ed. 1885, v. 440. 

« Ibid., V. 290 ; R. I. C. /?., ix. 318, 479. 

' Bos. Eve, Post, Oct. 23, 1779. 


While the French army and navy were disbursing 
funds, some exchange was afforded for liquidating indebt- 
edness in Europe. We see the friendly livres shining 
through the correspondence of merchants, as they are sent 
over to offset the iinfriendly pounds, shillings, and pence. 

The currency, as a medium of value at home and for ex- 
change abroad, was a continual and varying perplexity to 
merchants. Bills of exchange as then prevalent were not 
positive values abroad, for they might be and Disordered 
often were protested ; then they came home, to "Change*. 
be accounted for in paper much poorer than was paid for 
them originally. Paper was a legal tender; but goods 
were perishable, subject to the risks of a fluctuating war. 
When Massachusetts passed her " Depreciation Act," it 
gave confidence for the time, and merchants moved more 
freely. Yet they did not realise their expectations, since 
they sold their good merchandise and their collections 
were poor as before. When paper money broke down 
altogether, another impulse was given to trade, but the 
contracts thus initiated were but seldom made good. 

Finally the General Court of Massachusetts ^ passed a 
*' Tender Act," enabling debtors to turn over in ..Tender 
their own county — be it in Kennebec or Berk- ^°*" 
shire — to the sheriff, at appraisal, any cattle, grain, deal 
boards, or other produce, in payment of debts. This 
completed the vicious circle of transmutation from cur- 
rency into no currency. 

It is pathetic to read the doubts and struggles of men 
as they were sorely tried in the unwholesome economic 
measures of these times, " so many regulating Bills & Acts 
forcing us to sell for this wicked paper." Good patriot- 
ism and bad economics were mixed inextricably. Mr. 
Jonathan Amoiy ^ said, " A good proportion of the money 
I took for debts was not worth one third, and before I had 
a chance to lay it out, perhaps not one sixth of what 1 had 
taken it for." 

1 Barry, Mass., iii. 222. « MS. Letters. 


If such were the difficulties and anxieties of the citizens 
and constituent members of the new state, we may imagine 
TheLoy. *^® greater trials of those children of the old — 
■"■^^ yet dwelling in the new — England who were 

oppressed by the grinding force of the Revolution, and 
finally driven into exile. The unhappy Loyalists sinned, 
but from the nature of the case they were sinned against. 
That chief virtue, the foundation and stay of states, — love 
of country, — was turned against itself in these unhappy 
persons. This was in the beginning. As the action devel- 
oped, everything severe in government, everything base in 
humanity, contributed to harass and oppress them. Sin- 
cere they must have been, or they would not have sacri- 
ficed their property on the frightful altars of confiscation. 
While we must sympathise with the struggling patriots 
and approve their general course in holding the Tories 
sternly to account during the contest, history must note 
their unfortunate error when the war closed. The ban- 
ishment of some thousands of former Loyalists to Nova 
Scotia strengthened the old country at the expense of the 
new. No compensating advantage could atone for this 
wholesale expulsion and deportation of superior persons 
and families. The British Parliament gave them nearly 
fifteen and one half millions of dollars ^ with which to 
start life again. 

We are mainly interested in the social and economio 
Effects of effect of this partition of the tissues of the body 
banuhment. pQUti^, Like the immensely greater movement 
of the Huguenots out of France, it was an incident of 
the highest social importance, and its consequences were 
fat^d and fatal. The districts losing most of this emigra- 
tion suffered most in the end. The states confiscated the 
estates of these malignants, who fled during the war. 
Khode Island passed an act in 1779, and further cut off 
the dower of the widows of absentees in 1780.^ Some 

1 Sabine, Am. Loyalists, p. 111. ^ ^. /. c. R., ix. 139, 262. 


thirty-five men are named in this act, and classified accord- 
ing to their vocations. Probably the list is somewhat 
typical, and indicates the drift of this movement. There 
are classified and denominated 17 merchants, 7 gentlemen 
or esquires, 4 mariners, 3 yeomen, 2 traders, 1 clerk, 1 

The proportions are significant. When we consider 
what society pays in getting out a merchant or a gentle- 
man, any wholesale excision or slaughter of 

I . 1 • • . XT -I Social wast6. 

these social integers is expensive, liow much 
of life a mariner holding property on shore, and suffi- 
cient in himself to attract legislative notice, must have 
lived and undergone in working out his career ! Quick 
intelligence, education, and culture are the rewards of 
organised societies. The then mercliant, or the corre- 
sponding economic exponent in any time, — the exploiter 
of economic life, its capitaliser, — is in himself a " clear- 
ing-house " of culture. Just as coin and currency need a 
fiscal centre for exchange, an economic ganglion where 
vital forces concentrate and strike out anew in their round 
of creative power, so society has to condense its vibrating 
tissues into individual men and women, to be put forth in 
new social issues. The merchant in his strength may lack 
grace, but he is none the less the opportunity of grace in 
others. He upholds the social framework by sturdy work 
in business, in order that others may play in the graces 
and elegances of life. 

The banished Americans in England suffered the dis- 
tractions which the loss of one home and ill- wearyban- 
fitting nature of another occasioned to them. ^»^®"*- 
They were " sick at heart and tired of a sojourn among a 
people who after all are but foreigners." Poor Curwin, 
after some two years' compulsory residence in England, 
said, '* Nothing but the hopes of once more revisiting my 
native soil has hitherto supported my drooping courage." ^ 

^ Curwiu's Joumaly p. 161. 


On the other hand, some changes produced by confisca- 
tion brought out the ironies of liberty and bondage. This 
story of the Vassall slave excited the humor of the great 
jurist Shaw, who related the tradition.^ The large Vas- 
sall estate was confiscated, and when the commissioners 
were offering the homestead at public sale, an old black 
servant, " Tony," stepped forward, saying he was no " Tory, 
but Vk friend of Liberty ; having lived on this estate all my 
life, do not see why I should be deprived of my dwelling." 
In Rhode Island, the confiscated estates of the Tory ab- 
confiflca- sentees were assigned to the officers and soldiers 
*'**"• of the state contingent in the continental army. 

In 1780, when the general breakdown in the currency 
occurred, the Assembly agreed ^ to pay the soldiers one 
quarter of their "wages" in specie, three quarters in 
lands of the Royalists at appraised values. The accounts 
were known as " depreciation accounts," and were settled 
by committees of the General Assembly in 1781 and 1782. 
Greene's, Sherburne's, and AngelFs regiments especially 
received large quotas of land. Among the forfeited es- 
tates,^ one belonging to Governor Thomas Hutchinson, 
of Massachusetts, containing 640 acres, was valued at 
£7,306.19 in silver ; Isaac Royal's Mount Hope Farm at 
Bristol, 385 acres, stood at £4,512, silver; Charles Ward 
Apthorp's farm in Jamestown, 384 acres, at <£5,196, sil- 
ver ; Isaac Lawton's house at Newport, on a lot 59x46 
feet, near the State House, at <£ 396.14.6, silver. 

Prices of commodities during this witches' dance of the 

paper currency went beyond all ratios of reason 
tion of cur- and into the uncertain regions of chance. The 

so-called acts "against monopoly and extor- 
tion," * made in the beginning to give artificial circula- 
tion to the paper, failed utterly in their effects. This fail- 

1 Proc. M. H. 5., 1858, p. 6C. ^ R. I, C. R., ix. 270. 

« R. I. C. 72., ix. 324, 391-392, 618. 
* See Felt, Mass. Currency, p. 170. 


ure was due solely to inherent economic causes. There 
was no lack of political or social support for the laws, 
Some towns met and passed unanimous resolutions accept- 
ing them, and promising observance.^ All who lived on 
salaries or settled incomes suffered especially by deprecia- 
tion. Dr. Ezra Ripley, settled at Concord in 1778, in his 
" Half Century Discourse " gives a graphic account of his 
trials : " With all his exertions in various ways, as teach- 
ing scholars, manual labor, &c., your pastor could not 
have waded through, had it not been for a particular 
event in Providence, and the long credit given him by one 
benevolent trader (Deacon John White) in town."''' 
When Massachusetts fixed her scale of depreciation, his 
parishioners made up, as far as they could, the losses suf- 
fered by their pastor. In 1778 Machias ^ engaged to pay 
Rev. Mr. Lyon ^^ either in cash or other specie, as we 
shall subscribe." These were the sums agreed in pounds, 
shillings, and pence. Others were payable in boards and 
shingles, while Mr. Samuel Rich made a standard for him- 
self, exceeding in psychologic possibilities all the efforts 
of the modern " fiat-money " advocates. He " will give as 
much as he finds himself willing." Thus the methods of 
adjusting contracts varied in different districts. 

It is impossible to follow, within these limits, the course 
of prices,* as they changed with the varying standards of 
these years,^ initiated as they were by necessary custom 

^ Coffin, Netohuryf p. 256. * Dp. Ripley, Haif Century Discourse. 
« Smith, Hist. Sketch, p. 143. 

* See, for prices. History Rowley, p. 267 ; and N. H. S. P., viii. 
pp. 128, 927 ; Chase, Haverhill, p. 434. 

* See Bancroft, ed. 1885, v. 290, vi. 70, 168 ; Felt, Mass. Currency, 
Tables of Depreciation, pp. 186, 196; Belknap, N. H., ii. 226, 426 ; R. I. 
C. /?., ix. 254, 281 ; N. H. State P., viii. 858 ; Bronson, Hist, Cur- 
rency in Conn. Mass, Arch., cxlii. 104, quotes for 1777 : Tobacco, 
£80 to £90 per cwt. ; indigo, £3 to £6. (sic) ; rice, £28 to £30 per 
cwt. ; pot ashes, £22 to £25 per cwt. ; pearl, £50 to £55 per cwt. ; 
flaxseed, 400. to 50s, per bu. 


and enforced by halting legislation. When the paper was 
passing, as in 1779, articles of food and European gooc|| 
or luxuries were highest in price, while labor, and articles 
readily produced by domestic labor, were moderate in 
their ratio. For example, according to standards of 1776 
and 1779, com, rye, and beef, sold at 1 in the first period, 
brought 22 to 24 in the second ; labor was 1 and 18 ; hay 
1 and 10; men's shoes 1 and 16. In 1781, as the currency 
was passing out and the standard was 1 to 75, commodi- 
ties brought enormous prices : shoes £20 per pair, milk 
155. per quart, potatoes 96«. per bu., pork GOs. per lb., 
rum 45s. per pint, com $40. per bu., a cow $1,200, etc. 

At the Revolution, the habits and domestic economy 
Houses and ^^ ^'^^ pcoplc wcrc as they had been gradually 
habits. developed during a half century of prosperous 
living. The frame houses, their upright walls covered 
with clapboards, the roofs shingled, — all handsome, safe, 
and comfortable, readily and cheaply built, — attracted 
the favorable notice of European observers. The Ahh6 
Robin ^ thought them much superior to those of the Old 
World " in neatness and salubrity." That a house could 
be moved bodily from its foundations and transferred to 
another street or town seemed more wonderful to him 
than the travelling houses of the nomadic Scythians. 
Anbury ^ remarked on the great number of houses half 
finished, one half covering the rough frame merely* A 
man would build and occupy the first half ; then, when his 
son married, the new couple finished and settled in the 
second half. The families lived distinct, but protected by 
one roof. 

In the cities the colors used in painting then were 
white or pale yellow, but in the country the farmhouses 
were generally painted red, or weather-beaten to the nat- 

^ New Travels through N, A, He was a chaplain under Bochanw 
bean in 1781. 

* Travels in America^ p. 262. 

1776-83.] THE AMERICAN FARMER. 805 

ural gray. He speaks of the supports as " a wall about 
a foot high." But in many districts, in the middle of the 
last century, the houses were not " underpinned " except 
at the corners, where they rested on stones. The word is 
a curious double survival from the times when all dwell- 
ings rested on a pile of some sort. " Underpinning " 
meant in New England, not its first and obvious deriva- 
tion, but it meant the laying of stones for a foundation. 

In Boston, though the floors of many houses were car- 
peted, some were still sprinkled with fine sand, character of 
Throughout the land, each home contained with- p®**p^®- 
in itself " almost all the original and most necessary arts." 
The adaptability of the New Englander, the ready power of 
fitting his capacity to the work in hand, much impressed 
our Abb^. That a farmer could be an artisan in the most 
essential features, that a housewife or maiden — not rough- 
ened by outdoor labor — could be deft in spinning or 
weaving, filled him with natural wonder. More signifi- 
cant still was the conception formed by the Frenchman 
of this democratic lord of the soil, in comparison with the 
dependent peasants of Europe. The rural American, with 
slight opportunities for education, formed himself in the 
mould of a larger manhood. With less manners than the 
serving member of a feudal community, he had greater 
moral force and sounder moral integrity. 

Anbury, a British officer, studying the people about the 
same time, did not comprehend the inherent powers of this 
freeman, whose appearance — often eccentric — he carica- 
tures. He laughs at the wayfarer mounted on a slender, 
meagre horse, bestrode by long legs hardly reaching the 
longer stirrups. Above was " his long, lank visage," ^ 
behind were the saddle-bags, in front were provision bags, 
and on the shoulder of this restless pioneer was a blazing 
iron to mark his way through the untracked forests. 

The painful bridle-path of these constant travellers, 

^ Aobary, TraveU in America, p. 219. 


was pushed through to the Pacific coast in the lifetime 
of that lank pioneer^s child. Iron rails followed, and ere 
a century lapsed the gi*eatest network of railway and 
water communication the world knew, was stretched over 
the fair land. The lank visage looked out from a brain 
that was not weak and attenuated, however defective it 
might be. That brain has forged out an empire, and 
solved problems of government nowhere else matured and 
worked out in the history of the world. 

The foreign officers could not abide the puritanical 
observance of the Sabbath^ still enjoined by these ear- 
nest workers. Committee-men stopped their travelling, 
and finaUy they compromised by attending religious ser- 
vices at their own barracks. 

Yet the positive and negative testimony of the French 
and the English observer all looks toward the same end, 
Quick Inge- ^^^ rcvcals the quick capacity of the people, 
nuity. •pjjg marvellous ingenuify of Joel Hawey's mill 

at Sharon, Ct.,^ where by water-power wheat was threshed 
and winnowed in one set of rooms, ground and bolted in 
another, where hemp and flax could be broken and 
dressed, impressed the English critic, just as the excel- 
lence in shipbuilding was everywhere apparent. 

The inventive mind, the skill and mechanical dexterity 
manifested, in applying the mind to common business, as 
appeared in the eighteenth century, has been recorded in 
many resulting inventions, of which we see an instance 
in Hawey. There were other men, hovering between the 
practices of agriculture and of mechanical industries, who 
never achieved the fame of inventors. They were social 
links between the true artisan of medisBval life and the 
modern mechanic, the follower of a machine. Every 
hamlet had a blacksmith of this type, and many districts 
nurtured men of superior powers — Tubal Cains of 
Saxon stock — who mastered the industrial problems of 

^ Anbury, Travels in America, p. 63. ^ Ibid,, p. 260. 

1775-83.] NAILER TOM HAZARD. 807 

their neighborhoods with ready brains and skilful hands. 
A fragmentary diary of one of these modest 
workers in the great drama of American civil- Tom hu- 
isation has been preserved. Thomas B. Haz- 
ard lived at the hamlet now Peace Dale, K. I., in old 
Narragansett, in the latter part of the eighteenth century. 
Thirty-two of his lineage shared this name Thomas, and 
he was distinguished therefrom as " Nailer Tom." ** Col- 
lege," "Barley," "Fiddle Head," "Pistol," "Tailor," 
" Long (as well as Short) Stephen's," were some of the 
fanciful epithets marking these Tom Hazards in the Nar- 
ragansett of this period.^ 

A Quaker, restless and roving about the neighboring 
districts in his youth, he sharpened his notable faculties 
for observation, and accumulated the knowledge of men 
which shaped his political management in his mature 
years. H^ did not seek or hold office, but was a most 
influential politician — a local Warwick — who rode his 
own little st^ite, after she entered in the Union, in the 
interest of the Anti-Federal party. A delightful talker, 
with the true genius of conversation, he interested alike 
young or old, cultivated or simple, as they listened late 
at night to his narrative or argument, his stores of fact 
lighted up by a fanciful imagination. One who knew 
his traditional repute wonders at the dry and work, not 
meagi*e details, such a man set down in his ^°"^ 
diary .^ But that is significant of the man and his time. 
Then words were for the moment, work was for all time. 
A diligent reader, who must have reflected much at his 
daily tasks when he recorded himself, he set down his 
deeds, rather than the words of himself, or thoughts 
shared with other men. 

The diary dates from June 21, 1778, to August 18, 
1781.^ In the first year he labored four weeks at Oziel 

* Updike's Narragatisett Church, p. 247. 
' Narragansett Hist, Reg., i. 291. 

• Ibid., I pp. 28-41, 167-179, 277-285. 


Wilkinson's, at Smithfield, R. I., receiving three oxen for 
his paitis. This was a central school for tool-using ; there 
were no better adepts or teachers than the Wilkinsons. 
Shortly after, in January 1779, he worked about ten days 
at *^ Congdon's shop,'' in Newport, in making bridle-bits. 
This was a special industry, much needed among the 
horsemen and hoi*se women of his native district. Evi- 
dently the Newport artisans would give the most elegant 
turn to this article, so necessary in a farmer's or gentle- 
man's outfit. These districts had numerous residents of 
both kinds. 

The Wilkinsons, descended from a Cromwellian soldier, 

extended their inventive genius, in the person of a female 

descendant, into the mysteries of the spiritual world. 

Jemima, ^^ the Universal Friend, a new name which the 

mouth of the Lord hath named," was pursuing 

Jemima Wil- . •• « « i.i i . 

kiiMon, the her mission of prophetess and miracle-worker at 
^^^ * Judge William Potter's in the northerly part 
of South Kingstown. She evinced a powerful personality, 
and showed many characteristics of a natural leader of 
people. It is pretty well agreed that Jemima, like other 
modern enthusiasts, thought that she could work miracles. 
The consequences of this thought were, that many fam- 
ilies were broken up, many estates were sacrificed, and 
many disciples finally emigrated to Yates County in New 
York.^ There a community was founded, and the thau- 
maturg^st lived in peace and plenty until she died con- 
veying her property to individuals for the use of the 
" Society of Universal Friends," by a testament signed 
with a mark. Potter, the chief justice of common pleas 
in Washington County, R. I., built an addition of four- 
teen rooms to his large house near Kingston for the accom- 
modation of Jemima and her followers. He was a mag- 
nate intelligent and cultured. He went to New York 
State with the other deluded disciples, but returned to an 

1 Updike, N, Church, pp. 231-238. 

1775-^.] HE REJECTS JEMIMA. 809 

estate embarrassed by his expenditures. He finally sold 
out, and emigrated again to the Genesee country. 

Hazard, a follower of the true inward light, was in- 
quisitive enough to seek out this strange offshoot from 
George Fox's tree, that came so near his daily life. Ac- 
cordingly he " went to hear Jemima at Champlaiu's and 
dined at William Potter's thence to Champlain's." The 
canny Quaker gives no sign of his own impressions, ex- 
cepting the negative one that he did not follow her. Wil- 
liam Potter, his host, was the judge, and a chief apostle 
of the mystic woman. It is likely that the host and cred- 
ulous lawyer argued the mysteries with the shrewd and 
wiser blacksmith in vain. 

Two months after working on the bridle-bits at New- 
port, he began " keeping house with George," his brother, 
and to work in George's shop. He worked 
there for his own account, though sometimes ^^ 
he worked " for George " or for other persons. Like all 
the blacksmiths, he " split " or " drawed " rods and made 
nails, as his nickname indicates. But this common work 
filled the time when he had not in hand locks or keys, 
latches or hinges, skates, shovels, or any of the varied 
household utensils of iron. While at his brother's he re- 
cords the changing of the ear-mark of Thomas Hazard's 
sheep. This ear-mark was an impoiiiant link in social 
organisation. In later days, a shifty sheepowner adopted 
a lopped ear as his private mark. It w^as surmised that 
ears bearing his neighbors' marks sometimes fell under 
his enterprising knife. In any event, in disputed cases, 
he had the convenience and the inconvenience of ""no 
documentary evidence." 

Toward the end of June, 1779, Hazard closed accounts 
with George, and set up his own shop on a larger scale. 
Books are mentioned occjisionally. Evidently Hazard»i 
he did not record all he read, for he was quick "**^"'fi^- 
in turning the pages. He finished the first volume of the 


^^ History and Adventures of Joseph Andrews/' and be- 
gan the second during the same day. ^^ Agricola '' proba- 
bly took more time. 

In the autumn of 1780 he was very ill ; after this he 
enlarged his means for working in his shop. He spent 
several days in making tools, and afterwards made an 
^^ upright drill stock " and a bellows. He had made a 
variety of tools previously for nail-making, — " shingle " 
and '* planking " nails, etc. While Greorge and Stephen^ 
his brothers, were at work for him making deck nails, he 
put iron on the toes of his own shoes. ^^ Chappell came 
here to work," either as a journeyman blacksmith or to 
produce in some other department of labor. He settles 
his own board ^^ with Hannah and Pereginel Paine's," as 
if Paine were a workman of his also. 

There is always patient and reflective industry. Some- 
times he made nails in the night. As soon as convales- 
cent after his illness, he began to '^ read out the history 
of Joseph and his brethren," and after his recovery the 
notices of books ate more frequent. Among them are 
" Prose and Verse for the use of Schools," " Memorial 
of America," " History of Colonel Church," " Robert Bar- 
clay's Apology," "Bale's Dictionary," "John Churchman's 
Journal," " No Cross no Crown," " W. Penn's Morals,'' 
" Anson's Voyage." " Reflections on Courtship and Mar- 
riage " only confirmed him in his single and often singu- 
lar state of life. He read the " Theory of the Earth con- 
cerning the Conflagration." The list indicates the general 
reading of the day, with a slant toward the especial litera- 
ture of the " Friends." Our blacksmith had the best op- 
portunities for self-education. lie lived for a time at his 
uncle Redwood's in Mendon, Mass., and afterwards vis- 
ited Dr. Willard in Uxbridge, who was one of the most 
accomplished men of his district. Hazard went in 1781 
to the " General Meeting " in Pennsylvania. 

There is little evidence of positive and immediate effect 


from the great Revolutionaiy struggle, which was wasting 
some districts, and which held poor Newport in 

11 1 ^-xr 1 r 1 1 p • midnotfeal 

cruel bonds. Ui course they felt the contusion the Revoiu- 
of prices, and the pressure which forced their 
savings into " Loan office certificates." But the working 
out of the momentous Revolution does not appear in these 
lines. He notes the movements of privateers, and an 
entry of forty-six sail into Newport is a local event which 
gets a record. So does the death of De Tiemey and the 
entry of Washington into Newport, with the illumination 
of the town. While Washington toiled with his mighty 
patience, and the marplots of an inefficient Congress de- 
ranged his work, throughout the laud the farmers and 
blacksmiths ploughed and hammered, the women plied 
spindle and distaff, and nurtured their families in the 
daily round of plain home living. 

The consistent Quaker's inconsistent non-resistance gave 
him little opportunity of playing the larger part of a whole 
citizen in the great drama that was developing an empire. 
Like Nathanael Greene, he must doff the straight collar 
and uniform himself with patriots and heroes if he would 
sink the Quaker in the man. But we admire the writer 
of this plain diary. In these days of voluminous writ- 
ing and printing, men spin out every emotion of their 
puny hearts into gossamer threads stretching far beyond 
the crack o' doom ; they magnify every deed of their own 
into a Himalayan mount of egotism. It is wholesome to 
consider that men just as intelligent as we are, doing 
their plain duty, forged a shingle-nail w^th the same skill 
which yields a Nasniith trip-hammer, and with the invin- 
cible, immortal integrity that balances one world with an- 
other, and that rolls the universe straight forward in its 

Block Island, located as it was, became debatable 
ground between Great Britain and America, while the 
royal fleets controlled our coasts. While " Nailer Tom " 


was hammeriDg iron into tools and utensils on the shore, 
Block Tdand skipper John Rose was running The Dolphin 
experience, fj.^^ ^^ island to Newport to carry small sup- 
plies of produce, and bring back such necessary articles 
as the inhabitants must have. 

These two -masted, " double -ender" boats peculiar to 
Block Island deserve a word of notice for themselves. No 
vessel ever triumphed more completely over the seas than 
this craft driven by her hereditary navigators. She was 
developed from the ancient pinnace, but was made simpler 
and much more effective. The keel, bearing one to four 
tons burden, was laid deep in the water, the bow and stern 
rising high on stem and stempost set at an angle of 45^. 
Bow and stem nearly alike, — without a deck, — she 
ploughed deep in the trough and mounted high over the 
crests of the seas. Her sides were ^^ lapstreaked " with 
cedar. Her masts, mere poles without stay or shroud, 
swayed with the fiercest winds, and seemed by their elas- 
ticity to help in the lift over the plunging waves. Her 
crew were equal to their rare craft. Venturing into al- 
most any weather, shifting their pebble ballast deftly as 
the fickle winds veered their course, they breasted the 
foaming waters in company with the gull or petrel. Tra- 
dition claims that no one of these boats was ever swamped 
in the open seas. 

Sir Peter Parker had given a permit to The Dolphin, 
which she availed of, until stopped by our armed boats 
about one mile from Newport, September 9, 1779. Her 
documents ^ are an interesting revelation of the life of the 
island families as they quietly drank their tea, while the 
maidens made their furbelows in spite of King George or 
General Washington. 

Thomas Dickens sends 3 bush. " potaters ; " he wants 
one pound '\tee," 2 oz. indigo, '* and the Rest Shuger ; " 
the postscript calls for ^^ a good pair of Sleaf Buttons for 

^ R, I. Arch, at Providence. 

1775-83.] LIFE ON BLOCK ISLAND. 813 

myself, Brass." A little money was often sent with the 
produce, and the remittances did not always balance. 
Captain Rose must have had rather complicated accounts. 
Edmund Dodge, in return for his potatoes, wants '^ 2 gal- 
lons of melasses one puter bason that olds 2 quarts aud 
the Rest in rum.'' Daniel Mott, in two transactions, sends 
sheep, cheeses, potatoes, eggs ; and calls for a rennet skin, 
1 bu. salt, 1 lb. tea, molasses, one \ pint glass, ^^ Calico for 
one Collor and one hate for Edward felt with botens," 
" nif [always written for * and if '] any thing more Lay 
it out in Rise." Samuel Dickens, after the usual groceries, 
asks for '^ 6 Shets of paper and three pipes, and I have 
sent half a genue." Again he sends " 9 DoUors " for tea 
and sugar. The farmers order also lath, shingle, and 
" clabbord " nails. The above articles, with a little red- 
wood and cotton, comprise the list of masculine wants. 

The spelling on Manisses matched that upon the main 
and throughout New England ; it was no better, no worse. 

When we scan the feminine orders, the eflFect 
of the long blockade on the nerves of the fair »de for wo- 

• • • t men. 

is more apparent than it is in the dry and curt 
demands of their husbands and brothers : — 

" Sir please to get me Six yards of Calligo such as you can 
get for a half Dollar a yard or if it is a little more I dont care 
do pray get it and dont fail get that is Dark that will do for a 
bed covering and get me one ounce of garlic thred one Chest 
lock and you will oblige your friend 

" Polly Sands 

" I have sent the Dollers for the Calligo and if you put a 
Doller to it it will pay it." 

Lydia Rathbum mingles luxuries for ornament with 
the useful articles she needs. " Sent eighteen shillings 
and seven pence and desire you would buy me a yanl and 
a quarter of fine holland and one bottle of snuf and one 
Peace of french Lace and two yards of Corse holland 


and two quart basons and out of the eggs buy Checks for 
an apron and there is twenty shillings you must lay out in 
holland and Cambriek nedles." 

Again, Lydia must have 2 yards narrow white ribbon, 2 
yards narrow red, and some ^^ floured or spotted gose 
[gauze].*' Gauze seemed to be an indispensable luxury: 
Sarah Dickens, with her allspice and tea, wants *'*' gaus and 
a yard of Ribbin." For 9 chickens one female expects 
^^ one quartor of a yard of Sarsnet one nail of K, 2 cans 
[skeins] of hoUon thred one yard and a half of bonnet 
trimmen half a Corter of Cafcgot half a Paper of Pins." 

Neither the simple manners of this isolated Arcadia 
nor the enforced abstinence of a blockade kept the buoy- 
ant forms of the island maidens under sufficient control. 
Feminine ^^ support themsclves in their insulation they 
'^^^ must be stayed in the current fashion. So the 

fair Patience Dodge sends for " three quarters of a yard 
of Buckrum three quarters of whale Boue a yard and a 
half of caleminck yallow three Skanes of yallow Silk ten 
yards of white logrum [lockram].'* 

There is only one order for " woolen," and that only 
three quarters of a yard ; the islanders clothed themselves 
in all that was necessary. 

This American people, — farmers, sailors, and artisans, 
spinners, weavers, and housewives, — together with their 
natural leaders, who made the Revolution and sustained 
it through arduous campaigns, now found themselves at 
peace with all the world. The war over, their worst 
troubles had just begun. The latent force of the Amer- 
ican community inhered in the English families and 
townspeople who first landed on these Western 

Ttutlr ftf 

forminK a shorcs. But this forcc had not been put forth 
govemmen .^ ^j^^ larger orgaus of government, when the 

spirit of the people arrayed the country in opposition to 
its head, the crown of England. To form a government, 
with powers adequate to the administration of an empire, 



was a task far beyond the capabilities of the people act 
ing through any political methods then known in either 
hemiBphere. This modulated popular dominion — freely 
delegated, yet hold in control — required representative 
action in its highest possible expression. Before the peo- 
pie were wise enough to make this effort, before they se- 
creted governmental euergy enough to endow a sovereignty 
greater than the king's, they must pass through the sevei'- 
est ordeal, and be trained in several hard years of diaeor- 
dant confusion little better than anarchy itself. 




The great struggle being ended, the treaty of peace 
signed at Paris September 3, 1783, consummated the sep- 
aration of the colonies from their mother state, and the 
consequent formation of the United States of America. 
As soon as the war ceased, and the problems occasioned 
America and ^J ^^^ ^^^ couditious of govcmment pressed 
Eugi»«>d- upon ministers and Parliament, the same eco- 
nomic stolidity, the same lack of political sagacity, pos- 
sessed the British statesmen that had alienated the colo- 
nies. Thougli the American descendants of the English 
race had well mingled the blood of continental Europe in 
their veins, yet strong links bound them to the mother 
country. These links were broken because the English 
political system was not sufficiently developed to bear the 
strain, and no political leaders appeared comprehending 
the difficulty, or capable of enlarging the home govern- 
ment to the demands of the occasion. 

When Parliament attempted to adjust their legislation 
to the new order of things across the seas, its action was 
no better. The Navigation Acts and the principle of the 
Sugar Acts still dominated the imagination of parliamen* 

tary rulers. The commercial system of Great 
liticaiBci-^ Britain was to be ruined, in their view, partly 

by the competition of the new stiite, but more 
by any innovation upon the system itself. Shelbume was 
the one man perceiving dimly the economic possibility, 
the future opening to unfettered manufactures and freer 

1783-89.] ENGLISH MISTAKES. 817 

trade ; and he was hampered by the childlike prejudices 
of Pitt and Fox. They were giants in the old politics, 
but children in that larger world of finance and trade 
which was to control the politics of the next century. 
The " nation of shopkeepers " had begun, then, the trade 
their great continental rival feared while he was ridicul- 
ing it, yet their political leaders little comprehended the 
true sources of English power. 

Lord Sheffield, their most trusted adviser in commer- 
cial affairs, said positively that the principle of the Navi- 
gation Acts was as dear as Magna Charta. These were 
not purely economic heresies, or the mere sulking preju- 
dices of defeated prerogative. They were blundering 
concepts resulting from misconceived political ideals. Mo- 
nopoly and restriction filled the economic air, while the 
world of the intellect was widening daily in the new dis- 
coveries from the new light of science. London traders 
thought Barbary pirates a providential blessing, because 
they helped to confine trade to the ships of those strong 
powers that could protect their flag. Small countries 
were commercial nuisances, in that they competed with 
British bottoms foi* the carrying trade. Among other 
things taught by the young America, early in the follow- 
ing century, to the older powers, was the fact that it 
paid commercially to clear out Barbary pirates and ocean 

Collateral to this economic ignorance, there was a po- 
litical mistake which aggravated it and deepened it. 
The British seemed unable to see the magnificent oppor- 
tunities of trade opening to them in the rising empire 
beyond the seas. And why? Many, probably most, 
British thinkers, fully believed there was never to be a 
great nation or a greater nationality in America. Said 
Dean Tucker in 1781, a prophet of insight just sufficient 
to lead his fellows into folly : '' Its being a rising empire, 
under one head, whether republican or monarchical, it is 


one of the idlest and most visionary notions that ever was 
conceived even by writers of romance." The future was 
concealed from the wise, but it was revealed unto babes. 

These mistaken notions, both of polity and of the new 
industrial life just beginning to agitate the world, all 
together caused Great Britain to narrow her policy of 
commercial intercourse with the new state. Parliament 
left the virtual decision to the ministry of the crown. 
An Order in Council limited the trade between the United 
States and the British West Indies to British-built ships 
owned and navigated by subjects of Great Britain. 

These narrowing restrictions limited the commercial 
intercourse resumed after the war, and which might have 
Effect on ^^^^ morc cxtcndcd had the conditions been 
•*°'°*®"^ more favorable. Ordinary commerce with the 
West Indies and with Europe was undertaken as soon 
as peace was assured. The country was hungry for the 
European luxuries which had been dear so long and in 
limited supply. The merchants imported freely, and, as 
usually occurs when the demand is unnatural, the market 
was soon overstocked. Sellers were even more imprudent 
than buyers, and English exporters ftrced their shipments 
on ^^ unlimited credit " to America, this credit being a 
large factor in pressing out the over -supply of goods 
from England. A "manufacturer" writing in 1785 
claimed that Germany, France, and Holland could not 
give the length of credit needed by America. French 
cloths and German iron would have been exported there 
if sufficient credit had been given. Not less than three 
millions of pounds sterling in manufactured goods had 
been sent from Great Britain to America since the peace. 
The average annual export to New England for five years 
before the war was <£409,000. The annual return or im* 
port was £384,000.1 

^ Short Address by a Manuf*r on Tradct Great Britain toUh U. S^ 
pp. 8, 15y Carter^Brown Library. 

1783-S9.] TRADE IS OVERDONE. 819 

Money was scarce here, and some political difficulties 
soon aggravated the commercial condition. The states 
were not agreed in their action. Connecticut laid a tax 
of 5 per cent, on all goods imported from any other 
state, — a virtual prohibition of trade. Massachusetts, 
New Hampshire, and Rhode Island all passed navigation 
acts forbidding exports in British bottoms. A discrim- 
inating tonnage duty was laid upon foreign vessels. 

Glut succeeds famine. In the autumn of 1784, the 
stores of the importing and commission merchants were 
filled with European goods. Messrs. Amory, in 
Boston, stopped importing, and were offering 
goods freely at " 2 or 3 per cent, over cost & charges." ^ 
In the summer of 1785, the usual consequences of a sur- 
feit appeared. Goods could not be sold : country buyers 
could not pay for what they had bought, and responsible 
merchants were getting their debts extended in England. 

Colonel Febiger, of Philadelphia, made a trip of obser- 
vation for business into New England, and informed his 
Danish correspondent, J. Sobotken, June 15, 1785, that 
he found in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Boston ^^ an 
amazing Superfluity y>f all kinds of European goods." ^ 
The chief supplies were in the hands of British agentSy 
which annoyed the resident citizens exceedingly. Why 
fight for political independence if British capital could 
control trade after the citizen was free? New York 
and Philadelphia were overstocked, but the glut w^s 
much worse in New England at that time. The Phila- 
delphian claimed that his own city was easily the first in 
trade, and ^^ in fact governs the whole Marketts of this 
extensive Continent." There was no place east of Bos- 
ton, in his opinion, where a cargo could be sold promptly 
for cash. Salem, and the lumber ports as far conrwof 
east as the Kennebec, were then dealing freely <»°»™'«»- 
with the West Indies in the old round of produce ex- 
1 MS. LeUen. < Mag, Am. Hi$t, viu. 351*^05. 


changes.^ Salem and the ports adjacent shipped also 
to the Western and Canary Islands, to the Mediterranean, 
London, and Holland. This round of commerce took in 
Nova Scotia and the fisheries, for the busy pursuers of 
the cod were swarming on the Grand Banks again.^ 

These communications brought a surplus of wines and 
West India produce into New England, and it was sent 
to New York and Philadelphia. The old coasting ex- 
change was resumed, of fish and imported goods for 
natural products, with Maryland, Virginia, and the Car* 

The men of Salem were among the pioneers in that 
greater commerce which was soon to open the little 
Oriental known Antipodes to the American merchant 
^'■^ and mariner. A mystic charm impelled the 

movement. Always, since the Aryan hordes swarmed 
out from the mother continent, spreading over Europe, 
then over the new Americas, Oriental trade had at- 
tracted the boldest and most venturesome spirits. The 
wealth of " Ormus and of Ind " drew the dealer in mer- 
chandise first across sandy wastes on the camel's back, 
then, through Prince Henry's enterprise and Vasco da 
Gama's pluck, along the coasts, by the benighted conti- 
nent, to the warm tropical seas beyond. Here silks, 
jewels, and spices, with aromatic tea and coffee, waited 
for the Aryan cousin voyaging back from the cold climes. 
Now, the last outgoers from the Aryan stream, the 
Americans from the last-subdued continent, were about 
to join the eager throng of visitors. These Yankee sail- 
ors, pressing around either great cape, would bring back 
the rich Asiatic goods to the fishermen and corn-planters 
of the New England States. 

Massachusetts took her old place in the general for- 
eign commerce.^ In 1783 they had begun to agitate 

* Felt, Salem^ ii. 286 ; Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk, p. 759. 

> Roads, Marblehead, p. 200. « See 1 M, H. C, iii., and iv. p. 216. 

1783-89.] A NEW ORDER OF MERCHANTS. 821 

the China trade in Salem.^ In 1784 the Connecticut 
men mooted the same question, and asked for state aid in 
so large a venture, which the sturdy farmers in the legis- 
lature wisely declined.^ In the same year Captain John 
Green sailed direct in the ship Empress from New York 
for Canton. In 1785 Elias Hasket Derby cleared his 
ship Grand Turk, Captain West, from Salem, for the 
Isle of France, and finally for Canton. She had been at 
the Cape of Good Hope on a moderately successful voy- 
age in 1785.^ One purpose in that voyage had been to 
learn the actual wants and methods of the markets be- 

In this time of sorrow, the republic was in her moult- 
ing season ; while painfully casting off the old separative 
notions of the colonial communities, she was Thejn-eat 
coming into her new national life through deep ™«'^<^*»*»^ 
political agony. Her children were gathering force, and 
instructing themselves in this rising Oriental commerce 
which was soon to bourgeon forth in splendid growth. 
When the United States formed its constitution and 
based itself on solid political foundations, there were 
merchants found ready for the commerce which waited 
for their skilful hand. The creative power of generalisa- 
tion — that rare intelligence looking beyond fettered rou- 
tine, yet holding fast the skilled discipline of custom — 
was in these men, who launched the old privateers, and 
swept the proud English commerce off the seas. Some 
of the vessels themselves were converted from privateers 
to Indiamen.* The owners and masters needed no con- 
version. The old New England moral strength had bred 
these men in her common life, but larger issues of world- 
life had developed the venders of fish and lumber into 
merchants. We pass from the Peter Faneuils, the negro 

1 Felt, ii. 285, 291. 

2 Conn, Arch., Trade and Mar. Aff., p. 163. 

' Hunt's Merck. Mag., xzzvi. 165. ^ Hunt's Am. Merck., ii. 17. 



and rum dealers of the middle century, to the Derbys, 
Perkinses, Thomdikes, Browns, and the scores of names 
whose flag adorned the seas in the last decade. These 
men brought the far Eastern world home to its new 
counterpart in the West. 

Elias Hasket Derby — the senior of that name — sent 
The Astrea in 1789, commanded by Captain Magee, to 
Batavia and Canton. She was not a large ship, — she 
registered about 330 tons,^ — but she landed a cargo of 
great value at Salem in 1790. The "manifest," still 
preserved, was a document eight feet long, and under it 
duties were paid amounting to $27,000.^ On this voyage 
there went as supercargo Thomas H. Perkins, 
f^ns ao^ destined to make a deep impression on the com- 
mercial record of the following century. He 
was a type of the merchants and ship-commanders whom 
Derby trained for the work. For more than a half cen- 
tury commencing in 1792, when his partnership with his 
elder brother James began, Perkins carried on a great 
commercial business, chiefly to the northwest of America 
and thence to China and Boston.^ It was claimed in the 
early nineteenth century that no private firm in the world 
transacted more business in the China trade. 

There was no accident in the evolution of such a mer- 
chant. His mother, widowed in 1771, took her husband's 
place in the counting-house, managed business, dispatched 
ships, sold merchandise, wrote letters, — all with such 
commanding energy that the solid Hollanders wrote to 

^ The Massachusetts was said to be the largest vessel of her time, 
built in 1789. She was commanded by Captain Prince, having 75 
officers and men, with 20 guns, pierced for 36. She was sold in Can- 
ton for S65,000. N, E. H. and G, Reg., xxvi. ; also Pattee, Brain- 
tree, p. 493. 

2 Essex Inst., v. 194; viii. 162. 

« Hunt's Amer, Merch., 13; Proc. Mass. H, S. 1791-1835, pp. 


her as to a man.^ In a whole family of merchants, the 
exceptional son of such a mother ought to have an ex- 
ceptional career ending with a large fortune, and his met 
the natural expectation. His strong intellect, grasping a 
thorough knowledge of the detail of his business, could 
plan voyages on principles which ought to insure success. 
In the latter part of his life, he outlined the future course 
of the coffee market,^ at a difficult juncture, with a pre- 
science which was better than divination. 

Another of Derby's privateersmen was Joseph Pea- 
body.^ After the war he ran his own schooner. The Three 
Friends. But he withdrew from the seas in 1791, becom- 
ing a merchant. He built and owned 83 ships, freighting 
them all himself, and shipping over 7,000 seamen. His 
active business life included full sixty years. 

One of the i&rst operators in the commerce of the Red 
' Sea was Ebenezer Parsons,* a younger brother of Chief 
Justice Theophilus Parsons. His vessels sent from 
Gloucester to the Indies carried large cargoes of coffee 
around to Smyrna, making large profits, sometimes 300 
or 400 per cent. A strong character, passionate and hasty, 
but large-hearted and generous, he accumulated a consid- 
erable fortune in his successful career. He began in pri- 
vateering from Newburyport. 

This commerce around the world began under great 
difficulties. The modem instruments and appli- Great dUB- 
ances for laying the sliip's course, and regulat- *'"^^'®*- 
ing it with certainty, were tlien ilWeveloped and hardly 
known. On the other hand, the modern direction of a 
ship by electric cable, as she touches one port after an- 
other, was then impossible. She sailed bearing written 
instructions elaborately studied by the projecting mer- 
chant. Tliese were made elastic and adaptable to the 

1 Proc. M. If. S, 1701-1835, p. 353. 

2 Hunt's Amer. Merck., i. 82. » Ibid., 369-380. 
* Proc. M. H. S. 1791-1835, p. 317. 


possible contingencies of a world then dimly understood. 
The captain must have brains^ for he had scant material 
aids in working forward his voyage. Even after 1800, a 
youth of nineteen sailed a ship from Calcutta to Boston 
with no chart whatever, except a small map of tlie world 
in Guthrie's geography.^ 

Men large enough to grapple with distant and un- 
known difficulties must be gotten ready on the spur of 
the new demand. The old Yankee skipper, shrewd and 
lonff-headed, was the proefenitor of these darine 

Thesnccea- ° ... . 

■orB of the officers, but his qualities, excellent in the smaller 

■kipper. . ^ 

business of the seas, had to be supplemented 
by deeper and stronger characteristics. As Elias Hasket 
Derby studied shipbuilding to evolve larger and better 
models, so he trained the lads of eastern New England 
into men of a larger mould. He taught them for him- 
self, giving up the leisure hours of his evenings to pains- 
taking instruction. As Moltke trained that German sta£E 
which shattered imperial France, this American merchant 
filled these youths with his rich experience, and inspired 
them with his own large spirit of enterprise. The best 
he selected for supercargoes. If these developed the 
power of command and a large executive spirit, they be- 
came shipmasters at last. Captain Cleveland, living until 
1857, said of Derby that his " enterprise and commercial 
sagacity were unequalled in his day, and perhaps have not 
been surpassed by any of his successors." ^ Cleveland 
himself made a voyage, in which he, with his two mates, 
were all under twenty-one years of age. 

Like all grand commerce of the olden time, the China 
trade was a mighty round of small exchanges multiplied 
into the final freight of rich goods, which included all the 
Elaborate accumulatcd values that had gone before. For 
fJrOrbntS s'x nionths before a Canton ship left Salem, a 
commerce. gn^^U fleet of brigs and schooners were plying 

1 Hunt's Amer. Merch., i. 136. ^ Hunt's Merck. Mag., xxxvi. 178. 

178»-89.] COURSE OF CHINA TRADE. 826 

about and getting her with her cargo ready. They brought 
iron, hemp, and duck from Sweden and St. Petersburg,^ 
wine and lead from France, Spain, and Madeira, rum and 
sugar from the West Indies. Into these exchanges ^ there 
went fish, flour, and provisions, iron and tobacco, from New 
York, Philadelphia, and Virginia. An important part of 
the outfit was in ginseng and specie.^ In the early voy- 
ages, neighboring merchants sent small ventures, paying 
from 20 to 33^ per cent, of their value as freight. The 
first ships brought back tea largely, and the market was 
soon overstocked. CofiFee then became a better return. 
This, with tea, muslins, silks, etc., was distributed to the 
Atlantic ports. 

The customary profits on muslins and calicoes from 
Calcutta was 100 per cent. Some ventures returned like 
prizes in a lottery. One shipment by the ship Benjamin 
Silsbee, of plain glass tumblers, costing under #1,000, sold 
for $12,000 in the Isle of France. Derby generally in- 
sured one half his outfit. As he owned one quarter of 
the Salem tonnage in the last decade, his risks were well 
distributed. His son was in India three years. In 1789 
four of Derby's ships were in Canton. From 1785-1799, 
he recorded 125 voyages, of which 45 were to India or 
China. At least 37 vessels were employed. He began 

^ The bark Light Horse, Baffinton, master, cleared from Salem in 
1784, was said to be the tirst American vessel sent to St. Petersburg. 
Essex Inst.f xv. 315. 

2 According to the statement of a British "manufacturer," an 
American-built ship at this time, of .300 tons, paid for £2,000 worth 
of English goods. His argument was that the manufacture of these 
goods employed 200 men for six months. Contrariwise, the exchange 
only displaced for England the labor of 20 or 30 ship carpenters. 
Short Address hy a Manufacturer in 1785, p. 21, Carter -Brown 
Lib. It is said that the price of vessels built of oak in eastern Mas- 
sachusetts was $24 per ton. 

» See Hunt, Merch, Mag , xxxvi. 169-171, for a full invoice of a 


to ^^ copper " his vessels in 1796 ; the custom was then 
beginning in America.^ In 1791 he built the new Grand 
Turk of 564 tons, the largest merchant vessel of Salem ^ 
at that time. 

I have dwelt on the operations of this strong and able 
merchant, though they should not be considered as exclud* 
ing those of his peers and equals. He ^ was the type of 
a generation of sagacious, energetic men in Salem, Bos- 
ton, and Providence who carried our flag into little known 
seas in the grandest commerce of their time. Providence 
sent out her first venture by The General Washington in 
1787. After a voyage of nineteen months she connected 
the port with Canton and its yellow inhabitants. For half 
a century the business was pushed with much enterprise, 
and brought considerable wealth to Rhode Island. 

In 1788 ^ a Boston ship, Kendrick, master, began the 
Commerce ^^^ profitable transactions in furs with the In- 
wiSem'^" <Jians of the Northwest coast of America. The 
America. f^j^ were Carried across to Canton, where they 
were in great demand, and exchanged for the products of 
China. In 1793 three Indiamen were reported as coming 
in ; two for New York, one, The Rising Sun, for Provi- 
dence. Their cargoes included 2,532 chests Bohea tea, 
592 tons of sugar, $14,600, " first cost," in China ware. 

In prosecuting this trade with the East, our ships found 
Mauritius a ^ Convenient way-station at Mauritius, or the Isle 
way-port. j^ Francc, with its neighboring Bourbon, near 
Madagascar. In 1787 the French opened these ports to 
the Americans on equal terms with their own citizens. 
Our Atlantic states sent vessels to Port Louis, the chief 
port, which eagerly took from them beef, pork, butter, 

^ By coincidence of dates, the first elephant from Bengal was 
brought by Captain Crown inshield in The America. It sold for 
810,000. Felt, Salem, ii. 301. 

« Ihid., ii. 296. 

• See above, p. 777. * Pitkin, Statistics, p. 249. 


flour, fish, wheat, tobacco, naval stores, etc. In return 
our vessels took coffee, pepper, hides, teas, and East In- 
dian manufactures. Many of the articles sent to Port 
Louis were exported again to India or China. Some 
3,000 tons went to Mauritius in 1788, and about 4,000 
tons in 1789. Four French houses at Port Louis ha<l 
had control of the trade of those Islands with India, and 
monpolised the crops of coffee, etc. Through flieir con- 
nections in France, they were able to get restrictions on 
this rising commerce, and they threatened its extinction. 
The larger interest of France was in the development of 
the whole trade with America. This larger trade was 
making of these French ports an entrepot for the prod- 
ucts of either hemisphere. Hon. Stephen Higglnson set 
forth these facts very cogently in a letter to John Adams, 
January 17, 1789.^ Adams indorsed it to Jefferson, then 
our minister to France, as •*' upon a subject of so much 
importance, and contains so much information,'* ^^^^ ^^. 
etc. Mr. Adams thought the "jealousy, envy, ""»''»^''- 
or caprice " of the French could only result in driving 
the merchants from the Isles of France and Bourbon. 
They would seek connections on the continent itself for 
their mid-exchanges, and thus France would only injure 
herself. She had an interest at that time in building up 
the trade of the port of St. Louis as a counterpoise to the 
British commerce with the East Indies. 

The trade to the West Indies,^ so profitable to the col- 
onies, was continued with renewed energy by the ^^^x Indian 
states. From sixty to eighty vessels from Amer- ^^^' 
ica were repoi-ted at once in a single port. From 1784 to 
1793, while the carrying trade was confined to British 
bottoms, much of our merchandise went to the French 
islands. By some means it found its way to the British 
possessions needing it.^ 

^ U, S. State Dept. Arch., Jefferson Cor., Series II. Vol. Let. 

^ See Caulkins, New London, pp. 578, 579. 

8 See Young, W. India C. P, Book, pp. 133, 143. 


Vessels like the old " horse jockeys " from Connecticut 
were fitted out for this trade. Small sloops carried a sur- 
prising number of cattle of all kinds from the south 
r shore of New England to the West Indies, and to the 
northern coast of the farther America.^ One brig took 
49 horses, but many sloops took 35 in a single cargo. 
The Enterprise, Williams, master, for Demerara, carried 
provision*}, brick, and lumber, 20 horses, 17 neat cattle, 
17 mules, 20 sheep, 20 swine, 150 geese, and 100 turkeys. 
The return cargo included rum, molasses, sugar, wine, 
pimento, pepper, tamarinds, sweetmeats, anise-seed, coffee, 
cotton, tobacco, indigo, and salt. Vessels in this trade 
averaged two voyages in a year. 

Rhode Island laid duties on imports in 1785.^ Provi- 
dence had gained some of the commerce which Newport 
had lost. Newport^ revived in some degree after the 
peace, out her old plaee in the foreign trade was never 
recovered. The inchoate government of the confederation 
produced an unsettled condition in foreign trade generally. 
In Connecticut, memorialists complained, in 1785, of an 
excise act forbidding any trade in goods produced beyond 
the United States without a bond of X200.* 

The whale fishery, which suffered so severely in the 
The whale Outbreak of the Revolution, had been slightly 
**^^'^- encouraged in 1781.^ The British admiral 
Digby gave Nantucket permits for twenty-four vessels to 
pursue the fishery. Several of these vessels were captured 
by American privateers, but were invariably released in 
port. Nantucket asked the State of Massachusetts, in 
1782, to confirm these privileges by legislation. It was 
referred to Congress, and was under discussion when the 

1 CaulkinR, Noncich, pp. 478, 479. » R. I. C. i?., x. 87, 115. 

* Newport H. M., ii. 25, for list of vessels. 

* Conn. Arch.j Trade and Manufactureft, p. 182. 

* Starbuck, Whale Fishery, p. 72 ; Macy, Nantucket, pp. 116, 

1783-89.] THE WHALE FISHERY. I 829 

ews of peace arrived in 1783.^ Nantucket had been 
reatly depressed, and this privilege stimulated its busi- 
ess. The resources of the island had been so wasted and 
iminished that but few vesseld- could be fitted out under 
the permits. It was claimed ^hat the ship Bedford, Cap- 
tain Movers, of Nantucket, was the first vessel to carry 
the new flag of thirteen stripes into a British port. This 
was in 1784.2 

In 1775 it was considered necessary by Massachusetts 
to give bounties for the encouragement of the fishery ; £5 
per ton for white sperm oil, X3 for yellow do., and £2 for 
whale oil were the inducements offered.^ The first effect 
was propitious. Provisions had fallen in price so that 
outfits could be made economicallv ; but the usual results 
from bounty-fed business followed in this instance. Many 
new parties having entered the pursuit, the increased 
quantity of oil found an unwilling market. Long priva- 
tion had taught families to avoid expensive oil, and to 
make their own tallow light their homes. Even the light- 
houses used substitutes for oil. Under these conditions 
crude sperm oil in 178G fell to £24 per ton, and head 
matter to £45 per ton. 

About the year 1788,* there was an increase in the 
number of light-houses, and they were returning to their 
old system of lighting by sperm oil. This demand helped 
to raise prices. On the other hand, the catch of right 
whales had increased so much in the far-away seas, that 
the market could not absorb the whalebone. One dollar 
per pound was a common price before the war, and it 
now brought only ten cents. Nantucket was now fitting 
out as many vessels as her people could man for the 

^ For account of the fishery see 1 M, H, C, iii., and iv. p. 161. 

2 Starbnck, Whale Fisher ij^ p. 77. 

■ Ibid.f p. 79 ; Macy, Nantucket, pp. 125, 131. 

* Macy, Nantucket, p. 137. 


New Bedford also had lost its whaleships in the Revo- 
Rise of New lu^^^i^' ^^ ^^^ engaged in the business with 
Bedford. yigor. In the middle of the next century it had 
absorbed three quarters of the whale fishery of the United 
States. It was then by far the most important port in the 
world for that business. New London began in the last 
decade of the century. 

The Nantucket men were stimulated by the example of 
the China merchants, who were trading in the Pacific on 
the northwest coast of America. A vessel had been fit- 
ted in England during the Revolution, and manned by a 
Nantucket crew, for the pursuit of whales in the Pacific 
In 1789 the ship Ranger,^ Swain, master, returned to Nan- 
tucket from the Pacific with 1,000 bbls. of whale oiL 
Captain Swain thought no vessel would obtain so large a 
cargo again. But in 1854 The Three Brothers brought 
6,000 bbls. whale, 179 bbls. sperm oil, and 31,000 lbs. 
bone into Nantucket. 

In 1791 The Beaver, of 240 tons burden. Captain Paul 
Pacific Worth,2 was regularly fitted, and sailed from 
fiaheries. Nautuckct f or the Pacific. Her cost, with outfit* 
was $10,212. She carried seventeen men, and could man 
three boats of five men each ; there were generally two 
"blacks," Indians or negroes, included in each boat's 
crew. When in actual pursuit of the "fish," two men 
remained as keepers of the ship. In her cargo she car- 
ried 400 barrels with iron hoops, and about 1,400 barrels 
with wooden hoops; 40 bbls. salt provisions, Z\ tons 
bread, 30 bu. beans and peas, 1,000 lbs. rice, 40 galls, 
molasses, 24 bbls. flour. These provisions lasted through 
her voyage, with the addition of 200 lbs. bread. It was 
known as the " first voyage from Nantucket to the Pacific." 
After seventeen months' cruising she brought home 650 
bbls. sperm oil worth £30 per ton, 370 bbls. head matter 
worth X60 per ton, and 250 bbls. whale oil worth £15 per 

1 Starbuck, Whale Fishery, p. 96. « Macy, Nantucket, p. 142. 




ton. Captain Worth gave an account of five vessels in 
the Pacific iu February, 1793.^ The vessel was not cop- 
pered. The use of sheathing began shortly after this. 

I subjoin the account of the ship Lion,^ a few years 
later, as it shows the interesting division and subdivision 
of the profits among the ofiicers and men on a ^^lay," 
which served instead of wages. Details of the business in 
the Bevolution are given below.^ 

1 Mass, Meratnj, April 6, 1793. 

' 2 If. H. iS., iii. 19. ''Lays" were ahnost uniyersal, and this 
account is au example : — 

Dr. Ship Lion, Nantucket, 1807. 

By 37,358 galls, body 

oil 319,766.14 

By 16,868 galls, head 

matter 17,849.73 

By 150^ galls, black 

oil 45.15 



To am't charge . . . 3362.75 
Sundry acc'ts in clear- 

ing Ship ♦43.38 

Share of Captain ^ . 2,072.13 

Mate ^. . 1,381.41 

Second do. -^ 1,008.06 
*' 2 Ends men 

each ^ 1,554.10 

Share of 5 Ends men 

each J^ 2,486.55 

Share of Cooper ^ . 621.64 

** 5 blacks 

each ^ 2331.14 

Share of 1 black on 400 

bbls. -^ 108^ 

Share of 1 black ^ . 414.42 

« " Vt • 438-80 
«* " on all 

but 400 bbls Jiy . . 318.10 

Owners' Share . . . 24,252.74 



* "Sat included in footing ; error prob- 

• The recovery from the disasters of the Revolntion was slow. In 
the period, 1771-1775, the annual output of tonnage in Massachu- 
setts was 27,840, with 4,059 seamen. The annual product was 39,390 
bbls. sperm and 8,650 bbls. whalo oiL In 1787-89 the annnal ton- 
nage was 10,210, with 1,611 seamen. The product w«s 7,980 bbls. 
sperm and 13,130 bbls. whale oil. — Pitkin, Statistics, p. 83. 


The great whale fishery must always be considered a 
fascinating episode in the world's commerce of adventure. 
New England played a great part in its development and 
its progress, until the modern industrial system changed 
the relative value of the product, and steam navigation 
changed the methods of the pursuit. The golden age of the 
business was in the years 1835-1846.^ Then the United 
States — and chiefly New England — employed in the 
fishery 678 ships and barks, 35 brigs, 22 schooners. They 
registered 233,189 tons, and were valued at $21,075,000. 
At the same time the foreign fleet included 230 vessels. 

The pursuit of the cod fisheries ^ in Massachusetts was 
Codfiah- relatively more prosperous than the whale fish- 
•^•^ cries. From 1765 to 1775 ^ there were sent out 

665 vessels annually, 25,630 tons, with 4,405 men. They 
furnished for Europe 178,800 quintals at 3.5 dollars ; for 
the West Indies, 172,500 quintals at 2.6 dollars. In 
1786-1790 the annual fleet was 539 vessels of 19,185 tons, 
with 3,278 men. It procured for Europe 108,600 quintals 
at three dollars, for the West Indies 142,050 quintals at 
two dollars. The proportion of inferior fish was larger. 
In 1790 * Congress stimulated the business by a bounty 
on the export of salt fish, as a drawback for the duties on 
imported salt. Afterwards a positive bounty was paid to 
vessels permanently engaged in the cod fishery. 

Ships and shipping were an important industry.^ About 
fifty years before this period, vessels in general 
aeisforcom- commercc were enlarged in size. The smaller 
craft were driven out of service by the competi- 
tion of the larger at less relative expense. Now another 
enlarjrement was effected. Connecticut still ran small 

1 Starbuck, Whale Fishery, p. 98. 

2 Roads, Marblehead, p. 200. 

» Pitkin, StatMcs, p. 83. * Ibid.y p. 39. 

« For statistics see Pitkin, Statistics, p. 435 ; Felt, Salem, ii. 298^ 
302 ; Willis, Pordand, p. 660. 

1783-89.] LARGER SHIPS ARE USED, 888 

vessels in her direct West Indian and Central Ameri- 
can trade. But the general West Indian trade and that 
along the coast of the United States was transferred to 
larger craft. Sloops were generally replaced by brigs ^ in 
this service. The great China trade was demanding a 
larger class of ships also. These could carry a large crew, 
and guns sufficient to repel all pirates or an ordinary ship 
of war. The Massachusetts, of 1789, was surpassed in 
1791 by The Grand Turk, of 564 tons. A register of 300 
tons was still considered a " large ship." The whaleships 
were of about this size. Many of these were built in the 
" North River," at Scituate, in the Old Colony. This dis- 
trict kept good repute in shipbuilding, and educated many 
shipwrights, who established the business along the whole 
coast from New York to Maine.^ 

Philadelphia mechanics gave their vessels a better finish. 
But New England built cheap, staunch vessels, with good 
sailing qualities. *' Boston bottoms with Philadelphia 
sides '* was the proverb for good ships. New England 
fast recovered its old business in building vessels. We 
have the testimony of a careful observer, Dr. Pierce, who 
made a journey from Dorchester through Providence, 
Norwich, and along the Connecticut coast in 1795. He 
found ^* in all the maritime towns great attention paid to 
the building of ships and smaller craft." ^ 

The " mast trade " was now prosecuted largely on the 
Connecticut River. Febiffer in 1785* narrates 

Mut trade. 

his negotiations with Henry Porter, of North- 
ampton, who had a store, and from that base conducted 
large operations in cutting timber up the river. Porter 
could furnish one or more cargoes in a year of masts from 
34 to 39 inches in diameter. The small spars were 
abundant. They were floated down the Connecticut to 

1 Willis, Portland, p. 559. 

2 Deane, Scituate, p. 27 ; Bourne, WelU and K., 671, 679, 768. 
« Proc. M. H. S. 1886, p. 45. * Mag, Am, Hist,, viii. 353. 


Lyme, aud were shipped from some port on the Sound to 

Commerce in human flesh and spirit was not ended by 

the Revolution. Fourscore years of political 
the auve- development in the United States, culminating 

in a great war, were needed for the final aboli- 
tion of slavery. But for the New England States the 
Revolution was the death knell of slavery and of the slave- 
trade protected by the law. Massachusetts having estab- 
lished a ^^ free commonwealth " in making her constitu- 
tion, slavery fell under its own weight of legal disability. 
A decision of her Supreme Court in 1783 ^ settled the 
status of the black, and made him the equal of a white 

Rhode Island, being a continuous commonwealth under 
her charter, needed legislation which should fit it to the 
new order of things. The decree of the king had merged 
itself into a constitution embodying the political life of a 
representative republic. Accordingly in 1784 the General 
Assembly ^ enacted that " no person " born after the first 
of March should be held as a slave. The question of 
slavery was of more practical importance to her than to 
the other New England States. In 1787, moved by peti- 
tions of the Quakers, she prohibited the slave trade by 
a formal ordinance with penalties.^ The little state was 
largely influenced by the Quakers, who were strong in 
numbers, and stronger in wealth, intelligence, and social 
position. Under this influence Rhode Island, in some 
degree, atoned for her past deeds in promoting the slave- 
trade. In 1790 the " Providence Society for Promoting 
the Abolition of Slavery " was incorporated. A volun- 
tary society had existed for abolishing the trade ; the cor- 
poration extended its operations to total abolition, and to 
the assistance of slaves and their maniunitted descendants. 

1 Barry, Mass., iii. 189. « R. L C. 5.,x. 7. 

• R. I. C. R,, p. 262. 

1783-89] THE SLAVE-TRADE. 835 

In this corporation were joined sixty-eight citizens o£ Mas- 
sachusetts, inchiding Jeremiah Bulkiiap, Kev. Samuel 
Stillman, and Benj;iiiiiii Waterhouse, and three of Con- 
necticut, including Jonathan Edwards the younger. 

In New Hampshire the institution died a natural death. 
As Belknap said in 1792, "Slavery is not prohibited hy 
any express law. . . . Those bom since the-constitutiou 
was made are free." ^ 

Although the legal status of the negro was somewhat 
different, he was pi-aetiually treated in the same manner 
in New Hampshire that he was treated in Khode Island. 
Connectieut did nut change ht;r royal cliarter into a state 
constitution until 1818, and her slaves were freed in 1784. 

The slave-trade in Now England vesseb did not cease 
when tlie state forbade it within New England territory. 
It was conducted stealthily, but steadily, even 
into tlie lifetime of Judge Story. Felt gives in- 
stances in 1785, and the inference is that the business was 
prosecuted from Salem. "Of the instructions long given 
in onr country relative to the Guinea trade we have the 
following. They come to our own tliresliold. They were 
indited by men of otherwise respectable standing. . . , 
The brig Gambia was reported the same month as bound 
on the like nefarious traffic." ^ 

The " instructions " were given to a brig already cleared 
and bound for the coast of Africa, November 12, 178.5. 
They are of the same tenor a.s the many we liave reviewed 
a half century earlier. There is the same sickening de- 
biil, directing critical inspection as to " straightness of 
liuihs, goodness or badness of constitution," etc. The 
cargo was to be hushaudod by " bartering rum for slops, 
and supplying your people with small stores," if such 
traffic became possible. The captain was to receive " four 
slaves upon every hundred and four at the place of sale, 
1 Belknap. New Hamp, iii. 211. 
s Felt, An. Salem, ii. 283, 289, 291. 


the privilege of eight hogsheads, and two pounds eight 
shillings per month." The first mate had four hogsheads 
" privilege," the second mate two ditto, besides wages. 

It is to be remembered that the owners, these " gentle- 
men of otherwise respectable standing," did not 
respe^bie uiovo from the Same point of departure whence 

*"' Peter Faneuil and the Rhode Island men moved 
two generations earlier. The earlier men took the old 
commerce along the old customary track, before the 
eighteenth century had wrought its changes. The strug- 
gle for American freedom had now opened the eyes of 
two hemispheres. The " rights of man " was no longer 
the sounding phrase of theorists. It had changed the face 
of one continent, and was about to shake the foundations 
of another. Our Southern States did not destroy slav- 
ery, it is true, but their best minds even then forecast its 

The New England men did know better, they should 
have done better, than to imbrue their hands again in the 
wretched West African traffic. Fortunately they were 
few in number. The majority of the Salem men were 
following Derby and his splendid vikings to the far In- 
dian seas. 

The great and familiar Pecksniff had his progenitors 
at that day in his own country. Their compeers and 
equals were here also. They rolled the whites of their 
eyes and uttered i)ious ejaculations as they scanned their 
ledgers and wrote instructions for turning rum into 
" Slops " or inunan souls immaterially. After attending 
to such matters these " respectable " men take leave of 
their captain, and " conclude with committing you to the 
almighty Disposer of all events." ^ The profanity of 
sailors is grateful music to ears eompoUed to listen to 
the prayers of such damnable hypocrites. 

The general commerce of the granulated mass of com- 

1 Felt, Salem, ii. 290. 


munities called the United States, from 1783 to 1789, was 
probably the pooreiit commerce known in the seggirij 
whole history of the country. England sent ™''™'™- 
America £3,700,000 worth of merchiindise in 1784, and 
took in return only je750,0O0. The drain of specie to 
meet this difference was veiy severe, and merchants could 
nut meet the engagements so rashly made. They had 
im))oi-ted luxuries for customers who were poor, and non- 
payment through all the avenues of trade was the conse- 

One circumstance and detail of the internal manage- 
ment of this commerce added to the distress and to the 
necessiiry difiicuUies of the time. Immediately after the 
peace, British merchants, factors, and clerks came across 
the seas in streams, to take advantage of the new oppor- 
tunities for trade. It seemed to the citizens to be a worse 
invasion of their economic rights than the coming of the 
troops had been to tho political rights of the old colonists. 
The whole country was agitated, but action was initiated 
in Boston in 1785. The merchants met and discussed 
all these difficnlties. They )>le<lged themselves to buy no 
more goo<l9 of British merchants or factors in Boston. 
In about three weeks the mechanics and artisans met in 
the old Green Dragon Tavern and committed themselves 
to the same policy. 

But the merchants went beyond mero non-intercourse 
witli traders at home. The root of the difficulty was in 
the ill-rcgulfition or want of regulation of onr 
commerce with all foreign countries. The Con- io»iiti> oom- 
federation was giving and not getting. Where 
it should have gotten, foreigners were getting, because 
the parts of the country had not agi-^ed to unite in ac- 
quiring for the common benefit, lest some part should be 
injured in the process. Congress made treaties for the 
Confederation. But if unable to treat with any ])nwer 
which excluded American shipping from its ports, or laid 


duties on American produce, Congress did not control 
our ports in an equivalent manner. Each individual 
state was to decide whether the unfriendly power should 
trade at its own ports. This in effect nullified any re- 
taliatory action. 

England, being the best market, virtuaUy controlled 
any change in commerce, as it was then conducted Her 
ports were closed to American products unless they were 
brought in British vessels. France admitted our vessels 
to her ports, but her merchants cried out against the 
competition. It was feared that the ministers would be 
obliged to yield to their clamor and close the ports. 
Probably the poor economic condition of the country af- 
fected the foreign trade even more than the bad adjust- 
ment of foreign relations. 

All causes combined to form two parties, one advocat- 
ing imposts upon foreign trade or a Navigation Act, the 
other opposing this scheme, and insisting upon 
ActB^d^ absolute freedom of commerce. It was in this 
direction that the Boston people moved, after 
they had instituted non-intercourse in their own market 
with British traders. They petitioned Congress to rem- 
edy these embarrassments of trade, and sent a memorial 
to their own legislature. This document urged that body 
to insist on action by Congress. They formed a Com- 
mittee of Correspondence to enforce these plans upon the 
whole country, revolutionary experience having taught 
them the efficacy of this means of agitation. 

John Adams during his residence in London advocated 
a Navigation Act with great force and ability. He could 
not move Pitt or the cabinet to grant what he considered 
fair and equal privileges of commerce. He wanted re- 
taliatory measures to stimulate the British community to 
a more practical recognition of American riu^lits. In his 
view the whole of Europe — friendly and unfriendly pow- 
ers together — would respect the new nation more when 

1783-S9.] UNION AND COMMERCE. 889 

it sliould fence in it3 privileges. Wben fenced and se- 
cured, they could be dealt out and exchanged tbrou^ 

The " impost," or, in the language of our time, the tariff 
for revenue, as proposed in 1783, was a very moderate 
measure. It was fiercely debated, as we have 
seen, until it was Kimlly adopted by Congress 
ill 1786. Uut tlie couditions imposed by tbe various 
states ' in ratifying the Impost Act hampered any effec- 
tive action under it. The action of New York alone vir- 
tually nullific<1 it. Very low duties were laid on seven 
classes of nierebandise ; viz., sugars, liquors, teas, coffee, 
cocoa, molasses, and pepper. 

This travesty of imperial government went on until 
the loose mass of states was fused and converted into a 
firm union. As the states gave freely of their trnionbringt 
cherished prerogatives to the central union, eaeli ™'""'"™- 
became larger in itself. The parts did not diminish as 
the whole grew into an empii-e. The local communities 
worked their beloved institutions as in tbc early days of 
their dependence. Tbe peo|»le of the United States, a 
new political entity, was brought into being through the 
painful parturition of Revolution and of Confederation. 
Creative powers, imperial powers, carried in themselves 
the necessary development of commerce. Europe was 
soon convulsed by revolutions of ber oivn, far transcend- 
ing all the petty wars of the New World ; needing food 
and carrying ships, slie took them wherever they were to 
be bad. Then New England took her olil place in the 
commercial marine. Her iisliennen, sailois, and merchants 
carried the starry flag throughout tiie seas of the world. 
1 McMaBter, £f< i. 361. 





After the Revolution was effected, the greater task of 
constructing a stable government wa^ imposed on the peo- 
ple. An anomalous machine, half royal and executive, 
half parliamentary and legislative, had directed, if it had 
not governed, the rising colonies. That was now broken. 
The communities and towns of the Atlantic seaboard were 
aggi*egated in districts called states, but these districts 
were not yet developed into the admirable local 
tkmofprov- oreranisms we know as states. Ine people ex- 
isted, and carried the latent power of a state — 
of an empire — in their well-tried and enduring political 
temper. It remained for Madison and Hamilton, after- 
wards Marshall, to fuse these forces and to embody them 
in permanent institutions. Thus the republic was organ- 
ised into an empire without a sovereign, under a sover- 
eignty intrusted by the people to Washington. 

The change experienced by the mind of the people in 
those scattered states, when they came to the final adop- 
tion of the Constitution, must ever be matter for deep 
thought. After we have analysed and defined the part 
taken by each individual statesman or each local commu- 
nity, there remains the larger and greater whole that eludes 
our analysis. The " modified unity " into which the mind 
of our Ajnerican people was fused and blended is, and 
must ever be, a mighty problem in history. 

New England contributed indirectly rather than by her 


direct action upon this procesu of consolidating the United 
States. The Websters of New Englaad contrib- 
uted a great bridge towai-d the advance and de- tio»ofHnr 
velopmeiit of orderly union out of confederate 
disonler. In this great unifying doctrine — a positive 
political discovery — the particular states were for the 
moment ignored in the passage of citizens to their placa 
in the imperial government of the United States. The 
United States government rested itself immediately upon 
the citizen, and, after the manner of an ancient king, en- 
forced its own decrees by its own agents. In the absence 
of the im)>enal action of the Union, the particular local 
action of states went forward in its old, familiar channels. 
After tills, the greatest of the controlling ideas of the 
Constitution, as finally adopted, was in the severance of 
religion from the central corporation of the state. " Re- 
ligion was become avowedly the attribute of man and not 
of a corporation." ' Heretofore the essence of govern- 
ment and of religion had been one and indivisible. This 
departure originated in Rhode Island. Small in territory, 
this little government had established the fact, by a cen- 
tury and a half of political experience, that a society can 
combine "only in civil things," leaving each individual 
soul to God. So much Roger Williams and William 
Coddington gave to mankind. The direct course of 
Rhode Island during the formation of the Union was lam- 
entable. It was largely due to the revolt of the people 
against the wisdom of their natural leaders. But writers 
who dwell on such vagaries of a popular government, 
where the individual so little fettered, should remem- 
ber how much Rhode Island did for other communities as 
well as her own in founding this individual freedom. 

Her foremost citizen in Revolutionary times, Stephen 
Hopkinn, saw as early as 17.")6 that King and Parliament 
must yield their ill-exeivjised prerogatives to American 
1 BMwroCt, U. 5., Ti. 443. 


freemeD.^ Jonathan Edwards had worked to establish the 
same principle on a different ground. He worked for the 
idea of the sovereignty of God within each individual soul. 
Out of these profound convictions came finally the self- 
dependence of the American people and the freedom of 
the American Church, Catholic or Protestant. 

Each man may be great in himself, the whole crowd 
may be little in the aggregate. How to get a whole result 
which shall be greater than the parts, — that was the ante- 
Revolutionary problem. One man thinks, all the men to- 
Poiiticai gether feel. The power that could kill a king 
■ociety. q£ |.jjg seventeenth century and yet save royalty 
was developed in England. The peers and descendants 
of those masters of kingly power settled in New England, 
chiefly in Massachusetts. Here they learned to think and 
to feel politically. They could resist ministers and Parlia- 
ment, and yet conserve the institutions on which political 
order rested. This capacity for bringing each individual 
man and woman into harmony with the actual government 
of society through orderly political action was manifested 
especially in Massachusetts. She gave it to the nation. 

A convention met at Annapolis, Md., in 1786, to dis- 
commerciai ^^^^ mcthods of enabling Congress to regulate 
convention, commcrcc. This body was the forerunner of the 
greater convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1787. It 
has been remarked by more than one judicious observer 
of American history that commerce, or the lack of regu- 
lated commerce, was the impelling necessity which forced 
states and people into the formation of a more consoli- 
dated national government. Bad finance, public debts 
unpaid, soldiers suffering for their just pay, national dis- 
credit, — all this affected the popular mind not so much 
as broken trade. The weakness of state governments — 
a notable instance of which will be mentioned directly — 
was a direct reason for creating some central authority. 

^ Arnold, R, /., ii. 515. 


It was not to be expected that order could be brought out 
from the chaotic teudeticies of revolution without great 
struggles and difficulties. The times were sadly out of 
joint. The immediate difficulty in every man's E«>aoiiUc 
life was ecouomical. War spends frightfully, '"'™i"- 
but revolution deranges the body politic by which war and 
peace alike obtain their supplies. Patriotism, the greatest 
of virtues, often directly opposes economy, the least and 
therefore the most frequent and necessary of all the vir- 
tues. King and Parliament deposed, state obligations re- 
pudiated, currency broken, then pro])erty was assailecl. 
The debtor and the poor man cried out for justice. The 
whole institution of property — the economic basis on 
which social order rests — was assailed. , 

As taxation is the root of political power, so it is the 
most offensive of all the prerogatives of government. 
And as the best qualities of the self-governing tuuiob 
citizen wore produced in Massachusetts,^ so re- "■'■*'- 
sistance to taxation anil rebellion broke out there in the 
year 178G.2 From 1781 through the last throes of the 
Revolution, conventions and nil tbo forms of popular agi- 
tation had been at work in the sparsely settled Western 
counties. By 1783 tliesoutheastei'n towns of Massachu- 
setts were infected, and armed bands carne into the ad- 
joining districts of Rhode Island,^ rescuing offenders ar^ 
rested for resisting collection of the taxes. In Gloucester, 
R. I., rioters resisted, seizing distrained cattle, and releas- 
ing prisoners held for taxes. A meeting was held in 
Killingly, Ct., to spread the new gospel. The governors 
of the three states acted in concert, and suppressed this 
movement. It did not pass beyond cons])iracy and riot. 

In the above named year Daniel Shays, a captain re- 
signed from the Revolutionary army, brave in the field but 

' Mikssichiiactt9 Iiad a form of stamp tax, also, which was unpopu- 
lar and was resisted. Smith, NeiebwgporC, p. 126. 
' fiarr;, Mau., iii. 218. * Arnold, R. /., ii. 489. 


unfit for a general, bankrupt in fortune, came to the front 
in western Massachusetts. Luke Day, another captain, 
giyjyg. major by brevet for honorable service, a stronger 

rebellion. man, was " the master spirit of the insurrec- 
tion ; " ^ but Shays was the more prominent leader. The 
epidemic spread from Hampshire to Worcester, to Mid- 
dlesex and Essex. Recruits were drilled by the leaders 
about Springfield, and those who were able armed them- 
selves. Judges were threatened and the courts inter- 
rupted ; the legislature, in the lower house at least, was 
infected. But the spirit of order gradually prevailed, 
more severe laws against illegal assemblies and rioting 
were passed, habeas corpus was suspended for eight 
months, and taxation was somewhat ameliorated. 

In January, 1787, the rebellion culminated. Some 1,800 
men were organised in or near Springfield to resist the 
authority of the commonwealth. The state troops were 
mustered under the command of Major General Lincoln, 
who moved vigorously against the insurgents. The rebel- 
lion crumbled at the first shock, and there was little or no 
blood shed. The state treated the misguided rebels with 
great clemency. 

This rebellion was the sore which revealed disease in 

the whole body politic. The power of the state, however 

misdirected in former generations, was not now 

political con- directed at all. Peace had not brought pros- 

dition. .11 . T 

perity ; commerce languished, or was earned on 
by foreigners. Manufacturers dreaded the competition of 
goods manufactured under better - ordered governments, 
where labor was cheaper and better applied, and the peo- 
ple asked for protection for their own goods. Agriculture 
could not be destroyed, but it needed the mutual support 
of commerce and manufactures. Farmers and laborers 
suffered especially from the wretched derangement of the 

1 Barry, Mass., iiL 233. 


The troubles from the condition of the currency were 
many and vanous. One series was moneyed and came 
from the unit of value ; another and more important 
series inhered in the currency as a basis of credit, and 
this affected all contracts. 

In tlie first inatanee, the unit of value represented by 
the dollar was practically uncertain. The nominal pound 
never was money in anylai^e sense in America, -rfaegat. 
It varied as a standard in different colonies from ""'■ 
906 grains of silver to 1,547 grains, being divided into 
shillings, and these into pence, so that the value of the 
pence varied with the locality. The nominal pound was 
the unit of barter. Tho coined silver and gold of sterling 
value was kept at home, as far as possible, by the British 
government. The colonies had been forced to largely use 
the Spanish milled dollar or " piece of eight " in actual 
transactions throughout their financi:il history. My own 
citations of figures, as they have occurred in many records, 
show the confusion of pounds and dollars. The dollar 
meant 6 shillings in New England, 8s. in New York, 7s. 
6<l. in Pennsylvania. Congress was driven notwithstand- 
ing, to adopt the dollar and its decimal cent, as the least 
variable unit within their reach.' Congress did not fur^ 
nish these actual dollars and cents in metal until 1787, 
when the mint commenced operations.^ But the states 
could work by easier processes ; they printed money, al- 
most for the asking. 

Meanwhile specie took its usual course in a depreciated 
currency. It would not stay by the printing-presses, but 
went where it was wanted for actual use. In 178G the 
whole country was shocked by the report that ono vessel 
was carrying from Boston to London^ the largest aniount 

1 I am inilebted to Cfanrlcg J. Hoadloj,\., for tha fint sugges- 
tion of tim historical evolution of the pound iLud dollnr. 
' Fur tlie value of ooitis see Belknap, JVeui. Hamp., in. 226. 
• MeMMt«n, Hut. U. S., i. 2M. 


of specie shipped in twelve years. Dollars, joes (the 
coin of Portugal), guineas, crowns, pistoles, and bullion 
were piled together and borne across the seas from poor 
America to rich Britain. Again the best prosperity ap- 
peared, to the popular mind, like the worst disaster. New 
England had the money to send. She had manufactured 
the most, money was scarce and needed, therefore manu- 
factures were unprosperous. Such was the popular logic. 

This ridiculous outcry reveals the larger series of 
Broken troublcs, thosc of broken credit, underlying the 
crediL currency, to which I have referred. States were 

repudiating their debts ; merchants, foreign and domestic, 
were over-importing commodities ; debtors could not pay, 
and the courts could not find means to enforce payment. 
The machinery for exchanging property creaked in every 
joint, because the whole system of finance was ill-adjusted. 
Such prosperity as the people had — and they had much 
— could not be made available. 

Merchants took any movable property they could ob- 
tain, then took mortgages or public securities of any 
Financial kind. Then they took farms from one debtor, 
methods. cattle from anotlier, and placed the cattle on a 
farm.^ And in some cases where the creditor " obtained 
execution against substantial people, we are no nearer get- 
ting our money, which is impossible to raise, even if they 
would sell farms generally valued at *£800 for X300." ^ 

The distress was beyond our comprehension. The ac- 
count below ^ gives us a faint idea of events as they oc- 

* Fop rents of farms see R. L C. -R., viii. 505 ; ix. 44. 

^ J. and J. Amory, MS. Letters, 1786. 

« Ibid., p. 123 : — 

Boston October 16, 1786 
Mess*' . Dowling & Son : 

Tlie principal surety lives in New Hampshire, where laws have 
been made (since our taking the security) making lands set off at an 
apprabement satisfaction of an Execution, & this is in a manner an- 


Massachusetts also came Dear, iu 1786, to passing the 
act for making real and personal estate a legal tender. 
Fortunately she rejected it. Rhode Island adopted it ia 
1789,^ completing her drama of insolvency. She had 
';tne<l forciiig acts ^ to compel the exchange o£ property 
for paper money, which broke down in the celebrated case 
of Trecctt v. Wceden- The course of paper money in 
Mew Hampshire^ and in the territorial dbtricts of Ve:^ 
inont wa.t quite similar.* 

The sm-vey of history must move in periods, but there 
is hanlly any stop in the progress of affairs. By common 
consent, the year 1783 has been made an epoch in indus- 
trial development. About tins time, England ni^j^on 
especially, by the improvement of carding, spin- '^'■'*'- 
niiig, and weaving machinery, took a portion of her labor- 

iiibilating property, ns in the first place you are generally cheated 
one lialf or two tliirtls iti the valuation of tbe laud, and in the nest 
plncc, you can neither Belt or rent tbem to any profit. It is iu this 
manner wc EulTer ourstlres, having 4 or £5,U00 due to us in that 
state. Mrs. Willanl, tlic other surety, what she has in debts sha 
cannot raise a penny from, neither could we distress her, being a 
very old infirm I^dy with whose friendship wo have been honored 
for many years, Add to this the present eonfiisious which do doubt 
your newspitpers will be filled with. Our Courts are stopped by 
niol>8 and all government is in a manner at an end. Tbe Federal. 
Court now sitting was called together on this occasion but such » 
universal discontent prevnib on account of taxes which the farmen 
can't pay and such distress anionj; an iuflnito number of debtors who 
from the scarcity of money are unable to pay their creditors, that the 
Court are unable to find a remedy for these evils. At present it 
BCPiiis that nothing will Ratisty tlie body of the people but an exemp* 
tion from taxes and pitlier paper money or a niaking4aiids and 
personal cstato of any kind a tender fur debts. If this takes place 
it wilt be tlic utter rutu of a great number of people who have in- 
vested their whole property in public securities which will be of no 
value if taxes caimot be raised. 

' 11. I. C. n., X. 3fil. » Arnold, R. I., ii. 521, 625, 628. 

• jV. //. ;/. C, iii. 117 ; Toam Pap., ix. 311. 

* McMaaters, Hut. V. S^ i. 341, 347. 


ers from agriculture, and placed them in organised man- 
ufactories of textile fabrics. America had far less re- 
source in capital or skill trained in industries, but the 
same tendency manifested itself here. As early as 1778, 
Elkanah Watson ^ had noted the ^^ infant manufactures/' ^ 
in common with fisheries and commerce, as the ^^ sinews 
of the North." Boston formed its association of trades- 
men and manufacturers in 1785, one indication of the 
movement in New England. The new machinery for card- 
ing, drawing, and spinning cotton, invented by Hargreave, 
Compton, and Arkwright, with the loom of Cartwright, 
gradually established themselves. The domestic manu- 
factures of England were changing into the great modern 
system of classified and organised textile manufactures. 
A stringent Act of Parliament (14 Geo. III. c. 71) was 
designed to check the export of this machinery. 

But invention cannot be confined. Wherever a people 
exists capable of adopting new discoveries, there the in- 
dustrial atmosphere wafts the pollen of invention aQd new 
growth springs uj). Congress had laid increased 
tureaiuNew dutics upou foreiffn manufactures in 1785.^ In 

England. i o 

several places our busy mechanics and enterpris- 
ing men of affairs were at work upon the new problem 
of manufactures. An attempt at spinning and weaving 
cotton had been made at Worcester in 1780.^ Orr, of 
Bridgewater, an active mind, had assisted two Scotchmen 
named Barr to build a " stock card " and spinning-jenny 
in 1786.* The state recompensed the Barrs in lottery 
tickets, and allowed Orr to use the machines. In 1787 
Cabot aud others had begun at Beverly with these or 
similar machines. In 1787 Daniel Anthony, with Peck 
and Dexter, made machines at Providence, following the 
construction of those of Orr or the Barrs ; these were a 

1 Travels, p. 70. « Bancroft, U. 5., vi. 141. 

» Hist. Worcester Co., p. 321. 

^ Sec Bishop, Hist. Manu/., i. 398 et seq., for details of this period. 


card and jenny. Tlie cai-ded rolls of cotton, 18 incliea 
lon^, were pieced together on a band-wheel. In 17H8 
Joseph Alexander and another Scotchman catne to Provi- 
dence, and Alexander operated the first loom with a fly- 
shuttle in Amerii-a, bo far an is kno\vn, Tlie loom was 
started in tlie old market honse. Moses Brown pur- 
chased tlic machinery of these Pi-ovtdenee operators, 
after their attempts had failed, and moved it to Paw- 

September 13, 1789, Samuel Slater sailed from London, 
arriving in New York about November 18th. He had 
emigrated intending to go to Philadelphia, where etmati 
the manufacturing of cotton had been much 3Sj^"* 
agitated. But tho stronger industrial currents ^™™- 
of New England drew him to Providence, as appears in 
our account.^ January 18, 1790, he was taken to Paw- 
tucket by Moses Brown. December 20, 1700, Slater 
started there tliree cards, drawing and roving frames. 
Two spinning-frames of 72 swindles were con- coitoo •?!»- 
structed under his direction, and tho machinery "'"*■ 
was operated by a water-wlieel in an old clothier's build- 
ing, where a fulling-mill bail been driven. This was the 
firnt successful manufacture of cotton in the United States. 

Others had made g.illant attempts ; these were the suc- 
cessful pioneers of this industry, which has spun ita 
threads into the whole destiny of this great country. 
Moses Brown was a man of large intelligence on every 
sitle. lie ba<l that spirit of enterprise that builds com- 
nuinities as vrcW as accumulates fortunes. His large trust 
in bis fellow-men, his sound judgment of alfairs, and hia 
courage, spe.ik out in his invitation to Slater; without 
his capital, and steadfast energy the enterprise of Slater 
might not have succeeded. lie fuiniwhed the ca])itnl for 
Abny (his son-in-law), Brown (liis relative), and Slater, 
when tbey built tlieir first cotton factory in 1793. 
1 See Af^ndix L 


Samuel Slater was a bold leader in business. If he 
did not invent, he brought great force of character and 
adaptive skill to the operation of the newly invented ma- 
chinery. He incorporated the administrative capacity of 
the Englishman with the quick ingenuity of the American 
mechanics, whom he found ready for his work. In the 
Wilkinsons, at and near Pawtucket, he found the best 
mechanical skill that any new countiy or any race of men 
could furnish. They helped to build these machines. 

In 1789 Providence founded its " Association of Me- 
chanics and Manufacturers (now extant), for the purpose 
of promoting industry, and giving a just encouragement 
to ingenuity." ^ In the yeara immediately following our 
icxiorin- period, the Pawtucket mechanics made several 
Tentiont. inventions which much assisted the new cotton 
machinery and the growth of mechanical industries in gen- 
eral. These inventions were stimulated by the incoming 
of Slater, if not an immediate outgrowth from his system. 
The course of American mechanical engineering toward 
the minor inventions of England has always been in one 
direction. The Englisli develop a machine or system of 
machinery out of their large industries, and by means of 
their enormous capital. The American mechanics take 
that mechanical process, then simplify it by their deft 
arrangement of forces, or invent new and more direct 
processes to attain equivalent results. This has happened 
in hundreds of instances. In the great inventions, Amer- 
ica has generally led all nations. 

Thus in 1791 ^ Sylvan us Brown invented the slide lathe, 
to turn rollers, spindles, etc., for the cotton machinery. 
This was the first invention for " turning " iron, and it 
was soon ai)plie(l to the cutting of screws for pressing oil, 
etc. The advance over old processes was quite equal to 
the walking of an adult as compared to the creeping of an 
infant. Ozias Wilkinson, in the same year, built a small 

1 li. L C. i?., X. 316. 2 Goodrich, Pawtucket, pp. 48, 51. 

1785-89.] VMkt ttfpiNTIOHS. 861 

" air furnace " for casting iron, and made the first Amer- 
ican " wing-gudgeons " for Slater's " old mill." These ffr 
cilities bronght one Baldwin from Buston, for canal m»- 
ohinery and iron castings were made for a drawbridge at 

From 1785 to 1791 ^ cotton was being introduced into 
the Southern States from West Indian eeed, to meet the 
new demand for Northern manufactures as well as for ex- 

The manufacture of duck for canvas had been always 
encouraged by the colonies. Canvaa was a prime 

.,,-,. , , T Cotton dmik. 

necessity for the nabenes and for commerce, it 
had been a grievance that sails made or repaired must use 
British-made duck, or foreign that bad paid British duties. 
About this time, duck mills were tried with varied success 
in several places.^ In 1788 or 1789, a large manufactory 
of linen canvas started in Boston. It was far beyond 
any other industrial enterprise of that time in its organi- 
sation, and in the excellence of its product. The ship 
Massachusetts, already noticed as the largest vesael of her 
time, was suited in sails and cordage made in Boston. In 
1792 the product of canvas had risen to 2,000 yards per 
week, and 400 hands were employed. The practical mind 
of Washington was much attracted to this establishment 
when he visited it in 1789, and he commended especially 
the moral order tliat reigned there. 

Next to the inventions of Arkwright, Compton, and 
their contemporaries, the manufacture of all textiles has 
been most advanced by the invention of machine-made 
cards. These are not the engines themselves, but _. ^ 
the leather and wire cards with which the revolv- 
ing cylinders are covered. Carding, i. c separating, 
sti'aigbteoing, and arranging fibres of cotton or wool, is a 

' M. H. S. Proe. 1855, p. 224 ; Pitkin, StaliOiei, p. ISl. 
' See Pelt, Salem, ii. 168 ; Chase, BavtthiU, p. lU ; £. /. C. fi., 
X. 121, 160 ; Biabop, Hiat. Mm»^^ ii. Ui^ 4aiX 


vital process in all textile manufactares. Hundreds of 
fine wire teeth are set in a square inch of leather. The 
leather must be pierced, the wire cut and bent twice into 
a loop, then thrust through the leather and bent into two 
knees. The angle at which the wire teeth strike the fibre 
is an important element in carding. In making the 
^^hand cards " used literally for ages, all this work had to 
be painfully manipulated. 

About 1784 one Chittenden, of New Haven, had in- 
vented a machine for bending and cutting the wire.^ He 
could shape and finish 36,000 teeth per hour, a great gain. 
Eleazer Smith, one of the inventors of card-setting ma« 
chinery, was at work about the same time.^ In 1788 
Giles Richards and others formed a company and started 
the manufacture of cards, which Washington visited in the 
following year ; 63,000 pairs of cards of all kinds were 
made that year. They sold at lower prices than the im- 
ported ones, and many had been smuggled into England. 
Smith was at work there, though it is asserted also that the 
machines used had been invented by Oliver Evans. Other 
manufactories were started. It was claimed that one em- 
ployed 1,200 hands, chiefly women and children, the latter 
in sticking the teeth. In earlier days, women near the 
factories carried leather and teeth in tin pans when they 
spent an afternoon with their friends. Setting the teeth 
was an industrial amusement, like knitting.^ 

The invention completed itself in 1797 in the hands of 
whitt«more's Amos Whittcmorc, an ingenious gunsmith, for- 
'°~**"«'- merly employed by Giles Richards & Co. With 
his brother he started a factory with the machinery above 
described. His patents date from 1796, and they include 
an epoch-making invention. One machine held and 
pierced the leather, drew the wire from a reel, cut and 
bent the looped tooth, inserted it and bent the knees, 

1 Bishop, ii. 497, 618. « Worcester Soc. Antiq,, v. 20. 

* Greene, East Greenwich^ p. 57. 

.. r*,^* 

1783-89.] WAR AND INDUSTRY. 868 

passing out a, whole card of any size or shape. The in- 
ventioD made a revolution in the business, and was intro- 
duced into England. 

Wars that du not actually impoverish their peoples pro- 
mote organised industries. The necessity of the 
moment stimulates new inrentions and new ar- motet aniv- 
rangements of labor. But beyond this, people 
sink their indiridualism for a time, overcome local isola- 
tion, and bend together in new work. All this promotes 
enterprise in the largest sense. We saw this manifested 
in cotton-spinning, duck-weaving, card-making, etc It 
appeared also in woollen manufacture. Wool ' had been 
worked more thoroughly than any other staple in the do- 
mestic industries ; the time had come for a factory, an 
evolution beyond the house, a place of organised effort, 

As early as 1788, Daniel Hinsdale and others estab- 
lished a woollen factory at or near Hartford, awoou™ 
The capital was Xl,250 in £10 shares. Jeremiah '""^■ 
Wadswortb was interested, and the legislature encour^ed 
it. It is asserted that 5,000 yards of cloth was made 
there from September, 1788, to September. 1789. Some 
of this sold at five dollars per yard. Washington was 
much interested in this affair, so closely connected with 
the future progress of the country. He notes that all the 
parts were carried on there except spinning; that was 
done by the country people. Broadcloths, " not of the 
first quality as yet, but they are good," were made. There 
were made also "coatings, cassimeres, serges and ever- 
lastings." He ordered a suit of the broadcloth for himself, 
and a whole piece of everlasting to make breeches for his 
servants. When be received the suit he wrote General 
Knox that it "exceeds my expectations."' The"HaT^ 
ford grey " was a celebrated cloth. Pierpont, a doth- 

^ Rhode Inland enconraged sheep bj a bonnty conferred in 1786. 
R. 1. C. R., X. 1S2. Act repealed the next year. 
* Maint H. a, iv. 6a 


dresser tbere, finished in seyen months, abont 1789, at one 
press, 8,134 yards of cloth, of which 6,282 jards were 
fulled.^ A factory began at Stockbridge, Mass., about aa 
soon as at Hartford. 

The worsted which we noted as spun in the household 
in early colonial days, was woven, according to President 
Washington, into serges and everlastings at Hartford. It 
was also knit by machinery into stockings. An establish- 
ment working eight stocking-locHns is recorded at Norwich 
in 1789. 

The constmctiye power, the inventive genius of our peo- 
ple, went forward from this great impulse imparted in the 
waning years of the century, until the land has 

^li^ been filled with factories. Every article used or 
touched by man — the persistent meddler with 
established Nature — becomes a new thing thrilling with 
humanity. This new creature of civilisation has writ him- 
self all over the matter provided by Nature, until that 
matter is turned by his restless brain and ready hand into 
new organic forms. One generation sinks enervated by 
the luxury thus engendered, but another springs forward 
with appetite made keener -by the new opportunities for 
mastering the surrounding Nature. This gpreat result of 
the eighteenth century, this process of bringing all mate- 
rial forces into harmony with a mind that directs, wrought 
a change in the word that describes it. The old name 
^ manufacture " gradually changed from its true meaning 
to mean the making of things by the working together 
of all the forces of nature, through processes which imi- 
tate the stroke of the human hand. 

While the movement was making the initial start I 
HooMhoid ^^® described, the old hoosehold industries 
'■*'"*^*^ made a final effort to renew their hold on the 
growing life of the new time. It was the outward hectic 
flush that animates the inner processes of decay. The 

1 Bishop, i. 41& 


ire3-8».] NEW AND OLD INDUSTRIES. 866 

domestic textile industries irere beyond question a posi- 
tive factor in common life and prosperity. The neces- 
sity imposed by tbe war and the patriotic spirit of inde- 
pendence bad worked together to increase production 
among the people. Tbe cards bo ingeniously manufactured 
were made primarily fur band and not for machine use. 
The quantities made in Boston, under President Wash- 
ington's eye, were used by tbe industrious women of New 
England, or were exported to other states. Cotton, wool, 
flax, were all worked into fabrics, thougb Wasbiagton 
tbougbt tbe linen product had been overestimated in tbe 
reports carried South. Even thread and silk laces or 
edgings were made at Ipswich, Mass. Connecticut and 
Massachusetts had a surplus of these homespun fabrics, 
which they sent into the Middle States in exchange for 
provisions. This creation Ly the home industries bad 
forestalled tbe market furnished by the increasing popu- 
lation. It was a chief cause in tbe disasters of tbe im- 
porting business following the Revolution. 

But this every-day movement was not enough for tbe 
hectto feeling that broke out in 1787-1789, An outcry was 
toade against the luxury said to be eating away tbe sub- 
stance of the people. Poor administnitioo of government, 
especially in finance, was deranging the whole body poli- 
tic. A new social movement' was instituted in Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island to promote econ- 
omy, and to encourage domestic industries especially. 
*' Tbe Rich & great strive by example to convince the 
populace of their error by growing their own Flax (and 
wool) having some one in the family to dress it, & all the 
females spin, several weave & Bleach the linen." 

Throughout the land, the old spinning -matches were 
revived, and while the Rev. Mr. Murray preached to tbe 
faithful economists, filling the rooms of his parsonage, 

1 Bishop, i. 411 ; Arnold, ii. 652 ; MoMarter, L 3U ; Coffin, Naio- 
bury, p. 261 ; Bailej, Andover, p. 403. 


^^ the wise-hearted did spin with their hands." It was a 
true festival of the plain people of New England, com- 
bining religion, industry, and economy. ^^A pleasing 
sight. Some spinning, some reeling, some carding the 
cotton, some combing the flax." ^ 

The next industry of importance was in the manufac- 
XnmuMi tures of iron. The slitting-mills were increased 
■•'^ generally in the years following the Revolution. 

The new commerce with Russia, which attained large pro- 
portions in 1790, brought in large quantities of iron in 
bars and rods. The making of nails was of immense im- 
portance to the whole settlement and household economy 
of America. Wood was abundant, and artificers con- 
structed it ingeniously into houses and furniture more com- 
fortable and convenient than the world had ever had for 
its common people. This great evolution of utensils in 
wood required nails. Jacob Perkins, a wonderful inven- 
tor of Newburyport, started a machine for cutting and 
heading them, in Amesbury, about 1790.^ In the follow- 
ing decade, 23 patents were granted in the United States 
for improving this excellent device for elevating the con 
dition of mankind. 

The business of distilling liquors was revived. Rhode 
Island ^ repealed her Act of 1777, which forbade the use 
of grains for such purposes. Nathan Read, of Salem, 
made improvements in the process of distillation,^ as 
while distilling he succeeded in obtaining saleratus, by 
subjecting pearlash to the fumes of the fermenting mo- 

One of Rochambeau's staffs had noted the great inge- 

1 Coffin, Newbury, p. 261. 

' Bishop, i. 492. See, also, Barry, Hanover, p. 142 ; Worcester 
Soc. Anti'inityy v. 20 ; Mitchell, Bridgewater, p. 59. 
« R. I. C. 7?., X. 318. 

* For the West India process, see Edwards, W. /., ii. 61. 
» Felt, Salem, ii. 175, 187. • Mag. Am. Hist., iv. 214. 



nuity of tbe Connecticut mechanics. He was also at- 
tracted by the paper-mills and two chocolate factories at 
Miltou, Mass. After the war, some of the old powder- 
mills were turned iuto manufactories of paper, there 
being a considerable increase in the manufacture of this 

These growing manufactures, thus briefly noted, were 
extended in the last decade. As soon as tbe Q(n,nj|,,. 
new republic established itself firmly, manufao- ^^^ 
tares, like commerce, increased rapidly, and *''™' 
shared tbe rising prosperity. By 1793 Worcester County' 
was fairly alive with industries. A significant indication 
of the movement of the time appears in the importa- 
tion of skilled labor. Salem ' chronicles, July 7, 1795, 
that " thirty mechanics and manufacturers from London 
arrived lately." 

The roads of New England and the means of transpor- 
tation had changed little for a half century. Stages had 
been gradually introduced on tbe more frequented routes. 
About 1795 there was a movement^ to improve binwui 
the roads in various directions, especially on the i***"- 
great line of communication from Boston to New York. 
According to President Quincy, the journey overland oc- 
cupied a week, being accomplished in eighteen-mile stages. 
All day, until tea in the evening, the rickety carriage 
labored, drawn by two horses, partly harnessed with ropes, 
and with a diiver half intoxicated. Quagmires were fre- 
quent, and tbe passengers must be ready to help in 
overcoming such obstacles. Only two coaches and twelve 
horses were employed on this great route. 

Packet sloops ran from New York to Providence, and 
coaches carried the passengers thence to Boston. In 

1 Bailey, Anilovr, \<\i. 581 84. 

a Whitney's Hkl., pp. 79, 109, 183, 108, 201, 213, 229, 240, 242, 247, 
260, 267, 278. 1297. 
* Felt, ii.303. * HiMt. Stamford, p. 438. 


1798 the stages went from either place m alternate 
days.^ Packets ran to other points on the navigable 
waters. Bat they were an uncertain and shifting means 
of conveyance. Newbury put the first four-horse coaches 
on the Boston route in 1774.' Stages did not make their 
way into Maine until 1787, when Joseph Barnard, the old 
post-rider, started a two-horse wagon that met the Boston 
stage at Portsmouth.^ Post-riders were common in the 
latter years of the century.^ 

Our generation can form slight conception of the diffi- 
culties of travel, or the strength of the travellers. One 
Metiin was a baker at Portsmouth. He would walk 
sixty-six miles in one day, buy his flour and ship it by a 
ooaster to his home; then he would return on foot the 
next day.*^ He continued this practice until eighty years 
of age. The tradition runs that a cabinet-maker living 
a dozen miles from Providence made light tables and 
stands to be sold in that town. He could not afford to 
hire a wagon to convey them thither, and mounted them 
in an unwieldy package on one shoulder. As the ilU 
balanced load strained his aching shoulder, he would taka 
a stout rail from the fence and burden the other shoulder 
in compensation. Thus he travelled cheerfully to his 

Sturdy, solid men and women went out and in, while 
doing the common business of New England in the post* 
cintdk- Evolutionary days. They were usually dressed 
*'™^**°^ in homespun, though the gentry wore the Euro- 
pean dress common to their class. This distinction of 
the *'*' gentieman " was charily recognised now. The care* 
ful social classification I have described in so many forms 
was gradually breaking down under the pressure of the 
eighteenth century, the Revolution hastening the oblitera- 

^ Mass. Mercury^ June 12, 1793. 

* Smith, Newburyport, p. 71. * Willis, Portland, p. 586. 

^ Baileyy Andaver, p. 407. * Adams, Portsm&uih, p. 


lion of class distinctions. Its doctrines of political equal- 
ity, its easy creation of new and its ruthless destnictioa 
of old families and fortunes, all united in working out 
changes in society. It is stated tbat John Adams uses 
the term " gentleman " occasionally, and that he does use 
it after the Revolution is matter of remark. 

There were yet men and women of mark, bonndarf 
limits in the social territory, pivots in the social move- 
ment of this incessantly active life. The dress' 
of gentlemen was that of fifty years before, 
simplified somewhat by the more sober taste prevailing. 
The old cocked bat rested ou a bottomed wig. Coats 
were without collars, with full, broad skirts, or fitted more 
to the body and cnt away over the thighs. Large pocket 
flaps and cufFs were after the old fashion. Buttons, plated 
or in silver, ornamented the front, as well as the long 
waistcoat ; this was buttoned closely, with a simple neck- 
cloth, or opened overrufBed shirt fronts; and ruffles were 
worn at the wrist. The neck-cloth was often of lace, or 
embroidered, the ends long and swinging. Breeches 
fitted closely, with buckles at the knee. Long gray 
stockings were assorted with white-topped boots, or with 
silver-buckled shoes ; in full dress, the stockings were of 
white or black silk. 

Ladies attired themselves in caps and high-heeled shoes, 
and took the air in bonnets of silk or satin. Gowns, of 
brocade or other rich material, were very long in the waist, 
and they overlaid stiS stays. Tight sleeves prevailed, but 
the loose frilled sleeve falling over the bare foreai-m, pre- 
viously described, was still worn. Hoops, once driven out 
by an earthquake, were in wear again. The most per- 
sistent ornament was a string of gold beads, tlie size of 
peas, worn about the neck. Thii-ty-nine was said to be 

1 Newh.ill, Li/nn, pp. .148, 349 ; Bailev, Andover, p. 403 ; J^. H. 
H. C, iii. 37 ; CLase, HaverhUt, p. 444 ; Bourne, WdU and K., 
p. 680 ; Mag. Am. Hitt., x. 258, 250. 


the cnstcmiary natnber. One proverb <if the historical 
old woman affirmed that she was ^ so poor she hadn*t a 
bead to her neck.'' 

These were the best dothes. When the social excite- 
ment tended to drive oat foreign merchandise, as on the 
occasions described, then rich people dressed in homespon 
to enconrage the fashion. For better wear, the homespun 
was not only fulled but regularly ^ finished,'* and it was 
then known as ** pressed woolens." One man wore 
homespun at college for two years, then his suit was 
a ^boughten one.'* Laborers and boys wore leather 
breeches. It was common to walk from the farms bare- 
footed on Sunday, then to don stockings and shoes as 
ihey approached the village. Women of good condition 
would wear old shoes, which they thrust into a shrub or 
wall by the roadside, and replaced with their best shoes, 
before they entered a village. So severe were the meth- 
ods of economy. 

Mourning garments did not come in fashion again im- 
mediately after the privations of the Revolution. Mr. 
Amory^ upbraids his English correspondent, June 18, 
1784, for sending an invoice of black crapes, ^^ as mourn- 
ing is not worn." 

The fashion of houses was essentially the same as has 
been described in the second qoarter of the century. 

A controlling feature of our society was in the rapid 
and easy growth of the family out of the conditions pre- 
Orowth of vailing in all the towns. The common people 
**»•«««>"/• created self-sustaining families as readily as the 
banyan tree spreads a grove around the parent trunk. 
New land was easily obtained. A tlirifty farmer^ could 
buy acres enough on which to settle his sons from the 
savings of a few years. The axe coidd create the log- 
house anywhere, and in most places sawmills gave a 
cheap supply of planks and deals. The splitting of 

1 J. and J. Amory, MS. LeUen. * Belknap, N.H.^ iii. 260. 


shingles was an accomplishment almost as common as 
whittling. The practice of making this cheap and ex- 
cellent roofing material was carried into the Middle States 
by the New England emigrants.^ The homestead was 
often given to the younger son, who provided for tlie 
parents in their old age, the elder brothers having ac- 
quired settlements of their own. Thus the teeming so- 
cial soil was ready for the family roots, which were con- 
stantly extending. Unmarried men of thirty were rare 
in country towns. Matrons were grandmothers at forty ; 
mother and daughter frequently nursed their children at 
the same time. Father, son, and grandson often worked 
together in one field ; and the field was their own. 

In external life these freemen and their families wrought 
at the work described through these pages. Their life 
within was influenced largely by the minister, Edacationai 
in a less degree by the schoolmaster and the *°^»*^®®^ 
doctor. A few academies with limited resources pre- 
pared lads for Harvard or Yale. The great body of the 
people were educated in the district school, two months 
in the winter by a man, two months in summer by a 
woman. The three R's were taught there by a poor 
scholar generally, or by a youth who was earning means 
to complete his own education. The range of books was 
very limited. Stout old Ezekiel Cheever's Latin Acci- 
dence had held the ground during the century for the 
upper class of pupils. Noah Webster's spelling-book was 
just coming into use, with Webster's Seledtions, Morse's 
Geography, and the Youth's Preceptor, ete.^ The Bible 
was the groundwork of all reading. The helps to the 
pupils being few in comparison with modern resources 
and methods, the self-help and reliance developed by this 
crude system of education was something remarkable. 

This appeared in average characters and ordinary 
minds. But let us turn to the superior individuals bred 

^ St. John de Cr^vecoeur, LetterSf p. 81. ' Felt, SaUtn, i. 485. 


under this system. Mary Moody Emerson, sister of the 
preacher William, aunt of Ralph Waldo, and descended 
from a line of our ministers, was a high type of her class. 
Born about 1774, her maturity was later than our period, 
but its essential features were the same. In these years 
she was reading Milton, Young, Akenside, Samuel Clarke, 
Jonathan Edwards, and ^^ always the Bible." Take a 
week from her diary : " Rose before light every mom ; 
visited from necessity once, and again for books ; read 
Butler^s Analogy ; commented on the Scripture ; read in 
a little book, Cicero's Letters, — a few ; touched Shak- 
speare ; washed, carded, cleaned house, and baked. To- 
day cannot recall an error, nor scarcely a sacrifice, bat 
more fullness of content in the labors of a day never was 
felt. There is a secret pleasure in bending to circum- 
stances while superior to them." * Noble privation I The 
spirit compressed within these narrow bounds springs up- 
ward toward the infinite, as the archer's bolt flies from 
the constraining hand that forced it down. And what 
economy and ordered expenditure, there was of all that 
makes life valuable I ^'I had ten dollars a year for 
clothes and charity, and I never remember to have been 
needy, though I never had but two or three aids in those 
six years of earning my home." 

Similar but closer economy prevailed in the Nott family, 
on a stony farm in Connecticut, during our period. A 
dozen sheep and one cow comprised the stock, and to her 
yield of mil4( the latter added service at the plough. 
Corn-bread, milk, and bean porridge were the staples of 
the diet. The father being incapacitated by illness, the 
mother did her work in the house and helped the boys in 
the fields. Once in mid-winter, one of the boys needed a 
new suit, and there was neither money nor wool in the 
house. The mother sheared the half-grown fleece from 
a sheep, and in a week it was made into clothing. The 

^ Atlantic Monthly, December, 1883, p. 733. 


shorn sheep, so generous in such need, was protected by 
a wrappage made of braided straw. They lived four 
' miles from the meettng-house, to which the mother and 
her two boys waJked every Sunday. The boys became 
Samuel and Eliphalett Kott, one a famous preacher, one 
the president of Union College. 

Of such stuff were tlie ministers who trained the moth- 
ers, and of the mothers who bred the ministers. 
The physician had not then become the priest 
and natural confessor of the American household, as he is 
to-day ; but he was of great importance in the social sys- 
tem. His education through books was scanty, judged 
by modem standards, while a large knowledge of human 
kind drawn from direct observation served to bring him 
into close accord with his patients. Apothecaries were 
hardly known outside the largest towns ; for the doctors' 
saddle-bags carried the simple pharmacy to the remotest 
hut. Cheerfully these public servants toiled over the hard- 
est roads, in every season and in all weather, to attend rich 
and poor alike ; the country doctor could not choose his 
patients if he would. A rigid standard of custom gave 
bis services to all who needed them, fees being hardly 
considered when any one needed medical attendance. 

The fees were very modest. Even in Boston, prior to 
1782, the ordinary viiiit was charged at one shilling six- 
pence to two shillings. Half a dollar was only chai^d 
" such as were in high life." In that year a club of the 
leading physicians ' fixed the common fee at fifty cents, in 
<!onsultation at one dollar. Night visits were doubled ; 
midwifery was at eight dollars; capital operations in 
surgery, at five ])ounds lawful money ; medicines were 
charged at very high prices, comparatively. 

Amusements were more general than in the earlier days, 
though a " playhouse " was not opened in lioston i^,,^ 
notil 1794. A company from Boston played """■ 
> M. H. S. Proe. 1863, p. 181. • 


the " Beaux' Stratagem " at Salem in 1792, causing much 
discussion concerning '^tbe tendency of these perform- 
ances." ^ The first circulating library had been opened 
there in 1789. 

French ^ was taught in Newport and Salem, as well as 
in the chief city. Dancing schools^ were common, and 
generally taught by Frenchmen, though they did not ex- 
tend to Maine until 1798.^ The minuet was the favorite 
measure on state occasions, with reels, jigs, and contra- 
dances for mirthful times, a few experts practising the 
hornpipe, while cotillions were coming in. 

These were the more refined modes of diversion. Jolly 
parties, hot suppers, and great dinners at the taverns, card 
parties and shooting matches, occupied those whose taste 
was less nice.^ Gin sling and old Jamaica rum, with 
pipes and tobacco, made the atmosphere lively in the inns, 
coffee-houses, or other gathering places. Racy talk and 
practical jokes stirred a willing audience, and the horse 
laugh was easy for people who had few resources in enter- 

The curious custom of " bundling," which accorded 
little with the New England character, lingered among 
the lower orders of people. Burnaby ^ commented upon 
it, and Anbury' described it as prevailing in western 
Massachusetts as late as 1777. He said it was ^^ in some 
measui*e abolished along the sea coast ; " yet there a sim- 
ilar habit termed " tarrying " was still in vogue. 

While the American Union was forming itself, some of 
the worst symptoms of social and political dissolution were 
manifesting themselves. In this chapter I have stated 

1 Felt, Salem, ii. 33. 

^ Newport Hist. Mag., iv. 99 ; Felt, Salerrij i. 456. 

* Caiilkins, Norwich, p. 541 ; and Diary Rochambeau's aid, Mag, 
Am. Hist., iv. 214. 

* Bourne, Wells and Kennebunk, p. 677. 

^ Caiilkins, New London^ p. 581. ^ Travels in N, it., p. 145. 

' 2Vai«s, ii. 41, 95. 


some of the causes of disintegration at work in the new 
states. Of necessity, these causes were largely 
economic, and they prevailed in New England brings order 
especially, as is revealed in the incident of Shays' luuonary 
rebellion. In the final rendering, all history is 
one. The greatest revelation rendered to all subsequent 
generations by these opening years of the American Be- 
publio is in the constant proof they exhibit, of the pre- 
vailing power of the people for self-government. Civil 
government exists in institutions. But these institutions 
iind their sure and abiding foundation, not in ranks or 
orders of society, not in property or privilege, not in king, 
lords, or commons, not in army, senate, or priesthood, but 
in the fibre of the people themselves. Much passion of 
praise or of denunciation is devoted in our day to democ- 
racy. The principle here treated lies deeper than either 
aristocracy or democracy.^ It is in the relation of each 
individual man and woman to the essential principles of 
society, of order itself. Napoleon's private soldier may or 
may not have carried the fictitious baton of a marshal in 
his knapsack ; the American citizen always carries his 
own political privilege. 

We can comprehend these things better, perhaps, if 
we study them in places where they are absent. ^ foreign- 
Foreigners open to us some of the best avenues "*" ^^^' 
of insight into our own virtues and defects. From the 
nature of the case, they usually fail in that insight itself, 
which ought to be easy to the native. An enlightened 
writer has lately made a study of the New England col- 
onies. After descanting much upon the limitations of the 

^ The institutions of New England were democratic in form, bnt 
aristocratic in the snbstance of their administration. Dr. Jameson has 
proven quite recently that the number of voters in Revolutionary times 
was very small. " From 1780 to 1789 inclusive, we have estimated that 
IG per cent, of the inhabitants of Massachusetts were qualified to vote. 
The number of those who actually did vote in those ten years amounted 
to just about three per cent** New Eng, Mag.^ January, 1890, p. 488. 


New England Puritan, the subjugation of his individual 
nature, the monotony of his life and character, Mr. Doyle ^ 
says : '^ To us (i. e. Englishmen) the state is an aggregate 
of classes, each in a measure with its own needs, its own 
conception of life, its own moral standard. Behind this 
there may be the sense of state unity, resting on historical 
associations and on certain broad common interests ; but 
it is only in supreme moments of the nation's career that 
this comes forth. With the New Englander of the first 
generation, as with the Greek, the sense of corporate life 
was ever present." 

This shows clearly the strength and the limitations of 
England and the English. A state founded on classes 
lacks homogeneity, but our busiuess with Mr. Doyle's 
statement is in its application to New England. It is sin- 
gular that Europeans have almost always failed to get at 
the passion for state unity that exists in the very 
iNu»ion for nature of the American people. Every crisis in 

unity. . . . 

our history has brought this to light. Daniel 
Webster was a man greater than his time. His faults 
were not those of petty ambition. The jarring wrongs of 
the slave could not turn him from the great harmonies in 
the music of the Union. It was local love of state, as 
well as the passions engendered by slavery, that fed the 
flame of Confederate insurrection and the beguiling dream 
of distorted unity in 1861. 

It is true that state unity could not be fully compre- 
hended in the Revolutionary period, before there was any 
state. The germ was there. The New Englanders made 
many pathetic appeals to be treated as children and part- 
ners, not as colonial offshoots of England. This for 
one hundred years before the Revolution ; loyalty to the 
crown was a precious inheritance. When the new state 
was in the agony of its gestation, it is no disparagement 
to the Revolutionary agitators that they did not know just 

I Eng. CoU. m Amer., iL 96. 

1783-89.] AN IDEAL IN WASHINGTON. 867 

what they were doing. Samuel Adams fiercely oompre- 
hended the collective power of New Englsud for destruc- 
tion ; he had scaut conception of the building of a state. 
John Adams, the best-instructed statesman of them all, 
looked upon any one outside dear New England as the 
Greek regarded the barbaiian. It was reserved for the 
sagacity of Hamilton — an alien genius, a rare creation 
independent of race or time — to see through to the end, 
to behold the possibilities of an empire. 

But the man of the time, the concrete actual personifi- 
cation of these godlike faculties, inchoate and dimly per- 
ceived in common men, was George Washing- 
ton, He — a king in substance and dignity — tiwiM»a^ 
was nearest to the people in the working of his 
spirit. Patriotism is too large a motive for common and 
daily life. If the state were every wliere and always active, 
we should have no citizens, but puppets. The court of 
Washington never equalled his punctilious and formal 
expectation, but the king went into the very hearts of 
those he ruled. He embodied those virtues of patience, 
endurance, economy, and self-denial, that good sense cul- 
minating in unerring judgment, which the people can 
comprehend and can hold. It is by no accident that the 
Father of, bis Country has become the sufficient model 
and forming image of the citizen. 

State unity is the historical theme of themes ; ve might 
well set forth the pages of another volume if this 
divine principle in the affairs of men should fn NnBof- 

'"'* hlittiiT 

thereby receive further illustration and expli- 

The idea of the Pilgrims, transplanted to this continent, 
was inoculated and enlarged by the greater impelling 
power of the Puritans. The Pilgrim was greater in the 
home ; the Puritan was greater in the state. Bobinson 
and Bradford well may be studied aa honie fatihers, rr 


men of the family, — while Winthrop and Hooker were 
essentially men of the state ; citizens succeeding to a po- 
litical system developed from a union of homes. When 
the state enlarges its functions in a simple society, the 
inevitable effect of its first crude efforts will result in 
annoyance, perhaps oppression, to some of its members, 
its individual householders, and incipient citizens. This 
manifestation of the state found its martyrs in the per- 
sons of Williams, Coddington, and the company exiled to 
Providence and the Narragansett shores. It was a small 
political movement, estimated in numbers or extent of ter- 
ritory, but it engendered consequences which reached be- 
yond its district, and far beyond the actual consciousness 
of the heroes and martyrs who made it possible. Roger 
Williams's conception of a state exercising its political 
force " only in civil things " was a direct spark from the 
eternal fire of genius. 

This was the heroic side of state development as em- 
bodied in Bradford, Winthrop, Hooker, and Williams. 

Had New England produced nothing more, her 
a commu. history would be an account of sporadic exploits, 

like numerous episodes in all the experience of 
the world. These large individuals were only representa- 
tives of the people behind them. This people organised 
itself into a community, a something moving in individ- 
uals and families, a concrete society, preparatory and an- 
terior to the mere town which is subject to limitations of 
place. An aristocracy of aristocracies — bred out of the 
best moral fibre of the English race — was creating town 
government in the form of a democracy. Not that New 
England had all the best people or made the only good 
system, but these particular political and social institu- 
tions found their highest manifestation here. 

The people of these communities moved to their work 
animated by a wonderful impulse for association. While 
they moved by instinct and intuition rather than with con- 

1783-89.] THE OLD ECONOMIC FORCE. 869 

scious purpose toward stable political development, there 
was yet a motive behind these religious and political forces. 
This motive force was in the desire to live ; an 

, . ., .. • .1 • Impelled Inr 

economic, working necessity acting in their or- economic 
ganio life, and which controlled the forms of their 
political and social existence. Wherever and whenever 
we pierce below the surface of our early institutions, we 
find this economic principle at work, moulding these insti- 
tutions anew to fit them into the forms of the new circum- 
stances. Republican democracy was forged out in this pro- 
cess. This was neither aristocracy nor democracy accord- 
ing to the old rules , it was a practical system in the form 
of democracy, using such accumulated aristocratic culture 
as was to be had, and bending it rigidly to its own ends. 

Our whole early development partakes of these prin- 
ciples, moves onward in this stream through prescribed 
channels. The great imaginary American Puritan state, 
inspired from England and projected from English expe- 
rience, broke down utterly about the year 1640. Then 
the man of the new world, an organised citizen, began to 
create new organs for industrial and commercial progress. 
The gold sovereign, the money of England, failed to con- 
trol the deranged affaii*s, and to lead prosperity out of 
the abundant resources of the country. Men trained to 
work together in building up homes and communities now 
turned their hands to building vessels. They gave and 
took labor and supplies in a round of current industry 
where no currency was to be had. Without money, they 
converted " Country Pay " into a satisfaction of the legit- 
imate wants of the country. 

The buoyant life of a new land, upspringing through 
the efforts of orderly men and women, freed from many 
of the functions of order then decaying in older j^^^ ^^^ 
nations, carried these vessels by an impulse of ^wrolui^ 
its own into the marts of the world. Our poor ^' 
soil yielded little, but enough to furnish forth the hardy 


fishermen who should bring in the abounding yield from 
prolific seas. The superstitious fasts of the Old World 
created wants that were most easily supplied from the New. 
The Catholics of Southern Europe, the West Indian ne- 
gi'oes, were fed by the same restless and energetic Pro- 
testants. The English Navigation Acts, strengthened by 
Charles II., could hardly afiFect this commercial movement, 
so natural, so fitted to the time ; could not impede this 
succession of vessels laden with necessary cargoes, pro- 
duced and husbanded by one of the most thrifty peoples 
in history. The loosely administered Acts only fretted the 
people into more vigorous activity. The years following 
their reenactment were among the most enterprising of 
our whole experience. Shipyards sprang up, new ports of 
entry were opened, commerce extended through the in- 
crease created out of itself ; this was actual free trade in 
essence, though unfree in form. 

The second generation, the "New England men," so 
often and fondly noted by Judge Sewall, were now acting 

the parts of the incoming drama, and filling the 
SngUnd new stage which the closing years of the seven- 

teenth century open to our view. A generation 
had passed off from the colonial stage. The great men, 
founders, heroes, — of genius proportioned to their oppor- 
tunity, — were gone. The makers of home and commu- 
nity were followed by keepers, who should safely bind and 
safely find the goods attained through peril, acquired by 
courage and strength. Careful and thrifty, they fortified 
the ground, and economised the possessions which their 
fathers had occupied. Perhaps, if they had been of larger 
mould, they might have attracted too much notice from 
kings and ministers, who knew not the business of govern- 
ing colonies, simply because that science had never been 
discovered. The great Louis smothered his colonies by 
too much care ; England helped the growth of hers by a 
step-motherly neglect. Out of the accidents of the time, 

1783-89.] GROWTH OF THE PEOPLE. 871 

rather than from forecast or inventive statecraft, did tbe 
American colonies get their opportunity for expansion. 

The people passed through varied experiences on their- 
way and in their growth into the full life of a state. 
" Country Pay " could afford the means of se- „^^^ 
curing prosperity and comfort to simple people ; *"*°°* 
it could not furnish support to the great enterprises of 
state, nor administer the business of wealth. The Frenoh 
— aud Indians impelled by the French — hampered and 
harassed, while they threatened even more, the expanding 
life of our Xew England colonies. The poblio exigency 
required more capital and better currency ; it resorted to 
issues of paper money in the hope of creating a new circu- 
lating medinm. An interesting portion of economic his- 
tory lies in the facts of these issues of paper, as they were 
evolved from the dire necessities of the country. These 
movements were not mere caprices and freaks of the pop- 
ular wilL The statesmen of those days were not departing 
from an assured roa<l and certain way In finance. They 
travelled in an unknown country, tugging at a load they 
could not weigh or comprehend, and blundering through 
paths untried in all previous experience. 

In the first quarter of the eighteenth century our com- 
merce extended and greatly widened its scope. Mer^ 
chants like Peter Faneuil succeeded to the careful trader 
like John Hull. Capital accumulated, and luxury, satisfy- 
ing its cravings with the produce of many countries, suo- 
ceeded to the generous but plain comfoi-ts of the second 
generation. The distilling of rum and bartering it for 
negroes became an enormous commercial industry. We 
must romeniber that, while foreign commerce left the most 
sliining marks and received the highest rewards in the 
convertible forms of wealth, the industry of the Hom«»«rt 
homesteads, the patient work of farmers, in com- '^'"**^ 
pany with their wives, sons, and daughters, was the actual 
basis and primary impulse of this brilliaiLt trade acroea 


the seas. Ships were built by a home exchange of labor. 
Their cargoes of fish came through the toiling efforts of 
men supported by the excellent economy of the homefolk. 
Moreover, the coasting trade, surrounding and interpen- 
etrating the older districts, forwarded the constant ex- 
changes which made all this industrial movement possible. 
The Sugar Acts, before and after they were strength- 
ened by the action of the home government, affected the 
practical course of our commerce much more than it had 
been influenced by the Navigation Acts. The whole com- 
mercial atmosphere of the colonies was surcharged with 
illicit trade in one or another form. Generations had 
grown up in the practice of a virtual free trade, when 

Grenville came to apply his stricter theories and 
And British his impracticable notions of taxation. These 

ministerial experiments, being backed by new 
assertions of the royal prerogative, provoked and incensed 
a people who were affectionate and loyal, yet grudgingly 
obedient to the substance of authority. Perhaps the poor 
king has received too much obloquy in the discussions of 
these Stirling events and these troublous times. There 
were deeper causes of alienation of the colonists than 
those lying in the character or the positive action of the 
king. It is very doubtful whether the colonists would op 
could have developed into good subjects under the pre- 
vailing political conditions. It is absolutely certain that 
they never would have accepted the contemptuous inferi- 
ority tendered them by the average British Islander, and 
which he expected them to gratefully accept. Consider 
their condition. Wealth had accumulated, had given the 
growing citizens greater opportunities, widening their 
mental horizon, as well as increasing their facilities of 
life. Enterprise, conduct of large affairs, high public 
spirit, had entered into their dependent life, and was fit- 
ting them for even better political deeds. They had taken 
Louisburg, and had assisted in taking Quebec. Their 


success, their steady expansion, had unfitted them, had 
rendered them unable to bear the touch of any English 
official coming among them with lurs of lofty soperiority. 
The dowurightness of British pride in the eighteenth cen- 
tury — as England was moving into the front rank of na- 
tions — perhaps put forth its worst expression in its con- 
tact with colonial-bred subjects. The supercilious ways 
of civil and military officers in their colonial administr^ 
tiou' — an administration which generally manifested in- 
competence or mediocrity — irritated and inflamed the 
colonists far more than any direct assertion of British 
power. Men who were subduing a continent could ill brook ~ 
the assumed superiority or petty insolence of martinets 
and perfunctory formalists. 

The second quarter, roughly taken, or the middle period 
of the eighteenth century, baa not been so much regarded 
in the development of our independence as the years 
after the Writs of Assistance and the time of the Stamp 
Acts. Yet it was a fertilising and gestating ji, ,„ 
time. Two men as unlike as the two poles con- ^™*- 
tributed lai^y to the ideas which formed this time, — to 
the putting away of dependence, to the faint beginning of 
independence. Jonathan Edwards, a prophet who hardly 
touched politics, a seer seeking the inmost recesses of the 
human soul, taught that each individual man should bow 
to the immediate and absolute sovereignty of God. He 
built better than he knew ; there was no place for another 
sovereign in that inner chamber of the souL Benjamin 
Franklin, not yet the natural philosopher or commanding 
statesman, was a great master of affairs in early life. He 
published " Poor Bichard " in our period of gestation, as 
I liave termed it. The close and painstaking economy 
of tills treatise was only excelled by its subjection of the 
individual self to a higher law of prudence and sacrifice. 
It was a practical expression of the utilitarian philosophy, 
and it exercised a tremendous influence. Without Ed- 


wards's finer penetrating power, it might have contracted 
the citizen too much ; acting together, the two influences 
were invincible. The soul aspiring to closer union with 
God planted its earthly parts on the firm ground of Poor 
Sichard's common sense. 

Much political heat has been engendered by patriotic 
Luge pout- ^^ loyal discussion about the Stamp Acts. Tre- 
kaiiMuea. meudous forccs have been wasted in charges or 
recrimination concerning the political doings of this or that 
official, concerning the popular movement here or there, as 
if these items controlled the final account. In themselves, 
these discussions seem trifling to the mind of our time ; 
they have helped to bring out or preserve interesting facts, 
and they have accomplished little more. Whether Gren- 
ville. North, or the Third Greorge was wise or foolish ; 
whether the rising colonists, soon to be freemen, moved 
aright or mistook their course in a particular incident — all 
these incidents were virtual accidents in the great political 
drama. Institutions directed the evolution of this drama ; 
it was not controlled by the accidental interposition of in- 
dividuals at critical points in the action, whether these 
individuals were narrow as Grenvillc, or large-minded as 
Burke. The polity proceeding from Burke's theories was 
hardly more adequate than the administration of Gren- 

ville, to the American crisis In America, rep- 
Mntetive resentative government was workmg out new 

problems through free citizens growing into 
large political agents, and through institutions that had 
been gradually dropping the constraints of feudalism. 
Government by the people was getting itself done by such 
agents as the people could put to the work. Institutions 
under which the people had truly loved the office of a 
king had suddenly proven their elastic capacity by main- 
taining the wars and furnishing the civic administration 
of a central government soon to evolve itself into an inde- 
pendent government 

1783-89.] BEQINNINQ AND END. 876 

I have attempted to show that tliese institutions were 
enfolded in the families, and in the strong, individual men 
and women, transplanted here in the seventeenth AnMonomio 
century ; and these institntions were not simply •'<^''"™- 
domestic, religious, or political in their essential character. 
There were imbedded in all the ways of living among 
these New Englauders certain tendencies which can only 
be classed as economic, and which affected the action of 
these peo])le as they came to organise a church or to settle 
a town. Fortunately or unfortunately, both the neglect 
and the occasional administrative interference of England 
touched and affected these people in their economio bent 
and inclination. These were not merely questions of 
pence, shillings, or dollars, nor manifestations of the love 
of money : the whole business of living was disturbed and 
deranged whenever parliamentary taxes and royal admin- 
istration were brought across the intervening seas. It 
mattered little whether a tax was iu pence or shillingSf 
or whether the collector might come from parliament or 
king. Neither in England nor in America, then, were 
there representative organs and an organism to unite in 
regular movement the life of the citizen subject with the 
rule and direction of the moderate king. I would not 
make overmuch of economy, yet it is the basis of life ; 
it moulds peoples, it builds or it destroys states. It was 
the firm resistance of orderly citizens to the Stamp Acta 
and similar measures which won the magnifieeut rights of 
freedom that developed into the splendid power of the 
United States of America. 



Waga. Beaver. 

Haater meclianict, 16d. to 2/id. ^zed at 6t. per lb, tluii freed. 

per daj and board. 10*. to 20*. per lb. 
Common mechanics, 12(f. per day 

and board. ■'*"«*' fi^ England. 

Laborers, fid. to 12d. per iay and SQi. to 60i. per ton. 

board. Ditto, insured, £5 per ton. 

Sawyers, At. Od. per 100 of 6 Adnlt passenger, £5. 

score. Hoise, £ia 


Com, lOf.-Ilf. per bo. 
Wheat, 14*. per bn. 

Ozen, £40 yoke. 
Com, £25. 

W^ies, eapt. pinnaoe, 1 mo., £2. Com, Is. 6d. per bo. 

Wagt* and Valiiei. 
Master mechanics, 24d. per da; 

without hoard. 
Master mechanics, 14<f. per day 

with board. 
Mowers, '24rf. per day without 

Best laborers, 18d. per day with- 

Bost laborers, Sd. per day with 

Inferior laborers, fixed by oonita- 

Master tailors, 12d. per da; with 

Inferior tailors, Bd. with board. 

1 meal at inn, 6d. 

I quart beer at inn. Iff. 

1 lb. bDtter,C<i. 

1 lb. cheese, 5d. 

Alewivcs, at. peril. 

Com, Gi. pet bn. 



4 eggs, '^•m^ ♦ 
Quart DiilkTS 

Butter, 6(f . per lb. 
Cheshire cheese, Bd. per lb. 

<^ Beaver, 

2\ lbs. = 1 fath. blk. wampum. 

1 lb. = 8 lbs. tobacco. 

^ lb. = 2 bu. salt. 

1 lb. = 2 bu. com. 

3J lbs = « one c." (codfish.) 

5 lbs. = 200 " of dri fish." 

9 lbs. =20 galL aq. vite atif . 6d. 

^ lb. := 5^ lbs. sugar. 

3 lbs. = 8 gall, "sack.'' 

1^ lbs. = 2 galL (Hi. 

2 lbs. = 2) galL ""aqoay." 

2 lbs. = 3 bu. com. « 

1^ lbs. = 21^ lbs. batter. 

1 lbs. = 8} lbs. soap. 
71bs.= lihhd.malt 

2 lbs. = 2 jars oiL 
4} lbs. = 14 bu. rioe. 
5 lbs. = 9 bu. com. 

Com, 4f . 6d. per bu. 

Coat beaver in England, 20t. 

Some above, 14». to 16s. 


Musket bullets, farth. apiece 

Indian com, 6s. per bu. 
Cora, Conn. Riv. 12s. per bu., 
fieaver, 5s. per lb. 

39f y. tannj shagg. 
38 J. murry shagg. 
38 y. liver culler shagg. 
34 y. of tanny : plaine wooL 
38^ y. liver culler shagg. 
37} y. murry shagg. 
225y. at8f. = 901L 

Butter, Id. per lb. 
Cheese, 7d. per lb. 
Sack, 68. per gall. 
Irish beef, 509. per ton. 


Otter in England^ 14f . to 15t. 
lb. lb. 
per Id. qnarte of beer. 


up 27 Flan, mares at £34 the maze. 
63 heifers at £12. 
88 sheep at 50f . 
5s. a head for keeping cattle. 


Alewives, 5s. for 1,000. 
Coat beaver, 20f . per lb. ,some 24t« 
Skin beaver, 15s. per lb., some- 
times 16s. 
Bermuda potatoes, 2d. per lb. 
School, £40 per year. 


Irish rags, 14s. 

Indian com, 5s* 6d. bu. in moiney. / 

*' '* 9s. per lb. in beaver. 
Cora, 5s. per bu. 


Dwelling h. and garden io Bos- Com, 5s. 6d. per bu. 

ton, £28 stg. Oxen, £25 per head. 

House and lot in Cam., 6 ac. ara- Wharf, crane, warehouses, 100 

* ble land and 5 ae. meadow, acres of land, and a dock iABoa* 

£10. ton, £170. 

Ferry Boat Cape Ann. 
Strangers, St/, apiece. 
Town dwellers, \d. 
Horses mid great beasts, id. 
Goats, calves, swine, ^2d. 

Worsted stockings, 6f. id. 
Hard sealing wax, 3<^. 
1 pair stockings, 20d. 
1,000 pipe-staves, £18 per M. 
\ Prudence Island, £50. 
■ Schoolmaster's salary, £20. 

Carpenters for 9 mos., i». 6d. per 

day; for 3 mos. from Novem- 

bep 1st to Feb. 1st, 2«. per day. 
Uowers, 2). 6d. per day. 
Sawyers, 6t. Gd. per c. feet. 
Husbandry or ordinary labor, 2i. 

per day for 9 mos ; for 3 mos. 

from November 10 to Febm- 

ary 10, 18d. per day. 
Blacksmith's apprentice for 9 yn. 

£12, double apparel and 51. 


Brandy, hhd. cost £7, retailed Sbot,4if. per lb.; paid Id beaver 

at G$. the pd. 
Cattle, 18 li. per bead ; Knne 

18.15». and 20 U. 
An estate worth, 3 mos. befcn, 

£1,000, fallen to £200. 
White wampum, 4 a penny- 
Blue wampum, 2 a penny. 
1 pair gray stockings, 2i. 

Powder, cost 20d., sold 3t. 
Summer whsat 7«., pet bu. ; Byo 

Ga, per bu. 
Barley Tm. per bu. ; Com 4i.per bu. 
Peon, 6». per bu. 
Hemp aod flaxseed, 12f. 
Corn in payment new debts: Ind., 

ia., Kye, 5s., Wheat, C*. per bu. Brandy, 6s. Bd. pei^gaL 
Beaver, Ot. per lb. Legal interest, 8 percent. 


Wage* and Values. p^;^^ „f ^^ f^u in 1 month from 

Common laborer, li. 6<f . per day. £3 to 10s. 

Mowing, 2f. per day. In payment of debts : old Indian 
Carpenters, lOd. to work 8 houre. com, 3s. the bu. ; new Indian 
Wheelwrights lowered 3d. in ehil. com, 2(. Gd. the bu. ; English 
From Soptcmber to March, work' wheat, 4i. the bu. t 
men, It. 4d. per day ; from Clapboards, 6 ft., 3*. per hundred- 
March toSepterober,!*. 3d., ex- Sawn boards. 5ir. per hundred, 
cept mowing, 2i. Slit work, it. fid. per hundred. 
A man, 4 oxen and cart, per day, Hhd. mack., £3 ]2«. 

IM.-&I. 400 pair sea-horse teeth = £300. 

Price of cow fell in 1 month from Gristmill, £74 10*. 

GSQ.ta £6. B«k, SOt, £900. 



1 warming pan, Bb. 6</. 

1 pair andirons, IQs. 

2 Holland sheets, 9l9. 
1 pair spectacles, 2$. 
4 pigs, £1 las. 

13 bus. Indian com, £2 5f. 
1 cow and yearling, £5 10«. 

Meal, 14ff. per bo. 
Peas, 11«. per ba. 
Beans, 16s. per bu. 


Holland dacat, 3 goil. := 69. 
Rizdollar == 2^ guiL = 5f . 
Ryall, 8 guil. = 5s. 
Span, broadcloth, 17s. per yard* 
Wheat and barley, 4s. per bo. 
Rye and peas, 3s. 4(/. per bo. 
Com, 2s. 6(/. per bu. 


Indian com, 2s. 4<f . per bu. 
Bricks, lis. per M. 

For common work, each laborer, 
from November 1st to Febru- 
ary 1st, 18(/. per day ; for rest 
of year, 20e/. per day. 


Goldsmith's apprentice for 12 
years, meat, drink, apparel and 
£3 at end of term. 

3 lbs. bacon, 6J. 

For work of 4 oxen and a man per 1 lb. tobacco, ISd. 

day, 4s. 6cf. 
For work of 6 oxen and a man 

per day, 7s. 
For work of 8 oxen and a man 

per day, 8s. • 
Man's washing and diet for 1 

year, £9 beside bedding. 


2 oz. ganger, 3(/. 
1 li. sugar, 2(Vf. 
Wolfs head = 10s. 
Doe == 2 fath. wampnm. 
Fawn, 1 year old = 1 fath. WBna^ 

Silk quilt, 26s. 

1 little Turkey carpet, 26s. 

Ladder of 21 rounds, 2s. 

Horse, £10. 

Wheat, 4s. per bu. 

Mill, £75. 

1 cow, £4. 

1 ox, £7. 

1 old scythe, la. 

1 plough, 6s. 

Harrow, 10s. 

Axe, 2s. 6(/. 

30 bu. £ng. wheat, £6. 

Rye and peas, 3s. 4{?.-3s. 6(f . bu^ 
Indian com, 2s. 8{f .-3s. 6<f. bo. 
Wheat and barley, 4s. per bu. 
Venison, 2-2 Jrf. per lb. 
Codiish, £1 per quintal. 


Flank table, 10s. 

Pair moose gloves, 2s. 6tf • 

Alewives, 2s. per M. 

Cow, £5. 

Cattle, 3-4 years, £3. 

Sheep, 10s. 

Yearling swine, 20s. 

Schooling, 4s. per quarter* 




1 cliest drawers, £2. 
1 quilt, £1 ijs. 
1 trunk, 4«. 

1 cow, £5. 

Indian com, 6tf. per bo* 

Wheat, %8, per biu 


Indian com, 3«.-4f . per bo. Wheat, 5^. per bo. 

House, £8. Barley, 5s. per bo. 

500 apple trees = 250 ac. land. Com, 3«. per bu. 
Rye and peas, 4s. per ba. 


Peas and rye, 4s. per ba. 
Indian com, 3«.-45. per ba. 
Wheat, 55.-8«. per bu. 

Com, 6s. per ba. 
Barley, 5s. Qd, per ba. 


Cow, £5. 

Negro maid, £25. 

2 seryants, £20. 

Apples, 6s-8s. per ba. 
\ ba. quinces, 4s. 
Indian com, 3s. per ba. 
Cider, Is. %d, per gal., £4 4s. per Rye and peas, 4s. per ba. 
hhd. Wheat and barley, 5s. per bo. 


White sugar, £10 per barrel. 
Rug, £1 5s. 

Wheat and barley, 5s. per ba. 
Indian com, 3s. per bu. 

Onions, 5s. per ba. 
Salt, 2s. per ba. 
1 hhd. ginger, £5. 
1 cwt. sugar, £3. 

Brandy, 12s. per gal. 
Indian com, 3s. per ba. 
Wheat, 6s. per bu. 
Peas and rye, 4s. per ba. 
Corn, 5.<. per bu. 
Cast iron, £6 per ton. 
10 of bar iron, £10. 

Rye, 4s. per bu. 
Peas, 3s. &/. per ba. 
Schoolmaster's salary, £30 per 


Indian com, 3s. per ba. 
Wheat and barley, 5s. per ba. 
Rye and peas, 4s. per ba. 


Sack, 6s. per gal. 
White wine, 18s. per gal. 
Strong water, 3s. per quart. 
Sugar, Id, per lb. 
Beef, 3</. per lb. 
Pork, 4(f. per lb. 
Venison, Is. 6<f . per lb. 





Warming pan, 5«. 

Bedstead, 5«. 

Hat, 5«. 

PUlow, 3». 

Spinning-wheel, 2f. 

Apples, *ls. G{f .-3s. per bu. 

Cider, \s, 4d. per gal., or £1 10». 

per bbl. 


Wheat, 45. per bu. 

Corn, 2s. Gd. per bu. 

Peas 35. per bu. 


Wheat, 55. per bu. 
Com, 35. per bu. 
Kye, 75. per bu. 

2 quires paper, Is, 
Rye and peas, 45. per bo. 
Barley, 55. per bu. 
Beef, 3d. per lb. 
Pork, 4d. per lb. 

Brandy, 35.-45. per gal. 
Sweet oil, 85. per gal. 


Barley, 45., 45. 6d. per bu. 
Indian com, 25. 6d. per bo. 

Flanders grass seed, 4^ . and 55. Beef, 2d.-3d. per lb. 

per lb. 
Powder, £4 per bbl. 
Wheat, 45.-55. per bu. 
Rye aAd peas, 45. per bu. 

Pork, Sd.^id. per lb. 
Musket, lOs. 
Horse, £10. 


Broadcloth, 125. or 155 per yard. Sturgeon, IQ5. a keg. 

Negro boy, £20. 

Cow, £3. 
Horse, £10. 
Ox, £5. 

Wheat and barley, 55. per bu. 
Rye and peas, 45. per bu. 

Meal, £1 IO5. per bbl. 
White starch, £4 per bbl. 
Hhd. of mm, £12 125. 

Swine, 205. 
Barley and barley malt, 45. per bou 
* Indian com, 25. 6d. per bu. 
Rye and peas, 35. per bu. 


Indian com, 85. per bu. 


Cotton, I5.-I5. Gd. per lb. 
Interest, 6 per cent. 

Wheat, 45.-5.f. per bu. 
Indian corn, 25.-35. per bu. 
Barley and barley malt, 45. 6d, 

per bu. 
Peas and rye, 45. per bu. 
Shingles, 18 in., 2<>)f. per M. 


Shingles, 3 ft., 355. to 405. per M. 
Cord of wood, I5. 
Hhd. sugar, £6 IO5. 
Oatmeal, £1 55. per bbL 
Powder, 75. 6d. per bbl. 

Tobacco, £2 per bbL 
Mare, £14. 

Toke of oxen, £11. 
Yoke of steers, £ia 

Cord of o&k wood. It. Gd. 
Bushel of turnips, Is. (xf. 
lib bides=101bB. oUii 
Kersej, lOi. per yard. 
Sbeep, I0s.-'23t. 

Peas and rye, 4#. per bu. 
Wheat and barley, 3*. per bu, 
Barlej malt, 6i. 6d. per bn. 
Indian corn, 3t. per bn. v 

Indian com, 3s. per bu. Salt, 3t. per bn. 

Bye and peas, 4s. per bn. Otter skin = 10s. 

Wheat, 5s.-6i. Gd. per bu. Firkin of bntt«F, £1 10*. 
Barley and baile; malt, fit. perbn. 

Indian com, 3s. per bn. 
Pease, 3s. 6J.-4t. per bn. 
Rye, 4s. per bu. 
Barley, 6s. per bu. 


Wheat, 4.. 6rf.-5s. 6rf. per bn. 
Pork, £3 10*. per bbl. 
Masts. 33 to 35 in. diam., £95 to 
£115 per masL 

Hoise 4 years old, £10. 

Wa^. Wheat, 6s. 6rf. per bo. 

Mowing, 2*. 2d- per day. Pens, 4*. per bu. 

Common labor, 2s. per day, £10 Apples and tnmips, 1*. per bo. 

per annom. Candy, 6». per lb. 

Women's labor, £4-£5 per an. Common powder, £6 per bbL 
Musket powder, £7 per bbL 
Indian com, 3t. 6if. per bn. 


Com, 3i.-2». 8rf. per bn. 
Wheat, 6». per bn. 
Peas, 2s. Sd.~3a. Gd. per bu. 
Rye, 4s. per hi 

Butter, Cd. per lb. 
Horse, £8. 
Cow, £4. 
Negro, £26. 

Barley and malt, 4s.-4a.6if. perbn. Sawn boudi, 4*. 6d. per M> 
Fork, 3d. per lb. 




Corn, 39.-39. 6(f . per bo. 
Wheat, 59. 6</. per ba. 
Rye, 39. 6^. per bu. 
Barley, 49. per bu. 

Claret, £1 IO9. per bbL 
Cider, IQ9. per bbl. 

Wheat, 59. per bu. 
Rye, 49. per ba. 
Pease, 39. 6</.-49. per ba. 
Corn, 39. per bu. 
Oats, 29. 6<f . per bu. 
Barley malt, 49. per bo. 
Butter, Qd, per lb. 

Ox, £3. 

Cow, £2 59. 
Sheep, 39. 
3-year-old horse, £2. 


Common workmen, September 
March, I9. 3<f . per day. 

Common workmen, March 
June, I9. 8c/. per day. 

Linen, 29. (kf. per yard. 
Rum, 69. to 69. %d. per gal. 
Barley and barley malt, 49. 

Peas, 39. per bo. 
Horse, £5. 
Gun, 39. 


Butter, £1 69. per firkin. 
Wood, 39. 6cf. per cord. 


Pork, M. per lb. 
Wool, 12<f . per lb. 
Beef, £1 IO9. per bbL 
Tierce vinegar, £1 IQ9. 
Hhd. rum, £7. * 
Beer, l\d, per quart. 


Wool, 12<f. per lb. 
Rosin, 159. per cwt. 
Rum, 59. gal. ; 2d, gilL 


Common workmen, June to Sep- 
tember, 29. per day. 
to Carpenters, masons, and stone- 
layers, March to October lOth^ 
to 29. per day. 
Beaver, IO9. per lb. 


Indian com and peas, 39« 
Wheat, Bs, per bu. 


Wheat, 49. per bu. 

Peas, 39. per bu. 

Indian com, 29. 6</. per bu. 

Pork, £3 per bbl. 
Sugar, £2 IO9. per bbl. 
Sturgeon, IO9. to 129. per keg. 

Barlej ud 

II iiDHt, St^Bi. per bn. 
Bjs, 4t. 6d. per bo. 

uid peat, 4f . per bn. 
corn, 3i.-3i. 6(1. pet bo. 

Oats, 2t. per bn. 
Beef, 40t. per bb^ 
Sawing planks, 8«. per U. 


Barle;, malt, rye, aad peas, it. Tnrnipa, li. per bn. 

per bu. Pork, £3 10*. per bbL 
Oats, 25. per bn. Beef, 40i. per bbl. 
WiDteT wheat, 6*. per bn. Butter, 6rf. per lb. 
Summer wheat, is. per ba. Hemp, (id. per lb- 
White peas, Sn. Gd. per bn. Hides, 6d. per lb. 
Indiaji com,2f. 6(f.-3s.6d.perbn. 

Mowiug, it. id. per da;. 
Men's, £10 per anonm. 
Women's, £4 to £S per umoiB. 
L&bor, 2s. per day. 

Indian com, 3i. per bn. 
Apples and tumipa, 1*. per bn> 

Indian com, 2>. per bn. 
Pens, 2t. 6d. per bu. 
Barley, 2t. per bn. 
Barley malt, 2i. 6rf. per bn. 
Pork, 2d. per lb. 

Shingles, Ids. per bnndred. 
Clapboards and bonrds, 5f. 

Malt, 3s. per bn. 

Wheat, 6f. per bn. 

Pork, £3 Ids. per bbL 


Peas, barley, and btriey malt, 4t. 

Horse, £3. 
Hog, £1 10«. 

Winter wheat, Bi. per bu. 
Snmmer wheat, 4s, 6rf. per bu. 
Indian com, 2s. Gd.-3i. per bn. 
Pork, S^d. per lb. 


Beef, 12*. per cwt. 
Butter, Sd. per lb. 
Wool, 6d. per lb. 
Needles, 10s. per H. 
BUves, £30 to £36. 

Tobacco, 6if . per lb. 
per Cider, 10s. per bbL 


New Hamjuhire. 
Wheat, 5s. per bn. 
Mnlt, 4s. per bn. 
Rye and peas, 4s. per bn. 
Barley,4s. per bn. 
Oats, Is. 8d.-2i. 6i. per bn. 




Madeini wine, £11 per butt. 

Rje, 3«. 6€f . per bo. 

Barley, 3«. and 3«. 6</. per bo. 

Indian com, 3«. per ba. 

Canary wine, £12 per pipe. 
Sherry wine, £18 per batt. 
Negro, £20. 
Ox, £3. 
Cows, 409. 
Swine, lOf . 

Beef, 2d, per lb. 
Pork, Zd. per lb. 
Indian com, Zs. per bo. 
Wheat, 55. per bu 

Butter, 9e/. per lb. 
Tobacco, 5(/. per lb. 
Whalebone, 2«. 6</. per lb. 
Beef, 1^. per lb. 
Pork, 2J<f.perlb. 


Barley malt, St. 6(f . per bo. 
Oats, 2«. per bu. 
Wheat, 5i. 6</. per bo. 


Barley and barley malt, 4j . 
Indian com, 3«. per bo* 
Wheat, Of. per bo. 
Oats, 2f . per bu. 
Rye, 3». 6£f. per bo. 


Peas, 4«. per bn. 
Malt, 3s. per bu. 
Hayseed, 35. per lb. 
Sawmill, £100. 


Peas, 45. 6<f . per bn. 

Indian com, 25.6cf.-35. per bn. 

Barley and barley malt. Am. 6dl 

per bu. 
Red oak staves, 165. per M. 

Wheat, 45. (yd. and 55. 6c?. per bu. Boards, I85. per M. 
Oats, 25. 6</. per bu. 


Barque 20 tons, £40. 
Shoeing horse, 12d. 
Wheat, 55. per bu. 
Peas, 45. per bu. 
Barley, 35. per bu. 

Wheat, 45. per bu. 
Barley, 35. per bu. 
Rye, 25. M.-Zs. per bu. 
Indian corn, I5. (Sd. per bu. 
Butter, Ad. per lb. 
Wool, M. per lb. 

Indian com, 35. per bo. 
Pork, 3<f . per lb. 
Beef, 2d. per lb. 
Pine boards, 205. per M. 


Cotton wool, I5. (Sd. per lb. 
Whalebone, I5. (yd. per lb. 
Powder, I5. Ad. per lb. 
Rum, I5. (yd. per gal. 
Cow, £2 05. 
Razor, £1. 

White oak bbL staves, 15*. per M. Horse, £6. 
Red oak hhd. sUves, 15s. per M. Steer, £2. 
Crosscut saw, 3(. Gd. Paper, Sj. per n 

Dozen silver spoons, £5 t3t. i 

Wheat, 4*. Sd. per bu. 
Indian com, 2t.-Si. per bu. 
Rye, 2t. 3d. per bu. 

Butter, id. per lb. 
Fork, £1 18(.-£3 per bbL 
Beef, 36t. per bbl. 

Barley aod barlejnuUt,!*. perbn. Wool, 7^. per lb. 
Peas, 4». per bu. Codfbh, £5 per bhd. 

Oats, 18d. per bo. Uasket,£l 15$. 


Powder, £2 &. per bbl. 
cupboards, 3,. per M. 

Cow, £3. 

Indian corn, 3<t. per ba. 
Wheat, fi».-8. per bn. 
Malt, 3l. per bu. 
Peas, 4». pet bu. 
Pork, £3-£3 16<. per bbl. 
Rum, 2«. pet gal. 
Sugar, £12 per hhd. 
Salt, £2 lOf. pet hhd. 

Tobacco, 2\d. per lb. 

Beef, 2d. per lb. 

Wool, 8d. per lb. 

Cow, £2. 

Sheep, 6».-6t. 

Swine, 12«. 

Fine boards, 3b. per U. 


Indian com, 2». per bu. 
Wheat, 2*. Gd. per bu. 
Peas, 2». per bu. 
Cora, 1«.M. per bu. 

Molasses, 1*. 2rf. per gal. 
Salt, £1 per hhd. 
Otter skiu, 10s. 
Mouse-trap, 3<f. 


, „ Kye, 4r. 6rf. per bn. 
S^mmt'tWaga. Oats, 2.. per bu. 
Vaster, £6 per month. Beef, £2 per bbl. 
Mate, £i 10s. per month. Sugar, ^ per lb. 
Seaman, £3-£3 15.. per mouth. Barrel staves, £110 per M. 
Indian corn, 3*. per bn. Cow, £2 fit. 




Indian com, 2$. per bo. 
Rye, 2s, 3d. per ba. 
Butter, 4^. per lb. 
Wool, 7irf. per lb. 

Ullage of beer, £1 IQf. 
Cask of sug^r, £11. 
Barrel of gunpowder, 9s. 

Pork, £1 18ff. per bUL 
Fish, IBs. per quintaL 
Pine boards, 3f . per hoadzed. 


Negro man, £40. 
Kegro boy, £20. 


Tobacco, £8 9s. ed. per hhd. 
Sugar, £11 145. 6d. per hhd. 
Salt, 25s. per hhd. 
Flour, £3 75. 4^. per bbl. 
Bed oak hhd. staves, 155 perM. 

Pine boards, 259 per M. 
White oak pipe, 455. per ML 
Codfish, ll5. per quintaL 
Molasses, I5. 2d. per gaL 
Rum, 25. Sd. per gal. 


Winter wheat, 45. per bu. 
Summer wheat, 35. Gd. per bu. 
Indian corn, 25. per bu. 
Rye, Ss.-Sd. 6rf. per bu. 
Peas and barley, 35. per bu. 
Oats, I5. 6d. per bu. 

Wheat, 55. per bu. 

Com, 35. per bu. 

Rye, 25. 6d.-38. 6d. per bu. 

Pork, 3d. per lb. 

Beef, 2d. per lb. 

Flax, lOd. per lb. 

Salmon, Id. per lb. 
Cider, 65.-75. per gall. 

Hemp, 4 J</. per lb. 

Indian corn, 25. 3d. per bu. 
Oats, I5. 2d. per bu. 

Com, 35. per bu. 
Piece muslin, £5 lOf. 
Piece damask, £2 75. 
Pipe best wine, £9. 
Musket, £1 55. 


Hops, 6d. per lb. 
Cider, £1 75. per hhd. 
Rum, £10 25. 6d. per hhd. 
Molasses, £8 IO5. per hhd. 
Holland, 35. 6d. per yard. 


Carbine, £1. 


Wicker cradle, 16*. 


Rye, 25. 6d. per bu. 
Barley, 25. per bu. 

Tninipa, 1*. 3d. per bn. Wheat, 4(. per bn. 

Indiao corn, ii^2i. 3d. per bo. Rye, 2i. 4d.-3i. pei 
Barlej, i$. per bn. OaU, li. 2d. per bu 

.per bo. 

Indian com, 2f . per bo. 
Barley, 1i.-1j. Sd. per bn. 
Oats, li. per bu. 
Bice, 2». Gd. pei bu. 
Wheat, 3«. 8d. per bu. 
Cotton wool. Is. lOd. per lb 

Beef, Hd. per lb. 
Porlc, 2d. per lb. 
Wool, 9rf. per lb. 
Cider, 6(. per bbL 
Walnnt irood, 5t. per cord. 
Oak wood, Si.per cord. 

Fajal wine, £10 per ^pe. 
Madeira wine, £18 per p^M. 
Beer, £4 per pipe. 

Wbe^ 4i. per bn. 

Cider, 2i. 8d. per pipe. 
Brand;, 9i. 6d. per gaL 
Bum, 2$. per gal. 


Tnipentine, 6f. per 112 Um. 

Waga of Stamen. Soap, 2i. 6d. per bbl 

Master, £6 per month. Pork, £3 IGt. per bbL 

Chief mate, £3 10«. per month. Beef, £2 5t. per bbL 
Second mate, £2 15s. per month. Wheat, 6t. per bn. 
Guoner, carpenter, and boatawain. Malt, 3f. per bn. 
£116f. Rye,3f. 6d. perbu. 

Indian corn, St. per bn. 
Jar of oil, £S. Cotton wool, l«.4d. perlb. 

Wheat, 3(. per bu. 
Indian com, 2t. per bn. 
Rye, 2». 6d. per bn. 
Turnips, Is. Sd. per bu. 

Winter wheat, 4i. per bn. 
Rye, 2f. 4d. per bu. 
Indian com, 2», per bo. 
, U. Sd. per bn. 


Barley, 1«. 8d. per bn. 
Oats, Ij. 2d. per bu. 
Wool, 9d. per lb. 



Pork, GOi. per bbL 
Beef, 30j. per bbl. 
Applei, IQj. per ba. 




Bye, 3t. M, per bo. Beef, £2 6«. 

Wheat, 4j.-d«. per ba. Molasses, 1$. per gaL 

Indian com, 2«.-2«. 6c?. per bo. Silver, %$, per os. 
Pork, £3 15*. 


Peas, 6s. per bo. 
Bread, Is, Id. 
Pork, £3 lOf. per bbL 
Beef, £3 per bbl. 

Wheat, 6s. per ba. 
Barley, 2s. 6</. per ba. 
Com, 6f . per ba. 
Tobacco, 6</. per lb. 
Butter, lOd. per lb. 
Pork, 2d. per lb. 
Beef, 3^c/. per lb. 
Wool, Is. Qd, per lb. 

Wheat, 10s. 6</. per bo. 
Barley, 4s. per ba. 
Rye, 5s. per ba. 
Indian com, 4s. per ba. 

Canary wine, 3s. per bottle. 
Madeira wine, 4s. %d. per gaL 
Capers, 2s. 3<f . per lb. 

Indian com, 3s. per ba. 
Rye, 4s. per bu. 
Wheat, 5s. per bu. 

Beef, 40s. per bbL 
Butter, 5(/. per lb. 
Indian com, 2s. M, per ba. 

Flour, 19s. 6</. per bbl. 
Butter, Id. per lb. 
Sturgeon, 2d. per lb. 
Rum, 3s. 3(/. per gal. 


Hayseed, 2s. per lb. 
Veal, 3<f . per lb. 
Fine lace, 14s. per yard. 
Cord wood, 14s. 
Quintal fish, £1 6f. 
Cow, £3. ' 
Horse, £2. 
Ox, £4 10s. 


Flour and biscuit, 30ls. per hun- 
Plain cloth. Is. 3<f . per yard. 
Drugget, \2d. per yard. 
Checkered shirting, Is. SJ. pr. yd. 


Ginger ground, 5(f . per lb. 
Turnips, 5s. per bu. 


Cider, 3(/. per quart. 
Beef, 50s. per bbl. 
Silver, 12s. per oz. 


Fayal wine, £8 per pipe. 
Horse, £3 6s. 



Cinnamon, 14i. per lb. 
Natmegs, 20*. per lb. 
Cloves, 20i. per lb. 

Silver, 9>. par minoe. 
Gold, £7 \5t. peronni 

FAjral wine, 2t. per gal. 
Madeira wine, 3>. 6cf. per gal. 
Rum, 33. 6<l. per gaL 
MoluseB, 2i. &f. per gal. 
Powder, 2«. M. per lb. 
Wool, 18d. per lb. 

Janiiuca leather, lid. pet It 
Batter, M. per lb. 
Cheese, &d. per lb. 
Brand;, 3i. per pint. 
Cider, 18*. Ad. per bU. 

Wheat, 7«.6<f. per ha. 
Indian com, 4t. per bu. 
Hay, 4». per cwt. 
' Flour, 2St. per cwt. 
Snuff, '2Zt. per lb. 
Butter, lid. per lb. 
Beef, Zd. per lb. 
Pork, 4id. per lb. 
Hops, bil. per lb. 
Cotton wool, 2*. per lb. 
Bohea tea, 34(. per lb. 

N. E. ram, 5i. per gaL 
Mulasses, 2i. 4^. pet gal. 
French salt, 22i. M. per hhd. 
Mackerel 40s. per bbl. 
Bricks, 22i. per M. 
Hne boards, 65«. per M. 
Sbinglea, 14«. per M. 
Pipe-staves, £5-£8 per U. 
Red oak hhd. staves, 46«.-60a, 

White oak bhd. sUres, 60t. per M. 

English wheat, 7i. per bo. 
Salt, 18«. per hhd. 
Madeira wine, 4f . per gal. 

Cider, 2Q>. per bbL 
Silver, 12«. per oc 

Flonr, Bt, 6d. per c. 
White bread, 15$. per c. 
Brown bread, lO-llt. per e. 
Boliea tea, 2ui. per lb. 
Snuff, 16*. per lb. 
Tobacco, £!K£0 &. per bbL 
Rye, Sf. per bn. 
Wheat, 3s. per bu, 
Indian com. It. per bu. 
Barlej, 2». 9d. per bn. 
Salt, Ij. 2tf. per bu. 

Malt, 3t. 6(1. per bn. 
Clapboards, £3 lOi. per M. 
Pine boards, £3 per M. 
Flanks, £4 per M. 
Pipe-staves, £3 per M. 
Barrel staves, 21'*. 6<j. per M 
Bricks, 24t. per M. 
Gunpowder, £8 per bbL 
Pork, 43*. per bbl. 
Beef, 30t. per bbl. 
Pitch, 12t. pet bbl. 



Tar, 89. per bbL 
Turpentine, 8«. per bbL 
Rice, 145.-15<. per bbl. 
Molasses, 13</. per gaL 

Wheat, bs, 6d, per bo. 
Kye, 3s. 6d. per ba. 
Indian com, 3«. per bo. 
Firkin batter, £3 99. 2d. 

Wheat, 85. 6d. per bo. 
Peas, 89.-d«. per bo. 
Bass fish, 18<. per bbL 

Peas &. per ba. 
Lime, 1j. per ba* 
Fayal wine, 3s, per gaL 
Molasses, 3s, per gaL 
Sugar, 38. per lb. 

Green peas, 3s. per peck. 
Sugar, 2s. per lb. 

Indian com, Qs. 6d. per ba. 
Deerskins, 3s. 0d.-7s. 
Silver, los. per oz. 

Bum, 2s,-2s. 2^^. per gaL 
Glue, Is. per lb. 
Hemp, Sd. per lb. 
FLiz, l(k/. per lb. 


Wool, ISd. per lb. 
Bum, 4s. per gaL 
Cider, 6s. per bbL 


Gloves, 4s. per pair. 

Bohea and green tea, 25f . per lb. 

Ship bread, 25f . per hd. 


Chocolate, 3s. 6d. per lb. 
Skein of yam, 5df. 
Wool, led. per lb. 
Negro, £7a-£80. 


Pepper, 3s. per lb. 


Gold, £11 IQf. per oa. 
Cotton wool, 2f . 6d. per lb. 


Winter wheat, 6». Sd.Ss. per bu. 

Summer wheat, 58. 6d. per bu. 

Barley, 45. 6d, per bu. 

Rye, 4s. Gd. per bu. 

Indian com, 2s. 0d.-4s. per bu. 

Oats, Is. per bu. 

Peas, 75. Od. per bu. 

Flax, I5 2d. per lb. 

Tobacco, 4d,-6d. per lb. 

Hemp, Id. per lb. 

Beeswax, 2s. 4d. per lb. 
Butter, 10rf.-12rf.perlb. 
Tanned leather, lOcf. per lb. 
Mackerel, £l-£l IQf. per bbL 
Beef, £2 105.-£3 per bbL 
Pork, £5-£5 10s. per bbl. 
Salt,205. per bbl. 
Turpentine, 13s. per bbL 
Bar iron, 485. hd. 
Dry codfish, £1 IQf. qaiataL 



Molasses, 9$. pergaL 
Rum, 2».-3d. per gil. 
Madeim, 4t. 6d. per gal 

Canary, 7». per gaL 
Brandy, lOi. per gal. 
Indiaii com, 16., per bbL 
Carrots, 15i. per bbl. 

Turpentine, l&.pej bbl. 
Cider, 12.. per bbL 
Wheat, 8j. per bu. 
Salt, 20.. per hhd. 
Cotton, 12d. per lb. 
Silver, 18j. per o». 


Chocolate, 9». per lb. 
Bohea tea, 45». per lb. 

Salt, 3(. 4<f . per bo. 

Bohea tea, 30i. per lb. 
VeUet corks, 91. Grf. per gron 

SUTer, 20s. per oz. 

Peas, 3«. per peck. 
Clwcdate, lOi. M. per lb. 


Silver, 22.. per ox. 


Indian eon, 7f.6(f. pel bn. 

Rye, 71. per bo. 


IndisD com, Si.-6>. per bn. 
Barley, 11». per bu. 
Rye, 7(. per ba. 
Tar, 20«.-28». per bbl. 
Bam, 4.. 6rf.-6». per g«L 

Bntter, ISd. per lb. 
Cheshire cheese, 15d. per lb. 
Ambergris, 80.. per lb. 
Shad, ff. per fish. 
Silver, 26(. per oi, 


Barley, Cs. per ha. 
Wool, 24<f. per lb. 
Fisb, £2 per bbl. 
Cider, 16t. per bbl. 

Worsted, 6.. per lb. 
Beeswax, 2.. per lb. 
Chocolate, 11.. per lb. 


Bohea tea, 26». per lb. 
Congou tea, 31*. per lb. 
Fekoe tea, 50<, per lb. 
Green tea, 30i. per lb. 

French mm, 6.. per gal. 
BarbadoeB rum, 5*. W. per gal. 
New England ram, 4t. lOd. per 

Cow, £5. 
Saddle, £3 UK. 

SUver, 27.. per oi. 



Bohea tea, 16«.-26». per lb. 
Raisins, 6</. per lb. 
Indigo, dOs. per lb. 

Maryland beans, 12«. per bo. 
Peas, IO5. per bu. 
Madeira wine, £50 per pipe. 
Canary wine, £45 per pipe. 
Vinegar, 4«. per gal. 

Oats, 4«. per bu. 
Peas, 10s. per bu. 
Turkey, 3». 
Beaver, IO9. per lb. 
Beeswax, Ss. per lb. 
Castile soap, 2$. per lb. 
Cloves, 2s. Zd. per lb. 

Wheat, 22s. per bu. 
Seal skins, 2s. (W. 
Beaver skins. Is. 3(/. 
Barley, 6s. per lb. 
Raisins, 18(/. per lb. 

Wheat, 15s. per bu. 
Rye, 12s. per bu. 
Indian com, 9s. per bu. 
Oats, 6s. per bu. 
Barley, lOs. per bu. 
Pimento, 2s. per lb. 

Rosin, £3 3s. per bbl. 
Tar, £1 12s. per bbl. 
Turpentine, £2 5s. per bbl. 
Molasses, 3s. 4d. per gal. 
Coffee, 5f . per lb. 


Peas, 5fi2tf . per ba. 
Gunpowder, £10 per \ bbL 


Hhd. Molasses, £20 St. 
Hhd. lime, £1. 
Bbl. flour, £3 18ff. Orf. 
Rosin, 3J. per lb. 
Silver, 27<. per oi. 


Beef and mutton, 6</. per lb. 
Lamb and veal, Ocf. per lb. 
Butter, 3J. per lb. * 

Fresh codfish, 2d. per fish. 
Salmon, 14-15 lbs., Is. per fifih. 
Bar iron, 40s. per hd. 
Silver, 27s. per oz. 


Bottle corks, 8s. per groes. 
Pork, 20s. per bbl. 
Cider, 12(f. per bbl. 
Silver, 30s. per oz. 


Indigo, 30s. per lb. 
Figs, 2s. 6(/. per lb. 
Raisins, Is. 6<f . per lb. 
Sago, 8s. per lb. 
Brown sugar. Is. 6cf. per lb. 
Pork, 20s. per bbL 


Rum, Is. per gal. 
Cord of wood, £1 7s. 
Hhd. of salt, £1 2s. 6<f. 
Silver, 31s. per oz. 

Chocokte, It. 6d. per lb. 
Powdered sogar, 2«. 9d. per 1 


Baisiiia, St. per lb. 

Beef, £5 per bbL 
Peaa, £3 per bbl. 
Tobacco, 2*. per lb. 
Tea, 35a. per lb. 

Sugar, 2s. 2d. per lb. 
Negro g^rl, £3a 
Horse, £6. 

Silver, 33«.~3T<. per OS. 
Cbiret, lOt. per gal. 

Sngar, 1*. 9d. per lb. 
Coffee, 6i. per lb. 
Tobacco, 2t. per lb. 
Wbeat, 27«. per bo. a T. 

Beans, £2 10*. per bn. O. 
Floor, £6 per bbL 
surer, 381.-401. per os. 

Indian eoni, 12t.-20>. per bn. 
Wheat, 22j>.-25«. per bn. 
Rye, lGs.-22j. per bn. 
Oats, Is. per bii. 
Barley, 14«. per bn. 
Salt, 32*. per bn. 
ButUr, 2i. 6d.-B». per lb. 
CbeeBe, 2t. pec lb. 
CandleH, 5t. per lb. 

Beef,9(f--lf. 6<f. perlb. 
Pork, 15d.-2t. per lb. 
Mutton, U. Gd. per lb. 
Sngar, St. per lb. 
Chocolate, 141. per lb. 
Cotton wool, 13>. per lb. 
Molasses, 15a. -204. per gaL 
Milk, it. per gal. 
Bnm, 21«. per g»l. 

Indian com, 32a. per bo. 
Rye. 40*. perbn. 
Wheat, £3. per btu 
Butter, Gt. per lb. 

Flour, £10 per bd. 
Beef, £14 to £15 per bbL 
Salt, £12 per bbd. 

;, 2*. per lb. 
asses, 17«. per gal. 

Butter, 7s. 6d. per lb. 

Barrel hoops, £6 per U. 


Englidi baj, £3-£3 10*. per hd. 




Indian com, 2s. per bo. 
Bye, 28, id. per bu. 
Wheat, Ss. 9d. per bo. 
Barley, 2s. per ba. 
Peas, 45. per bn. 

Hemp, 3d. per lb. 
Wool, lOd. per lb. 
Oil, £1 68. per bbL 
Pork, £2 108. per bbL 
Beef, £1 12^. per bbl. 

Cheshire cheese, 68. 6d. per lb. Codfish, 12f. per qointaL 

Potatoes, 198. o. t. per bo. 
Indian corn, 45. per bu. 
Bye, 55. per bu. 
Wheat, 65. per bu. 
Barley, 45. per bu. 
Peas, 85. per bu. 
Flax, I5. per lb. 

Indian com, 45. per ba. 
Barley, 45. per bu. 
Wheat, 65. per bu. 
Bye, 55. per bu. 
Beef, Sd. per lb. 
Pork, Sd. per lb. • 

Wheat, 85. per bu. 
Com, £1 55. o. T. per bu. 
Bye, £1 35. o. t. per bu. 
Potatoes, 155. o. T. per bu. 
Beaver skin, £2 IO5. 

Indian com, 65. per ba. 
Bye, 65. per bu. 
Wheat, IO5. per bu. 
Barley, 65. per bu. 
Peas, IO5. per bu. 
Potatoes, 175. 6d, O. T. 
Flax, I5. per lb. 
Pork, 7d. per lb. 
Beef, dJ. per lb. 


Beef, 3d. per lb. 
Pork, 4d. per lb. 
Pitch, £1 55. per bbL 
Tar, £1 per bbl. 
Turpentine, £1 IQ5. per bbl. 
Laborers, 155. per day. 


Flax, I5. per lb. 
Sugar, 65. 6d. per lb. o. T. 
Iron, 25. per cwt. 
Codfish, 25. per quintal. 
Hemp, £2 155. per cwt. 
Laborers, 155.-165. per day. 


Otter skin, £3 155. 
Cheshire cheese, 45. per lb. 
Brick, £4 IO5. per M. 
Laborers, 155. per day. 


Sugar, 65. 9d. per lb. o. T. 
Cheese, 45. per lb. o. T. 
Turpentine, £2 per bbl. 
Pitch, £1 IO5. per bbL 
Tar, £1 65. per bbl. 
Cider, £2 per bbl. o. T. 
Codfish, £1 IO5. per quintal. 
Laborers, 155.-165. per day. 


Barlejr, 2«. per bn. 
Rje, 2i. M. per bn. 
Wheat, 4«. 6d. per bn. 
Indian cora, 2i. 6i^. per bn. 
Oats, If. 3d. per bu. 
Potatoes, 5f. o. T. per bn. 
Beef, 6t. lif . o. t. per lb. 

Tea, £3 (XT. per lb. 
Wool, It. O. T. per lb. 
Salt, £110i. o. T. per bn. 
Laborers, la. Gd. o. T. per daj. 

" sawing timber. £1 li, 9d. 
o. T. per day. 

" Bgiicnltural, IS*. O. T. 

lodiao com ajid barley, 7$. per bn. Pork, 9d. per lb. 

Peas, 12t. per ba. 
Winter wbeat, 20». per bn. 
Oata, 16(. o.T. per bn. 
Salt, £116f. O.T. perbn. 
Hemp, 2t. 6d. per lb. 
Flax, U.ed. per lb. 
Beef, id. per lb. 

Cider, £1 lOt. o. T. per bbL 
Codfish, £2 10«. o. T. per qtL 
Iron, £4 per e. 
Wood, £4-£4 15(. per cord. 
l4iboi«ra, 7t.Gd. per day. 

" agricultimU, I4«. 

R}re and Indian com, 6f . per ba. 
Barley and peas, lOi. per bo. 
Winter wheat, 20*. per bn. 
Salt, £1 17*. Gd. o. T. per bn. 
Hemp and flax. It. per lb. 
Fork, Id. per lb. 

Beef, 7^. per lb. 
Sngar, loaf, 8*. 6d. o. T. per lb. 
Bar iron, £3 per bd. 
Codflih, £1 10(. per quintal 
Egga, 3t. 6d. per dot. 
Laborers, tU. per day. 

RyeaodlQdJanoora,2t.6d.perba. Wool, lltf. per lb. 

Potatoes, 16«. o. t. per bn. 
Beans, £1 16«. o. T. per bn. 
Oats, li. 3d. per bn. 
Wlieat,4«.6(/. perbn. 
Barley, 2*. per bu. 
Cheese, 4j. per lb. 
Chocolate, lit. per lb. 

ar, 3«. id. o. T. 
Iron (refined), 2$. 0d. per. lb. 
Pork, £3 per bbL 
Beef, 40>. per bbl. 
Bread, 19i. per cwt. 
Flour, 19f. per cwt. 
Laborers, llf. per day. 

Buckwheat, 1*. 8<f.-2t. per bn. Floor, Sd. per lb. 

Potatoes, 18s. o. t. per bo. Mutton, 4d. per lb. 

Com, £1 10* o. T. per bn. Laborers, lis. per d^. 

Bee^ 3d. per lb. 




Wheat, 39. 2^.-d0lf . per ba. 
Indian com, Is. 8<f .-109. per bo. 
Rye, 2s. 6<f .-IQ9. per bu. 
Peas, 159. per bu. 
Barley, lOs. per bu. 
Butter, 49. 6(f. per lb. 
Pork, 3(f.-l9. per lb. 
Beef, 9d. per lb. 
Hemp, 2s. per lb. 

Flax, 29. per lb. 
Beaver, 69. per lb. 
Cider, £2 69. per bbL O. T. 
Codfish, £4 per qointaL 
Bar iron, £6 per cwt. 
Rum, 39. per gall. 
Herring, I9. 6<f. per doi. 
Liaborers, II9. per day. 

agricultural, 149. per day. 


Potatoes, 29. \d. per bu. 
Com, £1 10s. o. T. per bu. 
Rye, £1 IO9. o. T. per bu. 
Butter, I9. per lb. 
Cheese, 6(f. per lb. 
Beef, 2\d. per lb. 

Potatoes, 39. per bu. 

Rye, 49. per bu. 

Cora, I9. per peck. 

Beef, 3rf. per lb. 

Cotton wool, I79.-I89. per lb. 


Iron, 3{/. per lb. 
Molasses, 39. per gaL 
Salt, 1^. per quart. 
Laborers, 89. O. t. per day. 

** chopping woody I9. 6(f. per 


Mackerel, I89. 
Shad and alewives, 109. 
Cider, 69. per bbl. 
Laborers, I59.-I69. per day. 


Potatoes, 159. o. t. per bu. 

Rye, £2 o. T. per bu. 

Corn, I9. per peck, o. T. 

Cotton wool, £1 29. 6</. per lb. o. T. 

Beef, Scf. per lb. 

Flour, 139. 4</. per cwt. 


Brick, 159. per M. 
Cider, £2 59. per bbL o. T. 
Rum, 49. Qd. per pint. 
Laborers, I69. per day. 

« agricultural, 179. per daj. 

Indian com, IO9. o. T. per bu. 
Rye and barley, IO9 o. T. per bu. 
Peas, 2O9. o. T. per bu. 
Winter wheat, 259. o. T. per bu. 
Potatoes, 129.-159. o. T. per bu. 
Plax and hemp, 39. o. T. per lb. 
Beef, 9rf. o. T. per lb. 
Pork, I9. o. T. per lb. 

Codfish, £4 o. T. per quintaL 
Iron, £5 o. T. per hd. 
Molasses, 8^. per quart 
Meal, 2d. per quart. 
Rum, 59. o. T. per pt. 
Brick, I89. per M. 
Laborers, 159. per day. 

Com, l«.-3f . 2d. pel bn. 
Potatoes, 2$. per bu. 
R;e, 4s. per bu. 
Beef, M. per lb. 

Pork, Bd. per lb. 
Cider, £1 lOf. o. T. per bbL 
Meal, Is. 4d. O. T. pet qoarb 
Laborers, 16t. pet daj. 

Com, 3s. 4d. pet bn. 
Potatoes, 2t. per bn. 
Bje, 4(. per bu. 
Oats, 2t. per bu. 
Meal, 3t. per bn. 
Mutton, M. per lb. 

Tobacco, 2t.6d. per lb. 
Flax, lOt/. per lb. 
Molasaeg, Is. 2d. O. T. per ptL 
Vinegar, 9d. o. t. per gaL 
Cider, £2 Bs. O. T. per bbl. 
Laboten, 15*. a t. per dnj. 

Indian com, £Il>.7(f.o.T. per bo. Onions, £1 G«. o. t. per ba. 
Potatoes, I8«. o. t. per ba. Fltuc, fi*. Sd. O. T. pet lb.* 

Peas, 12». o. T. per peck. Laborers, lEi. 9d. o. T. per daj. 

Lemons, £3 12t. O. T. perbd. 
Beef, U.3d. o. T. per lb. 

Sagar, 3t. 9d. o. T. per lb. 
Laborers, 13f . id. O. T. per daj. 

Lidianooni,£12t.M.o.T.perba. Lemons, 7(. 9d.O.T. petdos. 
Potatoes, U. 6d. o. t. pet bn. Cider, £2 2t.-£2 15s. o. T. per 

Eye, £1 O. t. per bu. bbl. 

Wheat, £2 Bi. o. T. per bn. Laboten, 15t. o. t. pet day. 

Tobacco, 2i. lOd. O; t. per lb. 

Potatoes, 9*. 2(f. o. T. per bn. Sugar, 4«. Id. o. t. pet lb. 

Peas, 2(. Gd. O. t. per quart Tobaeeo, 2f. 6d.n. T. per Ik 

Tea, 3a. per lb. Cider, £2 111. per bbl. 

Butter, it. 6d. o. t. per lb. Laboren, U*. o. t. per day. 


Indian eaTa,2t.6d. per bo. 
Wheat, 4*.-6(. 6(f. per bn. 
Potatoes, 7i. 8if . per bu. 
Batter, ig. lid. per lb. o. T. 
Tobaeoo) St. W. per lb. o. T. 

Flax, 4t. 6ff. per lb. O. T. 

Cider, £1 10t.-£2 4«. O. T. per 

Carpeoten, 19s. o. T. per d^. 
Liborvn, IS*, o. t. pec daf . 




Potatoet, 16«. a T. perbn. Hjson tern, 18<. «■ t, pei lb. 

Uolaaiea, 3*. 9d. o. T. perqnut. Cider, £2 &». o. T. per bbL 
Butter, 4«. 1(M. o. T. per lb. %g3, 2t. Gcf. o. T. per doien. 

Sngtir, 1«. 6tL to 4*. o. t. per lb. Laborers, 15t. o. t. per daj. 


Com, 22i. 6(i.-25i. o. t. per ba. 

Potatoes, lOi. 4d. O. T. per bu. 

Wheat, £2 &>. o. t. per bn. 

Salt, 22». ed. o. T. per bo. 

Coffee, 9d. per lb. 

Butter, Ud. to 15d. per lb. 

Beef, M. per lb. 

Pork, 3*. o. T. per lb. 

Wool, 9d. per lb. 

Cheese, 3*. M. o. x. p«t lb. 

Bobea tea, £2 Ss. o. t. per lb. 
Tobacco, 2*. Gd. o. T. per lb. 
Sugar, 3s. 9d. o. T. per lb. 
MolttMes, 3i. 9d. Q. T. per qnart. 
Milk, I5, O. T. per qout. 
Cider, £1 10a. o. t. per bbL 
EggB, Is. perdozen. 
Carpenters, I61. per daj, o. T. 
Lkborers, 15*. per day, o. T. 


Bye meal, 3i. 9d. per ba. 
Potatoes, 9s. i Vk. 6d.; 11«. Id. 

Indian meal, 3i. 9J. per ba. 
Wheat, £1 I7i. per bu. 
Butter, 2*. per lb. 
Cbeeae, 4d. per lb. 
6agar, 6^. per lb. 
Pork, id. per lb. 

Com, 3t. per bn. 
Rye, is. 6d. per bu. 
Wheat, 61. Sd. per bo. 
Potatoes, li. Sd. per ba. 
Data, U. 9d. per bn. 
Peas, It. per bn. 
Butter, 9d. per lb. 
Cbeese, 6d. per lb. 

Beef, 3d. per lb. 
Mutton, 3\d. per lb. 
Tobacco, ^. o. T. per lb. 
Uotasses, I81. o. t. per gal. 
Cider, £1 12i. '2d. o. t. per bbL 
Eggs, Id. per dozen. 
Lemons, 2«. per dozen. 
Bntchers, 16t. o. T. per 6a.y. 
lAborets, 17«. 2d. per daj. 

Fresb pork, Qd. per lb. 
Beef, 3J. per lb. 
Salt pork, Id. per lb. 
Cider, 4i. per bbl. 
Dry codfish, I69 per quintal. 
Laborers, 18«. 7d. per day O. t. 
" agricultnral, 16t. per dmy 

Indian com, it. o. T. per bn. 
Wheat, 6«. 8d. per bu. 
Potatoes, 2i. 6if . per bn. 
Com, fit. Sd. per bn. 

Butter, Sd. to M. per lb. 
Pork, id. per tb. 
Sugar, 1>. 8d. per lb. 
Wo<J, Si. pet lb. 

Mutton, 6d. per lb. Labonn, 10*. p«r ia,j,o. T. 

ViuegBT, 1j. per gtL " agricultural, 3*. 4d, per 

Meal and rye meal, Ij. par peck. daj, O. T. 

Potatoes, 15«. O. t. pet bn. 
Butter, 4i. Ud. o. T. p«r lb. 

Sngar, 7«. o. T. pet lb. 
Loboieis, 1T«. o. t- per daj. 

Corn, £3 1S«. O. T. pet bn. 
Bye, £3 2i. o. T. pet bo. 
Wheat, £8 2(. o. T. pet bn. 
Oat«, £1 16*. o. T. per bu. 
Salt, £1 2*. 6d. o. T. per bo. 
Butter, 11j. o. t. per lb. 
Cheese, fit. 6d. to 6*. o. T. pet lb. 
Wool, £1 4>. o. T. per lb. 
Cotton, 3(. 8d. o. T. pet lb. 

Mutton, 3f . M. O. T. pet lb. 
Beef, Bi. 6d. o. T. pet lb. 
Molauea, 111. 6d. o. T. pet gaL 
Bum, £1 o. T. per gaL 
Cidei, it. O. T. per gal. 
Cupeuten, £1 9*. U. to £2 6*. 2d. 

O. T. per day. 
Laborers, £1 IBi. 8d. o. T. per 


Com, 4t. id. ; 940 pet 1 
Bye, 6t. ; 880 pet bu. 
Potatoes, 2g. per bu. 
Beef, Gd. pet lb. 
Flax, 9d. pet lb. 
Pork, 9d. pet lb. 
Sugar, Id. per lb. 

Meal, 7s. 8d. o. T. pet bo. 
Potatoes, lGi.-lB«. o. T. pet bn. 
Beef, 1». Crf. o. T. per lb. 
Flax, 6s. o.T. pet lb. 
Sugat, Bit. o. T. per lb. 
Coftee, 96«. o. t. per lb. 
Butter, 60t. o. T. pet lb. 
Potk, 60». O. T. per lb. 
Tobacco, 36s. o. T. per lb. 

Tea, 3j. 9d. per lb. 
Mutton, 6d. per lb. 
Vinegar, 8d. per gaL 
Molasses, 2*. 4d. per gaL 
Milk, 2d. pet quart. 
Carpenters, 20*. o. T. per day. 
Lttborera, 2s. 8d. O. t. per day. 


Milk, 15(. o. T. per qnart. 
Molasses, 22s. o. T. per pint 
Rnm, 45s. o. T. per pint. 
Blacksmiths, b. o. T. per day. 
Catpenteti, £1 3*. Sd. o. T. per 

I^boters, £1 Is. and 18s. a t. per 


Com, 6s. 6d. o. T. per bo. Salt, Bs. l. h. per bn. 

Meal, 6s. O. T. per bu. Rye, 2i. i. v. per peek. 

Oats, 3s. lOd. o. T. per bo. Beef, Sd. L. v. per lb. 

Potatoes, 3s. lawful monqy, per bo. Pork, 8d l. m. pet lb. 



Sugar, 6(f . and lOtf . L. M. per lb. 
Wool, 2d. L. M. per lb. 
Cheese, 6(f . o. t. per lb. 
Codfish, M, o. T. per lb. 
Coffee, 25. Id, o. T. per lb. 
I<lax, I5.0.T. per lb. 
Flour, Ad, o. T. per lb. 
Tea, 9s. 9(f . o. t. per lb. 

Tobacco, Id. o. T. per lb; 
Molasses, Is, 2d. o. T. per quart. 
Rum, Is. lid. o. T. per quart. 
Cider, 69. o. T. per bbl. 
Blacksmiths, 5f . o. T. per daj. 
Carpenters, 4^. o. T. per day. 
Laborers, IBs. o. T. per day. 


Com, Zs. Ad. to 6s. lOd. per bn. 

Oats, 28. Id. to 85. 9d. per bu. 

Potatoes, 2s. to Ss. 4d. per bu. 

Rye, Qs. id. per bu. 

Peas, 3s. Id. per peck. 

Salt, Is. 2d. per peck. 

Butter, Sd. per lb. 

Cheese, 3d.f 5d., and lOd. per lb. 

Chocolate, Is. 3d. to 2s. Ad. per lb. 

Coffee, Is. per lb. 

Cotton wool, 2s. Id. per lb. 

Flax, lOd. per lb. 

Flour, 3d. per lb. 

Mutton, 3d. per lb. 

Rice, 3d, per lb. 

Sugar, 8^. per lb. 

Tea, 55. IQd. per lb. 

Tobacco, 3d. per lb. 

Molasses, 3d. per quart 

Rum, I5. 4cd. per quart. 

Vinegar, 3d. per quart. 

Eggs, id.Sd. per dozen. 

Lemons, 3d. apiece. 

Carpenters, £1 2s. and 3i5. 3d. per 

Laborers, £1 Is. 6d. and 168. 6d, 

per day. 

Com, 35. 2d. per bn. 
Meal, 35. 4d. per bu. 
Oats, 35. per bu. 
Potatoes, 75. 6d. per bu. 
Rye, 55. lid. per bu. 
Salt, 6d.-ls. per peck. 
Cheese, 3d.-6d. per lb. 
Chocolate, Is, 4d. per lb. 
Coffee, I5. per lb. 
Flax, 6d. per lb. 
Flour, 2d. per lb. 
Sugar, Id. per lb. 

Com, 55. per bu. 
Potatoes, I5. id. per bu. 
Rye, Is, 6d. L. M. per peck. 
Salt, Is. 2<i. L. M. per peek. 


Tea, 35. lid. per lb. 
Tobacco, id. per lb. 
Wool, IO5. 2d. per lb. 
Molasses, 5d. per quart. 
Rum, Sd. to I5. 3d. per quart. 
Milk, I5. 3d. per quart. 
Gin, 25. Id. per quart. 
Fish, $3 per quintal. 
Blacksmiths, 45. per day. 
Carpenters, £1 75. 6d. and Si. 7d. 

per day. 
Laborers, 155. to I85. per day. 


Meal, I5. 3d. l. m. per peck. 
Beef, 3</. L. M. per lb. 
Cheese, 6d. l. m. per lb. 
Pork, Id. L. M. per lb. 


Floor, 2d. L. M. per lb. Rnm, 2>. 2d. per g>L 

Sugar, Id. L. M. per lb. Oil, 6*. 6d. per gall. 

Tea, 3(. 2if. i. M. per lb. Carpenten, 3a. 6d. per Aa.j. 

Molasses, 2>. 2ij. L. H. per qoart. Laborers, 3«. id. per day. 
Milk, Id. L. H. per quart. 


Indian com, 4t. per bn. 

Corn, 4(. Si. per bn. 

Potatoes, 1». 4(f. to 13t. id. per bn. 

Bye, 4*. 6d.to6i. perbn. 

Salt, Ai, per bn. 

Beef, Is. l(kf. to 2i. per lb. 

Batter, 6>. per lb. 

Flour, £112«.6d. per bbl. 
Moladseg, 2i. per gal. 
Linseed oil. It. Id. per gaL 
Milk, 2d. per i^nart. 
Carpenters, 3«. per day. 
Laborers, 4). per day. 

Com, 3(. 4(f. per bo. 
Oats, 2>. per bn. 
Potatoes, \». per bn. 
Batter, 8tf. per lb. 
Cheese, 6rf. per lb. 

Cotton, 3t. per lb. 
Flax, %d. per lb. 
Blacksmitlis, 3s. M. per day. 
Carpenters, 3t. ^. per day. 
laborers, 5f. per day. 

Com, 4i. L. u. per bn. 
Oats, 4i. I. M. per bu. 
Potatoes, Zt. L. H . per bn. 
Rye, Ss. 8d. L. h. per bn. 
Salt, 2i. I. M. per bu. 
Cbeese, M. L. H. per lb. 
Cotton wool, 3s. L M. per lb 
Pork, 8d. L. H. per lb. 

Bobea tea, 3f . per lb. 
Tobacco, 6cf. per lb. 
Molasses, 2i. I. M. per gtd. 
Vinegar, 3d. i. H. per gal. 
Milk, 2d. per quart. 
Carpenten, 3f. per day. 
Laborers, 3(. Id. per day. 
Masons, 6i. per day. 

Indian com, 3s. 2d. per bn. 
Cbeese, 6d. per lb. 
Coffee, 10 cents per lb. 

Carpenten, 3s. 4d. per day, 
Xiaboren, 2j. 4d. per day. 



Method or VESSBLft' Accountb ht 1731. 

Schooner Cupid Dr. U Robert Hale. 

Jnue 6, per SimdHes boaght of John Games, of Boston. £ t d. 

Per m7 WBgea at £6 per moDth to Jalj 14 S 8 

Per Joseph Sallia hia wagei at £4.10 to Ja)j 14 ... 660 

Per a PUotts wages at £9 per M 10 10 3 

Pet my Commusions 000 

Per a pair Bellows 5/, mendmg Lock 1/, Salt 9/ . . . 15 

Per Saucepan 1 quart 4/4 AlmajiBck 6d. 4 10 

Per 106 Gall* Rum, 5/3 27 16 6 

Per Fiah & pepper 1/6, naili 3/, Brimstone 5d. ... 0411 

Per Knife & Whetstone 4/, Funnel 1/6 5 6 

Per W- Haskalls Wagesat£5permonthtaJaljl4. .700 

PerGlHBsS/. Staple lOrf, Yarded, sheers 2/ .... 064 

Candles 9/, Pepper Box 1/, Pyes 2/ 12 

Meat 6/, Candlestick 1/2 7 2 

Bottles 40/, Corks 6/, Pitch 3/ 2 9 

June 5, Bot of Cames Cod hooks, Leads, Hoops & Twine 3 3 7 

Pork £7, Salt 40/ 9 

A Candlestick 1/2 12 

£77 10 3 
Ditto more for Glass 1/, & for Rigging 16/, & oaknm 

10/, Staples 2/ 1 11 

£79 1 3 
[lie] 62 19 3 

Sugar Haskall's^p' 6 2 


Calkor 1 10 6 


1731. Contra, Cr. 

Per Cash £5 rec' of Got' Cosby for Freight "....£600 
P^ Cash FGc' of Cames and Comp' for freight ... 48 16 O 

tto for Pilott 600 

tto Cash rec' for Mackarel 20O 

£60 16 O 
F« Bicarlo Nicholson 6/6, Sallia 36/9 2 3 3 

£62 19 ;, 

tto. 2 
Uo. 3 

3 17 6 
due to Baskall ... I 2 Can 

£3 18 S 
Schoontr Cupid Dr. U 
Per a Candlestiok 1/3, BsUaoc'd. 
Per his Wages at £5 per Month. 

Beverly, July 14, 1731. 
Then Robert Hale & Wn. HaskaU.ownera of the Schooner 
Capid, adjiiBted Aco" and there remains due nnto b* 
Haskall to Ballance all Ace" referring to their Wagei 
& Partnership, &c', in B* veEsel, the Snm of ... £8 19 
Witness our Bauds, Rosbbt Haix 

Wm. Uabkaix 

Beverly, Aoguat 20, 1731. 
Wee Reckoned again, & now remains due to Haskall be- 
sides bis quart«r part of a qoanUty of Fish & Rum 
S* Hale has in his hands & his part of y* Freight (no 

wages reckon'd for as yet) £367 

Wii. Haskau, 

September 2, :731. 

Reckoned again value to P. Haskall £5 17 4 

besides bis quarter part of Demmnrrage, Fish, Grind- or rather 
stones, Freight of Coal from Boston, & y' Ace' of 

Rum unsettled £621 

Wx. Haskall 
K. B. James Patches wages weie not reckoned w* makes 

15/1 less doc to Haskall 0151 

So y- tis £6 7 10 

Robert HaUi MS^ Am. Ant. Soo. 




S. 1. Ar^., MS. 

Orataso, cap° bt Chabu. Bbttt. 
Memorandum from Boiton or Rhode Itland to Sarbadoei. 

StaTea, ahingles, flower, Indian corn or anj other goods yon find 
will turn to occoant either st Barbadoes or the Leeward IslaudA 
which jon'l be best inforined of there, and if conTeniently to carry 
what horses yon ratn, &c. 

From Rhode Island and Boston to this Island for the Orataro <v 
any other Vessel you shall send — 

1,000 bnshels of wheat. 

1,000 bushels of Indian com of the yellow sort. 

what bees wax eaa get. 

40 to 50 boxes <rf taUow Candles of 8 to the pound and 80 lb 
neats tanned leather a good parcel of the yellow sort. 

Cod fish for the Jamaica market, about 200 quintals put np in koga. 

15 barrl of Rice. 

100 to 200 barrl of the best new flowers of one bund' and ) neftt. 

Six Dozen of Men's buaver hat^ of a fashionable size. 

Fill np with Butt and pipe stares J Butt and J for pipes, also 
hogsheads luid quarter Cask if the Vessel you freight be not bo large 
as the Orataro must — everything accordingly. 

From Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands for Virginia — 

Rnin and Molasses, j of the former and | of the latter — Brown 
sugar or Muscovnda in small light Barrl. a quarter part of Cargo. 

N. B. the smaller the Casks of Bum be, they will be the eaaiw 
disposed of. 

From Virginia to this Island — 

1,000 bushela of wheat. 

1,000 bushels of Indian Corn of the yellow sort. 

bees wax as much as can get, being the best article. 

tann'd leather of the yellow sort, a good parcel of abont 8 to 12 

20 to 30 barr. of Pork, and if cheap may increase to double Hie 

Beef, 70 to 100 barr. free from necks and shanks as Possible, and 
if cheap may rncrease the quantity 100 to 150 hams, all or mostly 
legs ; /''' "P '"'if^ staves, voz, J Butt and ) pipes staves shaved down 
for the couveniency of stowing. If the Pork and Beef be scans and 
dear then must encrease the quantity of wheat. 


Doe. New York, yi. 510. fill. 
GovKBNOB Clinton's Rspobt on thk Provutce of New Tosk. 
New Yobs, May 23, 1749. 
" What Methods nn thete used to ptevent illegal trade & are the 
same Effectual ? " Ana'. The luiraid Trading in Genenl is from 
Great Britain, European Goods, ft those India with ulk Majiufac- 
tures cbiefl;. From Ireland Linnen & CauTas Manufacturies certified 
dulj. From British Colonies, enninerated Commodities, Fiemento, 
Sulphur, Straw Plating, Lime juice. Coffee growth thereof. Hides, 
Deer Skins, Couch Shells, Mohogonie, Plank, Ebonie, & Negroa. 
From Enrope and Africa, besides English Foreign Settlements in 
America, Salt. From ttie African Coast within the proper limits 
Directed, NegiSs now less than formerly. From Madeir & Canarie 
Islands the growth thereof. From the Northern and Southern parts 
of this Continent, Fish, Oil, Bluber, ^Tliale Fins, Turpentine Oil, 
Seal Skins, Hops, C;der, Flax, Bricks, Cole, Lamp Black, certain 
wrought Iron — Tin and Braiserj, Joinery, various Carriages and 
Chairs. From Plantations nut under his Maj' Dominions, Molasses, 
Sugar & Kum in no great qiiiuititjB, since the Act imposing the New 
Dutys thereon, Lign. Vitae, Drugs, Logwood & other Dying wood, 
Indico, Cocoa Nutts, Cotton Wool, Snuff, &etc. And the Outward 
b to London and it's outpost^ the latt«r more seldom. Naval Stores, 
Copper ore, Furs and other the enumerated Species with the legal 
Import of divers Mercantile Wares, Plantation Iron, Oil, Spcrma- 
caeti, Whaks Fins, Lime juice, ShrufF, Mjrtle Candles, Mahoganjr, 
& Walnut Planks, Reeds & Drugs. To Ireland Flax Seed, Bam, 
Sugar, being Prise effects, and Staves. To Sev- Parts in Europe, 
Grain, Hides, Deer & Kik Skins, Ox Horns, Sarsaperila, Indico, Log- 
wood, Cocoa Natts, &etc. And Foreign Produce & Lumber. More- 
over Argent Vivum, Coffee, Anato, Elephant's Teeth, Beewai, 
Leather, Sarsafrax, Casia-Bstula, Wines and other Goods as Prise 
Effects hitherto brought and iu the Vice- Admiralty Courts here and 
elsewhere adjudicated upon proper certifying. To Madeira & the 
Azorts, Grain and other Provisions, Bee Wax and Staves. To 
English Districts North and South of this Continent & West Indies, 
Provisions, Chocolate, Lumber, European and India Goods with those 
Enumerated iu the Plantation Trade Acts, and such olber Imported 
ikcre for conveyance home regularly. To neutral Ports as Concoo, 
Suronhaim, & St Thomas ; FrovisionB, Lumber, Horses, Sheep, & 
otlier live Stock with their Provender. 


P. FAXEUtL, Invoice, 1725, Jul. IS. 
80) bbls. Flower, impd. bj And. Fanenil on Sloop Gi^boond for 
aect. Stepb De l^aeej : 
Grou £ie3 3 27 
Tue 12 1 21 

« f. d. 

£111 2 6 neat 12/ per lid 84 18 7| 

Bbls 18/ 6 

Weighiiig, Cartiiig, Nails, &e. 1 6 1| 

£92 4 
Sept. 9, 1725. 
Inv. 20 p" Demy Long Cloths, 2 Coll" @ 21/. .... £21 
60p'pruitedCsllicoes,3CoU* (colon?) 17/. .... 61 O 

2 " Demj Garlicks 10/ , . 1 18 

4 " « i " 21/6 480 

2 '■ brown papered Garlicks 27/6 2 16 

10 ElU brown ozenbrigs @ 8(f and chest 14 3 

18 p' Narrow Double Camblets 39/6 35 11 

2 " Cherry in grain " 4 8 

40 half bbla. gunpowder 65/ 65 

P. Faneuu, Ikvoick, Sep. 9, 1725. 

£ I. iL 
Locq' Beareber'a fees wharf* porters, Carmen & Water- 

adge of J* 3 bales Camblets 13 4 

Clearing of the gunpowder & Waiterage 19 6 

Primage to the Master 056 

Insurance of £450 @ 2 pr cent 900 

Commiaaious 2 pr cent on £425 8 10 

London, 23 June, 1726. £19 8 4 


Saffolk P. £.,ixxvii. 112. 

Fbteb FAMxniL, Ebq. £ t. 4. 

1 engine 150000 

1 copper cistern ••• 60000 

1 gold w«tcb, cbsio, & Kol of Grabam's make . . . . 125 00 00 
5 negroes at £1G0, 130, 120, 120, & 110 respeclJTely. 

A chariot 4000000 

A coach 100 00 00 

A twt wheeled chaise 600000 

2 English faonea 3000000 

2 Albany « 100 00 00 

1 white horse 15 00 00 

Suffolk P. R^ mvu. 112, 113. 

Peter FANxtnL, Esq. B : d. 

100 busfaek oata & buckwheat 400000 

loiivM of su^r 10 00 00 

1,400 oz. of silver plate 2,122 10 00 

10 pipes Madt-ir-A wine . 900 00 00 

7 hhds. of ordinary cLiret 150 00 00 

25 gallons of arrack 62 10 00 

4 jars of oil 60 00 00 

1,200 yds. of Preach canTas ISO 00 00 

22 bbls. of Connecttout Pork 30S0000 

11 " " N. T. " 132 00 00 

fi tieroes of rum 1250000 

Sufolk P. R., mvii. 113, 114. 

Peter Fakiuil, Esq. e i, i. 

H quintals of stock fish 30000 

2 " "cod 4 00 00 

16 bbb. of starch 19 03 02 

3 bbls. of peaa 7 10 00 

Mansion f louse, with garden, outhouses & yard . . . 12,375 00 00 
10 pipes of cider 500000 

1 of tlie bng* Rocbelle 1,300 00 00 

The brig" Flower de Luce 1,100 00 00 

Sloop Swan 1,000 00 00 

l"jarr"ofoil 13 00 00 




Boston News Letter, March Sth. 

A SCHEME, by James Popham, of Newark in New Castle Coantjr, far 
mauufacturing two hundred stone of wool at 16 pounds to each 
stone, together with the expenses of labor utensils, houses, &0., 
which wUl employ the number of hands as mentioned "i^di^rrwrnth. 

Expenses of Utensils. £ «. a 

1 pair wool combs 30000 

1 pair stock cards 12 00 

6 pair hand << 1 01 00 

Warping miU . 2 00 00 

Twisting mill for worsted 50000 

4 looms & tackle 12 00 00 

Furnace for dying 200000 

Fulling mill 100 00 00 

Houses for carrying on the work 100 00 00 

Expenses op Wool, Dying Stuffs, & Workmen's Wages. 

200 stone of wool at 245 2400000 

Dying stufiPs of all soHs 300000 

1 comber may earn per annum 40 00 00 

4 weavers ditto. 160 00 00 

15 spinners 2200000 

3 winders of worsted & yam . ..* 350000 

2 boys 300000 

1 manager 100 00 00 

£855 00 00 

The produce of one year may be about 6,000 yards of different 
sorts, such as camblets, callimarcocs, cambletees, plain, striped and 
figured stuffs, druggets, raggathies, German serges, everlastinga, 
plushes, &c. The aforesaid number of yards may be computed on an 
average worth 4 shillings per yard, which will amount to £1,200.00« 

£ «. d. 

1,200 00 00 
Expenses of wool, &c 855 00 00 

345 00 00 
Leaves an annual profit of £101 07 00 




R. I. Areh. 

Brio Nahct, Benj. Baker, Master. 

Shipped I^ the Grace of God, in good order and well conditioned) 
by John Northup & Benjamin Gardiner, in and npon the good Brig« 
called the Nancj whereof is Maatet under God for the Present Voy- 
age Benjamin Baker and now riding at anchor in the Harbonr of 
Wickford, and bj God's grace bound for the Salt Islands. To saj 
Twenty bbls. Floor, Ten bbls. Beet, Twelve ditto Pork, 198 Cheese, 
40 Bu' Ind" Com, Hard Money to Amo' Sixty Dollars Sjores^4 
Ttercea Bread, 3 bbls. Beef, 3 ditto of Pork, 30 Bos' Potatoes, 2 do 
Ind- Meal, \ Ct. Brown Sngar, 2 half bbhi N' Rum, 1 Cag 7| 
Galls, west IndU d*, 2 bbls Cyder, 1 Cord Wood, 2^ Bu* Beans 40 
lbs Candles, 1 Cag lOJ GalL Molasses, 20 lbs Salt Fish, 8 lbs powder, 
30 lbs Ball, I Swivel Gun, 2 Brass Blunder Baues, 3 Musket Gun^ 
20 Flints, 4 Spades, 1 Salt Rake, 1 Half Bushel, 50 yds Ozabrigs, 3 
Sk. Twine, 1 Hour Glass, 4 Wheel Barrows, } Q° Car. Paper, 24 lbs 
Coffee, 10 Hh" Water. Being mark'd & numbered as in the Mai^ 
and are to be delivered in the like good order & well conditioned at 
the afores' Porta or Salt Islands, the danger of the Seas 8e Enemy 
only Excepted, onto s' Master or to his Assigns. He or they paying 
Fret, for the s' Goods Nothing. In Witness whereof the Master of 
s* Brig* hath affirmed unto Two bills of Lading both of this tenor 
& date, one of which two bills being Accoaplished, the other to 
stand Void. And ao God send the good Brig* to her desired Fort,or 
Ports in Safety. Amen. 

Dated at North Kingstown, 

Febry Iff, 1776. Bekj. Bakxk. 


Boa Hakt, Smua* Bim, Uutd. 

Urns of 









19 Ditto 

3B Ditto 



John X Jones 

Simon X I^rm 



R>w hud 



s s 

3 2 

S D 

S < 


3 6 

3 n 

£40 IS 

Hlh 2-11 







£30 S 

20 ■ 

. e i 8 

8 S 
£113 8 » 


H. N. Slater's REuunscEKCES op Saxl. Slatbb, his Father 
April 20, ISai, 

The initial step towardt cotton manafactuiing in thb country wms 
taken when S. Slater, at the age of fourteen, in 1782 apprentieed 
himself to Stnitt in England. Stmtt was a partner of Arkwriglit, 
and bad, perhaps, the best arranged mill, containing the new aystem 
of drawing, roving, and twisting cotton for warp and woof. 

He finished his apprenticeship in 1789. The period 1782-89 wm 
one of great poverty and depression in the United States. Tba 
Pennaylvaniana wished to introduce the cotton manufacture, a duly 
of ten per cent, on the bbrics having been instituted nnder the now 

Samnel Slater was invited to come over, and at that time then 
were not more than five persons in England capable of conducting 
the basiness out of their own knowledge. 

At New York he met Captain Curry, and was induced by his rep- 
resentations to correspond with Moses Brown, who with character 
iatio pluck and sagacity answered, " If tbou canst do what thott 
sayst, I invite thee to come to Khode Island, that I may have the 
credit and advantage of introdncing cotton spinning." 

Rhode Island would have seemed to be the last place for the etiteiw 
prine, for it was not in the Union as yet. 

The firm of Almy, Brown & Slater was formed, and started the 
manufacture of cotton yams in Pawtucket in 1790, in all the perCeo- 
tioQ of the best mills iu England. It was not imperfect, as has been 
■aid. Samuel Slater sent some yams to his old master, who pro- 
nounced them as good as any. They were made from Surinam cotton, 
longer than our present Sea Island, and in fibre like silk. 

Cotton sewtng-tbread was unknown in England, and we are a^• 
debted to the Wilkinson women in Pawtucket for tbe idea which 
iuitiated the invention. Using tbe yam which had been spun in 
Pawtucket for a year and a half, these women — of a family re- 
markable for mechanical ingenuity — conceived tbe. idea of a thread 
which should take the place of linen. They twisted the yams on 
their domestic spinning-wheel, and made the first cotton thread in 
1792. The manufacture was established by Wilkinson Bros. 

When Almy, Brown & Slater had been producing yams for about 
one year, the first panic in the American market for cotton goods oc- 
eurred. Sodw 6,000 or 6,000 lbs. had accumulated, and the sapplj 


had ontniti the demand, apparently. Mosea Brown said to hia put. 
ner Slater, " If thee goes on, thee trill spin np oil onr farma." 

In the sparse population, one of the chief difScultiea of the eadj 
iDBQufacturerB was in procuring operatives, or " help." The inilla laiv 
eeeding Slater's were located farther in the interior on this account- 
Mr. Slater was obliged to seek families, and induce them to emigrate 
to Pawtucket. He found one Arnold, with a familj of ten or eleven, 

living near the village of , in a rnde cabin chieflj made of alaba, 

and with a chimnej of stone. The roof of this comfortless struetara 
sloped nearly to the gronnd, but it was the home of these hardy 
people. Mrs. Arnold appreciated it folly, for when her husband con- 
sulted her on the propoeed change, she insisted that Mr. Slater shonld - 
give them as good a house aa their old one. 

The wages paid these operatives range from 80^ to 130^ or 140^ 
per week. Pawtucket then contMned not more than a dozen hoosea. 
Hiere was no school and no church- 
Slater introduced the English apprentice system, bnt it did not suit 
tlie American temperament, and was abandoned. One lad found the 
pressure bard and " Slater too strict." Agiun he complained to an 
older companion that he "could not stand it." "Very well," said 
his adviser, " Act like the Devil, and Slater will let you off." 

At first Salem was the chief markeL Hartford was opened next, 
when the supply accumulated ; then Philadelphia became the chief 
mart of all. £. Waring, of Philadelphia, a Quaker, was the first com- 
mission merchant who sold the yarn. New York or Boston hardly 
took any of the product Much was retailed at the mill. The first 
13,000 lbs. of cotton caided at Pawtucket waa picked by band. 

Websteb, May 1, 1884. 
Wm. B. Wxkdkw, E«j. 

Dear Sir, — My talk on the evening of the 26th nit. was rambling 
and very informal, and without thought of its being publisbed. I am 
surprised that you have been able to recall so much of it so well. 
At best, however, I consider what I said too incomplete to go into 
print until I find myself able to do the subject more careful justioe. 
Truly yours, 

H. N. Slatu. 



Abbt, Samiei„ 407. 
AbelH " Wigwuin," 403. 
Acadia. See Xoca Scotia. 
AccountB, buiiiiwu, in early Nev 
UnKland, 132, UOO, e32-(»4, 001, 

tKW, mt. 

Acton, the minate-men of, 744. 

Adams, Abiiafa, 581). 

Adanu, Itev. Uugb, 516-516, 531, 

5:n. .V>i). 
Adama. John, 071. 727. 838, 850. 
Adam), Samuel, 000, 671, 725, 727, 

Africa, the settlement of, eorapared 

with lliat of America, 5-7; geo- 

ffrapbicallj eoDsidered, 6, 7 ; in 

History, 0, 7. 
ARTioultute, 53, 88, 80, 08, 100-102, 

ItMl, 184, a;(D-.^U. 374, 375. 370, 
*41)2, 403, 687-601, 735, 844, 861, 

6«:i, 880. 
Alden, J<Jin. 250. 
Alewife. the, 102, 133, 134, 506, 750, 

(51,877. f7S, 880, 898. 
Aleiontler, Joseph. 840. 
Allen. Captain Joaiah, 580. 
Allen. Mntthew, 5l>0. 
Allen. W. F., refen«d to, on the 

New Enjcland tonr, 4vS. 
AJlurtun, the agent for Plymontli, 

ft-), 00. 
Allyne, Edvard. 5«1. 
Aimj. Brown. & Slater, 012. 
Ambeisriii, 'j4l, 431, 4;tS, 803. 
America, at the dawn of the seven- 
teenth ccDtnry. 1 ; its settlei 

compared h 

f the 

f Africa, 6- 

ot, 15-17,377; developi the in- 
dividual, 1~'J; character of the 
commerce of, 232; ofTected by 
the Peace of Utrecht, 5'!^; bom 
of Eng-land. but not wholly Eag- 
liah, 008; Bnmabyon, 755. 787; 
not dependent on tbe Old World, 

by, 674 ; industrial awakening ii 
648 ; inventive genin< in, 850. 

Amesbury, bridge built at, 3tt j 
mul-making in. 856. 

Aroory, J. and J., qaoied on trade, 
566, 710, 727, 730, 760, 780, 781, 
708, 700, 8i!l, 860. 

Amory, Tbomaa, quoted on inann- 
factnrea, money, and trade, 307, 
441, 478, 480, 502, 603, 6:i7 (frs), 
553. 5.15, 550, 674, 676, 586-588, 
500; on Buston, 554; career of, 

Amory, Thomas C, 665. 

Amusements in early New Tlnglnnd 
life. 224, 230, 412, 423, 515, Slfl, 
0011, 80.3. 


D, 007. 


t, 500. 

roads laid 

out about, 2(j8. 200; fnlling-miU 
in. 300; Bcjtli»^;rinding in 493; 
cattle-marks used at, 52-3; early 
dress in, 5^14 ; gunpowder nunn-. 
factured in. lU ; spinnii^ in, 789. 

Andrews, Robert, 112. 

Andrce. Sir Edmund, land disturb- 
ance in Boston under, 30 ; visit of, 
to Boston, 208; the administra- 
tioa of. 354 ; and the whale fish- 
ery, 43.1, 436. 

Angel, Nathan, 658. 

Angier, Edmnnd, 209. 

Ann, Cape, Qosnold at, 9; John 
Smith at, 10; the Domhestar 
Company at. 13, 91; horse-boat 
from Salem to, 114; fishing sta- 
tion at, r-K> ; the Navigation Acta 
infrii^ed upon at, 361 ; ferrj 
charires at, 8"" 

916 IN 

AnnivenaiT «eek in BMton, 417. 
Anthony, DaTid, W8. 
Apples. HHI-S»U, V»\>. 
Appreuticas iu earl; Xew England, 

»■>, aall, 27-1, .'Mdl. 520, 87». 
Apthorp, Cliarlea Watd, mi. 
Aquitlneck, transfer of tba islaiid 

of, to the colonUts, 3D. 


, »US,8t 

Armada, the, !>, 

Arms, manufioturo of, 408, C85, 

7U2, Il«, 71)0. 
Army Bupplie* and baunen, 706, 

TUB, 797. 
Arnold, Oovemor BeDJamln, 544. 
Arrack. (521, R47, BOW. 
Art in Xew England, Mimalated by 

Smjbert. im. 
Ashley, Lord, .121. 
Asia, compared with Africa, 6, 7. 
Amesu, Fjerra, 48S. 
AtUeboro', Massachusetts, Talne of 


- Atwat^r, quoted on the division of 
land in early New England, 54. 
Aubrey, AVllUiini. IWL 
Aitchniiity, Jndjco R„ .M2, 005, COfl. 
Avres, Nnthniiiel, 4<.)iS. 
Aiotvs, Inule with the, 553, 04-1, 007. 

" Bachelors' (rranW," 405. 
Baron, John, 'i'Ji. 
Baker, the stslvart, of 

li24. fi:il. 

imnel i 

1 Willi 

Bale. Fiancia, 2T3. 
Ballards, the, :mn. 
Banks. 318, .'Jlil, 322, 323, 323, 3S 

474, 470, **l-48:t. 4ft5-4R7. 
Bsrbadoes. trade with the, ].'i2, 1.' 

l.)5. ir.8, 100, 245, 248, 302, 5S 

704, 900. 
Barbary pirates, Sn. 
Bareelona. trade with, 610. 
Bnrley. 1H8, :i«:i, 471». 879-893. 
Damant and narrison, 710. 
Bannni. Joapph, ft'iS. 
Bamsl:ihl». fullmg-mill in, 300. 
Bnrrell, G^rce, 109. 

" ■ ■ lit 

Barra, the, 84a 

BatBtowB, the, 369. 

Barter. See Money, and 324, 325. 

Bartlett, John, 209. 

BarUott, Phebe, 705. 

Basques, dariog TOjaK« of the, 9S j 
their name for the ood. 92. 

Buss, dntd for export, 133 ; prohibi. 
tion concerning, 130; Talneaf,8»2. 

BaUvia, trade with, 822. 

Bat^s, John, 454. 

Bates. JoHhua, 4M. 

Bath, Adam, 498. 

Batman, Margery, 8A. 

Batt, Christopher and Anne. 114. 

Bsjberrv wa., 479. 604, 687. 

Beads, their v^d« far baiter, 90; 
the wearing of, XiO. 

Beans, 979, H80, 894, 805, 807. 

Beard, Thomas, SO. 

Bears, the, hunted by tha coloniats, 
102, 091. 

Beaver, the trade iu, 38-40. 43, 90, 
9:t, 00, 07, 98, 115, 130-132, 1,36, 
139, 158,181,190,251, 202, 314, 
324. 325,;WJ0,401, 402, C17, 0."i2, 
fl5:(, 7;J7. 774, 780 ; prices cnrrent 

in, 401. 402,017,877-679,884,804, 

8110, S!W. 
Bedford, The. the fiiat ship linder 

the American Bag- in a Hritisb 

port, 1«». 
Beet, 242. 2'ifl, 332, 479, .W2, Ml, 

.597. tm, 757, 798, 804, 820, 877- 

00:i, 1)00, 007. 
Beer. 189, 100, 207 (ii.), 31.3. 415 

(fc/s), 501, 540, 877. 878, 884, 888, 

Beera, John, 360. 
Belcher, Andrew, character and 

policy of. 20(1, 230, ;t42, 485, 487, 

.'.in, f).i(l. 551, 559. 670, 594. 
Beli-her, Benjamin, 309. 
Belcher, Jonathan, 307. 
Belknap, Dr.. on slavery, 462. 
Belknap, Jeremiah, 835. 
Bell. Thomns, 4-'i0. 
Belle I«lo. Straits of, tlie whale fiah. 

ery at the, 746. 
Bellomont, the Earl of, oharactar 

and policy of, 340-348, 353, 360, 

30.% ;)7.-i, 304. -395, 401, 436, 
Belton, Peter, 510. 
Bonnet, John. 011.5. 
Bennett, Captain, 010. 
Bennett. William. 533. 
Berkeley and his inflaenoa, 5M> 

Berlin, tinvmre made at, 792. 
Bermuda potatoes, early importa- 

tir>D9 of. 13(] ; Talue of, 878. 
Beniall, Jacob, ttl^. 
BecuBTil, GoveTDor Franou, 736, 7^, 

Berry, Elizabeth, 483. 
Bsverly, Windiru|)'ii privilege at, 

lUK; bounty on foxes in, Bi-2; 

heura and wolTea at, OUl. 
Bible, Dot ruad at publio senice ia 

earlT New Eut'laad, HO; lefriila- 

tioD taki;n from the, 78, 7», 62, 

87 ; asaldnous reading of the, 742. 
Biddefonl, timber regulaUona in, 

Bilboa, trade with, 144, ISO, 177, 

2:17, 248, 372, Wl, 912. 
Billiard-Ublea, Q91. 
Birchall. Oeorge, 4C8. 
Biscuit. SM. 

Blackbeaid. See Teach. 
Bincklead. 200. 
BlackaiDitliB, desirable citizens, 81 ; 

of New &igland, 800 ; wagea of, 


Blackvpll. John, 3>0. 

Blake, Daniel, U51. 

Blako. Robert, England'* naTal 

su|>reraai-y founded by, 3 ; his 

wav. how prepared for him. A; 

-voyage of. arouud the world, 4 ; 

the "sea-dogs " of, 4. 5. 
Blaurelt. See lll'irfirld. 
BleRting of the Bav. The, Win- 

throp's ship, 123; her 

Blin. JamM. 67^. 

Block Island, illicit trade carried on 
from, 778; during the Rovolntioo, 
81I-K141 the boats of, 812. 

Blodgett. Samuel, m\. 

" Blue Anchor Inn." 209, .101, 314. 

BlueReld, the pirate, 1.^4. .138. 

Boat to lail against wind and tide, 

Bogiron. m, 174, 177, 192, 681. 
Bollan. WiUUin, 675. 
Boldng-mills. :1I0, 3H2. 
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 705. 
Bond. Sampson, 4:!.l. 
Books and literature in the colonies, 

2:M>, 2110, 21!S. .Utt, 413, 645-548, 

7^^,742.800. SIO. Wl. 
Bordeani. trade with, Oil. 623, 780. 
Boston, ^a settlement of. 14 ; dis- 

i., I 


mooage in, 61 ; an early meet- 
ing-house in. 71 ; rt^ulatious ei- 
clnding strangers from, 80 ('.|ij r 
freed servants a burden to, 85; 
the Watertown windmill mored 
to, 102 ; sale of land in, lOU ; fer- 
ries established at, 110; builds 
bridges, 1 1 1 ; a market muutained 
at, 111, 118; early hotels in, 112: 
wine-license at, 114; dcTeloped 
politics and rehlgioD, 132, 135; 
commission appointed by to trade 
with the Indians, 14U ; ships buUd- 
ing at, 14:), I6U; Snt ship built 
at, 143. 160 1 commerce of, 144, 
1&5; tnde of, -with the Western 
Islaiula, 158 ; ropewolh started 

171 ; organised chorines in, 1U6 ; 
route nsed from Frovideoce to, 
211; acliool in, li21 ; proaperitf 
of, ita trade and fidieries, 245 ; 
■hipbailding at, 2.i3 ; the ' ' mar- 
ket-town ''of the West India trade, 
2.h> ; the merchants of, 2U5 ; gtaods 

Dorchester, 272 ; the herdsman of, 
277; dress in, in 16,-<2, 286-289; 
value of certain estates in. 202 ; 
decorous behavior of, 296, 208; 
I of, in eaiiy times, 290- 

England, 310; coasting trade of, 
310; roads built near. 311, 312; 
economy in pavements at, 312; 
coaches in, 312; Navigation 
Acts itifrii^ed bv, 301 ; ships 
of. 36:1, 304; a port of entry, 
373; trade of, between Nurwalk 
and, 375, between Portsmouth 
and, 37-') ; controls exchange with 
New York, buying up all the 
specie, 380 ; weaving in. 3811-301 
ibii) ; trade of, in tot and turpen- 

Ctenta, 306 ; the maUng of ropa 
306; market and market-daj 
in, 406 (ill) ; admits citizens on 
bond. 407 ; the post from, to Nev 
York. 410 (bU) ; Madam Enight 
opens a school in, 410; anniver- 
sary week in. 4 1 7 ; the Gnt organ- 
ist at King's Chapel, 417; com- 
mercial port for whale-oil, 437 ', 
and bone, 133; facta a 

the whale fiahei? at, 410; the 

Jave-tradB of, VM, iVS, 465-471 ; 
tlie rum trade of, 5-JU ; vearing- 

ture of lineo, 4\>o ; the mskiag of 
bucknun in, AiM ; dttiing and fin- 
Uhing in, 41Hi ; fan ami toy mak- 
ing- in, 4U7i working iu iron in, 
498 (bit); ^D making in, iXX); 
distilling in, 5U^ : t'lbocco manu- 
factured in, 50'> : vie* mode in, 
505; silvergmichs in. 50); fiiBt 
hapknej coaeh in, -iOS ; a coach 
for hire and a sleigLi in, -V^S ; com- 
fort becomes luinr; iu, 5<HI ; ronda 
near,-JOi); ato^line be twetru New- 
port Bud, 51l>; e I pren and poet- 
rider between Newport and, -~>1U: 
earefnl abonC adtnictint; straii){ers, 
5IU; Honduras adrertiscs fur set- 
tlers in, 5:il : tlie town bull of, 
522; Faneuil Hall in, 5:i4, rm-, 
inatkela in, 5:!.i, iiiii; control of 
its iDdnstriea by the town govern- 
ment of. -1^7 ; honsen of. about 


value of an 

. Umekiln 

re of. 

mg in, 5^*; food and 
in, 54l>; few books ii 
MS , buak-bindinj; in. 

about lT.!if 'M ; makes jireti 
nf RCDB^iiinB; tJie governor's de- 
life in, about I71l>, •''*>•'>; a tjpical 
meicbant of. iHlo-^tl2 ; an n cen- 
tra of commerce, &TII ; value of 
Thomas Amorj'a entata in, ■'>7I ; 
shipbuilding in, '>T-1. 57'^; iin- 
preasineats in, ■~>77; number of 
Tenels cleared in, in 1714, 570 
(£ii); supplies New (lort with cap- 
ital. -')S!; niarine inannmee olEee 
in. 5}<l!; a junk-sliop in, 5MS; 
trade of New lliunpahire with, 
.'ilH); the tight-house and pilot of, 
&'.)2; hurt bj privatc^ni. ul>l<; i 

Erivateoring adrertiaument in, ' 
HU ; Peter Faneuil, a tvpiunl mer- ! 
chant of, <U-M-.:tlI : sfiipbuilding 1 
in, Itl2, 111:!; wealtbv merclianta ; 
of, invest in Engl.ind. (118; trad- 1 
ing ventures of women of, <Utt; i 
distilling in, ((42 ; the ctpital biiU ' 
financiers of, fVt<t ; light-honse and I 
other fees in, 047 ; number of ves- ' 

seU cleared from, in 1747, 650: 
decline of shipbaildinir in, 051 : 
later privateennfT in, 055, 65S; 
illegal CrafKc in, iO^, 650 ; pater- 
nal government of, 673; snffen 
from a Ere, 67:! ; trad^ of, witli 
Albonv, 670; encourages borne- 
pruductian of woven goods, UHO; 
Iott«riea in, ft02 ; vijn in, COS ; 
plays acted in, SOfi ; Franklin in, 
7U'f--7LIM; revolutionary acta of, 
724, TM ; the same punished, 727 ; 
sets op stjreet lamps, TM ; linen 
industry in, 732 ; spinning in, 733, 
7C0 ; voollens and worst^ mada 
in, 733 ; soap and buttons mada 
in, 73) : hemp imported by, 735 ; 
stage communication opened be- 
tween, aud Ponamontb, 738; 

in, in niiU, 731); a dancing partj 
in, 741 : umbrellas in, 74;); drew 
of a boaiding-school girl in, in 
177~>. 744; whaling indostry oC, 

7<W: R«v. 

if, i 

underwriter's office in, 7K2 ; speci- 
men cargo from, 7St; vool-carda 
mannfactured in, 71)1; trKle in 
lime between Providence and, 794 ; 
specimen order from, during the 
lUvnlution, 71N); Oriental trade 
of. f22, IfU; fur trade of, »:»;. 
utttitutes a policy of non inter- 
cnurse with bnglnnd, ^•17; indua- 
trial association formed in, SVt} 
roannfactura of duck in, 851; 
manufactnre of cards in, 852. 855; 
improvcnient of Mage-roads be- 
tween, and New York, 8r,7 (6,j), 
NVS; doctors' fees in, W«; firat 
theatre built in. K(>:1; educBtiooal 


of real estate in, 6' 

idonin, Pierre, 36a 
Bounds, beating the, 314. 
Bourne, J., 207. 
Boutiueau, James, S24 
Boutineau, .-Stephen, 0.33. 
Bowdoin, James, tHM, (HK), 633. 
HoBnaa,qHo(ed. 34:S, 5W. 
Bradford, Oovemor, quoted on tfaa 
Pilgrims, 8, 11; qooted on the 

qnoted on the beaver trade, 38, | 

40, 131 ; on the |;niwiii^ of maiw, ' 

88 ; and Ihe Plymouth uuloD.v, Vi) ; 

on commuuiiiu, W; character at, 

807, 8(18. 
Bradford, gunpowder manufactured i 

iu.7*4. I 

Bradford, on the piraleg, 338. 
BrKintme. See (Juincg. i 

Brunch, Peter, iGA. 
Brondf , 027, «M), 750, 783, 8T8, 8T9, ' 

8M1, m-2, 885-891, 80:J. ! 

Braille, Captain Tbomne, 202. I 

Brazil, trade with, 04;;, HU; the 

Goaat of, opened for llie whale-fish- ' 

Brazil wo«d, 241. ' 

Bread, regulations in New HaTen, 

18>, 405,5-^, ;>40; pnce of, 8111; 

insbipatoree, on. I 

Brentoii, WiUiun, 2n3. | 

Bi«wer, Captiun, 003. 
Bieweriee, lUO. 195. 
Brewerton, Winthrop'i London odr- ' 

respoudiint, 322. 
Brewster, £lder Wimam, s leader 

of tlie PilgriniB, II. < 

Brick, Madani, :iUO. 
Bricks, 178, 181, 300, 531, 757, 780, ! 

-■■ ■ -ivincl ■ 


Bridefcr, 303, 304. 
BHdges, building of. Ill, 208, 210, 
- 211, 311, 312,510, 511, 528, OlKt, 

Bridges, Robert, 177. 
Bridgewster, regulation of morali 

in, 273; meeting-house in, 278. 
Brirofleld, the settlement of, 401, 

513; seaUng the meeting in, (tUO. 
Brinle;-, Francis, Ii62. 
Brintun. Jahleel, 457. 
Brietol, England, early maritime ven- 
tures from, 4; Amory'e still made 

in, .MKl; trnde of, with New Kng- 

Lind, 5:>4, .'>7-t.(llO. 
BrMtol, cart-bridge built in, .112; a 

BnHidtloth. maniifactare of. 853. 
BromSeld. Eilward. KKt. 
Braokfield, the post-road through, 

410; woollen mannfactnra in, 732; 

chemical factory in, 734. 
BroukliHven, meeting-house distnrb- 

Browus, the, of Providence, oom- 
iDorcial uperatiooa of, UXt, 043, 
OiO, 7.->7. 774. 849, 800, 912. 

Brown, Edward, 510. 

Brown, James, 307. 

Bn>wn, Jolm. 201. 

Browne. William. 317, 581. 

Brunnii^. the bookseller, 303. 

Bruster, Thomas, 455. 

Buck, the pirate, 342. 

Buckles, 530, 542. 

Buckley, Captain Peter, 027 (bis), 

Buckwheat, 000. 

Budd, Lieutenant, 152. 

Bud, Abel, Tf5. 

Bafliagton, Captain, 825. 

Bulkly, Peter, 310. 

Bull, Diioy, 120. 

Bull, Deacon Thomas, 301, 309. 

Bullets, value of, 878. 

BnUivaut, Dr.,3U2. 

" Bundling," 730, 804. 

Bnns and cakes, permitted only M 
niarri^ea and burials, 113. 

Burke, on the grouth of liberty in 
New England, 715, 788; on colo- 
nial toxntion, 720. 721, 724; on the 
New England whole-eshen, 748 ; 
a large-minded man, 874. 

Burnaby, quoted on New England in 
1770,7-Vi, 7-'iO, t^- 

Burnet. Qoremor, 477, 478. 

Bumham. James. tVi. 

Bnsbie, Nicholas, 177, 301. 

Busby, l>actoT, .'lOO. 

BuBiaesa methods in early days, 132, 
201, 572, 01I1M128. 020-634, 831. 

Butchers, wages of, OUO. 

Botler, Peter, .'UtM. 

Butter, price of, 102, 132, 877, 878, 
S<W«.-(, 800-800, SlW-lWt ; trade 
in,;m.4l4, 582, 000,827; a Tans 

Bnttons, 'golil anil silver, 280, 087, 

Buzzard's Bay, Plymouth men at, 01. 

Cabot. Sfaartian, 02. 
, Cades. Juhn. 570. 

Calash (carriiige), 003. 
I Calash (dress), 74a 

Cahmtta, trade widi, 824, WO. 

Galioo. 825. 

Cambridge, timber repnlationi in 
tU; i^uiDinuD&l lierding in, 04; 
Bul« of land in, lUU ; builda i 
bridge, Hi; granta a fishitig prir- 
ilege. 1^1 Tlw Endeavor of , 14U 
Indian trade oE, 1(51 i printiii^ be- 
gun at, lliU ; the " Blue AiicLor ' 
of, -Mt, Sm ; pa; of tlie kHuoI 
maxter in, 221 ; bridge built in 
312; cafeful of adiiiilliiitc straU' 

tia in, 721 ; drawbridj^a at, i^l. 

Canip^acliv, tntde witb, Xiil. 

Canada, the French in, 15, 18, lit, 
•.m-, New England trade with, 
20;! ; eipeditiona from the colo- 
nies against, 3jl3. Sl\\ 4111 ; the 
communal principle at work in, 
407; the whale-tiiher; in, 4-11 ; 

K'aying card currency in, 477 ; 
ev &^landand,conipared,i'»l2; 
paaaea over to England, i>52 ; tlie 
lisheriea of, finally detemitned 
Ebb'*"*! t^ *"i •'^'■' '• KeTolution- 
ary expeditiona against. 71)4. 

Cuial. projected through Cape Cod, 
37o; luachiiwry made tor a. Kit. 

CuiariM, traile uiai the. -^-U'l, 2(U, 
OiA, 82U, IHI7 ; value of wine from 
the, SIN). 81)4. 

Candloe, «J4,755, 757, 895, 004, OOU, 

Carta, 312, 410. 

Casco, the ralas of bearer, in 1640, 
; petty offeniei puniihed in, 294. 

Casting, 174, 600, 734, 7ll2. 

Caat-iroo, 500. 

CaLili^, raising and keeiODg of, in 
early New Engbujd, b4-07, 335; 
marks for, decreed, 00; Ticions 
damage by, apeciall J punished, HO ; 
Uouit^ imported, 102 ibit), 121, 
y^S, 170, 2i>l, i42, 200,357, 376, 
370, iiS-i, 404, 405, 522, 623, 776, 
80:S, 82H ; taxea pud in, 315, 320 ; 
taxes paid on, ^74 ; prioei paid for. 
877-8^, 8H0-S1X>. Sev Having. 

Chair, 509, 093, 697. 

Cliaises, Oii:!, 9U9. 
I Chnlkliill, .S87. 

I CUatining, William Ellery, 470,547. 
, Cliapmaii. Ralph, 309. 
I Cliardon. Ptter, (H3. 

Charity. or]>aiiised, in Boatoo, 196; 
Uisa Eniersua's allowaDoe for 

Churk'S, .IciLn, lU. 

Charles, II., and the colonies, 232, 
I 2;H, 2(1,-'. 
' Charli^ston, South Carolina, theAmo. 



nd regnla- 




, „ > the deed of the 

island of Aquidneck, 3<1, bis ' 

fultilment «f liia ba>«ain, 31. i 

Cuiso, Ihe ludieneH at, TtW, 595, 596. 

014, 61.1, Om. 027. I 

Canterbury, Sabbath-breaking in, , 

549. I 

Canton, trade vith, 8l>I-S2:I. 
Canvas. .-iWi, 574, .'iS2, 5S1I, 01;1, 010, 

71f., tt'.";, 907, mil. I 

Cape Breton, illegal trade witli,595, ! 

5116. O.W. 059. 
CaperH. MNI. 
Carr. (Jcorge, 1 5;l, 207- 333. 
Carriages, 297. ni2, 409, 415, 495, 

SOU, .'^■42, Ot», 909. 

. <stabliBhed,110; 

inn licensed at. 11;(; wine license 
in. 114; cumnjerceof. 155; ferry 
license grnnleil in. 2UK; a Gshing' 
centra. :;4.*>; shipliuilding; at, 253; 
sbipH uf, ;><14: lioHton the port of 
entry fur, 7;U ; carriages in, in 
, . 17."i;l, Olt;l. 

I Charming Polly. The, 405. 

' Chatlukin, Lord, 710; and the Stamp 

I Aet. 720-72:(. 

, Cheese, price of, 102, 132; use of, 

I and tradp in, ;r70, 414, 479, !>40, 
.Vi2, fllJO, 75*1, 877, 88S, SSH, 893, 

I MM, 890-SIK, 900-(h'3, 91 1. 

I Chpever, one of New £iigland'a 

Cheevpr. Eiekiel, the Latin Aeci- 

rheW<» ferrv ettlahli^ed, 110. 
Clicncy, I'el^r. atUi. 
. Chi'Stnnt-gnthenng as an amuse- 
lUMiitiiienrlT IWtou, 'i'Jti. 
rhi.'h.-fHr. .Unies. 2:{0. 

Cbilia, the Boaton ^idller, 4&9. 

China-ware, MU, W7, Witi. 

Chiness aai\.e,m,S2'J,ii:Hr-»W, 833. 

Chuholiu, TlioniBg, 112, 101. 

Chittenden of Sew Havan, M52. 

Chitty, Joseph, illU. 

Chocolikte. -114, Kit', 540, 686, 7;t5, 

7U.i, Sd7, »1«, tttW, 8«5, 897, WZ, 

Church onraiiiiadon. See Mttt'ing. 

CiJer, ifw, iw). 11(8, aoi, *ia, y.n, 

41.) {bii), 307, 5W, 647, aSl, 8S2, 
884, 8S3, 888-804, 8W-HI2, U07, 
909, Hll. 

Cimunian, 8Q1. 

Cistern, oopper, >raliui of >, 000. 

Citiien, eioludon of the, 47, 4»-52, 
50, 80, 67, 72, 73, 75, 76, 525, 713, 
7S7, Slir>; Balemiily recoKoiled his 
respODBibitit;, 78; kept by law to 
hb datiea, 78; privile^ei of the, 
cloaely guanled, 711, 80 \ the desir- 
able, brought in from without by 
publiv afforC, SU; eiamplea, 81; 
tbu qualifications requirsd of a, in 
ilasaaohusetU, 'i&J, 865. 

Clapboard, derivation of the term, 

Clarendoa, Locd, on Now England, 

Claret. 83J, 89.1, 909. 

Clark, Captain, 4ia 

Clark, NHthaniel, 2:18, 5Ga 

Clark, Richard, 500. 

Clarke, Hannah, 474. 

Clarke. John, 134, lt6-2. 

Clarke, GoTemor Walter, 345, 

CUrke, William, awl. 

Class distinclion. Sde fionjt. 

Class privilege not farored in New 

Eoj-laiid. r,ll, 51. 
Cteland. William, 687. 
Clerks mines bLuUeod, 200. 
Cleveland, Captain, 6-U. 
ClewlT, Joshna, 4ir>. 
Clintun, Govorour, Itll; reportof,n07. 
Clock, the first, in New lluren, 217; 

EiiKlwh.froDi the liorboilaeB, uHi ; 

pries paid fur a. I'M, 
Cloth, pricw of, 107, 229, 24^ ?m, 

:t7ii. a71, 3;'l, *ll, .Vi:!, :M. :i\l, 

612, «l:f, 7S9, 7110,80s S13.8U, 

H7S-HSI), 882-891). See TexlUe 

CloTea, 891, 81)4. 
Coal, IS, S32, 1126, 00), (107. 

Cocoa, 3:». 

CocoauulB, OOT. 

Cod, the. 9, U2, 133, 130, 7.)0-751; 
Basque name for, V2 ; lines pur- 
ohasud by Wintlm^, 120: impor- 
tance of the, 244. See Fiahiriti. 

CoiL Cape, by whom and why so 
named, 9, U2 ; visited by Hudson, 
\ dangers of, 94 ; canal tiiroagh 
projected, 375 ; the stranding of 
whales on, 4:31 ; the whole li^iep- 
ies of, 437 i oommonal charity at, 

CoddingtoD, William, porchaae of 
land by. 31 : expolsion of, and hii 
band, from Massachasetts, 76 ; 
founds the colony of Newport, T7 ; 

ot land by, lUU ; tiade of] in hotsos, 
158,1601 influence of,84l, 808. 

Cod fisheries of New England early 
knovm, 9, 10, U2 ; the Earl of Stil- 
ling quoted on the, 10; their im- 
poitODoe, 244; a nursery of se^- 
men, 24.5. See FitAtriti. 

Coes, Thomas, 094. 

Coffee, im ibii), 640, 647, 659, 757, 
774, 821), 825, 827, 828, 894, 895, 
l)00-!>ai, 907,911. 

1, Pel 

■, 4.')9. 

Tristram, 207. 

Coga'well, Francis, 614. 

Colchester, fulling-miU in, 304; reg- 
ulations regarding horses in, !J23. 

Cole, Sanmel, 109. 

Collins, Henry, 547. 

Collins, Widow, 273. 

Caiman, Benjamin, 548. 

Coloiiies, aharacter of the French, 
1,19,21, I27.8(il!, 870; the EuKli-ih, 
10, 20, 12.1, 127, 721, mi, 87iJ; 

ciples governing in the, 20; how 
developed by extenuil pressure, ^0, 
22; peculiar character of the New 
England, 20, 21; the growth of the, 
socially, 4T-S7 ; thu.4e sUrted as 
cnmmsrciol enterprises fuled, 97 ; 
English and French contrasted, 
127, IDl , "117 ; Rtfs policv tor the, 
of llrihiin, 7L9.:-J7i Doyieon the 
New England, WOO. 

Colson, David, .194. 

Coloinbn*, ChriMopher, 1, B. 

I :t : for exaroplw 

■e« licairer. Com, Fahrritt ; o|>BU- 
ing uf. in the New EiigliUKl culo- 
mea, Ill-IM; legatativ 
tdoDi of. bf Mwiucliui 
rauoDS liienif or, 117-111); produ 
in, limited bj statute, 11!^; Iriak 
intenukl tntds created b demand 
for, IIU; what ia, 123; Wiuthrop 
led the, of New Eiigliuid, 1£J ; iiu- 
portuxH) of New Ki^land. recoe-- 
Diied at home, l:Ul, 1:18 ; Engli^ 
leatricliuue on, 13!j; deUils of, 
■aperviaed by the General Court, 
140, 141 ; the Parliamei * 
ages, 141 ; efltablidlied 

9, 14:;, 1 

wii^ tlie 

on by New Kngli 

facta ahowin? the increaai 

]j4; piety hand in ha 

l.')2, 1^, 2411; jLnple ohi 

Btaplua of , 152 ; stiniulat 

oiMniona, loo ; Miusachij 

poiata a committee to improve, ' 

lo7 ; affected by the wnrnithllio ; 

land expaii^un iu, 11^; effect of i 

IKt, MT; riau of a new, 101>; ia'> 
Rliode Island, IS) ; niuTuw re- . 
RlrielionB of, l^<11, 1110; evidcuoe I 
of ini'reuaing, 2JT; tlie NaT^j:a- I 
tionActaaniltlii.'irelf(!Cton<7. r.), 

am-iii:, iv^Lw, aw, ;jiii,:m;l 

characler of tlm, bftween En)^ i 
land and Aroerioa, 2J2 ; coloni.'U, ' 
woa not undenMod, 2'tl, 2;So ; | 
ParliaiuBnt report on New Yjig- . 
lunil. Sii ; die Arts may hare hen. \ 
•lited, 2-'h>; methoJaiu NuwEnj^ I 
land, excmpliil(-il, 1'4S, i'A, 2."i>i, ^ 
^■'>T, HiiA; effcola iHX-ial eliaiq;.ii' 
and niaki-B type's. £>:), 2lU; o^i't I 
of toU-iecu on, '£ii: nipid expaii-j 
Biun of, exi-iupliai>d. ^H-Sn: of 
Eut;Iaiul. llulland. and New Ki^;:- | 
Lind cumpnivd. :!<tT; tirlnally a, 
baiWrof cominnditiiM,^I4:pinites ^ 
and privateeTHin thiir relntiun In. ' 
a-tT-iTT; IMIomontliindetfl. :UiI: 
of llWi-lllil'l, :l-k!; Mfwt of the 
Revolalion of HW.s .,n. :r.:! ; tn-a*- '■ 
nre-trove eipeditians aSert. ;l-V> ; 
ia 17UI), :W4 ; coane of, »(I5 ; | 

methods of foidgs, 370; bdpi>i- 
lanoe of tlie Baherisa, 872 ; porta 
of entry, ^.1 ; betvMn tha Sontb- 

>m Sfjl». .»J U.» K^l-wt, -'t7H ; 

ecoDonuo aspeda of the alaT»4iaila, 
44U-172; infiatini affeota, 4Mt; ' 
after tb« Treaty of Utneht, 0&2- 
(tmt; English capital qniekena, itO, 
&00, o74 ; eonnw uf, betwaen En- 
rope and New Bi«laitd, .55-% 661 ; 
apread of, 5oo ; a typical mer- 
ohant and his operations, 505-372; 
on inlereatine case for stadenta ia, 
&TI1, (UU ; die maat trade, 578, 
QTl) ; examples of oomplez trading 
TOToges, &H, i>K> ; imporlsnoe of 
donusUo, 5SS-OU0; British and 
domeatio meddling with, 09!, 5Ui ; 
law and, 504; tha moTamvot of 
mnlates aU, &0&-5W; tha 


effect of privateerim; on, 
a new, bom with Uie Bi 


traled by I'eler Fanenil, IIUT-U36; 
London, the central mart of, 
Iil7 ; demanded utmost eood faith, 
<>Si; of tlie eighteenm century, 
r>:J7; from Loiiiabutfr to Quebec, 
ti:t7-<ii>o; the fall of Louiaburi; 
reaj<aun-s, IllO; example of, in 
I74li, li4J ; English policy affects 
our, Tia, 72S, 7*J, 7o3, 7'Hl, 7110; 
Fn.>neh War Btimalatas, (U4, 745 ; 
effects of mm on, IV4!I ; defies Brit- 
ish control, 72^, 745; between 
New Enifland and England, 731 ; 
llemnrd on, %'i3 ; effect of tha 
Revolution on, (<i7, 7«IU-TS5 ; car- 
ried on by privateen, IIS, 77U ; 

en'M (iukeis with, ^80■, of tba 
C.iiiffduni[ion,81l>-8.11P ; EneUnd's 
niimiw policy eoaceming, KIO- 

81>*-'<J0; Coo- 
gma (in inattvis relating to, S42 ; 
binlWyc view of the commercial 
derclopmeiit of New England, 
KTU ; examples of Nuw England' a, 

m\-fn 1. 

Commission business in eariy New 

Ensland. (WH.MUO. 
Commoimc^ in -nrW New England, 

.-.l (.Wj. :>5, I1IMI2. 275, 404. 519, 

1 principle in Nstr Sag- 
loDd, 41>, a1, M, 65, 50 (Water- 
towii), 5S; 5(M12, (H, 79, 80, 115, 
I(W, 17a (bh). i'l-i, -210, 277, 403- 
4il7, 4IX (harraBt cnatom}, 6'^, 
5ya. SSJ. 

CommuiiUtic experimeDts, U, 80, 90, 
115,ltW,172, nil. 

Comiuunitf ■ >See ToMm. 

CunaTit> Roger, E^, 

Conc]i-.hBUs, a07. 

Coiii^urd, MaiiiiacliiiHQtt»T Tuill early 
builtBt.IO:S; mad opened between 
Sudbnr; and, l);i; Indiaa trade 
of, 101 ; leeks nitre in her ben- 
huoBea, 171 ; imn-vorks bnilt in, 
201 ; highway mode between, and 
Lancaster, ail; builds bridges, 
211; the w«1dii« o! a shaft by 
imprompta blacksmiths in, 40M ; 
the battle of, 744. 

Confiscation of the estates of Loyal- 
ists, 800, »«. 

Coneragational Church, the. See 
Mtrting. and 208, 209. 

Congress, the resolves of, on priva- 
teering, 77l ; prescribes forms ft 

18,779; 1 

e Nav 

IS the 1 

■trittions of tli 

7^> ; tinken with commerce, ~ 
establishes the gnn factory 
Springfield, 7!*2 ; deliberates on 
forwarding the whale-fishery, f^iS ; 
encoun^es the cod fisherv, ^2 ; 
endcaion to help comraen^, 8^7- 
8311, &42 ; adopU the Impost Act, 
S3D: adopts the dollar and cent, 
&4o ; increases import duties, mS. 
Connecticut, Colonial Records of, 
quoted on t]ie trade in maize with 
the Indians, .tS ; the Talue of bea- 
ver in, in Ifl-'!:^, 4(1; the value of 
wnnipnro in, in l&tH, 40; ti-gis- 
latuJi coticemin;; warapnm, 42 {bin), 

44; aristocracy in, 4^ ; land regii- 
I.1tion« in, 'iS-iti, paiaini i theo- 
criitic infliicnces in. 09, 77. 79; 
adopts a eivil code, T'* : trade lie- 
twci'n Massachusotts and, 124; 
colony at. founded, and n Tcin«l 
built, I^M) ; commetce of, l'S7. 140. 
147 ; rivalry of, »1lh tliR Dutch 
on the Dehiware, 14:1, I'll ; sliip- < 
building in, l.'>4; interdicts the! 
•iportof provisioDB for the Dutch, i 

H the feden 

f, n» : 

1 of colonies, 
'm> ; regulates the use of wine aud 
liquor, lifii; trouMesome harbor 
r&tes of, 1S~, 100; narrow ti«de 
restrictions of, 1149, 190; famous 
for its dder, U>5,3S3; regulates 
butchers and tannen, 19H ; passes 
statutes regulating morals, 290 ; 
prohibits the export of laaUier, 


,, 2U7; 

tuted i 



the manufacture 

ew road to, opened by 
Nashua, 208; Blue Laws in, 222, 
223 ; tobacco law of, 224 ; offends 
against the Navigation Acts. 2»1) ; 
West India trada of, 242, 2&1; 
supplies tliB fishers with food, 
24.} ; shipbuilding in, 253 ; appears 

chui«h of. 2(10 ; regulates the 
f oandii^ of settlements, 270; en- 
courages the growing of sheep, 
270; dress regulations in, 2S8, 
280; coast tr^e of, -'tlO; high- 
ways, and higbaay regulations, of, 
312 ; price of whent in, in ltl6(), 
a'il ; illicit trafSc in, :!40 [bis), 
M>, HiK, UU; passes an act 
against pirates, !Ml; trade in 
horses of, -ifi'i ; paper currency 
of. 380; price of silver in, 387; 
the tAt and turpentine interest 
of, 395 ; mimng in, .■!ll7 ; valns of 
lands in, in 1708, 31W ; forbids the 
importation of Indians, 4IW; reg- 
ulates the export of leather. 40^ ; 
orders the highways cleared of 
brush, 400 ; nud between Uassa- 
cbusetts and, 410; methods of di- 
version in, 412 ; mairiage customs 
in. 412 ; slavery in. 415, 4.M ; reg- 
uhites shore whaling. 432 ; man- 
agement of paper 
i-.:,, -IK]; mnnufa. 
ml, 4!''(; encourages aucR-weav- 
il^, 49<l; copper disciiven-H in, 
and worked. 41J7. 498; establisliei 
a slitting-raiil, 40S; iron mining 
and working in, 500; distilling 
in. fiOl, ."HK;; grants a monopoly 

bayberry-bush law of, .'KM ; wheat- 
growing iu, ■')07; regulates the 
selUng of arms to Indiana, ,507 ; 
first passage of a tewn from, to 

I linseed 

D«. -MO; lioeiHB u inn 
at >'••« London. 510; fint bridgv 
betvMn, ud Kbode laUnd. -'ilU; 
n^Dtm a vBt^on prlTile^ from 
Hmrtlord lo New Haven, ull ; the 
fint ■teeple in, -MiU ; decadeDce 
in. from former high nlieions 
■tandards in, 5&1 ; Duuta and tiia- 
ber trade in, 5T8 ; nninber of ve*- 
■ela belontcinj; to, in ll-fl, .V^); 
lay* impoMa on ezporta, -liKi ; at- 
tempta to ihnt in her ^niin, 5M ; 
the aalrooD in, C>9<l ; amall oom- 
merce of, *Ui; illicit trade of, 
during the FrencK War, CM ■ ti.ia 
borne trade, (147; illeiral traffic 
of, O-il); refuHflfl to join in a 
acheme to redeem all paper. M7 o ; 
psDta a muDopol; in a ilaiKlreai- 
ing machiae, OSl ; gninta > mo- 
nopoly in the ilittiog of iron, tV<4 ; 
opetu a teU-bridife at New Mil- 
foid, 6tn ; paper cnrrencT of. id 
1700, 7:iO ; Manacliiuetta' action 
towu^ the paper currency of, 
TIT; rally of the militia of, to 
the help of Massachnsetta, Til 
lilt): the whale tUheriea of, in 
ITItO, 744 J trade of. with Maasa- 

injured, !■>> ; commerce 
of, in niil. 707: in 1774, 75S; 
aJarerj in, in I7fil, 7&t; priira- 
teen uf, 77'i 1 example of the 
commerce of. during the Revola- 
tion, Tf^; woii]-c»rdH nianufao- 
tttred in. 7DI ; casting-turn.tce in, 
71Ri; manuFactureof armHin,7!);ll 
embaipro Imd by, on trade, 819, 
H2H; Wort India trada of, 8:12; 
ahipbuilding in, Kt;) ; mant trada 
in. M:W ; dixpoiiition of the slavery j 
qnea^on in. t^ti ; Hacinl indnatrial | 

CoBTana, Edward, lia 
Cook, GeoTfce, »Hg. 
Cooke, Jeaeph. 111. 
Cooke, m 173. 

Cooper, BcT. .Sainn^l , OSO. 

Cooper, onl£t of a, HStL 

Copper, lUU, 306, 4117, 750,774, SOT. 

Copper 'l^-'l-i-y £r>t naad, SX, 

Copperas. ISi. 

Cork, fSH, MM. 

Corlet. one of Kew Eo^and'a earij 
aebolan, 221 (ii'j). 

Corn. Indian, trade with the In^aoa 
in. 37, 38 Ibii), M*; increaaed pn»- 
ductioD of, as aSectinf; the Tains 
of wampnu, 43 ; ila baautj and 
bleniu^, H^i Sqnanto teachea Uw 
coloniala how to gtaw, 88 ; Pljtn- 
oath trade in. l6, K; tnde in, 
in JlaaaauhoBetta, 97, 66; prof- 
ile in, l»S; pricea of, IS, 100, XU, 
3,-<2, 401, (TS, 804, 877-901 ; need 
aa conency, 101 ; 142, 178, 17rt, 
HW, ;!I4, 3:i4-:i2a, 479 ; the firet 
and most pn^nant indoatrr, 115, 
5SU, 5110, 5111. a06, 907; aa food, 
currency, and merchantable oom- 
modity, 110; fluotnationa in the 
value of, and their oonseqnences, 
1111, 128. 142, 170, 1TB, 185; great 
exportation of, IQ-I ; a famine in, 
175; how used, 108; a Bearcity 
of. lOit; price of, in 1600 and 
liUtl. 204; trade in, 375, 370] 
front affects the price of, 400 ; 
lolasses mode from, 503, 7M; 

the e 

aple grain, 507; 

Cure of far: 

life in, | 

:[| ; road nlonf; the. 'ill ; abip- 
uililinKon tlie. 7ll-~i: maatoutting 
>n the, 833 ; price of corn on tlie. 

Conacinnoe, in lefiiiilation. Sti. 

Continents, new, iiffurd the Greatest 
of hiatflrical problems. ,> ; effect ' 
of tbeir discovery apon the imagi- I 

icoverr a| 
nderad. 5, 

stores, itl 1 . 

Comhurv. Lord, cited on colonial 
affair^ 380,387. 303, 394, and (La 
wliale ffsherr. 4:!0. 

Coniev, John. bin. 

romiali. John, :181KJ31, 

Corps, John. 404. 

('-omspoiidi'nce. committees of. 725. 

(-'orpins. Sec Car»-in>. 

Cuuurt. Jiibn & Suus. 1120. 

Cotton, CoimrcticuteuGOiiraKestiwI« 
in, ]4I>; The Trial brings in, to 
liuHton. 144 1 the trade in, and 
mnnufnctlire of. lat. 170 ((er>, 
17(1. 177, 201, ^12, 2--W. 242, 2-^>.% 
:|.-.,-., ;ir,ii. .-,8.-,, (ttu. 7.')7, 774. 7SJ, 
!W. 823. 848-853, 882, 889, H02, 

on the ofBce of the m>irutrate, 76 ; 
fmmeB a cixlo of law, 78. 

Coiiiiuil fur New England, plan of 
the, 52; niinatea uf the, cited, 12.>. 

" Conntry Pay." See ilonei/. 

Courtship. Sue Marriage. 

Coytnioi*, Peter, UW. 

Coytniore, ThoiuBa, 143, 147. 

Crabb, Benjamin, a'>4. 

Cradle, priee of a wickei, S33. 

Ccadock, Francis, :t2I. 

CraJock. Matthew, IHt, 103. 

Cranston, Captaio, Oai. 

Cranston, Ooveraor, 4ii4, Vi^. 

Credit, letter of, a tTpical eHrlj,3IO 

CroroireU, plans of, for New £■%- 
land, llIK: effects of the treaty 
made with the French by, 1U7. 

Cromwell, Captun, 1-~>1, luU. 

Cromwell, Thomas, 330. 

Croflbv. Oovemoc, \m. 

Cruwninshield, Captain, ^20. 

Cubit, the, a sUaclanl of lenf^th be- 
tween Indians and colonials, 37. 

Cnmby, Captain. «14. 

Cnpid, The, accoonta of, IXM, GK>. 

Cnn^na, trade with, 3(il, B07. 

Currency. See Jtfonf j. 

Curriers, denrable cilizeu, SI (Us). 

Curry, Capt^. 012. 

Curwins. the. 247.291, 310, 384,474, 
r>lR. .^4fi. M.1, fiflU, 601, 801. 

Cntler, John. 407. 

Cuttj'hunk, how Grat named, 0. 

Dade. flENRV. letter of.quoled, 127. 
DaRTr, Jolin Adam, «82. 
Donburr. value of land in, 300. 
Dancing in early New England, 200, 

417, ."i2(i, mm, 741, wu. 

Danforth, Rot. J., jingle from the 
"Almanao" of, l-'>2j poem by, 


" DauEhters of LibcrtT," the, 732. 
DAiiliny. I hevalier, 14:., 14ti. 
Davi-npnrt, Addiiigtun. (124. 
DavimiHirt. I'aiil, .■>4)). 
Davidson. Daniel, 2:^. 
Davie. HiimphrcT. 247. 
DHvi». ll»ri>al>as. 111). 
Davis. (■..Ic.ueUamea.r.lfi. 
Davis" Strata, tho whale fisher? at, 

Day. S., ISO. 181. 

Deacon, John, admitted into Lynn, 81 . 

Ueane, quoted, oa New England 

, Bamabaa. 71 

U.:ane, Silas, 1\W. 
Deblois, Gilbert, WO, 001. 
D.;btor», sold for slates, 274, 275. 
Dechenseau, Ailara, O^l^K 
Ueclnration of IndepeodeDce, the, 

Dedharo, as an example of the for- 
natjon of the New Kngland town, 

W, 548. 

Dedham, Massachusetts, division of 
land in, .'m ; settled Hed£eld, 50; 
an early meetjng-house in, Tl, 74; 
regulations conoeming servaota in, 
84; early houses in, 2Si; sump, 
tuary laws neglected in, 2811 ; Ma- 
dam Knight travels through, 410 ; 
wUdcats kiUed in, (i28. 

Deer6etd, news-carrier from Boston 
to, 7:!0. 

Deerskin, as correnoy, 053 ; Taloe 
of, SSI), 802, 007. 

Defoe, Daniel, on English commerce, 
2.(4, 23-t ; on New England com- 

De PVaUer, cited on illicit tnde 

with Acadia, 241. 

Delaware, the Indian trade on the, 

Deming, Hannah, ai3. 

Doraocracv, the town as an inspired, 
47 ; Rhode Island first showed the 
poHsibilitiea of pure, 77 ; how tem- 
pered in the earlr towns by a. solid 
oriafocrocj, 87, WL"), 808. 

Denison, Captain George. 2M. 

Denmark, trade with, 757. 

Dennis. George, 540. 

Dennis, Captain John, 0.'i5. 

" Depnviution Act" the, of Massa- 
chusetts, "OO. 

Ds Basiires. tmtling expedition of, 
to Plvmoiilli, 3-*, in. 

Derby, OjipUiu Richard, 0.'.S. 7.')0. 

Derby, Elioa Hoshet. 770-778, 821- 

Desire.The, of MarUehead, 135, 137, 

Day, Luke, 8M. 


neiter, ThomM, 101)! 
Il^iler. Tiniuthy. T^tfl, MS. 
I li»ini)nd. Tills piivateei, i i 
lK.'k«nH, Sunnel. t«l3. 
l>iuk<fi».Sar»b, KU. ; 

INckenHm. Philemon, lf&. I 

IHls'iy. Ailmirnl. fiJM, I 

UvKit, op«iwd for the whale Bsberj, . 

DiscoTeiT. The, and her PlyiDouth ; 

tnule, INI. 
DintilliiiK. TiOl-nO:!, 850, b'. 
W», Suniifl. SMk 
]lix»v, Willisni, 2(>n. 
Jhietisn, Btid tl>i-ir bills, SC 
Du.l|,i!. K<1iiiiiih1, S1;I. 
I>iKlfr«, Tiitii-ncc. SI 4. 
Uullnr, uri)^a uF the, 3%^ ; lettle- 

Dowlint; A Sm. 840. 


It of tl 

viiliie of, S- 

IXilphm, ciue ot the, 5TU, ft'S) i of 
ULxk I»laiid. fll^. 

nunfnin, Oovernor, *». 

Dunrhi'Htor, Untrlnnd, fishinf; nnd 
tnulhiE cxiKditioD from, to Nvw 
EiralniHl, 13. 

Dutcbivter, 14 : ss an example of 
thi) fiinnation »f the Nvw Eiiffland 
town, rill; lund re|!:ii1aliun in, 5tl; 
the fvnvint; ntfaliitiona of, A.H; 
communal lii^nlinf; in, ()■'> {bit), 
KKiilutioiHi ainiinxt HtRingen in, 
80; rcjpihitions eonceniiiii' uuni- 
pnlnnrv Brrrice in, S2 : mill built 
in 111:!:! at, Wi; GAav/g priviloev 
Kmntvil by. 11)2 ; nda of UikI in. 
II I> ; ferry at. III; inn lii-entcd 
at, n:l; fuTlrHlir of. l:ll: led in 
Mung, i:t2{ Hhipbiiildin^nt. 14:1; 
tuUiiq^mUUTii'lcdin. :.1KI; ferry 
to llraintrro itistitiitvil, ^IM; 
hridicu bnilt in. 11 IS. ;>ll ; ordoni 
roach idcurvd. ^11 ; pianU aKaJnM 
adiiiittiiip* Imil (■itixeun, 'il'i; tfga- 
liitiiia uf month iu. 2T.'I : inter- 
frnn In private nmttera. '2~\ : 
niivtiii);-hiinn' iu. 2TS ; fulliiiR- 
niilln in, .'tlM ; niiniu;; and luilfii 
at, •'III' ; n Tcuimin bn-ukfimt in. 
414; S-««ir8 little- ji 
Tnrk'B II.wl ii "' 

■I it tin- 

rk n llntA in. 41.>: p.ipi!r.nii 
■'riVt.rtl; fnlliiic-mill III. <lTt 
tinpr-niill in, IM; ttmf! an 


108, 129, 186, 

DoniuT^, Sir Oeoi^, quotad on the 
lUve-tnide in New Ki^Iaod, 149 ; 
a (graduate of the fint cIsm in 
Hanard, 141). 

Dot]?, on the Eiuliah oolomea, qoot- 

DnaR, in the colonies, and lenda- 
tion thereon. lUfl, 11.% 228-22B, 
2S(k2lKI (to), 291, J12. 533-S:M, 
C211, fifti-(Hm, 7J2-744, 812-8M, 

a-.ii, sd), mi. 

Drowne, Dr. SolomoD, 741. 

Urueget, Klin. 

1>mes,tHtO. !K>4,007. 

I)ruillet«s, Father, 155. 

Diii-at, Hie Holland, nine at Aa, 

fixed, 142, »>0. 
Du Cbatelet, 745. 
Duck. See Cancat. 
Dudley, Qovemor JoHiah, land dia- 

turbatices in Hoaton ander, 30; 

qnutt^d on the scarcity and price 

uf corn, 117 ; appointed to mao- 

Diidwui. Captain Jouph, 240. 

nummei, John, fiUJ, 5.)0. 

Diinimcr. Bichard, 103. 

Diinstnhle. the settlement of. 729. 

Diiiislur, I'nsident. lik'J. 2-21. 

DiiMon, John, 2ft3-3tl2, 314, fAS>. 

Dnrham, ciirions eccleuaitioal uttt- 
ceetllnes in, 510. 

Duxbiirv, mill early built at. 103; 
hi{;b«a>-9 laid out at, 1 1 1 : inn li- 
censed at. tl:l; hif;hways laid out 
about. 11;!; brid{;e built in. 113; 
■npervisieii of the beaver trade in, 
l:k-i: of thewbaletiaherT in.4:»; 
ironvorhiiin, 4!KI; '" low of maata" 
fiom, 707. 

DrpiDK .lud ftnubine, 393, 490, 732. 

Dver. Julm. 41.-I. 

DVewoods, 2:;;;, 24! (bU), 758, 774, 

and Drmoke, Edward, 017. 
Eahorxr. Thokaa. 174. 

r* of, 128. ' Earle, Taptain \rilliam, 4M. 

Eaat OrMDwich, Khode Island, 
hoiuo-baildinE'K^latioiuip, 52^; 
takes B risk In a Providence lot- 
terr. 528; ilUcit trade of, 600; 

BpiuuiiiK b, ^m 

EuBt HuDptoD, Long bland, a pirate 

haant. 340. 
East India Coropany, created by 

Eufrluid, 8, flll>. 
East Indies, New EngUud piracy in 

the, 344-347; trade with the, 

Eaattnan, Captain, -MI. 
Eaaton, a tanner of Newbnry, 187. 
Easton, Qovernor, Aib. 
Easton, James, 360. 
Easton, Nicholas, 168. 
Eaton, Governor, 215, 217. 

Ebonj, wn. 

Eceleuaalical HTBtems in the eolo- 

uies, 43. 
Economio forms, their meaninj; and 

interast, 22. 
Econom]', the baus of the New Eng- 
land polity. 51, 2B;1, m\ 875; 
controlled religious desires, 57 : of 

New England life iUustrated, HtiO- 
EdgiI^r, S-Vi. 

Ednnrds, Jonathan, his life, genins, 
and influence, 474, 547, 7U0-70C, 
712, 730, »42. 

Edwards, Jonathan, the yoonger, 
SiO, H73. 

Eggs, price of, in the colonies, 102, 
132, 873, 807, 000, 002. 

Elder, the, 50, 6,S 69. 

Elephant, fint imported, 828. 

Elephant's teelh, 1K)7. 

Eliot, Andrew, 406. 

Eliot, Jared, (188, 6^9. 

Eliot. Dr. John. on slavery in Uassa- 
cbusetla, KVi, 452, 402, 54tJ. 

Eliot, Robert, 238. 

Elizabeth, fosters merchant com- 
panies, 4 ; reply of, to a threat of 
war from Spain, 4. 

EUery, William. 343, 599, 662. 

Emerson, Joseph, 606. 

Emerson, Mary Moody. 662. 

Emerson. William, 862. 

Emigration, caaBea inducing, from 
England. 11, 13. 1.5. 21 ; blindly 
directed, lii; a ''strength" for. 
B2; blesBlngsof free, toNew Eng- 
land. 127, 128; Dade "" " 
127; Ooxgea' 

tiatics concerning, 165, 205 ; from 
Ireland to New England, 1K3; 
curious facU concerning, 202. 
iideavor. The, of Cambridge, 150, 

throp, 110; the otcbaid o 
capper mined by, 189 ; the ol 
actor of, 248. 

Kngine, price of an, 900. 

Er^land, joins in Uie strife for po- 
litical supremacy, 1 ; how fitted 
fur the Btmggle, 2, 3 ; her adran- 
tage geographically, 2; compara- 
tively free from religians disaen- 
^on, 2 ; the naval supremacy of, 
established, 3 ; sterling virtue of 
the pioneer from, 3 ; see Foundert 
of NtiD England ; extension of the 
Goinmeree of, 4 ; the merchant 
companies of , 4 ; freebooteraot, 4; 
Spun's final stru^le with, 5; 
best able to take, hold, and im- 
prove the New World, 8, 19; 
creates tha East India Company, 
8 ; her achievements in India and 
America compared, 8; immigra- 
tion from, how induced, 11, 13, 
Vi, 21 ; character of the colonies 
planted from, 10, 21 ; first packet 
between America and, 124 ; the 
fisheries, the mainstay of, 125 ; 
complaints of illicit trade sent to, 
126; bills of eichange on, 126; 
early freiglit rates from, to Amer- 
ica, l'2fl; attitude of, towards her 
colonies, 127, 120, 2:»; unfair 
prices demanded by the fishing ves- 
shIs of, 1.15 ; enconrages Now Eng- 
land, 141 ; Kev England feeds, 
155; interdicts the West India 
trade. 155 ; war of, vrilh Holland, 

merce of, with tlie West Indies 
and New England, 16:1; effect of 
political troubles in. in 1640, on 
emigration, trade, and the food 
supply, l(Lt ; sawmills, fought 
against in, when welcomed in 
New England, 108; takes off the 
edict of restrmnt on the New 
England trade, 172 ; attitude o^ 
the New "■"]['■ "* mint, 

190; plana of. for New EnffUtuI, 
1I>T; export duties and rogiUa- 
tiunsof, affect Xt)wEti)>Uiid. 11*7; 
Guriuiu policj of, in r«):>'lBt'"E 
trade, 20-2 ; curioiu factii concern- 
ing emigradun from, 'Mi ; charac- 
ter of the trade of, villi America, 
2:)2, :^,3u7; the woiJlen interest 
of. 234; war of, with HoUand, in 
HVT2, and ils conseqnence to the 
colooiea. 241), 241 ; capital in- 
Tested bjr, in New England, 250 ; 
new* of, in New Inland, 266; 
commerce uf , the Dutch, and New 
England compaied, :iU7; begini to 
inti-rfere in the government of 
New England, 208 ; the royal aom- 
misuon sent by, and its report, 
208, -MO ; ooit of paasa^ from, to 
Boston, 310 ; at Iiut alive to the 
eTJls of piracy, .1-kl ; fruitless ef- 
forts of the governor sent hy, 34«- 
3411; sends out Captain Kidd to 
catiji pirates, SM ; acts passed 
by. concemingmaafs, 36a; narrow 
policy of, in the matter of specie, 
3."»J; tries to regulate specie by 
edict, :i8.), 3^ : lavs a duty on 
Kew England woollens, 388 ; travel 
in, in 1(192, 401'; lava a royalty 
on whales, 43fl, 442; inquires into 
the slave-trade, 454, 4.i7 ; profits 
of, from the slave-trade 459 ; bars 
the issue of Rhode Island ourrency 
in, 474; provides for the redemp- 
tion of Massacliusetts papf r, 47), 
675; 0ppoBeanewisauP9.479; stops 
the Land Uauk, 479; iron exported 
to, '>0I), :M ; restrains the export 
of New England hats, Titkl; dress 
poods imported froi 

I of the I 

lime. .■'>52i s< 

Enplnnd, 554. 55^ ; tries t 

the Navigation Acts in I' 

■of all 

able for masts, 579 ; admits ti 
as private persons, 1^79 ; takes 4 
off lumber. 5S1 ; the "Moh 
Act " of, 583 ; trade between, 
Newport, 583; interferea 
oomsten, <>91 ; the fiiherieaof Can- 

ada tha priie tamptinjf to wmr widi 
Fiance, 594 ; America bom of, 

but not wholly English, eus, 81lt ; 
an accountant sent for fnm, 61S ; 
New England meiohauta ioTeat in, 
U 1 8 ; character of New Englaod^a 
allegiance to. 035, 671, 072 ; teim- 
buisesNew England f or the Lonia- 
harg expedition, tMO ; an eieiae 
granted, (147 ; encourages tbe whale 
fisheries, li-'i^i ; price of oil in, 054 ; 
destroys tlie power of Fraiice iB 
Aioecica, 003; and Tranoa «ao- 
tiasted, 004 ; tlie coloniea a nrar- 
cantile neceauty to. 605, 671 ; half 
succeeded in permanently holdiBf 
all America, 007; iuttilar mto- 
gance of, towards the Americas, 
068, 8T2 ; her right and duty to- 
ward the colonies, 070 ; interfeiei 
with colonial iron, 1184; legiti- 
mized lotteries, 092 ; apptrints 
Franklin posCmastei general, 707 ; 
Franklin caUed before the Privy 
Council of, 71 1 : a centnry betund 
New England politically, 715 ; 
provokes New England to revolt, 
7H1-723, 7ai, "58, 759-701 ; «m- 
se,)uences of America's economio 
resistance to, 71i' ; punned two 
lines of colonial administration, 
121 ; the sovereirpty of, a mere 

firactical socoe8B,7£2; New En^ 
uid, how hampered by, 722; 
Massachusetts teraonstratea with, 
724 : effects of the policy of, 724- 
72li. 7r>3, 7.JH, 810^18, 872; doea 
not even yet quite nndentand 


between, and New England, 731 ; 
rebukes the issuing of We« Indi* 
permits, 745 ; asked to take oS 
iniposta on whalebone. 740; ad- 
vantage derived bv, from New 
England's West India trade. 7.S4- 
(l-ii) 7-W; character of the trad* 
with. 7-W-7.)8. 700. 907 ; loaa of, 
through the Revolution. 767, 775 ; 
makes unlawful use of paperg of 
American vessels. 77>l ; was con- 
fident the colonies were atiU da- 
pendcnt upon her, 788; reim- 
burses eiiled Lovalisia, f>00; 
shoH^ighted policy of, SIO-818 ; 

the Revolotionl 818, 837, ^\ 
■udden indnitrial devdopu^ in, 

mf f3V>l^_X 

New EdkIuihI attitude towuds, 
beCoK the RevoludoQ, SOU, ^1. 
%~t'i. See A'aitigofinn Ai^ and 
Sugar AcU. 

Episcopal Cburcb, the, 42^, &30. 

Equity, as ovemiliog' coDimon law in 
earl; New Eogltuid, u7. 

Etter, Paul, 73:;. 

Europe, the geogrsphiol Bdrutagea 
o(, 0. 

Btuo, Elizabeth, imported contiaet 
labor, 84. 

BTerden, William, 309. 

Kverell, James, 30S. 

Everhed, Richard, 108. 

Eiohange, rate* of, 126, 153, 205, 
316, awj, 387, 4fl7, 707. 

EiecutioQ, eujoTment of an. 423. 

Exeter, New Uampilute, timber reg- 
nlatioua in, 03. 

EipanaioD, straggle among Earo- 
pean powers for, 1 ; commercial 
enterprise as a iact«r in, 4 ; re- 
lijpooa strife as a factor in, 11, 


Fairfield, Coimecticnt, Renrr Grey 

af,21U,:i20; value of land in, 399. 

Falmouth, ferry provided at, 211 ; 
inn established at, 313; mast- 
catting in, 578; the mast flee) 
convoys vessels from, .')78 ; trade 
of, 589 ; a whating port, 747. 

Family, uze of the early New Eng- 
land, 284 ; growth of the, 8011 ; of 
New Engird as an economic fac- 
tor, 860, 871 ; our ^ovemmeDt a 
growth from the, 875. 

Faneuil, Andrew, 607. 613. 

Faneuil, BenjamlD, cited on trade, 
387. 467, 619, 623 ib!t). 

Faneuil Hall. 4«5, 467 ; an economic 

benefaction," 521. 

Faneuil, Mary Ann, life of, with her 
brother Peter, 621, 624; banner 
ventnre of, 621, 62B ; nurriea, 624. 

Faneuil, Peter, his charaoter, com- 
mercial vigilance, and idaving 
tentures, 4(>5-170, 4S4, 59B, 871. 
9118. W)0; ancertrv of. 608 ; goeslo 
Boston, 008; buildx Fanenij Hull. 
001] ; the account Iwolte of, tWW ; 
the business of, 000-62.'^, 626-6.12 ; 
his private life, 021, 622,021-020 ; 
vehement langoags ol, whan in 

anger, 022 ; pride of. In bis good 
name, 623; his family matlera, 
tiSi i luxurious living Ot, 632 ; hi* 
method of bccoudU, 632-034; 
character of, IKH^VS. 

Faneuil. Susannah, 624. 

Pans, 497. 7*1. 

Farmer, the New England, 806, 606, 

Fait Day, 425. 

Fathom, the. a standard of value, 

I)etween Indians and Europeans, 

31, 37. 
Fayal, trade with, 143, SB9, 800. 
Fayerweather, John, 688. 
Febiger, Colonel, 819, 833. 
Fencing, in early New England, ita 

importance and meaning, 68,59; 

overseera and viewers of, 69-61, 

bin, 527. 
Ferries, the establisbment of, and 

fares charged, 110, 200, 208, 211, 

FendsJism, not favored in early New 

England, 61, 87. 
Field, Isaac, 772 


with, 8 

,89, 139 -, the 

chief food of the early « 
m-, economy of fresh and salted, 
607 ; the coring of, 607 ; the cost 
of, 877-880, 884, 887-897, 900. 
f^ee Fithrria. 

Fisher, William, 607. 

Fisheries, New England, their valne 
early reci^niied, 9, 10, 13, 18; 
Gorges' patent covered the, 14, 91 ; 
interest of En^and in, 14; ■ 
factor in New England's indus- 
trial development, 18; in 1623, 
91 ; canses of the valae of the, 141 ; 
John limith on, 92 ; perite of the, 
92 : methods punnted in the Eng- 
lish voyages to the. 02 ; boBtshnilt 
at Plymontb for the. 93. 124 ; set- 
tlement at Bicbmond IsUnd for 
the, 124; contrast of and the fur 
trade, 129 ; the early, 132-136 : un- 
fair prices demanded by English 
vessels at the, 1.15; rec<^niied ai 
the great productive indnstrj, 139 ; 
regulations concerning the, 139; 
extent and value of the, and the 
Ssb trade, 141, 147. l.'iO, 152, 164, 
172, 2-14, 247, 248, 2.'MI, 265, 303, 
359, 364, 371, 372, .S74, 400, 586, 
605-598, 610, 614, 615, 610, 627, 
02S, 632, 641, 044, 740, 160, 75S, 

737, 780. 820, 825, 632, 870, 872, 
89t!, IKX), »C!, 1W4-W06, tun ; etEeot 
of the NavigfdoD Acts on, '^i-') ; a 
uaneryof 8BiuDeii,:^43; tlie Froacb 
eaptnre Engluh veaseU at the, 
SoS; fish aa eurreocy, 4';9; tlie 
value of the, made die Englbh 
eoTet French Canada, 61)4; ice 
affects the, 10; the, moTe aorth- 
ward, U14; affected b; the Revo- 
Intion, 7411 ; yarioua detaihi of the, 

Fiah-hooks. 4U8, 004. 

Fishing privileges, local, 102, 134. 

Fisb-lineB, UIO, 610. 

Fltcb, Ebeneier, 4113. 

Fitt, QrMdmaii, 168. 

Flax. 157, 170 ((er), 302, 479, 4»4, 
4M, 521, 681 <(«■), 8!t0,7i\ 758, 
783, 80:J, 806, ST,'), 856 (t/i), 888, 
892, 89«-81«, 00i-90:(, W7. 

Florida, export to, fotbidden, 700. 

Florio, Jeremr, 600. 

Flour. Nee Wheat. 

Fljiit, Father, tM)7. 

Fogg, Kolph, mi. 

Folk mote, tlie New Enghud town 
meeting an aiwlogue of the, 20, 75. 

Founereau, Claude, 018 

Food, the serious question of. to the 
colonists, 88 ; kind and qxiality of , 
naed, ii*i-54I, 017, 022, 812-814, 

Foot that Tteighed a pound, 4(12.^ 

'■ Foreigner," views of, on Kew Eng- 
land, »C5. 

Fortune, The, and her cargo, 90. 

Foster, Captain HopestiU, 2,><8. 

Foster, Colonel, 702. 

Foster. Jonathan, .'ilO. 

Foundera of New Enj.'land, char- 

cism an infinenoe in the ooloniea of, 
2?M ; privateers sent out against tlie 
colonies of, iHii ; preparing tor war 
on New England, >i5;li oaptniei 
English ships, 355 ; fisheries in- 
jured by wars nith, and the Indiana, 
372 1 exercised over New England 
trade, 'Jliii lack of enterprise in 
tlie colonies of, 3U2 ; and the Indian 
trade, 507 ; surrendera her power 
to England, 552 ; the Caiutdkan 
fiaheriea finally determine England 
to war with, 594 ; the fisberies of, 
595, 596 : losses of, throogli pnva- 
teera, .'lUtJ, 000; a privateer of, 
scatters terror, 001 ; m India, 637 ; 
Kew England's terror of the colo- 
nies of, 037, 1538; war with, in 
1755, 644, 745 ; the fur trade in 
the colottieStif , 653 ; captures Nan- 
tucket whalen, 054; privateers in 
the war with, 665, SM ; the power 
of, in the New World, destroyed, 
603 : and England contrasted, 004 ; 
trade with, 757 ; belpfulDesg of, 
' ring the Revolution, 770 ; trada 

with, 1 

1770, 780; i 

f the, 3, 

19,21, 50, 51, 69, 70, 72, ' 
86 ; first food of the, 
.f Wobun 


Foi. George, of Wo 
Fox, Rev. Mr., 284. 

Framingham, roads built in, 311; 
value of an ertaCe in, 390 ; inani- 
cipal government in. 407,411. 

France, early fallows Spain into the 
New World, i ; the St Lani«i>ce 
held by. 15 ; sought gold and fure 
in the New World, l,-i; its ffforU 
in the New World commented on, 
19, 21. 242; New England's trade 
with the iraloaiM of, 203 ; asoeti- 

by the troops of, 780 ; and Ameri- 

Fnuicliine, the, in early New Eng- 
land, 60, 8tt5. 

Franklin, Benjamin, at school in 
Boston, 410; on New England 
commerce, 814 ; life and influcnm 
of, 700, 700-712, 873; endeavore 
to impress broad economie tmtha 
on English legislators, 754, 788. 

Franklin. James, 548. 

Fiederick the Great, 637. 

Freebooters, Englbab, 4, 5. 

Freeborn, Gideon. .'■>44 (fits). 

Freeman, Captain Isaac. 459. 

Freemen and non-freemen in MuM- 
chusetlB, 209. 

Free trade in early New Ei^land, 

Freight rates in earl; New England, 

140, 200, 31 1 , 369, 877, 904, 907. 
Frie, James, 523. 
Frontenac, 241. 
Frost, Lydia, 219. 
Frost, the great, 400. 

of, 'and trade in, 186,' 188,' 196, 
414, 539, 617, 643, 736, 741, 754, 
881. 682, 883, 889, 894, 895. 
Fry, Eleaoot, 789. 


FoUing-nim*, 271, 306, 3M, 6TS, 
" fund-bills," SaS, 32W, 3a0. 
FuhetoIhi cakei and buns prohibited 

eiciipt at marriaf^ Bjid, 1 13 ; 

BensatiuEU in the conuniuul;. 414; 

gloves at, 414, 3;U<; riogs at, 414, 

tltH, t)99; SewaU's ideas oD, 4^4 

(bti) ; changea in the mauagemeut 

of, 740. 
Fnmitnre, In early New Eogplaod, 

21^, 22U, 29(1, 30S, 309, 41i>, olll, 
"; the BUJwart 

!r of, n< 

Far trade, Spain and France desired 
the, lt< 1 in New Engttimd, ^7, :)-<- 
40, 131>, 852. a.)3,, 774, 780; 
decline in the, as affecting wam- 
pum, 4:) ; Scituate's reiiture in 
the, 12S; coutiaat of the lisher- 
tes and the, 129, 148; details of 
the, 139, 140, 401,442,.'i07 ; made- 
up fun ordered from London, 
620; ilUcit, of the French, S-W; 
currency of, 737 ; affected by the 
Navigation Acts, 750; falling 
S of the, 704 ; in tfae North- 


1 llie, 

878, 8KJ; of deerskins, H8U, 
007; of sealskins, OM; in 1740, 
107. SeeBfai-er. 
Fustic, 23:^, 3U, 774. 

Oaob, Gehebal, 727. 

Gainer, Thomas. li>3. 

Gallop, John, 127. 

Gallon, Robert, (HIO. 

Gamecock, the privatMr, 77S. 

Gardiner, Benjamin, Oil. 

Gaspee, Britinh man -of -war, d»- 
Btroyed by Rhode Island, 720. 

Gates, if^latiorui concerning, in 
early New England, Ul, 07. 

Gedney, Elizabeth. .''>37. 

General Court. formatJon and char- 
acter of the, 70 ; effects of its ! 
theocratic elements, 70 ; absence j 
from, punished, 7S; gnarded the i 
priviUfres of the citiien, 70 ; ef- ' 
forts of the, to conlrol wages. S:(, ] 
08, 104, 107, 27.1. aw : atlempls I 
to control prices, 07. 1 18. |:!2, Ti'} ; ■ 
pennl methods of the, IH-'i ; clinr- 
actnr of the l«;:iHlation of tbf, 
lIK'i ; instances, Hl'i, 1110; passes 
laws on dress. 10*1, IK.. 220. 2Wi: 
Ipilds roads and suthoriies inni, [ 

iiL-113, soa-aoe <Ui), 200; for- ' 

bids ttttmg drink at inns, 112; 
probibitH cakes and bnns at the 
same, 113; tines defective high- 
ways, 113; attempts t 

140; considers Indian trade a goT- 

r, 140, 100; p 

nty on 
I vessels, 14.^; lays a duty 
on wine, 144; reciprocates Par- 
liament's exemption of Massachn- 
setts from royal duties, 148 ; obeys 
the ^Vest India injunction, 155 ; 
supervises sliipbuilding, 100; ap- 
points a commission to improve 
trade, 150; interdicts the export 
of provisions to the Dutch, 151 ; 
interdicts the import of pravinons 
into the Bay, 150 ; repeals the aot 
making foreign ships free, ItiS ; 
offers a bounty on domeetic fab- 
rics, 170 ; encounfes the opening 
of mines, 171, li3; encourages 
iron-works, 178 ; famous litigatioD 
over a pig, 180; interdicts the ex- 
port of the newly minted money, 
104; encourages sheep-rearing and 
spinning, 107, lOH; aaks an Aono- 
rarium from the mint, 201 ; pro- 
hibits the importation of cider, 
201 ; on the liquor qnestioD, 200, 
207, 3=14; ordeis the assessment 
of highway bridges, 210; con- 
ducts marriages by deputies, 218; 
establishes schools by law, 221 ; 
laws of, aipiinst tobacco, 223, 224 ; 
against drinking of healths, 224 ; 
against gamH. '^i ; law of, con- 
cerning marital relationa, 225; 
and the Sabbath, '2-£i ; recognizes 
the Navigation Acts, 23.'i [bit), 
2:t0, 2:18 ; regulatss the fisheries, 
240 (hi); regfalates maritime af- 
fairs, 2-58; sanctions the settle- 
ment of Worcester, 270; legislates 
concerning deblora, and wages paid 
in liquor, 275; petty mindemeanon 
punished by, 203; criminal docket 
of the. tW : prohibits the export 
of wool, W"> ; furthers the wire 
industrr, :i08 ; regnlutes inns, 313 ; 
proji^cts the Cape Cod Canal, 376 ; 
legislates on cum-ney, 370-381 ; 
passes an act agunst the e^Kst 
of boUioo, 332 ; foilnda tba ax- 

982 INL 

portaUaD of hides, mud regiilmlea 
tha wbole trade in laHther, iiliT : 
ovenuB the saCtUng of BriiuGeld, 
404; regiUaUs gbiuglea, 4u5; itod 
bread, W>; and Uuawa markets 
day, 406; reguUXi^ the vhale 
fisbeTT, 4;J4 j granlB palents ton- 
iMCted with &e whale indiutry. 
4'jS ; unlera acoeptanca of cuiu- 
Dioditiea for taiefl, 470 ; graatB 
land for iron-worka, 4119; aided 
the manufacture of paper, 504 ; 
appoiDta the Boston pQot, !iVi ; 
diacriniinatts against ^ew Hamp- 
shire by double duties and fees. 
fiU'i j regululea the curing of fiali, 
b&6\ places a bounty on priva* 
teeiB, 001 ; exacts light-house and 
other fees, &47 ; regului^s the 
fisheries in ITuS, C50 ; pruuiotea 
spinning and weaviug, U8U ; gtsota 
a bounty on atooewitre and indigo 
manufacture, UtST ; prohibita pla> 
acting, «H); the "Teudur Act'" 
of, 7tf I. 
General Washington, The, of Frov- 

at, 143, 162; Tslae of Uad in. 
\^ ; h^hvay made between, and 
Ipswich, 211 ; inu established at, 
MA; value of an estate in, 3QU; 
the fisheries of, 5W), 757; growth 
of. 042 [bi>], 661 ; a smngdiiw 
trick in, 702 ; privatsers of7773 ; 
Oriental trade of, 823. 
Gloucester, Rhode Island, tMi tiots 


Glue, OSU, 892. 

Godfrey, Captain, SIO, Oil. 

Goffe, Christopher, 341. 

Gold, 173, 175, ISl, im, 234 (bit), 
24:J, 2b((,81«, 317, a45 (Ambian), 
320, 451, 471, 472, 678, SlU, 81)2. 

Goodman and gi>odwife, 41& 

Goodyear, Moses, 124, 152. 
I Goodyear. Stopheu, 307. 
i Goose, William, 137. 

Geographical condidom, tlieir bear- I 

iug on history, Q, 0, 7, lo. 
G«orEB,III..H72. 874. 
George, Prince, of Denmark, grants 

Georgia, e: 


irts to. during tbe Rev- 

>rbiilden, 7U0; duljes 

laiil bv. on Nortlipm products, 7£K); 

Rhode Island's trade wilh, 781. 
Gemisin. Lord George, 770. 
Qennany. immigration from, .tf^. 
Oerrish, Benjamin, Jr., 413, 043. 
Gibbons. Edward, 145, 146. 
Gibbs. Mm., 542. 
Gibraltar, a part in the circle of 

trade, 5,"»4, 65n. .■KiL', Ij20. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, the fate 

of, 0. 
Gilbert, Mary, .199. 
Oillam, Benjamin, 151. 
Oiu, m2. 
Ginger, 232, 355, 350, 758, 774, 881, 

Ginseng, 825. 

Glass, lfl», 171. 6S(1. 087. IHM. 
Gloucester, Mnasaehnsetla, timber 

r^fulatioos in, 63 ; ships building 

u; and the fishing ii 
I ay ni Piscataqaa, 133 ; and y^-a- 

nectivutiron, 171. 
' Gorton. Samuel, 11)9. 
. I GoBnuld, Bartliulomew, the fint 
Kiiglishman upon New £ngland 

Gouge, ilr., 302. 

Gould, Zacchens, 106. 

Goutier, M. de, 373. 

Goiemment, self-, in tbe colonies, a 
necessity, not a principle, 47, 48, 
50 ; character of the (see Gtn- 
era; Court, Laic, Town), 106, 120 
{bis), 121, 222; slow evolndoo of, 
aiO, 874 ; New England's part in 
the formation of ona, 840-6*2, 



of New Hampshira, 18^ 

Grass, the Indian, 18, lOt. 

Graves, John, 100. 

Gray, Henry, 408. 

Great men, two types of, 7(0. 

" Great Tavern," the, at ChaTle«b>WI^ 

Green. Capt. John, 821. 
Greene, Governor, 002, 70a 
Greene, James, 500. 
Greene, Gen. NathanaBl,7e6, SIC 

QreBUS, Ji^m, 214. 
Qreanoii, Capt. Jamei, 622. 
Gnenwich, CounectJoat, nuirTUgv 

annulled by the Dutch at, ilti; 

the town boll of, 405. 
Grseiiwood, tianiuet, Ki2. 
Grenville, Qeoige, the polk; of, 60S, 

716, 717,721, T23, 751^-760, 786, 

672, 671. 
Orev, Hanry, 219. 
Gridley, Hon. John, 408, 469. 
Griflea, Capt John, 46^ 
GriSen, Pwil, 622. 
GrotoD, Indian trada of, 161 ; rowb 

laid out in, 311 ; aton of an In- 
dian tradar of , 402 ; ^ meetin^- 

bonae in, 69U. 
Ouitda, SO. l»l, 213, 309. 
OuUf ord, land loguLHaim in, 57 ; an 

early maeting-haase in, 72, 530; 

tide-mill at, 182; Bohool in, 221; 

town poichaae of dmgs izi, 272 ; 

f ullinK-roiU iii, 394. 
Chiinea, the trade with, 451, 452, 

459, 462, 611, 755, 764, 835, 907; 

opened for the whale fiibarj, 747. 
Oonnison, Hugh, 207. 
Gunpowder, Smith' a attemptl to 

make, 169; other attempt*, 171; 

aaecessfnllT manufactured, 734, 

7S8 ; obtaiued for war parpaaae, 

795 ; pHce of, 879, 382, 883, 880- 

888, aw, U08. 
Gana, 408, 685, 882, 884, 688. , 

Hadlbv, land regnlatiani in, G7 ; 
timber regulations in, M ; land 
granted to senanta in, 84 ; money 
borrowed from, for the lugar 
trade, 241 ; the herdamsn of, 277 ; 
the iheep of, 277 ; the meetdog- 
bouee in. 279 : roadsin. .Ill (t<r} ; 
inn eatabliahed at, 313; wheat- 
pwing of, -l^tl ; price of wheat j 
in, 332 : the making; of tar in, 
3U5 ; the valne of land in, 493 ; 

Hall, Samuel, 496. 

Hallowell, Benjamin, fll^. 

Hanihiirg. trade with. 613. 

Haniiiionil. Cnptnin. the iilaTcr. 402. 

Hampton. New Hampaliire, ailmitH 
a bluckamith aa a dwiimblu citi- 
zen. 8t ; allowance made for a 
road, 248; frowni opon wiga, 536. 

EX. 1*33 

Hampton Falla, market day ap- 
pointed at, 526. 

Hamran, John, 735. 

Handkerchieb, contraband, 612, 61S. 

Hanford, Joieph, 514. 

Hanover, inn eatabliahed at, 313; 
■hipbuildine in, •ItW; inm-torga 
at, 397 ; witdcata killed at, ■'>2». 

Harding, Stephen, 3^15. 

Harding, Thomas. .t^iS. 

Ilardwiuk, the aettlement of, 027. 

Hardy, Governor, liiH. 

Harris. Gabriel, :Wrj, 380. 

I, WiUial 




Hartford, malting carried an in, 201 ; 
roada to, 211 ; early life in, 215; 
hooBea of, in early times, 215, 2)44 ; 
a school in, 221 ; freight cbargM 
about, 260, 311 ; a house in, fur- 
niture in, 200; prices in, 3:12; 
dress in, in 1692, 392; value of 
land in, 309, 493 ; butter a luxury 
in, 414; post between New Ha- 
Ten and, 611 ; a library at, 546 ; 
culture of wheat in, 735 ; prira- 
teers owned in, 775 ; woollen fao- 
tory in, 853 ; an eariy ootton mart, 

HartUb, 310, 322. 

Uarrard College, and the redemp- 
tion of its wampam, 41, 140; 
Chisholm, the steward of, 112, 
101 ; social inflnenoe of, 195 ; first 
*" ation of, 221; 

Webb endo 
ment dinne 
on pappr Ii 
on prices a 

1723. 545; 

415, 41(t; 

essays on agriculture 
srce at, 68H ; senior 
class of, advised to dresa in Aini'r- 
icHU cloth, 7:W; lottery in behalf 
of. Tn ; social diatinctiona given 
np in, 730 ; Bnmaby on, 742. 
Harvard, Bev. T„ .''>32, 545. 
Harvest customs, 40a 
Hackell, William, lioi, J»5. 
HatherlRT. agent for PlymoQth. M. 
Ha.«. ;:7I. 514, .'lOO, 617, 723. 007, 
Uaverliill. timber rceiilationa in. Ki ; 
adiiiilH a blnckamiui as a desirable 
citizen, 81; the school in, 282; 
roads laid out in, 311 ; ron^ way* 

and waited — ' in, mi ; in. 

Db,T30: tax list of, 730; oolleo- 

il dapmnioD, TUtt. 
'«;, Jml, MUO. 

Hay, 18, 101, 184, Ite, 874, 493, 

tHSH, TJS, 7M, 882, 888, 890, 8K. 
BuynsB, H. W., ijootod wi vampoin, 

Hsvnes, OoTcrnnt John, 21S. 

Ha jvaid, NBthaniel, 686. 

Har-wnrd, 101. 

Uaurd, Gsorse, 809. 

Hazard, Stephen, 81a 

Hazard, Thomai B., life and oharao- 
ter ot, 793. 80T-811. 

BaBen, lUohard, 529. 

Head, ooovendanat reapect for oot- 
etinita of the, aiooi^ wonnn, 294 ) 
dreuing of the. m ITOU, T4J. 

Heatdis. the drinking of, TZi. 

Heathcote, Caleb, M}. 

HeaChcote, Colonel, 307. 

UeatinE apparatus, patented b; 
Clarke, iM. 

nelm, Captain. 057. 

Hemp, 157, 170 (I'ii), 171, 176, 19fl, 
806, 392, .l«fl, 479, 405, 490, 785, 
774, 800, 825, 879,^886, 888, 892, 

I, Daniel, 504. 

Henderson. Archibald, 136. 

Henry VUI., power ot, throngb 
Wolaey. I ; promoted the New- 
foundland fUhelies. 4. 

Herbert, Joseph. 4iKI. 

Herding, in early Nev England, 
characteriHtic of the coromiinni 

Xirit, I'A-til, 277, 41M, :y2-2; by 
eep nites, 06, 404. iXiA ; by ear 
and other marlu, 523, 809. 
Herrinp l!>ee AUicift. 
HeweB. Joehtia. 1H2, 200. 
Hibbins, Anne, 22». 
Hibemia, llie British man-of-war. 

Hicks'. Sirs., 300. 

Hieginson, one of New England's 

HigfriiHon. John, 372. 
HiEjrinson. Hon. St'^phen, 827. 
Hilton, WiUUro, l.>3. 
Hinxluni, oootiaiunii highway 

opened from Hewbnry to, 114; 
price of labor in, 178 ; the wood- 
en wan of, 393 (note) ; an applo- 
tree in, 735; literary institiittoat 
in, 742. 

Hinman, Edward, 503. 

Hinsdale, Daniel, 853. 

Hirst, Mary, 531. 

History, the function of, 6 ; by con- 
tinents, 5 : geographiosl oonditioaa 
as bearing on, U, 7, 15 ; newly 
Tiewed from the stand-piHnt <rf 
each new generation, i,d ; that 
»iew of, denied by cnr generalioi), 
2i ; the constant province of, 22 ; 
not mere polidca, 728. 

Hoadly, Charlea J., note of oblig*- 
tion to, »15. 

Hoes, the Talne of, to the Ttidiana, 

Hog-reeTSB, the, of early New Eng- 
land, 61, 513, 527. 

Holden, Randal], witnesses tbo deed- 
ing of the island of Aqnidnaok, 30. 

HolBra»e, John, 112. 

Holland, earlr commercial intereat 
of. ii> the New World. 1, 5; the 
Pilgrims in, 11 ; ofTeraof, togrant 
the Pilgrims a settlement in the 
New World, 11 i the Pilgrims ad- 
-liaed to avoid, II ; valne of the 
Pilgriins' sojourn in, 12 ; theHnd- 
son iu the possession of, 15 ; wam- 
pum first used as an accepted 
currency, in the colonies of , 32, 88, 
41 ; trouble of the ooloniea of, 
with their cattle. 66; colonic of, 
remark New England enteniriaa 
in building churches, 74; Plym- 
onth trade with die colonies of, 94, 
124. l::6, \2X; New England trado 
with the colonies of, 131, 14:); 
West India trade of, 142; nTalry 
betveen, and the ConiHicticnt 
tradem on the Delaware, 148, 17U ; 
war with, and its oonseqnencea, 
IfiT ; Rhode Island iQsnmes her 
trade with the colonies of, 162 1 
the sawmill fought against io, 
when welcomed in New England, 
Ids ; and the Indian trade. 179, 
1S8; report of New England's 
proHperity sent to, 187; the colo- 
nies of, provide an inn, 2i)7; ef- 
fect of the Navigation Acta on, 
'2Xi ; war of, with England, and 
lo the - ' -' 

2-10, 241 : ooDfliot witli, in tlia | 
West Indiei, 242; New Engluid ! 
trade in tobacoo with, 2(12 ; com- , 
merce of England and New En^^' 
land campared, '^ ; mone; cuu- 
ditioiw in the colonies of, it24; 
paper importi^d ftom, 4i:) ; wakes 
to the valua of the whale fishery, 
4:t2 ; after tlie Treaty of Utrecht, 
&r>2 ; IcHses of. through privateeni, | 
mi; illegal IndUo vith, ft>9i in I 
the circle of New England's Wnt 
India trade. 7-'>H, lol, U20. 

Holland, John. 151. 

Hollister. John. 21)1. 

HuliDes, FniDcis, 570. 

IIolmiH, Jneeph, IKil. 

Holmes. Suiimul. (1(K'>. 

Hult, Miss, of Andover, TSa 

Hunie-nuiking power, ths, ID, 22. 

Homespun, l.)?, 100, 108, SOi, 788, 
TW, WIO, SI2. 

Hondunu, trade with, 302 ; adrep- 
tiaes for settlers, 021 ; trade with, 

Hooker. Thomaa, 222, 230. 808. 

Hoops, in women's dress, ^/it, 859. 

Hoops for barrels and pipes, 895. 

Hope, captnre of tlie, 701P. 

Hopltins, Governor Stephen, IIH, 
4ri!l, r^'^i, 048. tttli, 0.V*, 700, 7.'>0 i 
foresaw American indcpeDdcnce, 

Hopliiuton, New Hampshire, lore at 
first sight in, 74U. 

Hopi, 8SH, IKn. 

Hare, the pirate, 344. 

Horn, 1107. 

Horoscopes, oast wbsn slaTers tailed, 
401, 003. 

Horses, trade in, 128, l.U, l.'W, 100, 
Iftl, 182, 204, 251, 277, 3:!:!, ;ll«, 
4ftl, 52.1, 554, 58.1, 032, 644, 0.W, 
AIM), Vi!i, 757, TM, 82H, 877-KW), 
f«2-»i4, 8H7-81'0, 805, WW, »)T, 
WW; die trotting - hotse, TJS; 
charge for shoeing, HUt'i. 

HoHiut, Saninel, l-HK 

Hotel, the modern, and the ancient 
inn. 112, 314. 

Houghton, Thomas, 4:!r<. 

Hoiuiu)io1d, the. forms the state. I!), 
22 ; valne of uertain goods in tlie 
colonies, 107 ; iniliistriiMi of tlw, 
S-'ii, KVI. See Spinnini/. 

Houses and hoose-bnilding of the 
colunie*, 170, ISO, 2li, 283, 301, 

528, 530-A32, 6M, 804, 800 (bit), 
878, 881. 

Hoyey, Joseph, 200. 

HoHuil'i " Local CoDSlitntioiul His- 
tory " qnoted, 48. 

Hubbard, Mr,, 307. 

Hubbert. Johu,31t7. 

Hubby, Charles, 457. 

Hudson Bay Company, 053. 

Hudson, Captain, mi. 

Hudson, Henry, touches at New Eug^ 
land, 0; discoreis the nver >o 
named, 9. 

Huilson River, discorered for the 
Dutcii by Hudson. 9; its impor- 
tance, l.'i: trading eipedition from 
l^cituate to, 120. 

Hull, earl J maritime Tcntorea f roro,4. 

Hull, Edward, 338. 

Hull, Hannah, 295, 420. 

Hnll, John, on privateers, 158; on 
trade, 151), 102, 237 {bit). 242, 244, 
250,205 (fri(), 302, 315,339; ano- 
table meichant, 150, 247-252, 285, 
437, 456, 871 ; fonnder of specie 
cnrrency, 175 ; on manuf actoret, 
109, mS; on the new coin, lUl; an 
account of, 201 ; blends piety with 
comifierce. 258, 58(1; prefers cash, 
""" the cnltare tn grain, 331 ; 

breeds I 


Captain John, 6( 
Hnll. Judith. ft42. 
Hunt. Richard. 45T. 
Hunter, Governor, 457, 477, 566, 650, 

Hnrd. Ebeneier, 511, 733. 
Husking. 230. 
Hussev. Christopher, 440. 
Hutchin, John. 227. 
Hutchinson, Ann, 480. 
Hutchinson, Edwanl, 109. 
Hutchinson, Elisha, ^1, 398. 
Hutchinson, Guvumor Thomas, 674, 

075, 802. 

"Impost Act," the, 839. 

Impressments, 577, 591. 

Indcpuiidence, of the New England 
colonies, :W.50, 51, 208, .147, 348, 
;B0, aiKt, (H15, 714, 715, 723, 724; 
bow fostered by geographical con- 
ditions, 15, 20. 

India, the English occnpatjon of, 
o. _. ,_ _, " jj^ ,itt 

straggle of Engla 

FniMw is, 637; trade viUi, TTI, 
]->di»as, tha, chuocteriMics of, 23 

with the ooloniRte, 2^40 ; poUt- 
ical organiiation of, 23, 25-27 ; of 
the coast. '2i ; ravaged b; BU epi- 
demic in Massachnsetta, ^4; played 
ncainsteach other bj the cruluuiata, 
^1; trade of the, 25 j effects of 
lejial conBtmiut on, 28, 2!': wua 
wniDg done tlie, in New EukIhuiI 
land transfera, 211 ; methods of 
ooniputatiop of the, 37 ; as eco- 
nomio agents, 37-40, 42 ; the trwle 
in gum and powdur with the, 'i, 
«5, 129; trade with the, 113, Iti, 
1211, 140, 143, 147, 160, 172, 171', 
1H3. 202, 310, 330, 401, titil. (Ml, 
05:1, 073, 704 : use uf for Benants, 
103, 104, 141), 153. 21>2 ; eompisinla 
oftlie, 181; trade with the, pro- 
hibited, 183; examples of provi- 
aion made for, 201 ; treated harsh- 
ly, 274, 310; exceptions, b<-conie 
faimera, 402, 403; brought as 
captives from tlie Carolinaa, 403, 
44il; Bonght for, for the whale 
liehery, 4^^J. «!.'<. 443, 447; and 
paper money, 483; Connecticut 
prohibits the sale of Kxaa to the, 
&07; the French trade with the, 
S07; control of tlte French over 
the, iill-'S; fading awav And mov- 
ing back, 7114. .Sue H'liHipum. 

Indif.'o, the trade in. 142. HM, 212, 1 
a.iri, :t:)',i, 3.m, 5M:i,iiio, oi5,ri20, i 
85(1, a-,!), 758, 783, 803, 828, 81H, 

Ingnlla, £.. ISn. 

lDnii,estaliliahmentof, 111, 2(1.'). 20(\ 
2IU. 214, 411 ; social instiCiitiona, 
112; i^ulalions of the General 
Court cunceminir. 112, 113, 20i); 
delightfiiln.:ss uf the old, 301, 
■113; liccDHu for, 721); prices at, 


re, marine 

nnd othi^r 


>87, 017, 02 

1, 04-S 7--.7 


an, in the 


Interest, rate of. in 

r,A, I Ml, 2 

1). !-7!l. 


ns : HCTtlies 
Itiiral impl 

1J*4 ; boat 
menla, 493 

31X1 ; 

ton and iron mnchiuerj, 830; 

mul-cnttiiiK and Iieadii^, 856; 

wooden wan (9.17.}, 850. 

Ipswich, timber regnlatiana in, 63; 
gristmill in, 103; bridge main- 
tained at. 111; interest of. in the 
fisheries, 141, 172 ; commerce of, 
15-'>; tanmry established st, 1^; 
malthonse established in, 171 ; 
salt-works in, I!<3; sawmill in, 
198 ; road laid out from Andovor 
to. 20f; highway made tima 
Glouc«st«r to, ^11; tyjncal New 
Enirland estnte of a man of, 217 ; 
. 24-~) ; shipbuild- 
:5:t ; the commerce of, 'MM ; 
fulliiig-iuill in, '.iW ; a port of en- 
trv, 373; Salem takes citiiena 
ft^in, on bond. 407 ; roads in, 408 ; 
grants land to a desirable citizen, 
^14 ; the Sailing fleet of, 050; tha 
Btage-line throngh. 7-'S8; maiinfac- 
tore of lace and edging at, S.n. 

Ireland, emigration from, into tha 
colonies, 1113; trade with, 107, 
242. O.S2, 845, WO, 722, 758, 878, 

Iron, of New England, and its 
working, IS, 173, 174, 177, ISI, 
isil, 1H2, IIU, 111.5, 201, 204, 307, 
sua, ■■&>!, 472,4117-501, 6.50, 5S», 
51H), (W2, 640, (Lil), «83, 723, 734, 
7rrtl, 701, 8.W, 851, 850; ban of, 
used for correocy, 470 ; in the Ori- 
ental trade, 825 (bis) ; prices on, 
881, 81)2, 8114, 8W!-81)8, M07. 

IroqUMB, the. 24 (bii), ^ ; Franoh 
™ti.-iam of. 27. 

IikyllB. the. 024-026. 

Isle of Fcanae, trade with, 820. 

Iliilv. iish Hsnt to, 020. 

Ice,' John, 414. 

Jackson, Mr., of DoRhester, 307. 

JafEtvy, George, 608. 

Jamiilca, attempta to promote emi- 
gration from New England to, l.~>0, 
107 ; trade witli, 242; the pirstei 
and privateers of, 242, 339 ; legia- 
latm against piracy. 34.1. 

JamoRtown, VHlue of so estate in, 

JelTurson, Thomas, quoted on the 
New England town, 48; eom- 
sponrlence of AHams with, S27. 

Jekvll, John. 4.-ill, 557, 618. 

Jenckei, Dwiiel, 658. 

Jenkins, William, S11. 

HliapiDC to 

Jenkii, Jnseph, monlding and ca«t- 
iu); of, li4, i>UO ; mauufutuTM 
and improTes BoytlieB, 184 ; makes 
diea for mintiiig c<uii, Itil ; Gi« en- 
gine of, lUS. 

Jenki, Stephen, 7D3. 

Jawa, 161. 2>00.T-II. 

Ji^bU, Mercy, ^2{K 

juhiuoa, quoted on the Httlement 
of Wulium, 53 ; ou eeonoiny as a 
C force iu early New Eii){- 
)1 ; on piratea, HOO. 
I. Dr., and eiiiigiatiou from 
Euglaml. 1 4:2. 

JoUuauii, Kdwanl, 3fl7, 

Juhiuou, John, Kl, Hi. 

Juhiuon, William Samnel, TOO. 

Jolinatou. William, 4(VI. 

Jolly liacheloT, The, FanaoU'a iUtO 
ahip, 4<K~t71. 

Jones, John, 4<tT, 461). 

Jones, JoUu Paul. TT2. 

Jordan, Robert, 20U. 

Junto, The, Tia 

Jyokea, Joaeph, Mn., 2^. 

EvATKB, Caftaim Robert, 180 

(bit), J28. 
Eeene. New Hampshire, tovD oi^an- 

iiatiuD in. r>l4. 
Eennrbeo River, Pl;rooDth'B trade 

at tlie, le, '.ir>, 12«t, 131 ; Plrmonth 

aellB the same, 272 ; lumber trade 

along the, 503 ; ao iim factory on 

the, 7:M. 
Eennebunk. the, road by the wa, 

211!) ; tnulinK posts on Uke, 373. 
EeUih, the, 254, 2f\Ci, 553. 
Eidd, Captain, ^40-351. 
Eilby, ThomBi, C14, 6»e. 
Eillhum, Mn. Francis, 215, 
Eillingly, Conneatdout, tax riots in, 

KillinE^orth, Connecticut, jAred 
Eliol in, fSH8 ; type made in, T3S. 
King William, *W. 
King's Cliapel. 417, fins. 
Kingston, Alassachnsetta, bog-iron 


Kirke, Kr David, l-W. 
Kitchen, home in the, 216. 
Kittery. road built at, 2(K>; a port 

Knigbt'. oV Newbnry. 11:1. 
Knicht. Surah. 44, 410^12, 413, 415. 
Rnivi^iuia forks. 415, -'Al, U21,<t2U. 
Knox, General, 833. ' 

Labor, difficulties in the adjust- 
ment of, and wages, 63, 98, 9U, 
104, 148, 167, 172, 173, 182, lai; 
ceaseless legislation on, 104 ; great 
opportnnitins for, in the colonies, 
li^; price of, during the Rcto- 
lution, 801. 

Lace, 281J, l>4T, 695, a>5, 859, 680. 

Ladder, value of a. 880. 

Lambert, Daniel, 360. 

Lamberton. George, 143, 150. 

Lancaster, Massachusetts, division of 
land in, .H; cider made in, 507 j 
prohibitiTe n^gulalion of, against 
religions outcasts, Ti" ; comnull in, 
US ; highway made from Concord 
to, 211; bridges built in, 211; 
reads laid out hy, 311 ; inn eatab- 
li^ed at, 313; cider-making in, 
607 ; the iiew»<!arrier of, 739. _ 

Laud, freehold, a shuiing principle 
in the New England cronies. 20; 

land, I 

of, inNev 

o the In- 

aian, ^u-oi ; UiO value of, and 
title thereto, yaries how, 29; feu- 
dal p;ninta of, not sucoessfal in 
New England, 61 ; the coramunitr 
depends on, 53 ; admirable meth- 
ods governing ths tennre of, 
ahnped the early towns, 53, 87, 
«H; eiamples in ptdnt, 53-62; 
severalty and commonage in, 60- 
ft2; wide conseqnenoes of tliis early 
form of tenure of, 67, 75; early 
sales of, 108-110; prices of, 186, 
2W, 2S)1, :)34, 878, 879, 881 ; abun- 
dance and cheapness of, 360; value 
of form, :i98, 493, 506, 802 ; meth- 
ods of early speoolators in, 506. 

Lone, SmiChunt, and Caswell, 617, 
028. t(2«. 

Langden. Richard, 603. 

Lathe, invention of the slide, 631. 

Lathi., 400. 

La Tonr, Charles de. 144, 146, 150. 

Laud, Archbishop, 165. 

Law, equity as overruling common, 
in early New England, 50 ; put its 
seal on early and necessary cus- 
toms, 50; decrees cattle-marks, 
66 ; controls religions matters, H8, 
69, 73 ; growth of a boilv politio 
to fomiulatu the, 76; thencmtia 
elements benring npon, 76-79; 
code uf . adapted by Masaachasetts 
and Connevticat, 77, 78 ; rulings in. 



taken from the ScriptoreSf 78, 79, 
82, 87, 09; old EnglUh, adapted 
to exigencies, 82 ; regarding com- 
pulsory service, 82 ; attempts to 
frame, to govern wages, 83 ; gov- 
erning servants, 85; early, a di- 
-rect expression of conscience, 86 ; 
common sense the hasis of the 
early, 86 ; Scriptural tempered hy 
the common law, 87, 222, 615; 
attempt to control prices hy, 97, 
9i) ; to control wages hy, 83, 98, 
99, 104 ; remark upon the, of ear- 
ly Massachusetts, 105, 115, 229; 
examples. 105, 106 ; attempts to 
restrict commerce hy, and the 
reason therefor, 117-119; Puritan 
character impressed itself in the, 
222, 223, 227 ; piracy affects mor- 
als and subverts law, 347, 352; 
interesting legal points in a salvage 
case, 468 ; and ecclesiastical cus-